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bolivia
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89 total results foundAuthor: Navarrete-Frias, Carolina Title: Illegal drugs and Human Rights of Peasants and Indigenous Communities: The Case of Bolivia Summary: This study analyses the problem of illegal drugs and human rights abuses in Bolivia, paying special attention to the effects of the illegal drugs industry on indigenous and peasant communities and to their responses to the industry's development. Details: Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2005. 46p. Source: Management of Social Transformations; Policy Papers No. 14 Year: 2005 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 116259 |
Author: Sharma, Bhavna Title: Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Bolivia Summary: This report provides information and analysis in relation to slavery practices in Bolivia, with a particular focus on forced labor and worst forms of child labor in the sugar, nut and mining industries and on private ranches. Details: London: Anti-Slavery International, 2006. 20p. Source: Year: 2006 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Child Labor Shelf Number: 118402 |
Author: Canavire-Bacarreza, Gustavo Title: Domestic Violence and Labor Market Outcomes: Evidence from a Mixed-Race Developing Country Summary: This study investigates the heterogeneous effects of domestic violence over labor markets in an ethnically fragmented country such as Bolivia. Among developing countries, Bolivia “excels” in having one of the highest levels of domestic violence in the region. Anecdotal evidence and empirical evidence suggest that response to domestic violence is not homogeneous across different ethnic groups. Using information from the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) for Bolivia, we examine the heterogeneous impacts of domestic violence over one of the key labor market outcomes such as employment. We employ a probabilistic decision model and treatment regression techniques to examine this effect. We claim that the impact of domestic violence on labor markets is limited among indigenous people, given that violence is, to some extent, socially recognized and accepted. We find that for most of the cases, indigenous women are less responsive to domestic violence than nonindigenous ones, except for groups with a high income level. Our results are robust for alternative methodologies to address possible endogeneity problems. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor, 2010. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 5273: Accessed November 3, 2010 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp5273.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Bolivia Shelf Number: 120169 |
Author: Farah, Douglas Title: Into the Abyss: Bolivia Under Evo Morales and the MAS Summary: When Evo Morales won an overwhelming victory in Bolivia's December 2005 presidential elections, it signaled a historic new chapter in the nation's political history. For the first time in decades a presidential candidate won an outright electoral majority, garnering almost 54 percent of the vote. Morales, an indigenous peasant who remains the head of the cocalero (coca growers) union, inherited a country that had lived through three years of permanent crisis and the resulting deep disillusionment with the traditional political parties. On taking office Morales promised to oversee the "refounding" of the Bolivian republic based on socialist and indigenous precepts to be enshrined in a new constitution, a sharp repudiation of traditionally close ties to the United States and its counter-drug efforts, and fundamental restructuring of foreign investment laws. However, he pledged to work with all Bolivians within the context of respect for the rule of law and tolerance. Those promises of inclusive governance have been breached almost from the beginning of the MAS government, leading Bolivia to its worst political crisis since the hard-fought return to democratic rule in 1982. Morales recently proclaimed himself a "Marxist-Leninist," further dimming the prospects of developing a pluralistic, tolerant political structure. And while the government has fashioned itself as nationalistic and unaccepting of outside interference, foreigners have seldom exercised more influence that they do today, from those of Spanish intellectuals who helped draft the new constitution and military doctrine to the significant presence of Venezuelan military and governmental advisers and direct involvement creating the voter registration rolls to the Cuban and Iranian presence in the intelligence structures and economic activity. The Morales government has also allowed formal and informal ties to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-FARC), a designated terrorist and drug trafficking entity by both the United States and the European Union to flourish. This is due in part to the relationships maintained by close Morales advisers, including his vice president, to armed groups in the region. Relations between Bolivia and the United States are at one of their lowest points ever, and, despite recent high-level talks, that situation is unlikely to change in the near future. The cost of such radical and rapid change has been high, and could well spell the end to Bolivia's territorial integrity and existence as a liberal democratic state. Morales' tenure has been marked by: o Unprecedented regional and ethnic tensions that have led to violence; o The systematic de-institutionalization of the nation's fragile democratic structures, including the judiciary and independent auditing agencies; o A complete restructuring of the military patterned after the Venezuelan model of integrating the armed forces into a host of civic and traditionally civilian roles; o A radical restructuring of the military doctrine, endorsing the asymmetrical warfare tactics embraced and employed by radical Islamist groups and formally adopted by Hugo Chávez and the Venezuelan military; o A complete restructuring of the nation's intelligence apparatus, advised by Cuban and Venezuelan experts on internal security; o Growing ties to the FARC and other armed groups in Latin America; o Permanent confrontation, insults and attacks-verbal and physical-on members of the press, leading to numerous international expressions of concern; o A growing intolerance for all lawful opposition and the use of mass mobilizations, often violent, to intimidate the opposition and confiscate personal property, severely impinging on the legal rights of the minority; o Significant corruption that has reached to the inner circle of the MAS; o Increased cocaine trafficking, in part due to the changing nature of Latin American drug trafficking and in part because of Morales' own policies, that are accelerating the process of widespread criminalization; o A widespread breakdown in the rule of law and the use of illegal detention against opposition leaders; o Legitimate concerns about the significant foreign intervention, including evidence that the voter registration rolls, (padrón electoral) have been tampered with by the Venezuelan officials. These developments do not bode well for Bolivia or Latin America if one values the hard-fought return to democracy after years of military dictatorship in most of these countries. The price paid by many of the leaders of the democratization process, who are now being called reactionaries and traitors, was high. The international dimension to the regional trends are exacerbated because the move toward autocracy has been accompanied by the mentorship and funds of Hugo Chávez and the embrace of Iran, the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism and financier of state and non-state armed groups that have carried out numerous successful terrorist attacks. Finally, these countries are bound most strongly by a single factor--a declared hatred for the United States and a public-stated desire to see it disappear from the face of the earth. Details: Alexandria, VA: International Assessment and Strategy Center, 2009. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2011 at: http://www.strategycenter.net/docLib/20090618_IASCIntoTheAbyss061709.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Drug Trafficking (Bolivia) Shelf Number: 121272 |
Author: Jelsma, Martin Title: Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing: Bolivia's Proposal to Amend the 1961 Single Convention Summary: January 31, 2011, marked the close of the 18-month period during which countries could submit objections to Bolivia’s proposal to remove from the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs the obligation to abolish the practice of coca chewing. A total of eighteen countries formally notified the UN Secretary General that they could not accept the proposed amendment: the United States, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Canada, Denmark, Germany, the Russian Federation, Japan, Singapore, Slovakia, Estonia, France, Italy, Bulgaria, Latvia, Malaysia, Mexico and Ukraine. The U.S. convened a group of ‘friends of the convention’ to rally against what they perceived to be an undermining of the ‘integrity’ of the treaty and its guiding principle to limit the trade and use of narcotic drugs exclusively to medical and scientific purposes. The UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC or the Council) will have to decide how to proceed, most likely during its substantive session in Geneva this July. This briefing paper analyses the reasons behind the proposed amendment and the opposing arguments that have been brought forward, and outlines the various options to be considered as the fate of Bolivia’s proposal is determined. Simply rejecting the amendment will not make the issue disappear. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2011. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies No. 11: Accessed April 8, 2011 at: http://www.idpc.net/sites/default/files/library/lifting-the-ban-on-coca.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Coca Leaf Shelf Number: 121286 |
Author: Barrett, Damon Title: Backgrounder: Bolivia’s Concurrent Drug Control and Other International Legal Commitments Summary: Bolivia’s denunciation of the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs is not just about one treaty. It is about finding an appropriate balance between multiple concurrent and conflicting international legal obligations. When international treaties ratified by or acceded to by Bolivia and relevant jurisprudence are taken into account, it is clear that Bolivia would find itself in breach of multiple international agreements were it to fully implement the 1961 Single Convention as written. A reservation on the 1961 Single Convention is the most reasonable and proportionate way to address this conflict. This is particularly so in relation to indigenous peoples and free prior and informed consent relating on issues that affect them. The manner in which Bolivia translates international obligations under the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs into national legislation, programmes and policies must be consistent with its obligations to respect indigenous peoples rights that flow from its obligations under contemporary international, constitutional and (indigenous) customary law. The proposed reservation provides the means through which these obligations can be harmonised. Without it the Convention would constitute a unilateral imposition of a ban on the coca leaf on indigenous peoples, and a failure to fulfill the obligations to hold good faith consultations in order to obtain their consent and to ensure their cultural and physical survival. A second question relates to whether the reservation is compatible with other concurrent international legal obligations, in this case under the law of treaties and children’s rights. An analysis of these agreements set against Bolivia’s proposal reveals no apparent conflict. Details: London: International Centre on Human Rights and Drug Policy, 2011. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 5, 2011 at: http://www.druglawreform.info/images/stories/documents/international_legal_commitments.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Drug Control Shelf Number: 121966 |
Author: Navarro, Ignacio A. Title: Cocaine Cities Exploring the Relationship between Urban Processes and the Drug Trade in South America Summary: The relationship between the cocaine trade and urban land markets in South America has been overlooked by the mainstream economics and urban studies literature. This paper examines two avenues through which the cocaine trade can have a large impact on urban development in producer countries: (i) through an employment multiplier effect similar to that of other legal exports, and (ii) through money laundering using urban real estate. We test our hypotheses using the Bolivian case and find that urban growth patterns are closely related to fluctuations in cocaine production. Further, even though our estimates suggest that the cocaine trade affects urban growth through the two avenues presented in the paper, we find that formal urban employment generated by the cocaine trade has a modest effect on urban growth and most of the effect seems to be explained by money laundering using real estate and other paths. Details: Helsinki: United Nations University, World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2011. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 2011/09: Accessed September 21, 2011 at: http://www.wider.unu.edu/publications/working-papers/2011/en_GB/wider-working-papers-2011/ Year: 2011 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Cocaine (Bolivia) Shelf Number: 122802 |
Author: Yap, Renee Title: Coca, Bolivia, and the War on Drugs: the Tension between Freedom from Fear and Freedom from Want Summary: This thesis aims to demonstrate the tension between human security’s core categories of freedom from fear and freedom from want. The two core categories of human security are often held to be complementary to each other. However, by applying a human security analysis to the War on Drugs in Bolivia, particularly with reference to the ideas of freedom from fear and freedom from want, it can be seen that the War on Drugs in Bolivia typifies a freedom from fear approach. This is illustrated through the War on Drugs focus on protecting individuals from physical violence and human rights abuses relating to situations of conflict, as well as its use of coercion strategies, such as sanctions or non-unilateral force; all of these of which are usual to a freedom from fear approach. An examination of how the War on Drugs has impacted upon the individuals of Bolivia reveals that despite the desired outcome of protecting individual safety and well-being, the War on Drugs has actually compromised the safety and well-being of Bolivians. In addition, in typifying freedom from fear, the War on Drugs in Bolivia has also challenged freedom from want by marginalising or threatening economic, community, food and health security, and thus defying claims that freedom from fear and freedom from want are complementary. This thesis concludes that by pursuing political and personal security, freedom from fear marginalises and even contests food, health, environmental and most especially economic and community security – the focal points of freedom from want. Security policies adopted to address transnational threats in developing countries must ensure that they not only account for the freedom from fear and freedom from want components of human security, but that they also account for, and manage, the potential for freedom from fear to undermine the wider goals of freedom from want. Details: Wellington, NZ: Victoria University of Wellington, 2010. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 24, 2012 at: http://researcharchive.vuw.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10063/1424/thesis.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2010 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Cocaine Shelf Number: 126784 |
Author: Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia Title: The Bolivia Country Program 2010-2015. Capacity Building in Response to Drugs, Organized Crime, Terrorism, Corruption, and Economic Crime Threats in Bolivia Summary: Bolivia is located in the center of South America and shares borders with Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, Chile and Peru. Extending across 1,098,581 km (424,160 sq miles), it has an estimated population of 10 million inhabitants (2009), 66% of whom live in urban areas. According to the Constitution, Bolivia is a Social, Unitary State of Plurinational Communitarian Law, free, independent, sovereign, democratic, intercultural, decentralized and with autonomies. It was founded on political, economic, judicial, cultural and linguistic plurality and pluralism, within the integrative process of the country. In 2005, approximately 59% of the population was living without their basic needs satisfied, and 37% lived in extreme poverty. In 2007, the estimated per capita income was US $1,363 a year. The life expectancy rate is 63 years, while the infant mortality rate for this same period was defined at 61 for every 1000 live births. After a long period characterized by political instability and social conflicts, in 2005 indigenous leader Evo Morales was elected President of what is now the Plurinational State of Bolivia, marking the beginning of a period of profound political and socioeconomic change. A Constitutional Assembly was summoned to enact these changes, and at the end of 2008 a new constitutional text was approved, which enabled all institutional structures to be adapted to the new ethno-cultural and regional plurality of the country. The New Political State Constitution incorporates important advances and changes in citizen rights, gender, natural resources and administration of justice. The Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia has shifted from a neoliberal development model to a mixed economy, where the State plays a greater role in the economy. In so doing, the State has taken control of the principal source of income in the country: hydrocarbons, namely natural gas, and is promoting other important industrial development projects in the fields of metallurgy, construction, food and paper. The surplus generated from natural gas exportation to neighboring countries contributes to income redistribution policies, in addition to boosting the national petroleum company. In this way, the past few years have witnessed the creation of wealth redistribution mechanisms aimed at reversing the existing conditions of poverty and inequality, such as the Dignity Payment for senior citizens, the Juancito Pinto Bond for the student population and the Juana Azurduy Bond for pregnant women. The principal macroeconomic indicators show that the Bolivian economy has improved. From 2006-2009, the GDP grew at an average annual rate of 4.8%, the inflation was 0.3% at the end of this period and the fiscal surplus was 2.5% of the GDP. Private foreign inversion recovered in 2006, at US $278 million, topping off at US $370 million in 2008. Exportations in 2008 reached US $4,846 million, resulting in a positive trade balance of US $1,223 million. In 2009 the external public debt increased to US $2,583 million, following an important reduction in previous years. These indicators show a generally positive economic performance within a framework of both internal and external macroeconomic stability, providing greater strength to the Bolivian State´s fight against poverty. The Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, encouraged by the U.N., is making important efforts to reach the Millennium Goals. Bolivia has been declared the third country in the region free of illiteracy, with the backing of UNESCO. Likewise, gender gaps in primary education and infant and maternal mortality rates have been reduced, and basic sanitary services have reached a considerable proportion of the rural population. In Bolivia, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has been working since the end of the 1980s on alternative development projects in coca growing regions, including the construction of infrastructure for social and productive uses, improving agricultural production, encouraging forestry and agroforestry development, promoting the microbusiness sector and job skills training. The UNODC also implemented drug prevention programs within the educational system, as well as strengthening the government entities related to controlling drug use and related crimes, including the implementation of informational systems for monitoring coca plantations, alternative development and illegal drug use. Technical cooperation activities have been reduced in the past few years, from an annual portfolio of US $5.4 million in 2002 to US $1.6 million in 2009. As a result, in April of 2009, the UNODC representative finalized his/her mission in the country and decided to reduce office personnel, as the reduced volume of activities no longer justified a Representation Office in Bolivia. As of June of 2009, development program activities were administered with the aid of the Latin America and the Caribbean Unit (LACU/DO) of UNODC, based in Vienna. In June of 2009, the Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia requested that the Executive Director of the UNODC maintain Office Representation status in the country and continue providing technical assistance. They also asked the European Commission to reinforce the UNODC´s financial cooperation program in the country. In response to this request, the UNODC sent a programming mission headed by the Head of the Latin American and the Caribbean Unit to the country in October of 2009. The objectives of the mission were: i) Prepare a Country Program 2010- 2015 document in direct collaboration with State institutions and international organizations; ii) Exchange criteria with the Government authorities of the Plurinational State of Bolivia about the reestablishment of an active/functional Office of Representation; and iii) Support the implementation of the profile of projects currently in process. In order for the Country Program to be prepared with accurate information, the agenda of the mission included a workshop with participants from governmental institutions and international organizations. The participants analyzed the current status of the fight against drugs, organized crime and corruption. They also identified priority areas where the UNODC could provide technical assistance. Sixty three representatives of 12 different State institutions working in drug and crime prevention were present at the workshop, as well as 19 counterparts from international organizations. The workshop´s success was a result of the participants´ interest in the topic, the high level of discussion generated and the quality of proposals which were produced. This UNODC Bolivia Country Program (2010-2015) reflects the primary conclusions and recommendations which came out of the workshop, as well as information obtained in interviews with the participating institutions. Details: La Paz, Bolivia: Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, 2010. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2013 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/bolivia//proyectos_bolivia/The_UNODC_Bolivia_Country_Program_2010-2015.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Corruption Shelf Number: 127529 |
Author: Verité Title: Research on Indicators of Forced Labor in the Supply Chains of Brazil-Nuts, Cattle, Corn, and Peanuts in Bolivia Summary: Verité carried out research on the presence of indicators to forced labor in the production of goods in seven countries from 2009 through 2011. Research was carried out on the production of shrimp in Bangladesh; Brazil-nuts, cattle, corn, and peanuts in Bolivia; sugar in the Dominican Republic; coffee in Guatemala; fish in Indonesia; rubber in Liberia; and tuna in the Philippines. The following report is based on research on the presence of indicators of forced labor in the production of Brazil-nuts in the Amazon region of Bolivia and the production of cattle, corn, and peanuts in the Chaco region of Bolivia. This research was not intended to determine the existence or scale of forced labor in the regions and sectors under study, but rather to identify the presence of indicators of forced labor and factors that increased workers' vulnerability to labor exploitation. Objectives The primary objectives of the project were to: obtain background information on Bolivia and the Amazon and Chaco regions (place, people, product, policies and programs); create a methodology to study the presence of indicators of forced labor in production of Brazil-nuts in the Amazon region and cattle, corn, and peanut in the Chaco region; identify and document indicators of forced labor among workers in the Brazil-nut sector in the Amazon region and cattle, corn, and peanut sectors in the Chaco region; document the broader working and living conditions that Brazil-nut, cattle, corn, and peanut sector workers experience in the Amazon and Chaco regions; and determine the risk factors for vulnerability to forced labor and other forms of exploitation in the Brazil-nut, cattle, corn, and peanut sectors in the Amazon and Chaco regions. Details: Amherst, MA: Verité , 2012(?). 150p. Source: Internet Resource: http://www.verite.org/sites/default/files/images/Research%20on%20Indicators%20of%20Forced%20Labor%20in%20the%20Bolivia%20Brazil-nut%2C%20Cattle%2C%20Corn%2C%20and%20Peanut%20Sectors__9.19.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Forced Labor (Bolivia) Shelf Number: 128091 |
Author: Farthing, Linda C. Title: Habeas Coca: Bolivia's Community Coca Control Summary: With significant pressure and earmarked funding from the United States and other demand-side countries, the Andean countries of Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru have struggled for decades with the question of how to limit the growth of coca and the export of cocaine and comply with UN drug conventions. Tactics such as forced eradication, criminalization, and marginalization of coca farmers have not only failed to significantly reduce cocaine production, but have had disastrous consequences for the economies and communities in the region. In 2004 the Bolivian government, despite international pressure to maintain the status quo, gathered the political momentum to try something different. Bolivia established the cato accord that allowed farmers to legally grow a limited and regulated quantity of coca leaves, a mainstay of Andean life for 4,000 years. The Bolivian model's simple concept is supported at the local, national, regional, and international levels by a complex network of growers, unions, organizations, government agencies, and police and military forces. Habeas Coca: Bolivia's Community Coca Control explains how the community control system works and shows its effectiveness in decreasing violence, increasing citizen engagement, limiting corruption, stabilizing and diversifying local economies, and reducing coca cultivation. It also explores the areas where the program and its evaluation can be improved. Countries where legal and illegal drug markets coexist, or can be developed, can benefit greatly by exploring and adapting the community control model to their unique circumstances. And, by better understanding the possibilities and constraints placed on those on the supply-side, countries on the demand-side of the global drug market will learn from Habeas Coca how critical their own policies, domestic and foreign, are to the success of limiting cocaine supply. Details: Open Society Foundations, Global Drug Policy Program, 2015. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 4, 2015 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/Bolivia%20Report-Habeas%20Coca-US-07-06-2015-corr1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Cocaine Shelf Number: 136304 |
Author: Youngers, Coletta A. Title: Building on progress: Bolivia consolidates achievements in reducing coca and looks to reform decades-old drug law Summary: Bolivia's program relies on close monitoring to ensure individual cultivators do not exceed their cato, or measured plot of land for permitted coca cultivation. Farmers participate in a biometric registry to facilitate identification and monitoring of production, transport, and sales, effectively ensuring crops are only used for licit products - not cocaine or its derivatives. At 20,400 hectares of coca under cultivation, Bolivia has nearly reached its goal of 20,000 hectares, the amount considered to be sufficient to supply the traditional and expanding legal markets. Yet while Bolivia's coca policy is worthy of recognition, this report by WOLA/AIN concludes that the country's outdated drug law remains unjust and continues to rely on disproportionate punishment for low-level, non-violent drug offenses. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/WOLA-bolivia-consolidates-achievements-in-reducing-coca-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Cocaine Shelf Number: 136610 |
Author: Ledebur, Kathryn Title: Bolivian Drug Control Efforts: Genuine Progress, Daunting Challenges Summary: Following a landslide victory at the polls, Evo Morales became president of Bolivia in January 2006. Head of the coca-growers' federation, Morales was a long-standing foe of U.S. drug policy, and many observers anticipated a complete break in U.S.-Bolivian relations and hence an end to drug policy cooperation. Instead, both Morales and the George W. Bush administration initially kept the rhetoric at bay and developed an amicable enough bilateral relationship - though one that at times has been fraught with tension. Following Bolivia's expulsion in 2008 of the U.S. Ambassador, Philip Goldberg, for allegedly meddling in the country's internal affairs and encouraging civil unrest, and the subsequent expulsion of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the White House upped its criticism of the Bolivian government and for the past five years has issued a "determination" that Bolivia has "failed demonstrably during the previous 12 months to adhere to [its] obligations under international narcotics agreements." U.S. economic assistance for Bolivian drug control programs has slowed to a trickle. Nonetheless, in 2011 the two countries signed a new framework agreement to guide bilateral relations and are pending an exchange of ambassadors. Moreover, cooperation continues between the primary Bolivian drug control agency - the Ministry of Government's Vice Ministry of Social Defense and Controlled Substances - and the Narcotics Affairs Section (NAS) of the U.S. embassy. At the international level, Bolivia is seeking to reconcile its new constitution, which recognizes the right to use the coca leaf for traditional and legal purposes and recognizes coca as part of the country's national heritage, with its commitments to international conventions. In June 2011, the country denounced the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs as amended by the 1972 Protocol and announced its intention to re-accede with a reservation allowing for the traditional use of the coca leaf. (The 1961 Convention mistakenly classifies coca as a dangerous narcotic, along with cocaine.) Unless more than one-third of UN member states object by the January 10, 2013 deadline, the Bolivian reservation will be accepted and the country will once again be a full Party to the Single Convention. The approaching date for Bolivia's potential return to the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs provides an opportune moment to evaluate the Bolivian government's progress achieving its drug policy objectives. Moreover, the Morales administration has been in office for nearly six years, providing a clear track record to evaluate. Adopting a "coca yes, cocaine no" approach, Bolivia has sought to decrease the cultivation of coca - the raw material used in manufacturing cocaine - while increasing actions against cocaine production and drug trafficking organizations. In 2011, the land area devoted to coca cultivation in Bolivia dropped by 13 percent, according to U.S. government figures, in contrast to net increases in Peru and Colombia. Seizures of coca paste and cocaine and destruction of drug laboratories have steadily increased since President Morales took office. Yet despite the positive results achieved to date, the government faces increasing challenges as the amount of coca paste and cocaine flowing across its borders from Peru has increased, the production of cocaine in Bolivia itself has risen, and drug traffickers have diversified and expanded areas of production and transportation within the country. The Bolivian government has made significant progress facing the ongoing challenges of drug production and trafficking, in part due to the assistance provided by the European Union (EU), the United States, and others. The U.S. government should now recognize this progress in its annual determinations. The string of negative determinations are increasingly disconnected from reality in Bolivia and retain little credibility with the Bolivian government or with other governments in the region, which continue to see the annual U.S. rating as offensive and politically motivated. The signing of the framework agreement marked significant progress in U.S.-Bolivian bilateral relations. Both governments should build on that success by using the accord as a venue to discuss areas of concern, friction, and consensus. While differences will undoubtedly arise, it is in the best interests of both countries to maintain an open dialogue. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2012. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2015 at: http://www.wola.org/sites/default/files/AIN-WOLA%20Final%20Bolivia%20Coca%20Memo.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Cocaine Shelf Number: 136789 |
Author: Murano, Andrew J. Title: Decolonizing the Drug War: Bolivia's Movement to Transform Coca Control Summary: Coca has been a controversial concept entangled in a complex web of conflicting political rhetoric; existing simultaneously as a sacred icon to unite the Andean nations, and as a serious scourge on humanity, fraught with social and economic danger to be exterminated for the good of mankind. Labeled by the United Nations as a narcotic, it has been a principal target of the hegemonic ideology of the War on Drugs, which has in turn legitimized a brutal eradication program upon the Andean people. At the start of the millennium, protests against neoliberal imperialism coalesced into a movement united behind coca, that resulted in government resignation and the election of coca farmer Evo Morales to the presidency in 2006. Since then Bolivia has enacted the community driven cato program, which has allowed a set amount of coca to be grown for each registered farmer in return for their collaboration in the fight against cocaine production. Using an expanded version of Galtung's conception of violence, this project examines the results of the program. The project finds the cato program to be a success as it has nearly eradicated illicit coca and improved the livelihoods of the farmers and their communities. However the strict prohibitionist ideology still held by the Bolivian government threatens instability further down the commodity chain. I instead recommend that the ideology and principles that built the cato program be exported to other regions. Details: Tromso: Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Education Centre for Peace Studies, Arctic University of Norway, 2015. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed July 20, 2016 at: http://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/9240/thesis.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2015 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Cocaine Shelf Number: 139748 |
Author: McDermott, Jeremy Title: Evo's Challenge: Bolivia the Drug Hub Summary: Transnational organized crime likes opportunities and little resistance. Bolivia currently provides both and finds itself at the heart of a new criminal dynamic that threatens national and citizen security in this landlocked Andean nation. This new criminal dynamic centers on the changing patterns of drug consumption in the region. Mexico's dominance in the regional drug trade owes much to its position alongside the world's largest drug consumer, as well as its ability to produce drugs like heroin, marijuana, and methamphetamine. Bolivia now sits alongside the second biggest consumer of illegal drugs in the world: Brazil. Bolivia also borders the world's principal producer of cocaine, Peru, and South America's primary producer of marijuana, Paraguay. Meanwhile, Argentina is experiencing ballooning domestic drug consumption, particularly of "basuco" or "paco," a form of crack cocaine which can be produced in Bolivia. Even the domestic drug markets in Chile and Peru are growing. Bolivia is now literally at the heart of South America's illegal narcotics trade. Add to this the fact that Bolivia also produces its own cocaine and you have a plethora of criminal opportunities. This dynamic in South America is totally independent of the traditional drug trafficking routes that feed the US market. Indeed, US sources consulted by InSight Crime stated that the chemical analysis of cocaine seizures in the United States show that only five percent of drugs can be traced back to Bolivia. These dynamics alone could turn Bolivia into a drug trafficking hub, but there other reasons why this nation is such fertile ground for transnational organized crime (TOC). It is important to note that Bolivia, with a murder rate of 11 per 100,000 inhabitants, is a safe nation by Latin American standards. President Evo Morales' government has registered significant success in the struggle against drug trafficking, principally in the control of coca crops. Nevertheless, the resources currently being deployed by the Bolivian state against TOC -- pitched against those potential profits in the drug trade -- make for an uneven contest. Details: InSight Crime, 2014. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 7, 2016 at: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2016/bolivia_drug_hub.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 140344 |
Author: Ledebur, Kathryn Title: Promoting Gender-Sensitive Drug Policies in Bolivia Summary: In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, women account for 8 percent of the country's more than 17,000 people behind bars. In only three other Latin American countries (Guatemala, El Salvador and Chile) do women comprise a larger share of the overall incarcerated population. Almost 40 percent of the women behind bars in Bolivia are held for low-level drug offenses, often as a result of structural socioeconomic conditions, such as poverty and the pressures of single parenting. These women are typically poor, have limited education, and do not have access to stable jobs with decent pay; a startling percentage have been victims of domestic and sexual violence. They are often driven into the drug trade out of economic necessity. High rates of pretrial detention have also contributed to severe prison overcrowding. Indeed, according to the online database the World Prison Brief, Bolivian prisons are ranked as the eighth most congested in the world. In response to extreme prison overcrowding, between 2012 and 2018 the government of President Evo Morales enacted six prison pardon, sentence reduction, and amnesty initiatives, leading to the release of almost a third of Bolivia's total incarcerated population. Specific gender-sensitive clauses benefited mothers and caregivers. These gender-focused initiatives, paired with poverty reduction and increased state support for mothers, contributed to an 84 percent decrease in the number of women incarcerated for drug offenses between 2012 and 2017, going against the trend of increasing female incarceration for drug-related offenses in most Latin American countries. But Bolivia's considerable progress in reducing the incarceration of women for drug offenses could stall without the enactment and implementation of broader judicial reform efforts. Promoting Gender-Sensitive Drug Policies in Bolivia concludes with a series of concrete reforms that are needed to significantly advance the implementation of gender-sensitive drug policies in Bolivia. Of particular importance, the voices of women impacted by drug policies must be included in the debate, in order to develop and implement more effective, humane, and inclusive initiatives, grounded in public health and human rights. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) and the Andean Information Network, 2018. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2018 at: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Bolivia-Report_FINAL_English.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Shelf Number: 150027 |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia: Monitereo de Cultivos de Coca 2017 (Case Monitoring Survey of the Plurinational State of Bolivia: Coca Cultivation 2017) Summary: In 2017, coca cultivation in Bolivia increased by six per cent compared to 2016, according to the latest Coca Cultivation Survey presented today in La Paz by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and the government of Bolivia. In this period, the area under cultivation increased by 1,400 hectares (ha), from 23,100 ha in 2016 to 24,500 ha. According to the Survey, the regions of Yungas of La Paz, the Tropic of Cochabamba and the North of La Paz represented 65, 34 and one per cent, respectively, of the areas under cultivation in the country. The use of satellite images and field monitoring revealed an increase in coca bush cultivation in two of the three main producing regions: in the Yungas of La Paz cultivation increased from 15,700 to 15,900 ha, while an increase from 7,200 to 8,400 ha was also identified in the Tropic of Cochabamba. In the Northern region of La Paz, the cultivated area decreased from 240 to 220 ha. The highest increase in coca cultivation in the Yungas of La Paz was detected in the Sud Yungas province, with 158 additional hectares, reaching 10,692 ha in 2017. Likewise, the Chapare province of the Tropic of Cochabamba registered an increase of 536 ha of coca crops, from 3,708 ha in 2016 to 4,244 ha in 2017. The government of Bolivia reported an increase in rationalization and eradication activities, from 6,577 to 7,237 ha. Around 78 per cent of these activities were carried out in the Tropic of Cochabamba, 18 per cent in the Yungas and the North of La Paz and four per cent in the departments of Santa Cruz and Beni. The potential production of coca leaf in the country was estimated at a maximum of 44,200 metric tons (mt) and a minimum of 35,500 mt. This calculation is based on studies carried out by the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) in 1993, by UNODC in 2005 and by CONALTID (National Council to Combat Illicit Drug Trafficking of the Plurinational State of Bolivia) in 2010. The Survey also detected the presence of coca crops in six of the 22 nationally protected areas. In these areas, a total of 253 ha of coca crops were identified. The national park most affected by the cultivation of coca was Carrasco, followed by Cotapata, Isiboro Scure and Ambor. These figures reflect the main findings of the latest Coca Crop Monitoring Survey in Bolivia, carried out within the framework of UNODC's Programme to Support the Implementation of Bolivia's Action Plan on the Strategy of Anti-Narcotics and Reduction of Coca Crop Surplus, which is financed by the European Union and Denmark. According to government data, the amount of coca leaf sold in the two authorized markets (Villa Ftima in the department of La Paz and Sacaba in the department of Cochabamba) was 22,967 mt in 2017. Around 91 per cent of coca leaves were commercialized in Villa Ftima, while the remaining nine per cent in Sacaba. The weighted average price of coca leaves in these authorized markets increased by 16 per cent, from US$ 8.1 per kilogram in 2016 to US$ 9.4 per kilogram in 2017. The government also reported that seizures of coca leaves increased by five per cent and those of cocaine base increased by 13 per cent, from 353 to 370 mt and from 12.2 to 13.7 mt, respectively. Meanwhile, cocaine hydrochloride seizures decreased by 78 per cent, from 17.8 to 3.9 mt. In March 2017, Bolivia passed the General Law of Coca (Law 906). This increased the area where coca can be legally produced from 12,000 to 22,000 ha, differentiating the cultivation in Authorized and Unauthorized Zones. The UNODC Representative in Bolivia, Thierry Rostan, also highlighted some recommendations to improve the control of coca crops: - conclude the geographical delimitation of Authorized Zones for the production of coca leaves according to the General Law of Coca (Law 906) and its Regulations to prevent illicit cultivation; - increase control measures to prevent the expansion of cultivation in Unauthorized Zones such as those around the borders of Ayopaya province of the department of Cochabamba and the provinces of Sud Yungas and Inquisivi in the department of La Paz; and - strengthen the processes of rationalization and eradication, social control and impact mitigation, and to promote integral development in coca producing areas to curb surplus production of coca crops. Details: La Paz, Bolivia: United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime, 2017. 98p. Source: Internet Resource (in Spanish): Accessed January 14, 2019 at: https://www.unodc.org/documents/crop-monitoring/Bolivia/Bolivia_Informe_Monitoreo_Coca_2017_final.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Action Plan on the Strategy of Anti-Narcotics and Shelf Number: 154152 |
Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Captive Communities: Situation of the Guarani Indigenous People and the Contemporary Forms of Slavery in the Bolivian Chaco Summary: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. In this report the Inter‐American Commission on Human Rights (hereinafter "Inter‐American Commission" or "IACHR") analyzes the situation of the Guarani indigenous people in the region known as the Bolivian Chaco, focusing particularly on the situation of Guarani families subjected to conditions of debt bondage and forced labor. This phenomenon, which affects approximately 600 families, is known by reference to "captive communities," and it clearly involves contemporary forms of slavery that should be eradicated immediately. In addition, this report analyzes the situation these captive communities face in order to gain access to their ancestral territory. 2. The report was preceded by a working and observation visit conducted June 9-13, 2008, by Commissioner Luz Patricia Mejia Guerrero, in her capacity as Rapporteur for Bolivia, and by Commissioner Victor E. Abramovich, in his capacity as Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. 3. The Commission deplores the existence in Bolivia of practices of bondage and forced labor, which are absolutely prohibited by the American Convention on Human Rights and other international instruments to which Bolivia is a party. The Commission also observes that the situation of bondage and forced labor in which the captive communities live is an extreme manifestation of the discrimination that indigenous peoples have suffered historically and continue suffering in Bolivia. 4. Despite the efforts made by the Bolivian State (hereinafter "the State," "Bolivia," or "the Bolivian State") to address the situation of bondage and forced labor and to facilitate the reconstitution of the Guarani territory, there are still captive communities whose members are subject to performing forced labor for debts supposedly contracted and who most of the time do not receive any salary for their work. 5. The report concludes with recommendations aimed at cooperating with the Bolivian State in its efforts to eradicate these contemporary forms of slavery and to guarantee and protect the human rights of the Guarani indigenous people, especially their collective property, their right of access to justice, and their right to a dignified life. The recommendations include actions to: (1) prevent, investigate, and punish contemporary forms of slavery; (2) reconstitute the territory of the Guarani indigenous people; and (3) guarantee access to justice for the Guarani indigenous people and all other indigenous peoples in Bolivia. Details: S.L., 2009. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 30, 2019 at: https://www.oas.org/en/iachr/indigenous/docs/pdf/captivecommunities.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Bondage Shelf Number: 154314 |
Author: Verite Title: Research on Indicators of Forced Labor in the Supply Chains of Brazil-Nuts, Cattle, Corn, and Peanuts in Bolivia Summary: Main Findings Verite investigated the presence of indicators of forced labor using International Labor Organization (ILO) guidance titled, "Identifying Forced Labor in Practice," which was published by the Special Action Program on Forced Labor in a 2005 report, A Global Alliance Against Forced Labour: Global Report under the Follow-Up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. Research on Brazil-nuts in the Amazon region detected evidence of the presence of the following indicators of lack of consent: physical confinement in the work location, psychological compulsion (i.e. an order to work, backed up by a penalty for noncompliance), induced indebtedness, deception or false promises about terms of work, withholding and non-payment of wages, and retention of identity documents. Research detected evidence of the presence of the following indicators of menace of penalty (the actual presence or threat of): physical violence against workers, sexual violence, supernatural retaliation, physical confinement, dismissal from work, exclusion from future employment, exclusion from community and social life, removal of rights and privileges, deprivation of food, shift to even worse working conditions, and loss of social status. Other issues of concern detected during research included excessive working hours, a lack of days off during peak periods, low wages, a lack of benefits, serious hazards to workers' health and safety, discrimination, poor living conditions, dangerous transportation, and child labor. Research detected risk factors that increased workers' vulnerability to forced labor amongst Brazil-nut harvesters and factory workers in the Amazon region. Research on cattle, corn, and peanuts in the Chaco region detected evidence of the presence of the following indicators of lack of consent: physical confinement in the work location, psychological compulsion, induced indebtedness, deception or false promises about terms of work, and withholding and non-payment of wages. Research detected evidence of the presence of the following indicators of menace of penalty (the actual presence or threat of): physical violence against workers, sexual violence, and loss of social status. Other issues of concern detected during research included excessive working hours, a lack of days off for workers in animal husbandry, subminimum wages, serious hazards to workers' health and safety, and child labor. Risk factors that increased workers' vulnerability to forced labor were detected amongst salaried workers and indigenous and peasant self-employed workers in the cattle, corn, and peanut sectors in the Chaco region. Details: Amherst, MA: Verite, 2016. 150p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 27, 2019 at: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Research-on-Indicators-of-Forced-Labor-in-the-Bolivia-Brazil-nut-Cattle-Corn-and-Peanut-Sectors__9.19.pdf Year: 0 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Bolivia Shelf Number: 155579 |
Author: International Justice Mission Title: A Performance Study of the Bolivian Public Justice System Summary: Sexual violence against children and adolescents is a complex problem that does not distinguish between social class, cultural, education level or economic status (UNICEF, 2016). Given that 38% of the total Bolivian population is comprised of children and adolescents under the age of 18 years of age (UNICEF, 2017), protection against this type of violence should be considered a key indicator for positive future development for Bolivia. The Bolivian Public Justice System establishes combatting child sexual violence as an issue of national priority in accordance with its legal framework. However, authorities have identified various administrative and procedural challenges for cases that have been reported to the public justice system that cause bottlenecks, dead times, and ultimately delay of justice for these most vulnerable victims. In order to clearly understand the problem and provide feasible recommendations to the public justice system, International Justice Mission (IJM) in collaboration with the Magistrate's Council (CM) and the La Paz Departmental Tribunal of Justice (TDJ), conducted A Performance Study of the Bolivian Public Justice System. The study reveals the reality of the La Paz public justice system, via an in-depth analysis of data collected from 244 case files and interviews with judicial authorities. Key research questions sought to identify procedural performance of the public justice system in each stage of the criminal process, the proportion of cases entering the system that reach a verdict and the perceived strengths and weaknesses of the system in administering justice, specifically for cases of child sexual violence. In summary, the study has revealed the following key findings about child sexual violence cases initiating their criminal process in the department of La Paz during the past 10 years (2007-2016):1. Access to Information: 48% of case files are missing within their respective judicial office. 2. Specialized Attention: In 24% of cases, the Gesell Chambers were utilized to document the victim's testimony. 3. Work Load: There is an 7.8% increase in the total number of cases initiating a criminal process in the judicial system over the past ten years. 4. Dead Times: 29% of cases remain in the preliminary stage of the criminal process, with only an initiation of investigations. 5. Bottlenecks: 47% of cases are rejected in the preliminary stage. 6. Bottlenecks: 14% of cases reach the preparatory stage of the criminal process via the common procedure. 7. Bottlenecks: 4% of cases arrive to oral trial via the common procedure. 8. Access to Justice: 2.5% of cases reach a verdict via the common procedure. 9. Alternative Resolutions: In 4.5% of cases, the prosecution presents a plea bargain as an alternative resolution. These findings shed light on an alarmingly high rate of child sexual violence cases never moving forward to trial nor a final verdict, and instead accumulating in the early stages of the criminal process. This reality is causing a prolonged path to justice for families, authorities who are burdened with an ever-increasing workload, and a public justice system at high-risk for impunity. The lack of progress in so many cases is not solely attributed to the judiciary; the problem and potential solutions are multifaceted and include all actors in the public justice system including police, prosecutors and child welfare agencies. In response to these findings, this report presents specific recommendations for the Bolivian public justice system. These recommendations address the following key topics: (a) professional development of personnel in the public justice system; (b) case management and administration; (c) consistent coordination between departments and institutions; (d) monitoring and evaluation of court performance; and (e) resources. With each recommendation, this report offers examples or "case studies" that were informed by actual activities carried out within seven judicial offices during a pilot project in 2017. Details: Washington, DC: International Justice Mission, 2018. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2019 at: https://www.ijm.org/documents/studies/IJM-A-Performance-Study-of-the-Bolivian-Public-Justice-System.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Bolivia Keywords: Bolivia Shelf Number: 156592 |