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central america
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892 total results foundAuthor: Chemonics Interntional Inc. Title: USAID Anti-Trafficking Assessment in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Synthesis and Analysis Summary: This report presents an assessment of trafficking in persons in five counties in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) regioin: Jamaica, Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Equador. It provides a synthesis of best practices, challenges and recommendations in combating trafficking in persons within the LAC region. Details: Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development, 2007. 45p. Source: Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Human Trafficking (Ecuador, Jamaica, Dominican Rep Shelf Number: 117720 |
Author: United Nations Children's Fund. Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean Title: Prevention of Commercial sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents: Contributing to a Sustainable Tourism in Central America Summary: This report contains a collection of interventions, discussions and results of the meeting "Prevention of Cmmercial Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents: Contributing to a Sustainable Tourism in Central America" held on October 28-29, 2004 in San Salvador, El Salvador. The objectives of the meeting were to share knowledge, experiences and successful models in the prevention of commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents in the context of travel and tourism in Central America, Mexico and the Dominican Republic, as well as to promote the adhesion on the part of the travel and tourism industry to the Code of Conduct for the protection of children and adolescents against commercial sexual exploitation. Details: Panama: Child Protection Section, UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2005. 79p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2005 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Prostitution Shelf Number: 118721 |
Author: Martinez, Angelica Duran Title: Organized Crime, the State and Democracy: The Cases of Central America and the Caribbean Summary: Over a decade on from the end of the civil wars that devastated the region, large parts of Central America are once again afflicted by chronic violence. This time, however, the principal culprits are narco-traffickers and criminal networks, undermining state structures through corruption and clandestine links to political parties, judges and law enforcement officials. In the Caribbean, meanwhile, a flourishing drug trade has brought wealth, but at the cost of rising homicide rates and grave damage to democratic institutions. Based on a two-day conference of experts held in early 2007 in New York, this report explores new thinking on the ills afflicting the region - including the highly controversial mara gangs - and how the international community might help remedy the problems of crime and corruption without undermining the fragile states that are the essential building blocks of any long-term solution. Details: Madrid: FRIDE (Fundacion para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Dialogo Exterior), 2007. 16p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Corruption Shelf Number: 118677 |
Author: Finlay, Brian Title: WMD, Drugs, and Criminal Gangs in Central America: Leveraging Nonproliferation Assistance to Address Security/Development Needs With UN Security Council Resolution 1540 Summary: Few regions of the world better illustrate the intimate nexus between human development and security than does Central America. A region of inherent economic and social promise, its fortunes have been frustrated by a plethora of overwhelming security challenges related to small arms, drugs, and criminal gangs. Although a long and innovative roster of instruments has been developed to counter these scourges, a lack of technical and financial support has often prevented their full realization. Moreover, institutional vulnerabilities at the local and state levels have further complicated the implementation of national and regional strategies designed to break this cycle of violence and underdevelopment. The global economic downturn now threatens to reverse progress made to date and again place countries of the region squarely on a downward economic and security trajectory. According to a recent report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), no issue has had a greater impact on the stability and development in Central America than crime. The Central American region has emerged as the most violent in the world, with the average number of homicides in Central America in 2008 rising to 33 per 100,000 people—three times the global average. While these statistics are rooted in a complex array of social, political, and economic circumstances that have depressed economic opportunity and inflated levels of violence, Central American scholars and regional government officials generally agree that their security and development challenges are rooted in the culture of illegality embodied most graphically by the triple threat of small arms proliferation, drug trafficking, and criminal and youth gangs. Details: Washington, DC: Stimson Center; Muscatine, IA: Stanley Foundation, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Violence Shelf Number: 119459 |
Author: Dammert, Lucia Title: Professional Autonomy and Civil Leadership in the Latin American and Caribbean Police Summary: This article analyzes the link between the police of those ministries that depend on determining the presence of higher or lower levels of necessary civil, democratic leadership that should exist in its security institutions. The successful functioning of police forces is a fundamental pillar for the strengthening of democracies, above all considering the authoritarian legacies that were part of the histories of the majority of the countries discussed. In turn this analysis investigates the reforms that police systems have experienced with respect to their space in decision-making processes and the control that other institutions can have over them. Details: Santiago, Chile: Global Consortium on Security Transformation, 2008. 11p. Source: Internet Resource; Working Paper no. 5; Accessed August 10, 2010 at: http://www.securitytransformation.org/gc_publications_2.php?categoria=23 Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Police Reform (Latin America and Caribbean) Shelf Number: 119585 |
Author: Cruz, Jose Miguel Title: Police Abuse in Latin America Summary: The AmericasBarometer survey provides an opportunity to assess police behavior in the Americas from the perspective of voting age citizens. This report in the AmericasBarometer Insights series seeks to answer these questions based in the 2008 database. The survey containing the question about police mistreatment was carried out in twenty Latin American and Caribbean countries, and it was answered by 32,853 respondents. The report concludes that although police reforms have taken place in several countries in the region, further work is needed with the police forces in Latin America. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, Latin American Public Opinion Project, 2009. 8p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/i3AQ5a/I0811%20Police%20Abuse%20in%20Latin%20America%20English.pdf; Americas Barometer Insights: 2009 (No. 11) Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Police Behavior Shelf Number: 119604 |
Author: Cruz, Jose Miguel Title: Should Authorities Respect the Law When Fighting Crime? Summary: Ths study examines public support for the authorities’ respect for the law when fighting criminal violence. Using the 2008 round of the Americas-Barometer, 36,021 respondents from twenty-two countries in the Americas were asked whether authorities should always obey the law or, instead, if they can disregard the law in order to catch criminals. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, Latin American Public Opinion Project, 2009. 8p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/kroGfC/I0819%20Should%20Authorities%20Respect%20the%20Law%20When%20Fighting%20Crime%20English.pdf; AmericasBarometer Insights: 2009 (No. 19) Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Policies Shelf Number: 119605 |
Author: Dudley, Steven S. Title: Drug Trafficking Organizations in Central America: Transportistas, Mexican Cartels and Maras Summary: This chapter is about drug trafficking organizations (DTO) operating in Central America. It is broken down by theme rather than by country. It provides a brief history of DTO activity in the region; descriptions of who operates the DTOs, both locally and internationally, and their modus operandi; the use of street gangs in DTO activities; DTO penetration in government and security forces; local, regional and international efforts and challenges as they try and combat DTOs. The chapter is centered on the three countries where the problem of DTOs appears to be the most acute: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Mexico Institute; San Diego, CA: University of San Diego, Trans-Border Institute, 2010. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Serieson U.S.-Mexico Security Collaboration: Accessed August 30, 2010 at: http://wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/Drug%20Trafficking%20Organizations%20in%20Central%20America.%20Dudley.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 119707 |
Author: Moser, Caroline Title: Violence in the Central American REgion: Towards an Integrated Framework for Violence Reduction Summary: This Report was commissioned by the UK Department of International Development (DFID) and Swedish International Development Co-Operation (SIDA) as a background document to assist both agencies in developing both regional and country specific violence reduction strategies and programmes in Central America, The objective of this study is to provide a conceptual framework, and associated overview, for understanding regional violence in Central America. This is intended to contribute to the development of an integrated approach to violence reduction interventions in the region. The study aims to familiarise those working in this area with the complex multi-dimensional nature of violence. This will assist agencies in their efforts to undertake the following tasks: 1) Define a future over-arching framework when designing related programmes; 2) Mainstream such an understanding in all future development co-operation in Central America; and 3) Inform key partners of the current dynamics of violence as well as potential approaches to violence reduction. Details: London: Overseas Development Institute, 2002. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 171: Accessed September 7, 2010 at: www.odi.org.uk/resources/download/1199.pdf Year: 2002 Country: Central America Keywords: Violence Shelf Number: 119758 |
Author: Arias Foundation for Peace and Human Progress Title: The Face of Urban Violence in Central America Summary: Central America has been identified as a sub-region displaying post-conflict characteristics; with some stages successfully completed, while other have failed or are still in progress. A notable dilemma, however, remains unaddressed: the relationship between violence and youth. Traditionally, this relationship has been perceived as a symbiotic, with youth perceived as violent, as a logical consequence of their presumed lack of maturity or experience. According to this study, the victims of violence in Central America - and worldwide - are youths aged 13 to 29, who come from economically depressed regions, and pockets of urban poverty. They tend to belong to ethnic or racial minorities, live in densely populated areas marked by unemployment, high birth rates and little access to schooling. Many of these youths, both victims and assailants, have been victimized themselves. They have been abused, suffered domestic violence; they have been abandoned, or had little access to education and culture, and are incapable of entering the job market in conditions of equality or security. Details: San Jose, Costa Rica: Arias Foundation for Peace on Human Progress, 2006. 276p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2010 at: http://www.arias.or.cr/download/INGLES.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Central America Keywords: Gangs Shelf Number: 116550 |
Author: Tedesco, Laura Title: Urban Violence: A Challenge to Institutional Strengthening. The Case of Latin America Summary: Urban violence in Latin America has been related to the increase in social, political and economic exclusion experienced by much of the population. This Working Paper offers an analysis of the causes of violence, presenting a study that considers the possibility of stateless territories within states. Various examples of the region are presented, with a particular focus on the rapid increase of violence in Mexico. The conclusions and recommendations given in this document point to the need to create an agenda for citizen security between Europe and Latin America that would put the emphasis on the exchange of ideas and local programmes. Details: Madrid: Fundacion para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Dialogo Exterior (FRIDE), 2009. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 78: Accessed October 13, 2010 at: http://www.fride.org/publication/573/urban-violence:-a-challenge-to-institutional-strengthening Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Urban Areas Shelf Number: 119947 |
Author: Soares, Rodrigo Title: Understanding High Crime Rates in Latin America: The Role of Social and Policy Factors Summary: This paper discusses the pattern, causes and consequence of the high crime rates observed in Latin America. Crime represents a substantial welfare loss and a potentially serious hindrance to growth. We conduct an informal assessment of the relative strength of the alternative hypotheses raised in the literature to explain the phenomenon. We argue that, despite being extremely high, the incidence of crime in the region is not much different from what should be expected based on socioeconomic and public policy characteristics of its countries. Estimates from the empirical literature suggest that most of its seemingly excessively high violence can be explained by three factors: high inequality, low incarceration rates, and small police forces. Still, country specific experiences have been different in many respects. The evidence suggests that effective policies toward violence reduction do exist and have been shown to work within the context of Latin America itself. Details: Manuscript originally prepared for the conference "Confronting Crime and Violence in Latin America: Crafting a Public Policy Agenda, July 2007. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 9, 2010 at: http://www.sebh.ecn.br/seminario_5/arquivo1.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Homicide Shelf Number: 120410 |
Author: Falu, Ana, ed. Title: Women in the City: On Violence and Rights Summary: The texts included in this volume are adaptations of presentations given by participants in the Second International Seminar of the Regional Programme ‘Cities without Violence against Women, Safe Cities for All’, which was held in Buenos Aires from July 23 to 25, 2008. The goals of the Seminar were the following: to provide a space for continued reflection and knowledge-sharing regarding violence in cities from a gender perspective, to facilitate dialogue between a diversity of actors in order to broaden and deepen proposals, to generate results reflective of the conceptual debates underway and to develop new strategies for action in the region. Details: Santiago, Chile: Women and Habitat Network of Latin America/Ediciones SUR, 2010. 177p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 14, 2010 at: http://www.redmujer.org.ar/pdf_publicaciones/art_40.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Intimate Partner Violence Shelf Number: 120493 |
Author: Transnational Institute Title: Systems Overload: Drug Laws and Prisons in Latin America Summary: A comparative study on the impact of drug policies on the prison systems of eight Latin American countries – Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay – reveals that drug laws have contributed to the prison crises these countries are experiencing. The drug laws impose penalties disproportionate to many of the drug offenses committed, do not give sufficient consideration to the use of alternative sanctions, and promote the excessive use of preventive detention. The study found that the persons who are incarcerated for drug offenses tend to be individuals caught with small amounts of drugs, often users, as well as street-level dealers. Specifically, the study finds that most of the persons imprisoned for drugs are not high- or medium-level drug traffickers, but rather occupy the lowest links in the chain. According to the report, these laws have overcrowded the prisons – with a high human cost – but have not curbed the production, trafficking, or use of drugs. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute; Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2010. v.p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 21, 2010 at: http://www.druglawreform.info/index.php?option=com_flexicontent&view=category&cid=122&Itemid=46&lang=en Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Control Shelf Number: 120557 |
Author: Moran, Patrick Title: El Salvador and Guatemala: Security Sector Reform and Political Party System Effects on Organized Crime Summary: Since the signing of peace treaties in El Salvador and Guatemala in 1992 and 1996 respectively, both countries have experienced exploding levels of crime and violence as a result of gangs, drug trafficking organizations, and organized crime. Because both nations share many common traits, a general perception is that the causes and effects of criminal activity are similar in both countries. The patterns, causes, and effects of criminal activity, however, vary significantly between El Salvador and Guatemala. Specifically, organized crime - with its hallmarks of violence, corruption, and penetration of state institutions - is a problem that afflicts Guatemala much more than in El Salvador. Security sector reforms and the demilitarization of security forces in El Salvador prevented organized crime from gaining hold over time whereas police reform in Guatemala failed to purge the security apparatus of former militarized forces with ties to organized crime. A strong political party system in El Salvador acts as a gatekeeper in preventing many organized crime elements from penetrating the state while a weak party system in Guatemala allowed for much greater infiltration of illicit entities. Future policy regarding both countries should give greater attention to organized crime and political party systems. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed February 17, 2011 at: http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501879 Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 120812 |
Author: Guerra, Nancy Title: Youth Crime Prevention Summary: Violence is one of the most pressing social problems in the Americas, with far-reaching social and economic costs. These costs include the direct value of goods and services used in treating violence, non-monetary costs such as pain and suffering, economic costs from reduced productivity, lower earnings, and decreased investments, and the social impact on interpersonal relations and the quality of life. Because adolescents and young adults are at a particularly high risk for both violence perpetration and victimization, it is essential that we design and implement effective violence prevention strategies for this age group. In this module, we will discuss the problem of youth violence in Latin America and the Caribbean. We will examine changes in youth violence rates over the last two decades, with examples from the United States, Latin America, and the Caribbean. We will review some of the major causes and consequences of youth violence and describe best practices and effective programs. Finally, we will explore local efforts to develop comprehensive strategies for youth violence prevention. Two case studies will be presented. As we point out, there are many causes of youth violence. Because complex problems demand sophisticated solutions, we do not provide simple answers or specific program recommendations, but focus on the importance of understanding the complexities of the youth violence problem and the need for a broad range of solutions. We focus on prevention rather than control, although they are both part of a continuum of action against violence. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2005. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 8, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTLACREGTOPURBDEV/Resources/841042-1219076931513/5301922-1250717140763/Youth.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Central America Keywords: Delinquency Prevention Shelf Number: 121281 |
Author: World Bank. Department of Finance, Private Sector and Infrastructure - Latin American Region Title: A Resource Guide for Municipalities: Community Based Crime and Violence Prevention in Urban Latin America Summary: Crime and violence have risen dramatically in Latin America in recent decades and are now recognized as serious threats to economic and social stability, particularly in urban areas. The economic costs of crime and violence represent a 14% loss in the region’s GDP. There are four types of costs associated with crime and violence: direct /indirect costs, such those spent on the criminal justice system and incarceration; non-monetary costs, meaning the non-economic detriments on victims; economic multiplier effects, which measure the macroeconomic effects on the country and labor market; and social multiplier effects, meaning the erosion of social capital and quality of life. The purpose of this Resource Book, financed by the Government of the Netherlands through the Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program (BNPP), is to provide mayors of Latin American countries with information on how to design violence and crime reduction programs. It brings together information on best practice principles, step-by-step approaches, and examples of international municipal crime and violence prevention and reduction strategies. The approach adopted by this guide combines law enforcement with social prevention and situational prevention. Effective local government action requires cooperation of all different municipal sectors, civil society organizations, and higher levels of government. Details: Washington DC: World Bank, 2003. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 8, 2011 at: http://vle.worldbank.org/bnpp/files/TF053945ResourceGuideENG_0.pdf Year: 2003 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Prevention Shelf Number: 121282 |
Author: Metaal, Pien Title: Systems Overload: Drug Laws and Prisons in Latin America Summary: A comparative study on the impact of drug policies on the prison systems of eight Latin American countries – Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay – reveals that drug laws have contributed to the prison crises these countries are experiencing. The study Systems Overload: Drug Laws and Prisons in Latin America, published by the Transnational Institute (TNI) and the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), found that the persons who are incarcerated for drug offenses tend to be individuals caught with small amounts of drugs, often users, as well as street-level dealers. The drug laws impose penalties disproportionate to many of the drug offenses committed, do not give sufficient consideration to the use of alternative sanctions, and promote the excessive use of preventive detention. The weight of the law falls on the most vulnerable individuals, overcrowding the prisons, but allowing drug trafficking to flourish. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America; Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2011. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 8, 2011 at: http://www.druglawreform.info/images/stories/documents/Systems_Overload/TNI-Systems_Overload-def.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Control Policy (Latin America) Shelf Number: 121288 |
Author: Women's Institute for Alternative Development Title: Small Arms Proliferation and Misuse Toward a Caribbean Plan of Action Summary: Bank note that murder rates in the Caribbean — at 30 per 100,000 population annually —are higher than for any other region of the world. Understandably, mounting fatalities from illegal weapons worry Caribbean policymakers and citizens alike. In the last two years, at least six Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Member States have held general elections in which crime and security were central issues. The proliferation of illegal small arms threatens the ability of Caribbean states to meet their Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As the World Bank (2007) states, “high rates of crime and violence in the Caribbean are undermining growth, threatening human welfare, and impeding social development.” Crime and violence have become development issues in the Caribbean. A major factor in the surge of gun-related criminality is the trafficking of narcotics. Illicit drugs are transshipped through the region from South America to North America and there is a linked movement of illegal weapons from North America to several destinations in the Caribbean. At the same time, the rise of crime has been characterized by the increased use of more powerful weapons, resulting in higher mortality levels. Caribbean countries exhibit crime patterns similar to those of other countries where low economic growth has coincided with large populations of young men. The Latin America and Caribbean region boasts the highest homicide rate of men between the ages of 15 and 29 in the world, more than three times greater than the global average. Indeed, youth violence is a high-priority, high-visibility concern across the Caribbean. Youth are disproportionately represented in the incidence and severity of gun violence, both as victims and perpetrators, and violent crimes are being committed at younger ages in many countries. A wide variety of risk factors contribute to the prevalence of youth violence, including poverty, youth unemployment, large-scale migration to urban areas, drug trafficking, a weak education system, ineffective policing, the widespread availability of weapons, drug and alcohol use, and the presence of organized gangs. Deaths and injuries from youth violence constitute a major public health, social, and economic problem across the Caribbean. Much of the work that seeks to reveal the use and impact of small arms and light weapons in the region has highlighted the masculine perpetrator and victim. Although this is a legitimate sphere of inquiry, it is important to recognize that a more integrated approach is required. The lives of Caribbean men and women are influenced by the gender disparities and structural inequalities that persist in many facets of Caribbean life. In a post-“structurally adjusted” Caribbean region, and as a result of shifting trading arrangements, there remains the persistent challenge of positioning the economies of the region to address the growing levels of poverty. Over the years, the larger economic shifts have seen the growth of the commoditization of violence, which speaks to the fact that an increasing number of citizens have had to rely on criminal violence of various kinds to survive. Details: Belmont, Trinidad and Tobago: Women's Institute for Alternative Development; Waterloo, ONT: Project Ploughshares, 2008. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: WORKING PAPER 08-1: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.ploughshares.ca/libraries/WorkingPapers/wp081.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Economic Conditions Shelf Number: 121292 |
Author: Serrano-Berthet, Rodrigo Title: Crime and Violence in Central America: A Development Challenge Summary: Central America’s spiraling wave of crime and violence is threatening the region’s prosperity as countries face huge economic and human losses as a result of it. Aside from the pain and trauma inflicted upon victims, violence can cost the region up to 8 percent of its GDP when taking into account law enforcement, citizen security and health care costs. This is no small change for a region that in 2010 grew around 2 percent of GDP, while the rest of Latin America grew around 6 percent. To make matters worse, crime and violence also hampers economic growth, not just from the victims’ lost wages and labor, but by polluting the investment climate and diverting scarce government resources to strengthen law enforcement rather than promote economic activity, argues Crime and Violence in Central America: a Development challenge. But, in a redeeming twist, the study also suggests that a ten percent reduction of murder rates in the region’s most violent countries could boost annual economic growth by as much as a full one percent. Crime rates in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras are among the top five in Latin America. In the region’s other three countries — Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Panama — crime and violence levels are significantly lower, but a spike in recent years has raised serious concerns. Some perspective may help gauge the extent of the problem. While Central America's population is roughly the same size as Spain's, Spain only registered 336 homicides in 2006, in sharp contrast with Central America’s 14,257 homicides – an average of 40 per day. Drug trafficking and a decades-long culture of violence emerge as the main culprits in Central America’s crime predicament. Easy access to firearms and weak judicial institutions are also to blame for the region’s violent state of affairs, according to the report. Narco trafficking ranks as the top cause for the rising crime rates and violence levels in Central America, a reflection in part of the sheer volume of narcotics flows through the area –90 percent of US-bound drugs, according to the study. Inherent traits of drug cartel operations, such as turf wars and vendettas between rival gangs, seem to fuel the region’s murder rates. The complexity of this situation calls for a regional approach and greater emphasis on prevention, at the expense of interdiction, which has proven insufficient to diminish the traffickers’ capacity. Also, successful strategies require actions along multiple fronts, combining prevention and criminal justice reform. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2011. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/FINAL_VOLUME_I_ENGLISH_CrimeAndViolence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 121323 |
Author: Amin, Mohammad Title: Crime, Security, and Firms in Latin America Summary: Existing studies show that crime is more rampant in the larger cities and that wealthier individuals are more often targeted. Using Enterprise Surveys data for 14 Latin American countries, we find that one- third of the firms surveyed suffer from one or more incident of crime annually, which is roughly similar to the percentage of households affected. Crime-related losses average 2.7 percent of annual sales for all firms in the sample, which is more than the reported amount of bribery, losses due to power outages, and firms’ expenditure on research and development. We also find that the relatively well-off large firms are more likely to be victims of crime than the small firms, but losses due to crime as a percentage of annual sales are bigger for small firms. In short, crime in the region is regressive. Last, larger cities are more prone to crime than the smaller cities. However, we find that what matters for crime is the relative size of a city within a country; its absolute size is irrelevant. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank Group, International Finance Corporation, 2009. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Enterprise Note No. 2: Accessed May 11, 2011 at: http://www.enterprisesurveys.org/Documents/EnterpriseNotes/Note2.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Bribery Shelf Number: 121714 |
Author: Contreras, Juan Manuel Title: Sexual Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Desk Review Summary: The World Health Organization defines sexual violence as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work”. A limited but growing body of evidence suggests that sexual violence is a serious problem throughout Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) – both as a public health problem and a violation of human rights. This document reviews what is known about sexual violence in the LAC region. It aims to explore the magnitude, patterns and risk factors associated with sexual violence, as well as the legal and policy frameworks, women’s responses to sexual violence, access to services and service responses, promising interventions, research gaps and priorities for future research. Over two hundred published and unpublished documents were reviewed to prepare this document. Grey literature was identified through internet-based searches and from experts working in the region. The scope of this review is primarily based on research produced between 2000 and the present. While an effort has been made to cover the entire Latin American and Caribbean region, research is not available for all countries in the region. As such, this document should be considered the first phase in an ongoing process of consolidating the existing evidence and identifying research gaps and priorities for this culturally, racially and geographically diverse region. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Sexual Violence Research Initiative, Gender and Health Research Unit. Medical Research Council, 2010.92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2011 at: http://www.svri.org/SexualViolenceLACaribbean.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Sexual Abuse Shelf Number: 121723 |
Author: Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas Title: Coverage of Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in Latin American and the Caribbean Summary: This report provides a summary of the discussions of nearly 50 journalists and academics from Latin America and the Caribbean on media coverage of organized crime and drug trafficking in the continent. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2011. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/media/articles_publications/publications/austin-forum-20110515/austin-forum-20110515-en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 121941 |
Author: Solis Rivera, Luis Guillermo Title: Organized Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean: Summary of Articles Summary: This document is both a summary and translation of the book Crimen Organizado en América Latina y el Caribe, which was edited by MA. Luis Guillermo Solís Rivera and PhD. Francisco Rojas Aravena. The book was developed by the General Secretariat of the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO after its initials in Spanish) and the Open Society Institute (OSI). It was originally published by Editorial Catalonia and the General Secretariat of FLACSO in 2008. The book is made up of 12 essays and it has 379 pages. The essays have been written by a group of distinguished authors from different backgrounds and each one contributed in the area of his or her expertise. The 12 essays are characterized by their diversity because each of them addresses different aspects of organized crime. And even though most authors agree that the strongest manifestation of organized crime is drug trafficking, they also analyze other intimately related issues such as human trafficking, arms trafficking, the smuggling of various goods, juvenile gangs, and money laundering. They also agree on some of the most important consequences of organized crime such as the corruption of many public officials, violence, insecurity, problems with democratic governance and the gradual erosion of the democratic system as a whole. The authors agree on the above aspects, but they each analyze the problem from a different perspective. Some essays address the issue from a general perspective and the perspective of the Latin American and Caribbean region as a whole, while other essays focus on certain case studies like the current situation in Mexico, Brazil, Peru, and Colombia, among others. Aside from this geographic variety, there is a methodological variety as well. Some authors focus on the definition of organized crime and other concepts that are linked with it such as public safety, democracy, corruption, and democratic governance. Other essays, however, evaluate empirical facts and current data for various countries of the region. Some authors explore the regional history, and why the particular histories of some countries have made them vulnerable to organized crime. Others reflect mainly on the current situation and search for answers to this serious problem. What they have in common is that, both from a past or present perspective, they analyze organized crime in its entire context and how the multiple economic, social, political, and cultural structural deficiencies have made Latin America prone to these criminal activities. This book provides solutions for the problem such as the need to strengthen international cooperation, transparency and governance, participation of civil society, and the importance of not attacking violence with violence, but concentrating on solving the structural and systemic problems. In sum, it analyzes organized crime from an integral and multidimensional perspective. Details: San Jose, Costa Rica: FLACSO, 2009. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed July 27, 2011 at: http://www.flacso.org/uploads/media/Organized_Crime.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 122180 |
Author: United Nations. Office for Disarmament Affairs’ Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean (UNLIREC) Title: Preventing Firearms Proliferation and Armed Violence in Educational Centres of Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: Latin America and the Caribbean is considered to be one of the most violent regions in the world accounting for nearly 42% of annual global homicides. The impact of armed violence on youth is particularly dramatic. In the Caribbean, for example, violence is the leading cause of death among youth and adolescents aged 15-24. There are over 100 million adolescents between 10 and 18 years of age in the region; hardship affects these youth disproportionately with an average of 39% living in poverty. UNICEF has identified two forms of violence in Latin America and the Caribbean that warrant increased attention: gang-related violence linked to the drug trade; and violence in schools. The phenomenon of violence in schools has also gained increased attention in Latin America and the Caribbean in recent years. In Brazil, 84% of students in 143 schools in the capitals of six states consider their school to be violent and 70% admits to having been victims of violence at school. The threat and actual use of firearms in schools have received less specific attention, but now constitutes a substantial and growing challenge to the physical and psychological security of children and educators in Latin America and the Caribbean. Approximately 1.3% of students in Argentina has taken a revolver or pistol to school, according to the Ministry of Education of that country. In 2007, 69 firearms were confiscated by educational authorities in Colombian schools. In Brazil, a UNESCO survey conducted in 2000 reported that 13% of school students had witnessed the presence of firearms on campus. Furthermore, 14% claimed to have easy access to a firearm in their school and its surroundings, and 4% claimed to have brought one to school. In El Salvador, 42 weapons, including guns and grenades, were seized from schools and their immediate surroundings in 2005. In Mexico, 55% of students in Mexico City believes some of their fellow students bring firearms to school. 46 incidents of gun violence in schools and communities were reported in Puerto Rico during 2007. A 2003 representative sample survey of school children in nine Caribbean countries found that one fifth of the males carried weapons to school during the previous 30-day period. UNLIREC staff - undertaking a brief review of online newspaper archives - identified at least 51 reported instances of firearm possession and the death or wounding of 43 individuals from accidental or intentional shootings in Latin America and Caribbean educational centres between 2000 and 2010. Whilst these are only a few examples collected on an ad hoc basis, their sum is suggestive as to the unmeasured scale and severity of armed violence in Latin American and Caribbean schools. The true extent and nature of the problem is difficult to gauge as centralized reporting systems and data sets for these incidents do not exist. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the extent of unreported or undiscovered armed violence in schools may be significant. Details: Lima, Peru: United Nations, 2011. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed September 7, 2011 at: http://www.unlirec.org/Documents/Armed_Violence_in_Schools.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Armed Violence Shelf Number: 122674 |
Author: The World Bank. Central America Unit, Poverty Reduction Title: Crime and Violence in Central America: Volume II Summary: Central America‘s hopes for a rebirth following the resolution of the region‘s civil wars have been marred by the torrent of violence which has engulfed El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala and begun to threaten Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. In addition to the pain and suffering experienced by victims, crime and violence exacts high costs, diverting investment, reducing economic growth, and undermining confidence in the region‘s fragile democracies. Among the key drivers of crime and violence in the region are drug trafficking, youth violence and gangs, the widespread availability of guns, and weak criminal justice institutions. Proven evidence-based prevention measures coupled with criminal justice reform can reduce crime and violence. Key messages and recommendations from the report include the following: 1) Crime and violence should be understood as a development issue. The high rates of crime and violence in the region have direct effects on human welfare in the short-run and long-run effects on economic growth and social development. Estimates of the effect on violence on growth imply that reducing crime could substantially boost growth in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. 2) The strongest single explanation for the high rates of violence in the region—and their apparent rise in recent years—is drug trafficking, principally the transport of cocaine from producer nations in the south to the consumer market in the United States. The drug trade contributes to the widespread availability of firearms, generates violence within and between drug cartels, and spurs further lawlessness by undermining criminal justice institutions. Controlling for other factors, areas with intense levels of drug trafficking in Central America have homicide rates 65 percent higher than other areas in the same country. Murder rates are also higher in areas with greater shares of female-headed households and larger populations of young men. Overall crime victimization rates are at their most extreme in the region‘s capitals and other large cities. 3) The countries of the region have under-invested in prevention approaches which have proven effective in reducing crime and violence elsewhere. A public expenditure analysis on crime and violence prevention undertaken for this study in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama shows that spending has been modest for crime prevention measures. Crime prevention through environmental design and urban renewal programs can generate rapid decreases in property crime and inter-personal violence. Integrated citizen security approaches, combining modern methods of policing with prevention interventions by both government and non-governmental organizations, have seen initial success in El Salvador and should be tried elsewhere. The public health approach, which focuses on addressing risk factors for violent conduct, is especially promising for addressing violence against women and youth violence. 4) The criminal justice systems of several countries in the region have been deeply corrupted by drug trafficking, enabling traffickers to take advantage of existing institutional weaknesses, and the mano dura (―iron fist‖) approach has proven largely ineffective and possibly counterproductive. In some countries, the police have largely lost the trust of citizens; nearly half of Salvadorans and Hondurans and 2 out of 3 Guatemalans believe their local police are involved in crime. Clearly, improving criminal justice systems is essential. This includes reforming the judiciary, attorneys generals offices, and police forces. An especially urgent priority is ensuring strong accountability of the criminal justice system to citizens. This should be done through an inter-institutional approach, focusing on transparent selection, promotion, and sanctioning mechanisms. The optimization of court administration and case management with internal processes reengineering—such as the development of management information systems and performance indicators—provide important mechanisms to better diagnosis problems, track system outputs, monitor reform programs, and rationalize resources. 5) There are multiple possible entry points to integrate violence and crime prevention into policy. In one instance, the most promising approach may be in the context of a slum upgrading or municipal development project. In another, it may be in the context of reform of the health service. In a third, it may be in the context of reform of the criminal justice system. There is no one ―ideal‖ approach. The common denominator is that successful interventions are evidence-based, starting with a clear diagnostic of types of violence and risk factors and ending with a careful evaluation of the intervention‘s impact to inform future actions. 6) Drug trafficking poses a major challenge to Central American governments. The experiences of Mexico and Colombia, economic theory, and the historical record in the United States all suggest that an escalation of interdiction efforts—at any scale the Central American governments could mount, even with assistance from abroad—would most likely increase levels of violence without diminishing the capacities of drug traffickers. Consequently, marginal funds are more likely to reduce violence if devoted to crime prevention efforts and criminal justice reforms. 7) Gun ownership is an outgrowth of the drug trade and the history of civil conflict in some countries. Within these environments, which promote the demand for weapons, reducing gun ownership is a difficult undertaking. Regional and international evidence shows that the implementation and enforcement of firearms legislation, such as a ban on carrying firearms, combined with supply-side measures, such as controlling secondary firearms markets, are the most promising to reduce availability of firearms and reduce armed violence. National firearms policies are unlikely to reduce the availability of weapons unless they are undertaken as part of a regional approach with international efforts to stem the flow of contraband weapons from abroad, particularly Mexico and the United States. 8) The victims and perpetrators of violent crime are largely young men. In Central America as in the rest of the world, men age 15-34 account for the overwhelming majority of homicide victims, and they also comprise the membership of youth gangs. While gangs are doubtless a major contributor to crime in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, the very limited evidence indicates they are responsible for only a minority share of violence; multiple sources suggest perhaps 15 percent of homicides are gang-related. To address issues of youth violence, policy makers in the short run should borrow from the evidence-based toolkit of programs from other regions, such as early childhood development and mentoring programs, interventions to increase retention of high-risk youth in secondary schools, and opening schools after-hours and on weekends to offer youth activities to occupy their free time. While many programs to reduce youth violence have been introduced in the region, few if any have been subject to rigorous impact evaluation. Impact evaluations should systematically document what works in youth violence prevention in Central America. 9) Major data gaps hinder policy making. Several countries of the region have made substantial progress in recent years in improving their mechanisms for recording crime, particularly homicides. Such efforts should be continued and paired with expanded use of crime information systems, which experience in other areas has shown can be a valuable tool to direct criminal justice efforts. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2010. 187p. Source: Internet Resource: Report No. 56781-LAC: Accessed October 26, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Eng_Volume_II_Crime_and_Violence_Central_America.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Cartels Shelf Number: 123152 |
Author: U.S. Senate. Caucus on International Narcotics Control Title: Responding to Violence in Central America Summary: Violence in Central America has reached crisis levels. Throughout Central America, Mexican drug trafficking organizations, local drug traffickers, transnational youth gangs, and other illegal criminal networks are taking advantage of weak governance and underperforming justice systems. This report outlines a series of concrete steps that the United States can take to support the seven countries of Central America as they try to improve security. The report does not call for large amounts of new money but instead recommends investments in key programs with host country partners. Our report synthesizes information gathered by Caucus staff through visits to Guatemala and Honduras, briefings, interviews, and a review of documents from both government and non-government subject matter experts. The report describes the current strategy and provides important recommendations for policymakers in Congress and the Administration. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, 2011. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 19, 2011 at: http://www.grassley.senate.gov/judiciary/upload/Drug-Caucus-09-22-11-Responding-to-Violence-in-Central-America-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Control Policy Shelf Number: 123407 |
Author: Demombynes, Gabriel Title: Drug Trafficking and Violence in Central American and Beyond Summary: This paper examines the relationship between narcotics trafficking and violence in Central America. The first part of the paper addresses particular questions posed for the 2011 World Development Report and examines several competing hypothesis on the drivers of crime in Central America. A key finding is that areas exposed to intense narcotics trafficking in Central America suffer from higher homicide rates. Drug trafficking has corrupted state institutions, which have been overwhelmed by the resources deployed by trafficking organizations. The second part of the paper reviews the reasons drug trafficking and anti-trafficking enforcement are associated with violence in general and considers policy options. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2011. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: World Development Report 2011 Background Case Study: Accessed November 19, 2011 at: http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR_2011_Case_Study_Trafficking_Violence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking (Central America) Shelf Number: 123408 |
Author: Felbab-Brown, Vanda Title: Bringing the State to the Slum: Confronting Organized Crime and Urban Violence in Latin America Lessons for Law Enforcement and Policymakers Summary: Public safety is increasingly determined by crime and security in urban spaces. How the public safety problem in urban spaces is dealt with in the 21st century as urbanization intensifies will determine citizens’ perceptions of the accountability and effectiveness of the state in upholding the social contract between the citizens and the state. Major cities of the world, and the provision of security and order within them, will increasingly play a major role in the 21st century distribution of global power. In many of the world’s major cities, law enforcement and social development have not caught up with the pace of urbanization, and there is a deep and growing bifurcation between developed and reasonably safe sectors of economic growth and social advancement and slums stuck in a trap of poverty, marginalization, and violence. Addressing the violence and lifting the slums from this trap will be among the major challenges for many governments. Aerial view of Venezuela's bigest slum of Petare in Caracas September 1, 2010. There are many forms of urban violence. This article presents some of the key law enforcement and socioeconomic policy lessons from one type of response to urban slums controlled by non-state actors: namely, when the government resorts to physically retaking urban spaces that had been ruled by criminal or insurgent groups and where the state’s presence had been inadequate or sometimes altogether nonexistent. Its focus is on Latin America—specifically Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and Jamaica; but its findings apply more broadly and are informed by similar dynamics between non-state actors and state policies in places like Karachi, Pakistan, and Johannesburg, South Africa. In response to a crime epidemic afflicting Latin America since the early 1990s, several countries in the region have resorted to using heavily-armed police or military units to physically retake territories controlled de facto by criminal or insurgent groups. After a period of resumed state control, the heavily-armed units hand law enforcement functions in the retaken territories to regular police forces, with the hope that the territories and their populations will remain under the control of the state. To a varying degree, intensity, and consistency, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Jamaica have adopted such policies since 2000. During such operations, governments need to pursue two interrelated objectives: to better establish the state’s physical presence and to realign the allegiance of the population in those areas toward the state and away from the non-state criminal entities. From the perspective of law enforcement, such operations entail several critical decisions: whether or not to announce the force insertion in advance; how to generate local intelligence; and when to hand over law enforcement to regular or community police forces. With respect to announcing the force insertion in advance, the element of surprise and the ability to capture key leaders of the criminal organizations has to be traded off against the ability to minimize civilian casualties and force levels. The latter, however, may allow criminals to hide and escape capture. Governments thus must decide whether they merely seek to displace criminal groups to other areas or maximize their decapitation capacity. Intelligence flows rarely come from the population. Often, rival criminal groups are the best source of intelligence. However, cooperation between the state and such groups that goes beyond using vetted intelligence provided by the groups, such as the government’s tolerance for militias, compromises the rule-of-law integrity of the state and ultimately can eviscerate even public safety gains. Sustaining security after initial clearing operations is, at times, even more challenging than conducting the initial clearing operations. Although unlike the heavily-armed forces, traditional police forces, especially if designed as community police, have the capacity to develop trust by the community and ultimately to focus on crime prevention, developing such trust often takes a long time. To develop the community’s trust, regular police forces need to conduct frequent on-foot patrols with intensive nonthreatening interactions with the population and minimize the use of force. Moreover, sufficiently robust patrol units need to be placed in designated beats for substantial amounts of time, often at least over a year. Ideally, police develop not only local police forces, but community-based and problem-oriented policing as well. Establishing oversight mechanisms, including joint police-citizen boards, further facilitates building community trust in the police. After the disruption of the established criminal order, street crime often significantly rises and both the heavily-armed and community-police units often struggle to contain it. The increase in street crime alienates the population of the retaken territory from the state. Thus, developing a capacity to address street crime is critical. Addressing street crime, especially when through problem-oriented policing approaches, also often tends to be relatively simple and inexpensive. Moreover, preventing at least some street crime through such measures allows police forces to concentrate on more complex street and organized crime. Moreover, community police units tend to be vulnerable (especially initially) to efforts by displaced criminals to reoccupy the cleared territories. Ceding a cleared territory back to criminal groups is extremely costly in terms of losing any established trust of the local population and being able to resurrect it later. Rather than operating on a predetermined handover schedule, a careful assessment of the relative strength of regular police and the criminal groups following clearing operations is likely to be a better guide for timing the handover from heavy forces to regular police units. Cleared territories often experience not only a peace dividend, but also a peace deficit—in the rise new serious crime (in addition to street crime). Newly-valuable land and other previously- inaccessible resources can lead to land speculation and forced displacement; various other forms of new crime can also significantly rise. Community police forces often struggle to cope with such crime, especially as it is frequently linked to legal businesses outside of their area of operation. Such new crime often receives little to no attention in the design of the operations to retake territories from criminal groups. But without developing an effective response to such new crime, the public-safety gains from the clearing operations can be completely lost. Instead of countering the causes of illegal economies and violent organized crime through strengthening effective and accountable state presence, government intervention may only alter the form of criminality and displace existing problems to other areas. Expanding the justice system to cover areas where no courts were previously present usually takes considerable time. As a result, a dispute-resolution vacuum often emerges immediately following the clearing operations. This near-term absence of dispute resolution processes and enforcement is one impetus for the rise of crime and disorder in the post-clearing phase. One of the acute dilemmas encountered by law enforcement forces in the retaken territory and managers of the operation is whether or not, how quickly, and in what form to suppress illegal economies that exist in the retaken territory. There may be several reasons why the state would want to suppress the illegal economy. These include the leakage of illicit flows to other locales, a belief that the profitability of illicit profits will dissuade slum residents from switching to legal economies, and a fear that the persistence of illegal economies will pull in new violence and perpetuate anti-social and anti-state values among the slum residents.However, suppressing local illegal economies in urban spaces comes with significant costs, such as massive drops in household income of slum residents, new alienation of the population from the state, expansion of criminal activity and the rise of extortion, and the dissipation of law enforcement focus. Generating legal alternative livelihoods in urban spaces requires that the economic development strategy addresses all the structural drivers of illegal economic production. Beyond providing for security and the rule of law, such a comprehensive approach requires that stable property rights be established, access to microcredit developed, access to education and health care expanded, and crucial infrastructure deficiencies redressed. Often the most challenging problem for economic development in such situations is to generate sustainable legal jobs. Limited, isolated, discreet interventions, even when responsive to the wishes of the local community, are particularly ineffective in changing socioeconomic dynamics in a marginalized community. They do not have the capacity to alter basic social patterns or generate jobs in the community, and therefore, do not reduce crime. If they amount largely to patronage handouts, they can generate complex negative equilibria between criminal and official political patrons or a crime-pays type of mentality. Saturating an area with money in order to buy the political allegiance of the population produces neither sustainable economic development nor desirable social and political practices. Such massive cash infusions distort the local economy, undermine local administration, and can fuel corruption, new crime (such as extortion and resource theft), and moral hazard. Economic development of marginalized urban spaces is rarely politically neutral. While it does strengthen marginalized communities, it has the potential to undermine established powerbrokers (especially those who straddle the crime world and the official political world) by depriving them of their agent-patron role. Such powerbrokers, therefore, have an interest in hampering and limiting the extent to which the state is extended to the marginalized areas. Coordination across different line-ministries and agencies, and across different levels of government is often difficult to achieve, but failure to achieve good coordination can undermine the entire effort. Details: Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, Latin America Initiative, 2011. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 18, 2012 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers/2011/1205_latin_america_slums_felbabbrown/1205_latin_america_slums_felbabbrown.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Orbanized Crime (Latin America) Shelf Number: 123652 |
Author: Arnson, Cynthia J. Title: Organized Crime in Central America: The Northern Triangle Summary: Incidents such as the May 2011 massacre on a farm in Guatemala’s Petén region, resulting in the murder and decapitation by drug gangs of 27 peasant farmers and their families, serve to underscore the serious threat to human rights, democratic governance, and the rule of law posed by organized crime in Central America. The international community has begun to address the burgeoning crisis and commit significant resources to the fight against crime and violence; indeed, not since the Central American wars of the 1980s has the region commanded so much attention in the international arena. To better understand the nature, origins, and evolution of organized crime in Central America and the challenges it poses—and thereby contribute to the efforts of policy-makers and civil society to address it—the Latin American Program commissioned original research on the dynamics of organized crime in the three countries of the so-called Northern Triangle—El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—and on the broader regional context that links these case studies. This publication includes essays by Douglas Farah (El Salvador), Julie López (Guatemala), James Bosworth (Honduras), Steven Dudley, and Cynthia Arnson and Eric Olson (regional overviews) and is part of a series on the sub-regional dynamics of organized crime, focusing especially on the linkages between Central America, Mexico, and the Andean region as well as the growing insertion of Latin America in global transnational crime networks. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Latin America Program, 2011. 254p. Source: Woodrow Wilson Center Reports on the Americas #29: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2012 at http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/LAP_single_page.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 124216 |
Author: Mazzitelli, Antonio L. Title: Mexican Cartels Influence in Central America Summary: According to the US Government, over 60 percent of the cocaine intended for the US market transit through Central American. Since the early 1990’s, Colombian and Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) established logistics bases both on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of Central America, facilitating the movements of large shipments of cocaine. In establishing these routes, the DTOs took advantage of a number of local enabling factors. Among them, the preexistence of well-established smuggling networks, the weakness of law enforcement and judicial structures in most countries in the region, and the overall culture of lawless and impunity resulting from the civil conflicts that marked the paths to democracy of some of these nations. The tough campaigns launched against DTOs by the governments of Colombia and Mexico during the past eight years, coupled with the gradual evolution of both local and foreign criminal organizations (COs) involved in (but not exclusively) cocaine trafficking, seem to have further worsened the situation in Central America. Old styled DTOs and local “transportistas”1 are increasingly challenged by new criminal groups, usually emerging from the military and claiming specific territories. These new groups are exerting a capillary control over all types of criminal activity taking place in the territories under their control. The confrontation between two different criminal “cultures”-- the first, business oriented; the second one, territorial oriented-- constitutes a serious threat not only to the security of citizens, but also to the very consolidation of balanced democratic rule in the region. Mexican DTOs and COs poses a serious threat to Central American, if left unchecked. Responses by national institutions, assisted by their main international partners, will have to be carefully tailored according to the specific feature of the predominant foreign criminal organization operating in its territory. In the case of DTOs, interventions will have to privilege investments in the areas of financial investigations, specialized prosecution and international cooperation, as well as anti-corruption initiatives. In combatting COs (Zetas type), intervention will have to privilege restructuring, professionalization and deployment of local police corps that would then be capable of controlling the territory and preventing the infiltration of external criminal actors. In both cases, governments need to strengthen the intelligence capacity of law enforcement agencies allowing the early identification of the likely threat, its analysis and its subsequent removal. National law enforcement and judicial efforts should also be geared toward the creation of a sincere and mutual beneficial international cooperation (both investigative and judicial) that is built not only on common objectives, but also on the use of common investigative instruments and harmonized procedures. Details: Miami, Florida: Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, Applied Research Center, Florida International University, 2011. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2012 at http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1044&context=whemsac Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 124217 |
Author: Huhn, Sebastian Title: Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua: Social Perceptions in Everyday Life Summary: Central America has the reputation of being a violent region with high crime rates, youth gangs, drug traffic, and ubiquitous insecurity. Politicians, the media, and social scientists in and outside the region often claim that the societies are in complete agreement with their judgment of the situation and that all society members are calling for law and order and social segregation. Focusing on Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, the paper analyzes the social perception of violence and crime. On the basis of essays written by secondary school students and interviews with citizens from all walks of life in the three countries, the paper points out how elite arguments on violence and crime are translated into everyday life, and what society members suggest be done to deal with these problems. The sources prove that there are noticeable hegemonic discourses on violence and crime in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. Simultaneously, a majority of the respondents call for social and integrative solutions rather than the so-called “iron fist.” The repressive trend in Central American policies therefore does not necessarily receive the presumed affirmation asserted by many authorities on and in the region. Details: Hamburg, Germany: GIGA Research Programme, Violence, Power and Security, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), 2008. 31p. Source: GIGA Working Paper No. 81: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2012 at Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Costa Rica Shelf Number: 124224 |
Author: Johnson, Stephen Title: Police Reform in Latin America: Implications for U.S. Policy Summary: Police reform is a growth industry in the Americas. First, security threats have largely shifted from external state-sponsored aggression to stateless crime that affects citizens more directly and undermines confidence in government. Once deployed for external defense as well as for guarding internal order, armies are not equipped to deal with public safety in a setting where combating crime requires special knowledge to protect the rights of victims and perpetrators, preserve evidence, and apply the right intelligence and patrolling tools to keep crimes from happening. Second, not all Latin American law enforcement institutions can protect citizens in this manner, given that in some cases they are tied to political parties or that they exist as a poorer, fourth branch of the army. As Latin American countries have consolidated democratic practices in a post–Cold War setting, the need for effective policing, specialized law enforcement agencies, and legal frameworks to help them coordinate actions will become only more urgent. At the same time, the need for capable defense will continue, perhaps with smaller or more specialized militaries. And, because these forces always have personnel in training, they will continue to be called on periodically to support civilian authority, as most police, even in the United States, have limited surge capacity. To the extent that the security and stability of close hemispheric neighbors impinge on the security and well-being of U.S. citizens, the United States will be obliged to promote regional law enforcement reforms. If not, other countries such as China and Iran may be willing to do that, perhaps in ways the United States might not like, potentially putting American interests and lives at risk. Police reform is a hugely complicated undertaking, in which there are no easily transferable formulas for success. The authors discuss a strategic approach—in which planning considers trends, the threat environment, available resources, institutional strengths and weaknesses, and leadership and applies common evaluation standards—that will permit U.S. assistance to be successful and less wasteful. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International STudies, 2012. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2012 at: http://csis.org/publication/police-reform-latin-america Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Police Reform Shelf Number: 124341 |
Author: Costa, Gino Title: Citizen Security in Latin America Summary: Several indicators are used to measure insecurity, violence and crime. In assessing the status of citizen security in Latin America, this study briefly presents and discusses some of them— namely, homicide, which indicates levels of violence; victimization, which is an expression of the intensity of crimes against property; perceptions of insecurity, which refer to the level of fear in the face of criminal activities; confidence in the police agencies responsible for preventing and investigating crime; and the state of the prison system. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Working Group, Inter-American Dialogue, 2012. 14p. Source: Inter-American Dialogue Working Paper: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2012 at http://www.thedialogue.org/PublicationFiles/GinoCostaEnglishFINAL.PDF Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Corrections (Latin America) Shelf Number: 124394 |
Author: Shifter, Michael Title: Countering Criminal Violence in Central America Summary: Violent crime in Central America—particularly in the "northern triangle" of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala—is reaching breathtaking levels. Murder rates in the region are among the highest in the world. To a certain extent, Central America's predicament is one of geography—it is sandwiched between some of the world's largest drug producers in South America and the world's largest consumer of illegal drugs, the United States. The region is awash in weapons and gunmen, and high rates of poverty ensure substantial numbers of willing recruits for organized crime syndicates. Weak, underfunded, and sometimes corrupt governments struggle to keep up with the challenge. Though the United States has offered substantial aid to Central American efforts to address criminal violence, it also contributes to the problem through its high levels of drug consumption, relatively relaxed gun control laws, and deportation policies that have sent home more than a million illegal migrants with violent records. In this Council Special Report, sponsored by the Center for Preventive Action, Michael Shifter assesses the causes and consequences of the violence faced by several Central American countries and examines the national, regional, and international efforts intended to curb its worst effects. Guatemala, for example, is still healing from a thirty-six-year civil war; guns and armed groups remain common. El Salvador's ironfisted response to widespread gang violence has transformed its prisons into overcrowded gang-recruiting centers while doing little to reduce crime. Even relatively wealthy countries like Costa Rica and Panama are threatened by poor police capacity and significant problems with smuggling and money laundering. Virtually all countries are further plagued by at least some level of public corruption. While hard-hitting or even militarized responses to criminal violence often enjoy broad public support, Shifter writes, Nicaragua's experience with crime prevention programs like community policing and job training for youth suggests that other approaches can be more effective at curbing crime. Shortages of local funding and expertise remain problematic, however, and only large-scale, national programs can effectively address national-level problems with corruption or the quality of the legal system. Moreover, many of the root causes of the region's violence are transnational—the international trade in drugs, guns, and other contraband being only the most obvious example. Multilateral organizations have stepped in to support national-level responses, as have Central America's neighbors. The UN's flagship effort, the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, supports domestic prosecutions of organized criminal gangs and their allies in Guatemala's government. In recent years, the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to efforts to improve regional collaboration on anticrime initiatives; last year they pledged $1.5 billion more over the next few years. Colombia and Mexico have both provided advice and training for Central America's police services and judiciary. The United States is also contributing significant resources. Washington now provides about $100 million annually, targeted mainly at drug interdiction and law enforcement, though some funding also goes toward institutional capacity building and violence protection. Still, much more remains to be done, and Shifter offers several recommendations for U.S. policymakers. Strengthening the judiciary and law enforcement services should, he says, be a central goal; the region's ineffective and corrupt legal systems are severely hampering efforts to curb the violence. He also advocates rethinking U.S. policies that contribute to violence in Central America, including drug laws, gun control policies, and immigration rules regarding violent offenders. Countering Criminal Violence in Central America provides important insights into the varied causes of criminal violence in the region. Its authoritative and nuanced analysis acknowledges the strengths and weaknesses of ongoing efforts to address the problem, and it offers thoughtful recommendations on how those efforts might be built on and improved. Despite the daunting complexity of the challenges underpinning the region's growing violence, this report successfully argues that this trend can—and should—be reversed. Details: Washington, DC: Council on Foreign Relations, 2012. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Council Special Report No. 64: Accessed April 4, 2012 at: http://www.cfr.org/central-america/countering-criminal-violence-central-america/p27740 Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 124814 |
Author: Amar, Sebastian Title: Seeking Asylum from Gang-Based Violence in Central America: A Resource Manual Summary: This resource manual is designed to provide information on gang-related asylum claims and specific information on the standards that apply under international law. Details: Washington, DC: CAIR - Capital Area Immigrants' Rights Coalition, 2007. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2012 at: http://www.unhcr.org/uk/585a96a34.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 125117 |
Author: United Nations Development Programme Title: Caribbean Human Development Report 2012: Human Development and the Shift to Better Citizen Security Summary: The increase in violence and crime in Latin America and the Caribbean is an undeniable fact that erodes the very foundation of the democratic processes in the region and imposes high social, economic and cultural costs. Our region is home to 8.5 percent of the world’s population, yet it concentrates some 27 percent of the world’s homicides. Violence and crime are therefore perceived by a majority of Latin American and Caribbean citizens as a top pressing challenge. The resulting alarm has often led to short-sighted, mano dura (iron fist) policies, which have proven ineffective and, at times, detrimental to the rule of law. The situation varies much among and within countries. Broadly speaking, there are high- and low-crime countries in the region, and differences exist even within each of the sub-regions (i.e., South America, Central America, and the Caribbean). However perceived insecurity and citizens´ concern are independent of actual crime rates, so that mano dura policies are not exclusive of high-crime countries. In this context, we are confronted by a paradox: Why is it that, despite the democratization process experienced in the region in the last 20 years, citizen security levels, as well as the justice and security institutions in the region, are in crisis? Why is it that, despite the structural and institutional reforms promoted by countries in the region in order to construct governance mechanisms which are more transparent, horizontal and democratic, the justice and security institutions are overwhelmed and confidence in them is shattered? To begin to resolve this paradox and deal effectively with crime and violence, we need accurate assessments that provide evidence for action. To this end, the United Nations Development Programme, in association with governments, civil societies and international agencies, is leading numerous initiatives aimed at improving citizen security in Latin America and the Caribbean. This report is a one of these efforts. Drafted by a team of outstanding scholars building upon previous research and practical experience, this report also reflects findings from the analysis of extensive new survey data and sustained consultations involving over 450 experts, practitioners and stakeholders in seven Dutch- and English-speaking Caribbean countries. Of primary concern with citizen security is the issue of public confidence in state capacity to protect citizens and ensure justice. If citizens lack confidence in the police, the judiciary and other public authorities, no amount of repression will restore security. The success of any law enforcement system depends on the willingness of the people to participate and contribute. For the state to enjoy the trust and commitment of the people, it must strive to eradicate exclusion, improve transparency and create opportunities that encourage a sense of belonging for all. A key message of the report is that Caribbean countries need to focus on a model of security based on the human development approach, whereby citizen security is paramount, rather than on the traditional state security model, whereby the protection of the state is the chief aim. Indeed, the contrast between prevention on the one hand and repression and coercion on the other is ill conceived. Social inclusion to help prevent crime and violence and efficient and effective law enforcement are by no means incompatible or mutually exclusive. In a truly democratic society, broad based social inclusion and swift criminal justice–or “prevention” and “coercion”—serve to reinforce and complement each other. This is one of the most important lessons to be taken from this report – and not only for the Caribbean but for all of Latin America as well. An issue of common interest to Latin America and the Caribbean is security. Organized transnational crime, mainly that which involves drug trafficking, looms large in the security crisis currently affecting an increasing number of countries in both sub-regions. Although this report concentrates on implications for the domestic dimensions of the problem in the Caribbean, especially among youth, it is also important to note that the Caribbean is a critical transit route between drug producers and large-scale consumers. As a result of this geographical positioning, it is necessary for the Caribbean to strengthen cooperation with its Latin American neighbours and project a larger voice in the global dialogue on existing policies and possible alternatives. An improved worldwide policy addressing the problem of addictive drugs could contribute considerably to reducing levels of violence and social disruption in the Caribbean. This belief is substantiated by an encouraging finding presented in the report: despite exceptionally high homicide rates, the overall incidence of crime in the Caribbean as measured by the victimization survey data “compares favourably at the lower end with countries such as Japan,” referring to nations that participated in the 2004-2005 International Crime Victimization Survey This suggests that the spiral of violence generally associated with drug trafficking exists within the context of an otherwise durable social fabric that makes for lesser ordinary “street” crime. Details: New York: UNDP, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at: http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/corporate/HDR/Latin%20America%20and%20Caribbean%20HDR/C_bean_HDR_Jan25_2012_3MB.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime (Latin American and Caribbean) Shelf Number: 125173 |
Author: UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America Title: Violence Against Children in the Caribbean Region Regional Assessment Summary: Worldwide, there has been increasing concern regarding levels of violence generally and in particular the effects of violence on children, our most vulnerable citizens. Violence not only leads to the obvious signs of physical harm when children are victims, but often to long term psychological consequences, whether the children are direct victims, observers of violence or its aftermath, or have family or friends who are victims. Younger children may show regression to more immature behaviour. Long term effects may include the children themselves demonstrating antisocial behaviour and aggression, and poor school achievement with the resultant reduced employability or earning potential. There have been a number of efforts to understand and address the problem of violence related to children: including studies to determine causes and effects, interventions to reduce different aspects of the problem, and legislation, policy and advocacy towards the protection of children from various forms of violence. In the Caribbean, however, these actions have often been uncoordinated and there has been a lack of interdisciplinary feedback on the usefulness and effectiveness of different approaches. This report is an attempt to look at the issue of violence and children in the Caribbean region in a holistic way across many disciplines, and to try to establish the status of this problem and efforts towards its solution. Details: Panama: Child Protection Section UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2006. 120p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2012 at: http://www.uwi.edu/ccdc/downloads/Violence_against_children.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Shelf Number: 125338 |
Author: United Nations Development Programme Title: A Decade of Work on Citizen Security and Conflict Prevention in Latin America and the Caribbean 2001-2010 Summary: This report is a joint effort between the Bureau of Crisis Prevention and Recovery (BCPR) and the Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (RBLAC) seeking to compile the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)'s work in the areas of Conflict Prevention and Citizen Security during the first decade of the 21st century in Latin America and the Caribbean region. The areas of Conflict Prevention and Citizen Security are intimately linked to development problems facing the region. Despite their high rates of economic growth, Latin America and the Caribbean remain the most inequitable regions in the world and among the most violent. Exclusion and inequality coupled with high crime rates in the region undermine the foundations of democratic governance and constitute a large obstacle to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Therefore, although this report is limited to the presentation in part of UNDP activities, it should be noted that UNDP's work transcends the limits of this report. Details: Panama City: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2012. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2012 at http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/crisis%20prevention/Decade%20of%20Work%20on%20Citizen%20Security%20and%20Conflict%20Prevention%20in%20LAC%20ENGLISH.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Armed Conflict, Prevention(Latin American and Cari Shelf Number: 147427 |
Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Access to Justice for Women Victims of Sexual Violence in Mesoamerica Summary: The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (hereinafter "the Commission" or "the IACHR") presents this thematic report in which it examines the dimensions of the problem of sexual violence in Mesoamerica. It examines the regulatory and jurisdictional dimensions of this issue, as well as the obstacles that women victims encounter in endeavoring to obtain an adequate access to justice, with particular emphasis on El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. In this sense, the report focuses on the areas of prevention, investigation, prosecution, and the punishment of sexual violence cases, as well as the judicial protection system's treatment of victims and their next of kin. In this report and elsewhere, the Commission has expressed its concern over the serious de jure and de facto obstacles that women victims of sexual violence encounter in endeavoring to get access to adequate and effective justice. These challenges are impediments to the full enjoyment and guarantee of women's human rights, which are protected under inter-American and international human rights instruments; they also represent a failure on the part of the States to honor their obligation to act with the due diligence required to prevent, investigate, prosecute, punish and redress acts of violence committed against women. Details: Washington, DC: Organization of American States, 2011. 125p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 29, 2012 at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/women/docs/pdf/WOMEN%20MESOAMERICA%20ENG.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Abused Women Shelf Number: 125431 |
Author: Just Associates Title: From Survisors to Defenders: Women Confronting Violence in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala Summary: Targeted killing of women—including women human rights defenders—has risen alarmingly in recent years in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala, reaching crisis proportions, says a new report. In January 2012, the Nobel Women’s Initiative and JASS (Just Associates) organized a 12-day fact-finding mission to these countries led by Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Jody Williams and Rigoberta Menchu Tum to review the situation of violence against women. The delegation met with grassroots and national women’s organizations working to end violence against women and their communities and learn about the strategies these women are using to end the violence. The report from this fact-finding delegation documents numerous cases of violence against women and women activists – including disappearances, murder and rape- and examines the efforts of women to address the increased violence, and how militarization and security policies are contributing to the increased violence. The report includes specific recommendations for the governments of Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, Canada and the United States. These findings and conclusions are based on the testimonies and meetings with more than 200 women and government officials from Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala. Details: Just Associates, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 5, 2012 at: http://www.justassociates.org/documents/mesoamerica/Women-Confronting-Violence-Delegation-Report-2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 125480 |
Author: Jelsma, Martin Title: A Breakthrough in the Making? Shifts in the Latin American Drug Policy Debate Summary: Remarkable drug policy developments are taking place in Latin America. This is not only at the level of political debate, but is also reflected in actual legislative changes in a number of countries. All in all there is an undeniable regional trend of moving away from the ‘war on drugs’. This briefing explains the background to the opening of the drug policy debate in the region, summarises the most relevant aspects of the ongoing drug law reforms in some countries, and makes a series of recommendations that could help to move the debate forward in a productive manner. The high expectations of a high-level debate on current drug policy regimes in the Americas at the sixth Organization of American States (OAS) Summit in April 2012, in Cartagena, Colombia, were quickly tempered to a general approval that the topic had been discussed at this level at all. The summit's outcome can be called both a failure and a success: no alternatives to prohibition were discussed, but all agreed that the effectiveness of current strategies should be looked into. The OAS was mandated to undertake a study and discuss the gathered evidence for more effective alternative strategies in 2013. The International Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Heads of Specialized National Agencies against the World Drug Problem, in Lima on 25 and 26 of June, will be the next opportunity for high level policy makers to discuss both the content and form of this evaluation or study. Another opportunity arises concurrently on June 26, in New York, where there will be a thematic debate on 'Drugs and Crime as a Threat to Development' on the occasion of the UN International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, at the 66th Session of the United Nations General Assembly. It was due to the insistence and efforts of Presidents Otto Pérez Molina (Guatemala) and Juan Manuel Santos (Colombia), and the extensive media attention in the run-up to the April Summit in Cartagena, that the issue was present at all on the agenda of the Summit. At last, some of the frustrations with U.S.-promoted drug control policies were on the table at the highest political level in the American hemisphere: the “genie was freed from the bottle”. Behind closed doors and for Presidents and heads of delegations only, the “hot but hidden” issue was discussed on the Sunday afternoon, in “an open and frank manner”, according to the host President Santos. The emergence of an increasingly independent and assertive Latin America insisting on a change of direction in drug control policies reflects an important shift in its relationship with the United States. The demand for “democratization” of the debate and alternative policy options stems from the perception that Latin American societies pay a disproportionate price in lost lives, hijacked justice systems, abuses in overcrowded prisons, and displaced small farmers, because of the U.S.-led strategy that has prioritised stemming the supply of drugs over reducing its own demand. The U.S. Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control acknowledged as much in its latest report, saying that “the United States must do significantly more to reduce our country’s demand for illegal drugs. Ultimately, it is drug consumption in the United States that fuels violence throughout Latin America and the Caribbean.” This is not to say that U.S. society hasn’t also paid a high price for repressive domestic drug law enforcement, in terms of drug-related violence and overcrowded prisons. CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS • Ensure that the OAS-mandated study on alternative drug policy options will be an honest and open-minded reflection on different models and strategies • Support moves towards the legal regulation of the cannabis market and explore with a coalition of like-minded countries how best to resolve the legal conflict with the UN conventions • Elaborate substance-specific proposals for managing different drug submarkets • Experiment with harm reduction policy measures to reduce the level of drug-related violence • Support the legal right to coca chewing and allow a licit coca market to develop in the whole region • Secure civil society participation in the debate on drug policy reform • Challenge provisions in the UN conventions that are obstacles to advancing with evidence-based reforms. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2012. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 21: Accessed July 20, 2012 at: http://www.druglawreform.info/images/stories/documents/dlr21.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Abuse Policy Shelf Number: 125697 |
Author: The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center Title: Latin America as an Arena for Iran and Hezbollah's Terrorist, Subversive and Criminal Activities Summary: Since Ahmadinejad was elected president in August 2005, Iran has extended and solidified its relations with several Latin American countries, especially Venezuela and Bolivia, and increased its efforts to obtain a political foothold in the others. According to findings brought before the American Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Iran has significantly increased its diplomatic representation in Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Ecuador, Argentina and Brazil. It was also reported that since 2005 Iran has increased the number of its embassies in Latin America from five to 11, and set up 17 "cultural centers" as well. The common factors in the increasingly close relations between Iran and some of the Latin American countries are their anti-American ideologies and policies, and their desire to present a revolutionary alternative to what they perceive as American imperialism. Iran exploits those relations to strengthen its foothold in Latin America (also employing Hezbollah), to establish a presence and gain political, economic, cultural and religious influence. As in other areas of the world, in Latin America Iran employs terrorism and subversion, and works to instill radical Shi'ite Islamic ideology into the local Muslim communities. Details: Israel: The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, 2012. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 25, 2012 at: http://www.terrorism-info.org.il/Data/articles/Art_20318/E_061_12_1444742692.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Terrorism (Latin America) Shelf Number: 125770 |
Author: Bagley, Bruce Title: Drug Trafficking and Organized Crime in the Americas: Major Trends in the Twenty-First Century Summary: What are the major trends that have characterized the evolution of illicit drug trafficking and organized crime (organized criminal networks) in the Americas over the last quarter of a century? What have been the principal transformations or adaptations – economic, political, and organizational - that have taken place within the region’s vast illegal drug economy during the first decade of the twenty-first century? This essay identifies eight key trends or patterns that typify the ongoing transformation of the drug trade and the organized criminal groups it has spawned as of mid-2011. They are: 1) The increasing globalization of drug consumption; 2) The limited or “partial victories” and unintended consequences of the U.S.-led ‘war on drugs,’ especially in the Andes; 3) The proliferation of areas of drug cultivation and of drug smuggling routes throughout the hemisphere (so-called “balloon effects”); 4) The dispersion and fragmentation of organized criminal groups or networks within countries and across sub-regions (“cockroach effects”); 5) The failure of political reform and state-building efforts (deinstitutionalization effects); 6) The inadequacies or failures of U.S. domestic drug and crime control policies (demand control failures); 7) The ineffectiveness of regional and international drug control policies (regulatory failures); and 8) The growth in support for harm reduction, decriminalization, and legalization policy alternatives (legalization debate). Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Latin American Program, 2012. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 7, 2012 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/drug-trafficking-and-organized-crime-the-americas-major-trends-the-twenty-first-century Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Control Policies Shelf Number: 125874 |
Author: Umana, Isabel Aguilar Title: Violent Women and Violence Against Women: Gender Relations in the Maras and Other Street Gangs of Central America's Northern Triangle Region Summary: The so-called maras and other youth gangs of Central America’s Northern Triangle are mainly comprised of men; nevertheless, women are present in multiple ways in the lives of gang members, either as mothers, sisters, girlfriends, friends or fellow gang members. This publication is based on the findings of an exploratory study of the role of women and gender-based relations in the inner circles of these gangs. The study examines the motivations of some girls and teenagers to join street gangs, their experiences as women in these groups which are dominated by men, as well as the reasons why some of them decide to leave the group. The study is based on a series of interviews with active or former female gang members from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras; interviews with male gang members and former gang members; interviews with some professional social workers who work on social reinsertion programmes for gang members. This publication concludes with a series of policy and funding recommendations to international policy makers to address the issues raised in the study to ensure that that vulnerable young girls and teenage women who are victims of gender violence receive appropriate and timely interventions. Details: Brussels: Initiative for Peacebuilding, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2012 at: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/201204IfPEWViolentWomenAndViolenceAgainstWomen.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 125973 |
Author: Umana, Isabel Aguilar Title: Nine Strategies to Prevent Youth Violence in Central America: Policy Recommendations for the European Union Summary: Violence in Central America is widespread and is a major concern. Youth are particularly targeted and vulnerable, both as victims and perpetrators of violence. There is a number of risk factors for youth to become victims of violence. The recommendations set out in this report call for the adoption of a holistic approach to prevent youth violence and emphasise that the actions taken be effective and grounded in sound principles of youth and adolescent policy, such as respect for human rights; promotion of a culture of peace; inclusion and respect for pluralism; diversity; gender equality; youth leadership and participation. Details: Brussels: Initiative for Peacebuilding, 2012. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2012 at: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/201204IfPEW9StrategiesPreventYouthViolenceCentAmEU.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Violence Shelf Number: 125974 |
Author: Garzon Vergara, Juan Carlos Title: The Rebellion of Criminal Networks: Organized Crime in Latin America and the Dynamics of Change Summary: Organized crime in Latin America is undergoing constant and substantial changes, positioning itself as a relevant strategic actor in the hemisphere, reconfiguring geographic borders, penetrating political and social structures, playing a significant role in the economy, and threatening progress in building the state and strengthening democratic systems. Although its manifestations differ from place to place, organized crime is present in every country in the region and has become one of the biggest challenges governments face. To combat organized crime governments debate whether to employ traditional—mostly “iron first”—policies or adopt newer—and largely unproven—alternatives. In light of the constant changes in criminal structures and their capacities to learn, innovate, and adapt, it is useful to examine the factors that explain these constant shifts as well as how such organizations have managed to expand their influence and presence despite the efforts and policies implemented by Latin American states. This essay introduces a concept—the “rebellion” of criminal networks—to explain the current dynamic of and context within which organized crime operates. The essay concludes with ten recommendations for addressing this challenge. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Latin American Program, 2012. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Woodrow Wilson Center Update on the Americas: Accessed August 13, 2012 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Garzon.Rebellion.ENG_.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 126011 |
Author: United Nations Development Program - San Salvador Title: Regional Forum for the Exchange of Experiences in the Prevention and Control of Armed Violence Summary: Violence is a complex problem, which is influenced by many different factors, among which are firearms. Although these firearms do not generate violence, there is no doubt that they greatly contribute to their deadliness. Approximately 300,000 people die each year in the world because of firearms, according to a report from Small arms Survey (2204). Of those, more than 200,000 are the product of violence and delinquency. Latin America, with almost 48% of the total, is at the head of the distressing world ranking of homicides caused by firearms. Numbers are not very encouraging for El Salvador: To date this year, an average of 12 persons dies every day because of violence. Of those, 10 have been murdered with a firearm, according to official data. Violence and the proliferation of firearms have direct consequences on the life quality of Salvadorans and a marked impact on the economy and development of the country. They generate direct and indirect costs for everyong, discourage capital investment and have an evident impact on the economy, governance and human development. A key factor in the prevention violence, delinquency and insecurity is to promote the control of the free distribution, and the reduction of firearms use by the civilian population. The Regional Forum for the Exchange of Experiences in the Prevention and Control of Armed Violence was held in San Salvador, on August 10 and 11 with the purpose of gathering international experts and representatives from diverse organizations and institutions in one place to work on the prevention and control of firearms in Latin America. Four international specialists delivered several magisterial conferences, which are presented in part one of this publication. Part two of the publication assembles the transcriptions of the expositions that representatives of diverse organizations and institutions in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Brazil, and El Salvador prepared regarding international, national and regional initiatives and projects related with the prevention and control of firearms. Details: San Salvador, El Salvador: United Nations Development Programe, 2006. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 21, 2012 at http://www.pnud.org.sv/2007/index2.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=202&Itemid=56 Year: 2006 Country: Central America Keywords: Armed Violence Shelf Number: 126087 |
Author: Farah, Douglas Title: Transnational Organized Crime, Terrorism, and Criminalized States in Latin America: An Emerging Tier-One National Security Priority Summary: The emergence of new hybrid (state and nonstate) transnational criminal/terrorist franchises in Latin America operating under broad state protection now pose a tier-one security threat for the United States. Similar hybrid franchise models are developing in other parts of the world, which makes the understanding of these new dynamics an important factor in a broader national security context. This threat goes well beyond the traditional nonstate theory of constraints activity, such as drug trafficking, money laundering, and human trafficking, into the potential for trafficking related to weapons of mass destruction by designated terrorist organizations and their sponsors. These activities are carried out with the support of regional and extra-regional state actors whose leadership is deeply enmeshed in criminal activity, which yields billions of dollars in illicit revenues every year. These same leaders have a publicly articulated, common doctrine of asymmetrical warfare against the United States and its allies that explicitly endorses as legitimate the use of weapons of mass destruction. The central binding element in this alliance is a hatred for the West, particularly the United States, and deep anti-Semitism, based on a shared view that the 1979 Iranian Revolution was a transformative historical event. For Islamists, it is evidence of divine favor; and for Bolivarians, a model of a successful asymmetrical strategy to defeat the “Empire.” The primary architect of this theology/ideology that merges radical Islam and radical, anti-Western populism and revolutionary zeal is the convicted terrorist Ilich Sánchez Ramirez, better known as “Carlos the Jackal,” whom Chávez has called a true visionary. Details: Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, 2012. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 5, 2012 at: http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/display.cfm?pubID=1117 Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 126258 |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: Transnational Organized Crime in Central America and the Caribbean: A Threat Assessment Summary: This study finds that while cocaine trafficking has undeniably catalyzed violence in some areas, the security problem in the region is much deeper, rooted in weak governance and powerful sub-state actors. According to the study, cocaine has been trafficked through Central America for decades, but the importance of the region to this flow increased dramatically after 2000 and again after 2006, due to an escalation in Mexican drug law enforcement. The resulting displacement effect underscores the importance of coordinated strategies to addressthe entire contraband flow, so that one country’s success does not become another’s problem. The implementation of the new Mexican security strategy in 2006 has disrupted cocaine supply to the United States market, forcing dealers to cut purity and raise prices. These changes have deeply undermined United States demand for the drug, but not yet reduced the violence associated with the flow. In response to an increasingly inhospitable environment in Mexico, traffickers have shifted their focus to new routes along the Guatemalan/Honduran border and contesting new “plazas” throughout the region. Displacement to the Caribbean remains a threat. The contest today is between longstanding organized crime families that effectively govern the remote areas of the countries in which they operate. In addition to cocaine trafficking, these groups are involved in a wide range of organized crime activities, and manipulate local politics. If cocaine flows abate, they will seek revenuesfrom other forms of acquisitive crime, such as extortion, which may cause violence levels to increase. The Zetas, the Maras, and other territorial groups appear to be involved in migrant smuggling, human trafficking, and the firearms trade. This involvement may increase if cocaine revenues decline. Addressing transnational flows requires international cooperation. Full implementation of the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocols and the UN Convention against Corruption is critical. National police services cannot resolve the organized crime problems of this region alone, because reducing the contraband flows requires tools they do not possess. Development actors must cooperate in a global strategy to address the problems of drugs and illicit markets. Programmes to build capacity among local law enforcement cannot bring about the rapid results required, due to widespread corruption. The temporary use of armed forces for some law enforcement tasks should not delay police development and reform, including the promotion of civilian oversight. The international community should do what it can to supplement local criminal justice capacity. Cross-sectoral crime prevention strategies must be explored. Crime affects all aspects of life, and so a multiagency crime prevention plan, involving the participation of the private sector, should be developed. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2012. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 9, 2012 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Studies/TOC_Central_America_and_the_Caribbean_Exsum_english.pdf (executive summary) Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Cocaine Trafficking Shelf Number: 126657 |
Author: American Land Forces Institute Title: Transnational Criminal Networks in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Network-Centric Enterprise Summary: The purpose of this study is to understand the networks involved in transnational criminal organizations across Mexico, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean. This study uses Social Network Analysis and general socio-cultural analysis techniques to analyze information gathered from open source news media, secondary data collections, analyses conducted by academics and nonprofit organizations, and interviews with former law enforcement officials. . This study analyzes the criminal organizations of each region (Mexico, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean) in terms of their (1) historical background, (2) hierarchy and composition, (3) alliances and rivalries with other regional criminal organizations, (4) major criminal activities, (5) recruitment methods and sources, and (6) weaknesses and vulnerabilities. Details: Mico, TX: American Land Forces Institute, 2012. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2012 at: http://alfinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/Crime-Families.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Cartels Shelf Number: 126810 |
Author: Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children Title: Prohibiting Corporal Punishment of Children in the Caribbean. Progress Report 2012 Summary: Worldwide, the number of states which have achieved law reform to prohibit all corporal punishment of children, including in the home, continues to grow – and has more than doubled since 2005 when this form of violence was highlighted as a particular concern in the UN Study on Violence against Children and prohibition recommended as a matter of priority. As at April 2012, 32 states have laws which protect children from corporal punishment wherever they are, in their homes, schools and penal and care settings. In at least a further 22, governments have made a commitment to enacting full prohibition and/or draft legislation which would achieve full prohibition is actively under consideration. The numbers of states achieving prohibition outside the home also grows, with a substantial majority prohibiting corporal punishment in all their schools (117) and in all institutions accommodating children in conflict with the law (116); 38 states prohibit it in all forms of alternative care. Laws in the majority of states (156) do not allow young offenders to be sentenced to corporal punishment. While no state or territory in the Caribbean has yet achieved prohibition in the home, legislation has been enacted in relation to other settings: of the 14 independent states and 18 territories covered in this report, 23 have prohibited corporal punishment as a sentence of the courts (5 states, all territories), 18 as a disciplinary measure in penal institutions (4 states, 14 territories), three in schools (two states, one territory), and two in all forms of care (two states, no territories). But there is still much work to be done in the region: 29 states/territories have yet to prohibit corporal punishment in all their schools, 30 in all care settings and 14 in penal institutions. Nine states have not yet abolished corporal punishment as a sentence for crime. Corporal punishment by parents is still lawful in all 32 states and territories. Details: London: Global Initiative to End All Corporal Pubnishment of Children, 2012. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2012 at: http://www.endcorporalpunishment.org/pages/pdfs/reports/Caribbean%20Report%202012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Protection Shelf Number: 126851 |
Author: Espach, Ralph Title: Border Insecurity in Central America's Northern Triangle Summary: The recent surge in drug trafficking and violent crime in Central America has drawn a spotlight to the perennial problem of lawlessness along the borders of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Throughout their histories, governments in these countries have neglected their peripheries, especially the jungle-covered region along the Caribbean coast, across the Peten and Yucatan high plains that border Mexico, and within the central mountain chain. Those communities, isolated due to their difficult topography and, in many cases, their ethnic differences, generally remain impoverished and isolated from national services or politics. Today, these borders are unmarked and largely unrecognized across most of their length. Public security and military forces can only afford to monitor borders in urban areas or at points where major highways cross. Away from these spots, borders are by and large meaningless except for the opportunities they present for residents to arbitrage differences in the supply, demand, and costs of various goods and services, including some that are illegal. Indeed, illicit trafficking provides income, and border communities appear to be benefiting economically from the recent surge in drug trafficking through the region. Governments regularly announce new policies to address border insecurity, but these rarely have any impact - for several reasons, including: A chronic and region wide shortage of funding, reflecting these countries' deficient tax systems; Weak, dysfunctional government institutions, particularly in the area of public security; Periodic changes in border security strategies and policies, due to the lack of independent administrative agencies; Corruption within legislatures, local and national government agencies, and security forces that allow organized criminal groups and their partners to influence and stymie policymaking. We recommend that the governments of the region and their international partners refocus their efforts in the following ways: Differentiate, conceptually and strategically, among the problems of illicit trafficking, organized crime, and violence, and tailor policies and strategies to priorities; Focus on improving public security within border communities and border regions, instead of border controls; Create new, functional national and regional security frameworks to support interagency and international coordination on public security and border security; Improve systems for information sharing and coordination; Involve local governments in security-related policymaking and policy execution. Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2012. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 23, 2012 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-NorthernTriangle.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Security (Central America) Shelf Number: 126948 |
Author: Alba, Francisco Title: New Approaches to Migration Management in Mexico and Central America Summary: This report "traces the history of migration and transmigration trends and policy in Mexico and Central America, and examines Mexico's sweeping 2011 immigration law and implementation challenges." The report contends that although attention has been focused mostly on migration from Mexico, the migration of individuals from Central America through Mexico has progressively become a complex and salient issue as well. "Over the past two decades, Mexico has increasingly become a destination for Central American migrants seeking to enter the United States; many remain in Mexico for extended periods and, in some cases, settle permanently. These flows have created new challenges for Mexican and Central American policymakers." This document examines the response of governments in the region to the growing issue of transit migration, and is "organized around four main themes: •A brief background on the migration phenomena in Mexico and its traditional regulatory framework. • Case studies of migration management in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. • Analysis of Mexico's attempts in recent years to create a formal framework for migration management. • A discussion of the implications of emerging national institutional frameworks on the management of regional migration issues." Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2012. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2012 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-MexCentAm-Migration.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Illegal Immigrants Shelf Number: 127003 |
Author: Pan Caribbean Partnership Against HIV and AIDS Title: Prostitution, Sex Work and Transactional Sex in the English-, Dutch- and French-Speaking Caribbean: A Literature Review of Definitions, Laws and Research Summary: Sex work in the Caribbean is multifaceted, covering a range of activities including brothel, club, tourist-oriented, and street-based prostitution, exotic dancing, and escort services. The aim of this project was to conduct a review of literature and legislation on sex work in the Caribbean for the period 1999-2009 in order that the Pan Caribbean Partnership against HIV/AIDS (PANCAP) could better understand the ways in which sex work activities are organized, legislated, and defined throughout the region. Details: Greater Georgetown, Guyana: PANCAP/ CARICOM, 2009. 108p. 2009. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 28, 2012 at: http://www.pancap.org/docs/World_Bank_Studies/Prostitution_Sex_Work_and_Transactional_Sex_Report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Prostitutes Shelf Number: 127024 |
Author: Dudley, Steven Title: Transnational Crime in Mexico and Central America: Its Evolution and Role in International Migration Summary: The growth of organized crime in Mexico and Central America has dramatically increased the risks that migrants face as they attempt to cross the region. Encountering rising threats posed by Mexican drug traffickers, Central American gangs, and corrupt government officials, migrants increasingly are forced to seek the assistance of intermediaries known as polleros, or “coyotes.” Those unable to afford a coyote are more likely to be abused or kidnapped, and held for ransom along the way. Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2012. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 4, 2012 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-TransnationalCrime.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Coyotes Shelf Number: 127114 |
Author: Goehsing, Julia Title: A Multi-Pronged Approach to Transnational Criminal Networks: The Case of Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: Conventional wisdom holds that previously unimaginable commercial, political and social opportunities associated with globalization have been paralleled by an unprecedented expansion of transnational criminal networks. Policy makers and academics have been analyzing the causes of transnational criminal networks and how they weaken nation-states on the one hand (Lupsha, 1996, p. 21-48; Maltz, 1990, pp. 41-47; Allum & Siebert, 2003, pp. 38), and how weak nation-stations provide a “breeding ground” for transnational criminal networks on the other hand (Annan, Palermo Address, 2000; Farrar, U.S. State Department, 2005, p.1; Patrick, 2006, p. 1; Asia Pacific Security Center, 2000, p. 3; UNODC Signing Conference for UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2000, p.1). Nonetheless, transnational criminal networks remain. No nation can defend itself against these threats entirely on its own. The successful prevention, containment and combat of transnational criminal networks require broad and sustainable cooperation among states, regional and international organizations. Without attempting to solve the “chicken and egg and which of them came first” component of transnational criminal networks and how they relate to the nation-state, this essay examines the characteristics of transnational criminal networks and their illegal businesses. Placing the analysis in a Latin American and Caribbean context, this essay explores national, regional and international policy options to prevent and combat the threat originating from transnational criminal networks. By suggesting that transnational criminal networks have become one of the world’s most successful and craftiest “business enterprises” (Andreas in Berdal & Serrano, 2002, p. 13), this essay concludes that the only way to redress transnational criminal networks is through a multi-pronged approach. This approach addresses what institutions and actors can do at the national, regional and international levels and reaffirms United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s vision that states’ and human security goes hand in hand with development and human rights. Details: Mexico City: Mexico: Centro de Estudios y Programas Intermaericanos, 2006. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: CEPI WORKING PAPER No. 5: Accessed December 5, 2012 at: http://interamericanos.itam.mx/working_papers/05JULIA.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 127130 |
Author: Ten Velde, Liza Title: The Northern Triangle’s Drugs-Violence Nexus: The role of the Drugs Trade in Criminal Violence and Policy Responses in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras Summary: Mexico has occupied the limelight when it comes to media attention focusing on drug-related violence in Latin America. However, it is actually Central America's Northern Triangle – consisting of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador – currently experiencing much higher rates of violence and increasing Drug Trafficking Organization (DTOs) activity, thus providing an illustration of the 'balloon effect' previously experienced by Mexico itself after the implementation of Plan Colombia which was conceived at the end of the 90's. Together the countries of the Northern Triangle now form one of the most violent regions on earth. Although it is clear that the violence in Honduras,El Salvador and Guatemala is pervasive and able to destabilize these Central American societies to a large extent, no consensus seems to exist on its exact causes. As in Mexico, much of the violence is attributed to the increased role of Central America as a transit region for controlled drugs destined for the US. This paper will address the particulars of the high levels of criminal violence in the Northern Triangle, and try to assess to what extent the drugs trade is responsible for this violence. The recently reinvigorated debate on alternative approaches to drug control strategies in the Americas suggests changes in drugs policies can be expected from the central American region, but in spite of the similarities of the challenges posed to El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras when it comes to drug-related problems and criminal violence, the positions occupied by the political leaders of these countries in this incipient debate differ considerably. Concluding remarks It is clear that the upsurge in levels of criminal violence in Central America’s Northern Triangle can be attributed to a considerable extent to the growing importance of this region for drug trafficking operations. The increased presence of Mexican DTOs and the threat they pose to local criminal organizations is a notable source of violent conflict. Meanwhile, the ties between DTOs and local transportistas and gangs have also strengthened, with the latter groups becoming better organized and increasingly involved in the drug trade. As noted, determining with any precision to what extent drug-related issues are responsible for growing criminal violence in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras is as yet impossible. Even determining precisely the role of the much broader category of organized crime has proved to be unfeasible. The correlation between growing violence and intensified drug operations in the Northern Triangle, however, is striking. In itself, this could mean that the call for alternative approaches from one of these countries’ leaders might not come as such a surprise, given the extent to which the violence and drug trade are destabilizing the region. What should not be overlooked, however, is the extent to which the mano dura approaches and accompanying strategy of militarization as pursued by the Northern Triangle’s governments are in themselves sources of severe destabilization and of rising levels of violence. This, combined with the alleged use of drug trafficking as a pretext for increasing state control over areas with conflicts between local citizens and the authorities further complicates the situation. Notwithstanding, these difficulties should not lead us to disregard the fact that the call for a discussion on alternative approaches by Guatemala’s president is a remarkable development, which has significantly contributed to and broadened the wider regional debate on a departure from the prevailing war-on-drugs strategies. In the face of US opposition and disagreement of some of the other Central American countries, this has been no small feat. The current discrepancy between repressive drug control legislation in the Northern Triangle combined with the mano dura approaches of the region’s authorities to criminal violence and drug trafficking, and the proposed alternative measures is enormous, but the Guatemalan government seems to be serious about its desire to learn more about potential alternative policy options. While it is of course not realistic to expect a fundamental redirecting of the region’s strategies to counter drug trafficking and criminal violence in the short term, some cautious optimism in assessing the possibility of changes towards more effective and humane drug policies in the Northern Triangle might not be entirely misplaced. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2012. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Debate Paper No. 19: Accessed December 7, 2012 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/debate19.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Policy Shelf Number: 127146 |
Author: Cruz, Jose Miquel Title: Public Insecurity in Central America and Mexico Summary: Criminal violence and insecurity have grown to become some of the main challenges for governance and democratization in Latin America. A recent report released by the UNDP places Central America as the most violent subregion in the world, higher than the Latin American region as a whole, which itself is the most criminally violent of all world regions. According to the data, Central America has a homicide rate of 30 deaths per one hundred thousand people (PNUD 2009). This is three times the overall rate for the world, and places Central America above the Latin American average. The impact of crime on development seems hard to overstate but as violence spreads out and becomes a frequent phenomenon in Latin American societies, public insecurity grows to be a normal feature in social interactions (Bailey and Dammert 2006). Fear of crime can be generated by different variables, not only by crime and violence. Economic security, institutional performance, ecological conditions and individual characteristics may affect levels of public insecurity. All these conditions interact with crime and violence to generate more uncertainty and, in some cases, social unrest. This report in the AmericasBarometer Insights series seeks to explore the conditions that boost feelings of insecurity among the population in Central America and Mexico. We have chosen to focus on these countries because they provide good grounds for comparison regarding different levels of violence. While El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras have the highest crime rates in the hemisphere, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama report some of the lowest rates in the Americas. A further reason for focusing on this region is that the surveys carried out in these countries incorporated some questions that were not included in other countries in the 2008 series. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2009. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: AmericasBarometer Insights: 2009 (No.28): Accessed January 24, 2013 at: http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/I0828en.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Fear of Crime Shelf Number: 127395 |
Author: Selee, Andrew Title: Crime and Violence in Mexico and Central America: An Evolving but Incomplete U.S. Policy Response Summary: Amid dramatic increases in crime and violence in Mexico and Central America, the US government has significantly increased its attention to public security issues in the region since 2007, with the Merida Initiative and the Central American Regional Security Initiative. The US policy response has been hampered to an extent, however, by US and regional obstacles. The authors suggest the policy emphasis has begun to shift in important ways, with more attention paid to addressing the citizen security crisis — a move away from the earlier near-total focus on combating drug trafficking and transnational crime. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Migration Policy Institute, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2013 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-EvolvingPolicyResponse.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 127404 |
Author: Sohnen, Eleanor Title: Paying for Crime: A Review of the Relationships Between Insecurity and Development in Mexico and Central America Summary: For Mexico and Central America, insecurity, crime, and violence are major barriers to economic growth and development. Insecurity negatively impacts citizens’ health and quality of life. It erodes trust and cooperation, both interpersonal as well as between citizens and governments and security and judicial institutions. It reduces individuals’ and businesses’ willingness to invest in human and physical capital. And it diverts scarce public resources toward health and security spending — limiting the capacity of government institutions to finance and carry out other critical functions, and often crowding out public investment in human development. In effect, crime, violence, and insecurity can stunt countries’ social, economic, and political growth, rendering them vulnerable to stagnation and decay. If left unchallenged, crime and insecurity can prevent these societies from realizing their full developmental and economic potential. The relationship between violence and development is complicated. Across the world, however, several trends are clear: Countries with lower levels of income inequality and unemployment have lower homicide rates. Meanwhile, countries with higher growth rates have lower crime rates overall — both violent crime and property crime. Furthermore, studies have found a global correlation (though causation cannot be inferred) between relatively high rates of homicidal violence and failure to achieve progress on certain Millennium Development Goals, namely: eradicating extreme poverty, youth unemployment, and hunger; improving primary school enrollment ratios; and reducing infant mortality and adolescent birth rates. Overall, during the period from 1990 to 2008, countries with lower average homicide rates had an 11 percent higher chance of improving their standing in the United Nations’ Human Development Index — a composite measure of social and economic development — than those with higher homicide rates. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center, Migration Policy Institute, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2013 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-PayingforCrime.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 127406 |
Author: Bott, Sarah Title: Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Comparative Analysis of Population-Based Data from 12 Countries Summary: Violence against women is a human rights violation with important public health ramifications. Evidence from across the globe documents that such violence is widespread and that women and girls bear the overwhelming burden of violence by intimate partners and sexual violence by any perpetrator. The consequences of such violence can be long-lasting and extensive, making violence against women an important cause of morbidity and in some cases death. Studies suggest that violence against women has negative health consequences that include physical injury, unwanted pregnancy, abortion, sexually transmitted infections (including HIV/AIDS), maternal mortality, post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and suicide, among others. When the cumulative impacts on morbidity and mortality are assessed, the health burden of violence against women is often higher than that of more frequently recognized public health priorities. In Mexico City, for example, rape and intimate partner violence against women was estimated to be the third most important cause of morbidity and mortality for women, accounting for 5.6% of all disability-adjusted life years lost in the years 1994-1995.1 As a result of a growing body of global evidence, the international community has begun to give violence against women a greater priority in the public health agenda and to recognize that efforts to improve women’s health and well-being will be limited unless they take into account the magnitude and consequences of such violence for women’s lives. Violence against women also poses intergenerational consequences: when women experience violence, their children suffer. Growing evidence suggests that when children witness or suffer violence directly, they may be at increased risk of becoming aggressors or victims in adulthood. Furthermore, violence against women and violence against children often co-occur in the same households. Therefore, initiatives to address violence against women must also consider how to prevent and respond to violence against children and vice-versa. In addition to the human costs, research shows that violence against women drains health and justice sector budgets with expenditures for treating survivors and prosecuting perpetrators. Costs also result from productivity losses and absenteeism. Studies from the Inter-American Development Bank estimated that the impact of domestic violence on gross domestic product from women’s lower earnings alone was between 1.6% in Nicaragua and 2.0% in Chile.2 Responding to violence against women requires a multi-sectoral and coordinated effort that spans multiple disciplines, including the health sector, law enforcement, the judiciary, and social protection services, among others. The health sector’s role includes improving primary prevention of violence as well as the ability of health services to identify survivors of abuse early and provide women with compassionate and appropriate care. The health sector must also contribute to improving the evidence base regarding the nature of violence against women, including the magnitude, consequences, and risk and protective factors. Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean: A comparative analysis of population-based data from 12 countries is the first report to present a comparative analysis of nationally representative data on violence against women from a large number of countries in the Region. It is the sincere hope of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) that this report will contribute to increasing knowledge about violence against women in the Region and, more importantly, that it will motivate policy makers and programmers to grant this issue the political attention that it deserves by designing and implementing evidence-based initiatives and policies that can contribute to eliminating violence against women. Details: Washington, DC: Pan American Health Organization; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012. 186p. Source: Internet Resoruce: Accessed January 29, 2013 at: http://www2.paho.org/hq/dmdocuments/violence-against-women-lac.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Domestic Violence Shelf Number: 127420 |
Author: Bateson, Regina Title: The Political Consequences of Crime Victimization in Latin America Summary: In the last two decades, violent crime rates in Latin America have increased exponentially. Though this is one of the most significant recent developments in the region, the political consequences of Latin America’s violent crime epidemic are largely unknown. Many scholars and commentators imply that the crime wave bodes ill for democracy in the region, suggesting that high levels of violent crime cause disillusionment with government, reduce mass political participation, and increase popular support for authoritarianism and mano dura. This paper evaluates the micro-foundations of that conventional wisdom. Analysis of data from the Latinobarómetro and LAPOP surveys consistently and convincingly shows that recent crime victimization is associated with increased political participation. Rather than becoming disenchanted or disempowered, Latin American crime victims are actually more politically active than comparable citizens who have not been victimized. Crime victimization has a more ambiguous relationship to political opinions. Victims are less satisfied with law enforcement than their non-victimized peers, and they are more likely to be concerned about crime as a public policy issue. Some regressions suggest that victims may have more pro-authoritarian views than their peers and may be more likely to support mano dura and vigilantism, but this result is not consistent across analysis of multiple surveys so the true relationship is difficult to ascertain. Details: Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, Apr 02, 2009. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 29, 2013 at: http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/files/kyHPZ6/Bateson_CPW_April_14.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Statistics (Latin America) Shelf Number: 127424 |
Author: Seelke, Clare Ribando Title: Gangs in Central America Summary: Congress has maintained an interest in the effects of gang violence in Central America, and on the expanding activities of transnational gangs with ties to that region operating in the United States. Since FY2008, Congress has appropriated significant amounts of funding for anti-gang efforts in Central America, as well as domestic anti-gang programs. Two recent developments may affect congressional interest in Central American gangs: a truce between rival gangs has dramatically lowered violence in El Salvador and the U.S. Treasury Department has designated the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) as a significant transnational criminal organization (TCO). MS-13 and its main rival, the “18th Street” gang (also known as M-18) continue to threaten citizen security and challenge government authority in Central America. Gang-related violence has been particularly acute in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, which have among the highest homicide rates in the world. In recent years, some governments have moved away, at least on a rhetorical level, from repressive anti-gang strategies, with the government of El Salvador now facilitating a historic—and risky—truce involving the country’s largest gangs. The truce has resulted in a dramatic reduction in homicides since March 2012, but carries risks for the Salvadoran government such as what might happen if the gangs were to walk away from the truce and emerge stronger as a result of months of less-stringent prison conditions. U.S. agencies have been engaged on both the law enforcement and preventive sides of dealing with Central American gangs; an inter-agency committee developed a U.S. Strategy to Combat Criminal Gangs from Central America and Mexico that was first announced in July 2007. The strategy focuses on diplomacy, repatriation, law enforcement, capacity enhancement, and prevention. An April 2010 study by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommended that U.S. agencies consider strengthening the anti-gang strategy by developing better oversight and measurement tools to guide its implementation. U.S. law enforcement efforts may be bolstered by the Treasury Department’s October 2012 decision to designate and sanction MS-13 as a major TCO pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13581. In recent years, Congress has increased funding to support anti-gang efforts in Central America. Between FY2008 and FY2012, Congress appropriated roughly $35 million in global International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) funds for anti-gang efforts in Central America. Congress provided additional support in FY2008 and FY2009 for anti-gang efforts in the region through the Mérida Initiative, a counterdrug and anticrime program for Mexico and Central America, and, more recently, through the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). Congressional oversight may focus on the efficacy of anti-gang efforts in Central America; the interaction between U.S. domestic and international anti-gang policies, and the impact of the Treasury Department’s TCO designation on law enforcement efforts against MS-13. This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country and regional approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect to gangs in Central America. Also see: CRS Report R41731, Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress, by Peter J. Meyer and Clare Ribando Seelke. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2012. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: CRS RL34112: Accessed January 30, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 127358 |
Author: Aguero, Jorge M. Title: Causal Estimates of the Intangible Costs of Violence Against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: Violence has a striking gender pattern. Men are more likely to be attacked by a stranger while women experience violence mostly from their partners. This paper estimates the costs of violence against women in terms of intangible outcomes, such as women’s reproductive health, labor supply, and the welfare of their children. Our study uses a sample of nearly 83,000 women in seven countries covering economies from all income groups and from all sub regions in Latin American and the Caribbean. Our sample, representing 26.3 million women between the ages of 15 and 49, strengthens the external validity of our results. Our results show that physical violence against women has a strong association with their marital status by increasing the divorce or separation rate and that that this violence is negatively linked with women’s health. We find that domestic violence also creates a negative externality by affecting key (short-term) health outcomes of children whose mothers suffered from violence. For these child health outcomes we use a natural experiment in Peru to show that these effects appear to be causal. Finally, we present suggestive evidence indicating the women’s education and age act as buffers of the negative effect of violence against women on the health outcomes of their children. Details: Unpublished Paper, 2013. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 4, 2013 at: http://idbdocs.iadb.org/wsdocs/getdocument.aspx?docnum=37413828 Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Domestic Violence Shelf Number: 127471 |
Author: Farah, Douglas Title: Central American Gangs and Transnational Criminal Organizations: The Changing Relationships in a Time of Turmoil Summary: On October 11, 2012, the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control designated the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-‐13) a significant transnational criminal organization (TCO). The gang was targeted for its involvement in “serious transnational criminal activities, including drug trafficking, kidnapping, human smuggling, sex trafficking, murder, assassinations, racketeering, blackmail, extortion and immigration offenses.”1 The designation, which came as a surprise to Central American governments, has caused considerable debate within the U.S. policy and law enforcement communities over whether the step was merited and whether it would, or could, have a significant impact. This report attempts to offer some insights into those questions at a time when the gangs themselves are in a tremendous state of flux and interacting in new ways amongst themselves and with regional governments. This is particularly true in El Salvador, the spiritual homeland of the MS-‐13. Relying primarily on original fieldwork, the report examines the relationship of the MS-‐13 and Calle 18 gangs to the transnational criminal networks that are growing in strength and sophistication across Central America, particularly in the Northern Triangle of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. Details: Alexandria, VA: International Assessment and Strategy Center, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 12, 2013 at: http://www.strategycenter.net/docLib/20130224_CenAmGangsandTCOs.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 127916 |
Author: Muggah, Robert Title: A Fine Balance: Mapping Cyber (in)Security in Latin America Summary: This Strategic Paper examines the character and dynamics of cyber-crime and the ways in which it is being addressed in Latin America. A particular focus is on what might be described as “new criminality” emerging in cyberspace – organized criminal hacking, identity theft, advanced credit card fraud and online child exploitation. The Paper draws on a review of the public and grey literature from more than thirty countries and interviews with dozens of experts across the sub-continent to shed light on the present cyber-security and cyber-defence architecture being erected in Latin America. Overall, it finds that Latin America exhibits a heterogeneous landscape when it comes to cyber-crime. And while all countries have witnessed a surge in cyber-crime, threats and responses tend to be clustered in specific countries, such as Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Cost Rica, the Dominican Republic and Mexico, where online populations and internet penetration rates are highest. This Strategic Paper finds that: • Latin American governments are only beginning to adopt laws, institutions and countermeasures to combat online criminality: At a regional level these efforts are being coordinated through the Organization of American States (OAS) and include harmonizing national legislation and adopting the Comprehensive Inter-American Strategy to Combat Threats to Cyber-Security; • Latin American country responses to cyber-crime are increasingly aligned: Most Latin American states are pursuing a 4-pillar strategy that includes: (i) the adoption of relevant legal frameworks; (ii) the creation of specialized law enforcement agencies; (iii) the formation of Computer Security Incident Response Teams (CSIRTs); and (iv) the establishment of specialized units within the executive branch of government; • Latin America´s civil society plays a major – if under-valued – role in cyber-security governance: Due to the decentralized character of the internet and overlapping forms of horizontal collaboration, civil society is in some cases far ahead of governments in assessing cyber-threats and formulating responses. Internationally, a number of non-governmental entities actually control systemic features of the worldwide web such as the attribution of domain names; and • Notwithstanding its comparative strengths and real exposure to cyber-threats, the private sector is less engaged in promoting and engaging in cyber-security across Latin America: Many larger corporations in the banking and services sectors are non-transparent about the scale of the threats they are facing. Owing to their desire to avoid loss in market share, they typically adopt low-key, periodic, and restricted actions. By contrast, companies involved in information technology manufacturing and services markets are more involved in supporting digital platforms designed to raise awareness. The Strategic Paper proceeds in several sections. The first section considers the conceptual gap which frustrates coherent approaches to addressing cyber-crime. While few experts dispute the risks presented by new forms of online criminality, there are no accepted definitions of cyber-crime, making it difficult to harmonize legislation and pursue investigations requiring transnational cooperation. Section two reviews the scale and dimensions of cyber-crime in Latin America, focusing primarily on the so-called new criminality. The third section provides a general review of regional approaches to containing cyber-crime, including legal conventions, guidelines and emerging practices, while Section four examines the operational responses of governments, private sector and non-governmental organizations. The final section offers some concluding reflections on future research directions. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute and The SecDev Foundation, 2012. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Strategic Paper 2: Accessed March 20, 2013 at: http://igarape.org.br/wp-content/themes/igarape_v2/pdf/Strategic_Paper_02_23maio_WEB.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Computer Crimes Shelf Number: 128047 |
Author: Sullivan, Mark P. Title: Latin America: Terrorism Issues Summary: U.S. attention to terrorism in Latin America intensified in the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, with an increase in bilateral and regional cooperation. In its 2011 Country Reports on Terrorism (issued in July 2012), the State Department maintained that the threat of a transnational terrorist attack remained low for most countries in the hemisphere. It reported that the majority of terrorist attacks in the hemisphere were committed by two Colombian terrorist groups—the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN)—and other radical groups in the Andean region. With regard to Mexico, the report asserted that there was no evidence of ties between Mexican drug trafficking organizations and terrorist groups, and no evidence “that these criminal organizations had aims of political or territorial control, aside from seeking to protect and expand the impunity with which they conduct their criminal activity.” Cuba has remained on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism since 1982 pursuant to Section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act. Both Cuba and Venezuela are on the State Department’s annual list of countries determined to be not cooperating fully with U.S. antiterrorism efforts pursuant to Section 40A of the Arms Export Control Act. U.S. officials have expressed concerns over the past several years about Venezuela’s lack of cooperation on antiterrorism efforts, its relations with Iran, and potential support for Colombian terrorist groups, although improved Venezuelan-Colombian relations have resulted in closer cooperation on antiterrorism and counter-narcotics efforts and border security. Over the past several years, policymakers have been concerned about Iran’s increasing activities in Latin America. Concerns center on Iran’s attempts to circumvent U.N. and U.S. sanctions, as well as on its ties to the radical Lebanon-based Islamic group Hezbollah. Both Iran and Hezbollah are reported to be linked to two bombings against Jewish targets in Argentina in the early 1990s. As in past years, the State Department 2011 terrorism report maintains that there are no known operational cells of either Al Qaeda or Hezbollah in the hemisphere, but noted that “ideological sympathizers in South America and the Caribbean continued to provide financial and moral support to these and other terrorist groups in the Middle East and South Asia.” Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2013. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: RS21049: Accessed April 12, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/terror/RS21049.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 128342 |
Author: FAO (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations) Title: International Trade in Wild Birds, and Related Bird Movements, in Latin America and the Caribbean. Summary: This report summarizes the results of a consultancy on market trade in live wild birds and related bird movements, in line with four FAO projects on Emergency Assistance for Early Detection and Prevention of Avian Influenza in 33 countries of the Caribbean, Central America, Andean and South Cone subregions. The survey aimed to assess the magnitude and dynamics of trade in wild birds, and the conditions under which local regulations are enforced. Each country participating in the projects received a survey form and instructions in its official language; statistics on international trade in wild birds were also analysed. Of the 33 countries consulted, 27 replied. The information gathered was compiled in a trade database, allowing the role of each country and region to be evaluated. Only four countries provided statistics, but it was possible to evaluate the trade volumes and dynamics of other countries using statistics from the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) trade database. Of the 33 countries, Mexico is the main importer of wild birds originating in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. Argentina, Guyana and Suriname are the main exporters, followed by Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba. In the recent past, most native bird exports from these countries were exported to Europe. However, formal operations have been drastically reduced since the European Union (EU) imposed a ban on wild bird imports, resulting in closure of this important market. At present, legal trade is directed mainly to Mexico, followed by Asia and Africa. Mexico absorbs most wild bird imports from both within the region and elsewhere, and is not an active wild bird re-exporter, implying no further movements of exotic birds within the subregions covered by the survey. The majority of countries declared taking precautionary measures by preventing the import of birds originating from countries in which avian influenza (AI) has been reported. Although most countries have animal health regulations and procedures in place, not all of them have specific guidelines for the early detection and control of AI, and not all require animal health documentation as a condition for trade. Owing to low trade volumes, many countries do not apply quarantine of imported birds, but quarantine is required in countries where sanitary measures are strict. Most countries consider that the risk of highly pathogenic avian influenza (HPAI) entry is low or medium. In spite of this, countries expressed particular concern about the consequences of illegal trade and migratory birds on the dispersal of AI. Details: Rome: FAO, 2011. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Animal Production and Health Paper No. 166: Accessed May 20, 2013 at: http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/i0708e/i0708e00.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Birds Shelf Number: 128756 |
Author: Yepes, Rodrigo Uprimny Title: Addicted to Punishment: The disproportionality of drug laws in Latin America Summary: This document analyzes the proportionality of drug related crimes in seven Latin American countries through the study of the evolution of their criminal legislations from 1950 until 2012. The study suggests the existence of a regional tendency to maximize the use of criminal law for combating this type of conducts. This is reflected in: i) the gradual increase in the number of drug-related conducts described as criminal, ii) the exponential growth of the penalties with which those conducts are punished and iii) the incomprehensible tendency of punishing with more severity the drug-related crimes rather than those more evidently severe such as homicide, rape and aggravated robbery. Those upward trends indicate that the Latin American States have become addicted to punishment because of their frequent and empirically groundless increasing of the punitive dose, regardless of its constantly decreasing benefits. Addicted to punishment is part of a series of studies carried out by the Research Consortium on Drugs and the Law (CEDD) that critically analyze the application of the proportionality principle in relation with drug crimes. The studies find that the punishments imposed and the punitive treatment of the offenders are disproportional, often generating more damages than benefits. Details: Bogota, Columbia: Centro de Estudios de Derecho, Justicia y Sociedad, Dejusticia, 2013. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Dejusticia Working Paper 1: Accessed June 1, 2013 at: www.dejusticia.org Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime (Latin America) Shelf Number: 128904 |
Author: Berkman, Heather Title: Social exclusion and violence in Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: This paper examines how social exclusion contributes to violence in communities throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Residents in socially excluded communities cannot depend on those institutions designed to protect them, and violence becomes an instrument to achieve certain outcomes, such as justice, security, and economic gain. When conventional methods of obtaining and working for increased social status, higher income, and wider influence are limited, as they often are in marginalized areas, some feel compelled to resort to violent acts. This paper discusses how social exclusion and violence interact in a vicious circle that leaves the socially excluded in a very hostile social environment where the borders between legal and illegal, legitimate and illegitimate are often fuzzy and uncertain. In this environment violence is used by a minority to acquire justice, security, authority and economic gain. The use of violence by this minority, however, affect the lives of the majority of excluded people that do not resort to violence. As youths are particularly vulnerable to this issue, this paper also examines the relationship between violence and the plight of Latin American youth gangs and street children. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2007. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Department Working paper series ; 613): Accessed June 21, 2013 at: http://www.iadb.org/res/publications/pubfiles/pubwp-613.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Socio-Economic Status Shelf Number: 129039 |
Author: Peetz, Peter Title: Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua: Youth, Crime, and the Responses of the State Summary: The paper analyzes the social construction of youth violence in Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and El Salvador on the one hand, and the related security policies of the three states, on the other. In each country, there is an idiosyncratic way of constructing youth violence and juvenile delinquency. Also, each country has its own manner of reaction to those problems. In El Salvador youths are socially constructed as a threat to security, and the state implements predominantly repressive policies to protect citizens against that threat. In Nicaragua and Costa Rica, where the social discourse on youth violence is less prominent, the state's policies are neither very accentuated nor very coherent, whether in terms of repressive or nonrepressive measures. There are strong relations and mutual influences between the public's fear (or disregard) of youth violence and the state's policies to reduce it. Details: Hamburg, Germany: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, 2008. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: GIGA Working Papers No. 80: Accessed June 21, 2013 at: http://www.giga-hamburg.de/dl/download.php?d=/content/publikationen/pdf/wp80_peetz.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Juvenile Delinquency Shelf Number: 129041 |
Author: Peetz, Peter Title: Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua: Laws and the Construction of Drug- and Gender-Related Violence Summary: In Central America, legislation aiming to reduce violence and crime has become an important topic in the security debate. Focusing on Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, this paper analyzes laws and other legal texts regarding the trade in and consumption of drugs on the one hand, and gender-related violence on the other. It shows how the content and the wording of legal texts contribute to the social construction of stereotyped offenders, such as youth gang members, drug users, or foreign nationals. The legal texts in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua reflect both the hegemonic and the counter-discursive influences on each country's legal discourse. Details: Hamburg, Germany: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, 2008. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: GIGA Working Paper No 72 ; Accessed June 21, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1122406 Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Shelf Number: 129042 |
Author: Sida Title: Maras and Youth Gangs, Community and Police in Central America Summary: The presence of criminal youth gangs – called pandillas in Spanish – has long since become an almost permanent feature of everyday life in Central America even if their number, geographical distribution and exact character have varied over the time and from country to country. However, during the last decade a qualitatively different kind of criminal youth gang has developed and firmly established themselves in three countries of the region – El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. This new type of gang – called maras – has rapidly become a major concern for the governments of these countries and a source of deep fear among the population living on the outskirts of cities and in poorer urban districts. The maras consist of groups of youths aged 8 to 35 who aim to control whole neighbourhoods or territories, making membership of the mara their lifestyle and identity, and crime their way of life. There are many different branches of maras, although the two most feared and well-known are the Mara 18 and the Mara Salvatrucha, both originating in the city of Los Angeles, USA. Estimates of the number of mara members in Central America vary widely, but the figure is likely to be in the range of 70,000 to 100,000, with the highest number present in Honduras, followed by El Salvador and then Guatemala. Maras constitute an urban sub-culture of a special kind, giving their members not only a sense of belonging but also of protection, pride and power. Their identity is reinforced by special rites, by a terminology of their own and self-invented symbols, such as their numerous and very visible tattoos. Solidarity with the mara is of supreme value, and to betray the group may be punishable by death. Mara members do not dedicate themselves to crime exclusively – they also participate in the normal labour market and share many leisure time interests with other young people. However, their criminal activities are frequent and include extortion, armed robbery, assault and kidnapping, as well as – increasingly, it seems – retailing drugs on the street. Murder is commonplace and may also be committed as a reference for power and controlling group behaviour. They have also been linked to lucrative border-crossing arrangements (from Guatemala to Mexico), trafficking in human beings as well as in arms, and it also appears that they are used as professional “torpedoes” and killers by groups of organized crime. Their main fight is against rival gangs for control of territory, which is generally identified by graffiti. In this fight, anyone – of any age – who has a friend or family member belonging to a rival gang may be “marked” (raped, or severely hurt) or even killed – in order to humiliate the enemy and convey a message to them. In the three Central American countries which are most affected, a considerable number of municipalities and/or city blocks are effectively under the control of different maras. Details: Stockholm, Sweden: Sida, 2008. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 21, 2013 at: http://www.sida.se/Global/About%20Sida/Nyhetsarkiv/Nyhetsarkiv%202009/Dokument/Maras_and_Youth_Gangs,_Community_and_Police_in_Central_America%5B1%5D.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 129119 |
Author: Rudqvist, Anders, ed. Title: Breeding Inequality – Reaping Violence Exploring Linkages and Causality in Colombia and Beyond Summary: This report is based on a series of seminars organized by Colombia Forum, a policy research and support programme carried out at the Collegium for Development Studies. The programme is supported by and collaborates with Sida´s Department for Latin America. The objectives of Colombia Forum are to stimulate and support the coordination of education, research and policy analysis related to Colombian social development, conflicts, peace-building efforts and development cooperation in Sweden and Colombia. The programme also seeks to facilitate development practitioners’ access to research resources, and to assist Swedish researchers to become directly engaged in studies and practice related to socio-economic analysis and development practice focused on Colombia. Against the background of mounting poverty, deep-seated social contradictions and an escalating internal conflict, Colombian and other social scientists try to explain the present situation – and discuss the construction of sustainable peace with social justice – making use of concepts such as poverty, inequality and character of the prevailing political system. The first article of the report, Popular Participation in Colombia by Anders Rudqvist, is intended to provide a background presentation of Colombia. It is a broad account of the development and character of the Colombian society with particular reference to popular participation. Also at a general and broad level, but specifically focusing on the concepts of poverty and conflict, is Björn Hettne’s Poverty and Conflict: the Methodology of a Complex Relationship. Hettne’s article is a presentation and analysis of varying interpretations of the poverty and violence concepts and their interrelation as understood in the context of different theoretical approaches, i.e. the positivist, the political economy, the holistic-historicist and the complex emergencies. The theoretical and policy consequences of these approaches are explored with regard to conflict provention and prevention, external interventions, conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction. In his Reflections on Recent Interpretations of Violence in Colombia, Pedro Valenzuela undertakes an analysis of the evolution of the debate on poverty and violence in Colombia. Some recent interpretations inspired by positivist and economic theoretical approaches are scrutinized and called into question, while the importance of inequality as a factor explaining and specifying the relationship between poverty and violence in the Colombian case is underscored. Poverty – particularly as expressed in inequality or social, economic and political exclusion – is viewed by many as a structural cause of violence and conflict. But other factors such as the character of political regimes and institutions, or more long-term historical processes, are also seen as key elements in the analysis of conflict and violence. Violence and poverty are thus multifaceted social phenomena. Different categories of conflicts and contradictions lead to various forms of violence. Political, economic and social violence usually occurs where obtaining or maintaining political, economic and social power is at stake. In addition, many analysts suggest that important reinforcing links exist between the dynamics of different types of violence. These issues and linkages remain important and valid beyond a particular country or continent. Patterns may vary, but links between different types of violence seem to be present in most cases. Colombia has traditionally experienced high levels of economic and social violence, now aggravated by increasing political violence involving guerrilla, paramilitary groups and the army. Currently about 20 percent of Colombian homicides are ascribed to political violence. In Central America, economic and social violence levels were moderate before the period of armed political conflicts and subsequent peace accords. Yet, after peace agreements the Central American countries experienced a significant increase in economic violence. Similar patterns appear in Africa (e.g. South Africa, Angola) as well as in Asia, where the most recent and dramatic example is Afghanistan. The final two articles draw on examples from and comparisons with Central America. They are dealing with poor and excluded communities and with the linkages between different categories of violence, but do so from the vantage point of economic and social violence. Economic violence here implies drug trafficking, youth gang activities and other forms of organized crime, while social violence refers to “domestic” conflicts and aggression caused by unequal gender relations or other social factors. The Shape of Violence: Reflections on the Guatemalan Revolution by Staffan Löfving departs from the prevailing Guatemalan assumption that poverty is violence – structural violence to be more exact. The article deals with the ways in which the relationship between poverty and political violence has been analysed in the writings on the Guatemalan internal war and contends that the politics of identity (as political praxis and academic approach) as well as the post-modernist focus on ethnic revival tend to obscure the responsibility of the state for the formation and maintenance of oppressive social structures. When Western analysts increasingly perceive the social reality of the war torn parts of the Third World as “chaos” it becomes increasingly more difficult to identify the key causes of poverty as well as the social forces and actors that have the power to alleviate or maintain poverty and human suffering. As a consequence poverty becomes disconnected from the analytical domain of violence. Youth Gangs in Colombia and Nicaragua – New Forms of Violence, New Theoretical Directions? by Dennis Rodgers is a comparative analysis of the structure and dynamic of youth gangs in Colombia and Nicaragua, relating the emergence and expansion of this type of economic violence to other categories of violence as well as to processes of “demilitarisation” and “democratisation” which have marked Latin America in recent years. Youth gangs in Colombia and Nicaragua are seen as representing similar forms of structuring, intimately linked to wider contexts of crises and breakdown that characterize both Colombia and Nicaragua. Conventional instrumentalist and functional approaches to violence are ill adapted, Rogers argues, to explain such phenomena and processes. Some elements and concepts, such as “insurgent citizenship”, are put forward instead, as a contribution to a move in a new theoretical direction. Details: Uppsala, Sweden: Collegium for Development Studies, 2003. 141p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.kus.uu.se/pdf/publications/outlook_development/outlook18.pdf Year: 2003 Country: Central America Keywords: Poverty Shelf Number: 129126 |
Author: Lynch, Tristam W. Title: The evolution of modern Central American street gangs and the political violence they present: Case studies of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras Summary: Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras have experienced a history immersed in political, economical and violent turmoil that has resulted in centuries of unsettled government, weak economies, alienation, and exploitation of the masses. This turmoil dates back to Spanish forms of dictatorial rule in the sixteenth century, and English and German control of commodities and land during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Along with foreign influence, forms of dictatorial rule resulted in poor socioeconomic conditions, internal anarchy within Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras and the onset of civil wars. During the Reagan Administration, the United States used these countries in Central America for strategic military, agricultural and political purposes. The poor economic and politically violent conditions continued, resulting in the formation of dangerous street gangs, youth groups violently taking control of territories and later engaging in drug trafficking. Presence of the United States military operations, the civil wars, namely the Nicaraguan Contra War throughout the Central American region, resulted in a variety of opportunities for immigrants, to migrate into the United States. Other opportunities included left over weapons by the United States military, guerillas and contras, which were used by these violent youth to intimidate the local governments of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. However, after the Central American families migrated to avoid the poor conditions within these countries, some children became gang members due to lack of alternatives in the U.S. The U.S. authorities deported many of these youth back to their respective Central American countries because of the crimes they committed in the U.S. This deportation increased further political turmoil in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras such that these violent youth groups threaten procedural democracy from functioning. This thesis examines the historical evolution of first, second and third generation Central American street gangs, and the political violence they present in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. Details: Tampa, FL: University of South Florida, 2008. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1369&context=etd Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Political Violence Shelf Number: 129132 |
Author: Oettler, Anika Title: Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador and Nicaragua: National Patterns of Attention and Cross-border Discursive Nodes Summary: It has become common to state that youth gangs and organized crime have seized Central America. For theories on contemporary Central American violence, Costa Rica, El Salvador and Nicaragua present important test cases, demonstrating the need to differentiate the diagnosis. First, national discourses on violence differ from country to country, with varying threat levels, patterns of attention, and discursive leitmotivs. Second, there are border-crossing discursive nodes such as the mara paradigm, the perception of grand corruption, and gender-based violence tied to cross-national, national or sub-national publics. The paper explores the ambiguity and plurivocality of contemporary discourses on violence, emanting from a variety of hegemonic and less powerful publics. Details: Hamburg: German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), 2007. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: GIGA Working Papers No. 65: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.giga-hamburg.de/dl/download.php?d=/content/publikationen/pdf/wp65_oettler.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Organized Crime 00 Corruption Shelf Number: 129135 |
Author: Atha, Roberto J. Title: Transitions to Peace: Effects on Internal Security Forces in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala Summary: This thesis examines the effect of transitions to peace in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala on internal security forces. It reveals how the influence of the military affected the implementation of internal security reforms, influencing the professionalism and effectiveness of police forces in the fight against violence and gangs today. The research shows Sandinista influence allowed Nicaragua to maintain an experienced core of security personnel that has confronted the present challenges more effectively. Reforms in El Salvador yielded a new, highly restructured and reduced security force of which only one-fifth some policing experience, reducing the short-term effectiveness of the force in the fight against insecurity, but increasing the probability for long term consolidation of a professional and effective police institution. In Guatemala, the transitions resulted in the creation of a new police force mostly manned by former security personnel, perpetuating the corruption that permeated the force prior to the transitions--a fact reflected in the high levels of crime in the country today. The thesis proposes that the effect of the transitions on the current forces is a pivotal factor on their effectiveness, and must be addressed in order to improve security for citizens and democracy. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA493659 Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: Community Policing Shelf Number: 129139 |
Author: Muggah, Robert Title: Assessing and responding to youth violence in Latin America: Surveying the evidence Summary: Violence is one of Latin America´s primary challenge in the twentieth century. A significant number of countries, cities and communities in Central and South American regions suffer rates of violence exceeding war zones. In some cases, violence is collective resulting in spectacular atrocities. In others, violence is interpersonal or domestic, contributing to more subtle, most no less significant, suffering. Many of Latin America´s 33 countries register firearm homicide rates that are amongst the highest on the planet. And while some countries in Latin America such as Argentina, Chile, Cuba, Peru and Uruguay report homicide rates closer to the global average, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela exhibit particularly high levels of insecurity.1 Youth violence is one of the top priorities facing Latin American policy makers. Young males from 15-29 constitute the large proportion of both the perpetrators and victims of homicidal violence. According to the United Nations World Report on Violence against Children, Latin America suffers from the highest youth homicide rates in the world (Pinheiro 2006). The costs of youth violence are profound – generating significant humanitarian and development costs spanning generations. The causes of such violence are also far-reaching ranging from social and economic inequality, juvenile un- and under-0employment and high school drop-out rates to disintegrated family structures, and absence of care and attention, the availability of drugs, alcohol and arms, and high rates of police impunity and incarceration. This overview paper is intended to set out the scale and distribution of youth violence in Latin America and highlight innovative strategies to prevent and reduce it. Far from exhaustive, the report highlights descriptive statistics on homicidal violence in countries that report such data. Likewise, it draws attention to direct and indirect interventions that are associated with declines in youth violence. Only those initiatives backed with robust data are noted in this paper, which is not to suggest that they are the only ones that yield positive outcomes. According to a recent review by the Igarapé Institute, there are just 21 robust evaluations of youth violence reduction efforts in Latin America (Moestue and Muggah 2013). The paper is intended to stimulate critical reflection and discussion at a forthcoming UN-led conference on the post-2015 development agenda in Panama. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute., 2013. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2013. Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 129141 |
Author: Williams, Mahatma E. Title: Can the Jamaican Security Forces Successfully Reduce the Violent Impact of Gangs? Summary: This research discusses the high murder rate in Jamaica as a consequence of gang activity. It higlights the negative impact of gangs in regard to national security. The complexity of the gang problem is identified by describing the gangs’ connection to political parties and society overall. Further, endemic corruption, a weak justice system, an unreformed security sector and limited social intervention are identified as part of the complexity and facilitates the gang phenonmenon. A case study comparison was done with Jamaica, Brazil and Guatemala to try to identify workable approaches to the gang problem. Although various preconditions were identified which are required for countergang operations to work in a country, the research tried to address the security defense aspect. Various operations were reviewed and an assessment made to the level of effectiveness. Overall the study identified the reason for Jamaica’s failure to address gangs as a national security issue. The paper concluded by identifying the preconditions for successful operations, recommending social programs to be a part of any countergang operations, advocating the establishment of a Joint-Interagency Task Force and a doctrinal shift in an attempt at bringing a new philosophy and practice to countergang approaches within Jamaica. Details: Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://cgsc.contentdm.oclc.org/utils/getfile/collection/p4013coll2/id/2952/filename/3003.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Prevention Shelf Number: 129142 |
Author: Hampton-Gaines, Berthea G. Title: State Capacity and Effectiveness in Combating Crime: A Comparative Study of El Salvador and Guatemala Summary: Less than two decades after the conclusion of brutal civil wars, El Salvador and Guatemala are once again faced with high levels of violence stemming from drug trafficking, organized crime, corruption, and gangs. Overall, El Salvador was more successful in post-war state building. However, despite having stronger institutions and more capabilities, it is not better off when it comes to public security when compared to Guatemala, a state with weaker institutions and fewer resources. In fact, El Salvador’s homicide rates have been consistently higher. According to prevailing conventional wisdom, a country with stronger institutions and more resources should be more capable and effective at maintaining order, but this is not the case. This thesis examines the nature of crime, institutional capacity, and the effectiveness of government responses to reduce violent crime. It argues that decisions made during the transition period set these states on different paths. Furthermore, while strong institutions are important to maintaining order, government policy can strengthen or weaken the effectiveness of the institution. Strong institutions are necessary, but not sufficient. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=719163 Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 129145 |
Author: Cohen, Mark A. Title: Violence and Crime in Latin America Summary: The public survey that was conducted by the IDB for this project identified the problem of “crime and violence” to be one of the areas of major concern in Latin America. In particular, the following items were identified (in descending or perceived priority): (a) high incidence of crime, (b) drug trafficking, (c) proliferation of violent youth gangs, (d) pervasiveness of money laundering, and (e) frequency of domestic violence. In conducting the research for this present paper, we evaluated the nature of the evidence on the extent to which these perceived issues would rise to the level of being “significant,” as well as the evidence on “what works” and what the benefits and costs are from programs that have been shown to be effective. Setting the boundaries of our analysis was a difficult task, but one that we needed to do in order to arrive at a solutions document that would be of value to policy makers. For example, while most incidents of crime and violence are essentially “local,” the causes and potential solutions to crime might lie well outside the local or even national jurisdiction. This is true globally – where many types of crimes are clearly of a global character and require more than local solutions. There are several very stark examples of this problem in the case of crime and violence in Latin America. For example, the demand for drugs in the U.S. and Europe will have an impact on the supply of drugs in various Latin American countries – and hence will impact organized crime and gang-related violence. Because these markets operate outside of traditional legal institutions, enforcement of property rights disputes, for example, also take place outside normal legal channels – hence contributing to the demand for violence itself. Moreover, because the demand for drugs is coming outside of Latin America, any attempt to reduce the supply of drugs in one “hot spot” country in Latin America will ultimately backfire as drug production is shifted to another country to keep up with the demand. There is good evidence that this has happened repeatedly in Latin America. Thus, without global solutions, a Latin American solution to this problem is unlikely to succeed. Drug and terrorism policy in the U.S. and Europe can also affect crime and violence in Latin America. For example, the U.S. war on drugs has led to the extradition of drug lords – something that has destabilized the Colombian drug market, for example, with the ultimate effect of more violence between organized drug cartels to gain control over local areas. This contrasts with the approach taken in Europe which is largely to treat drugs as a ‘consumption’ problem at home. Similarly, some researchers have suggested that immigration and prison policies in the U.S. affect crime and gang-related violence in Latin America. For example, illegal immigrants who have committed crimes while in the U.S. will serve time in prison and then be deported to their home country. To the extent that returning prisoners have joined gangs in U.S. prisons and transfer knowledge and experience back to their home countries – this exacerbates the gang violence problem in the home country. In this paper, we take these factors as exogenous and beyond the scope of our immediate concern – which is to identify the most cost-beneficial programs that can be implemented in Latin America to reduce crime and violence given the current situation and institutions within which we have to work. Policy discussions over crime and violence in Latin America have oftentimes been framed using political and ideological themes. Thus, for example, calls for more police and tougher prison sentences are often seen as attempts by the “right” to control the underclass. Similarly, calls for prevention programs through better education, jobs, and an enhanced standard of living to reduce the desirability of illegal occupations are often seen as “socialist” solutions by the right. Given this political backdrop as well as the fact that the field of criminology itself has historical roots in sociology, there is scant empirical evidence on either the extent of criminal behavior or the effectiveness of prevention or control strategies in Latin America. Police records are notoriously poor – and often generated by corrupt politicians or police administrations to support their point of view. There have only been a few comprehensive victimization surveys in some countries, and any significant crosscountry comparisons that can be made are of only limited value unlike more detailed surveys in the U.S. and Europe. There are also no reliable indicators of drugs or arms trafficking or the influence of organized crime. Measures of these problems are largely indirect and subject to considerable uncertainty. Thus, in the following section on the extent of crime and violence in Latin America, the uninitiated reader might be struck by the lack of solid data – but this is a persistent problem in measuring crime and violence. Details: Unpublished paper, 2007. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Solutions Paper: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.iadb.org/res/ConsultaSanJose/files/ViolenceCrime_Cohen_SP_Final.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug-Related Violence Shelf Number: 112426 |
Author: Blessing, Jasmin Title: 'Como te haces entender?': Gender and Gun Cultures in the Caribbean Context Summary: Although Latin America and the Caribbean have not seen interstate conflict for decades, the countries in the region cannot be said to be at peace given the high levels of gun violence. In spite of the magnitude of the problem, there is relatively little research available on the social constructions of gun ownership and the use and abuse of guns, particularly in the Caribbean region. This paper examines some of the gendered impacts and readings of guns in the Caribbean region, looking at the extent at which gun violence has affected Caribbean societies, at cultural and gender norms as well as socioeconomic conditions which determine gun ownership and use and policy responses to the issue, including gender mainstreaming in security sector reform processes and civil society initiatives. The focus is on more urbanised societies in the Caribbean region, with a special focus on gun violence and responses in the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Details: Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: United Nations International Research and Training, Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW), 2010. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: UN‑INSTRAW Working Paper Series: Accessed June 25, 2013 at: http://www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/Resources/UN/un-instraw_gendergunculturescarribbean_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Gender Shelf Number: 129161 |
Author: Montoute, Annita Title: A Situational Analysis of Gun Related Crime in the Caribbean: The Case of Trinidad & Tobago; Antigua & Barbuda; St Vincent & the Grenadines and St. Lucia Summary: Crime rates vary across the Caribbean, they vary over time and across nations (Bennett and Lynch 2007: 49). A United Nations Report provides a list of causes of crime in the Caribbean region, including, poverty, unemployment, social marginalization and inequality, the illegal drug trade, corruption, the trafficking of firearms, the deportation of criminals, and the ineffectiveness of the existing criminal justice systems and consequent waiving of sanctions (Harriot 2002:8). Small Island economies in the Commonwealth Caribbean find themselves between a rock and a hard place in their quest for developed country status as crime rates continue to increase. The attention being paid to the relationship between the two factors is not new considering that for the past two decades; scholars in the region have been intrigued by the relationship between societal development and crime (Deosaran 2007). onsistent findings in traditional analyses of police recorded crime rates support the correlation between high crime rates and large urbanized areas. Similarly, studies in Europe confirm the modernist oriented urban-rural divide in crime analysis (Deosaran, 2007)6. According to Mahabir (1985), the modernization perspective at least explains earlier patterns of crime in the region; arguably because crime is partly the result of disintegrated traditional social control mechanism. Intrinsic in this relationship is the concentration of crime and gun related violence in the major cities (hot areas) in all four cases under study. In Trinidad and Tobago, the majority of gun related violence occurred in the Port of Spain district and Western district. Other urbanized cities such as San Fernando and Arima, have witnessed high rates of gun related violence. In Antigua and Barbuda, the concentration of gun related violence is in its capital city St. Johns; in St Vincent and the Grenadines, in the sub urban areas of Kingstown and in St. Lucia, predominantly in the Castries area. Another area of importance in understanding crime is the demographics of crime offenders. It is believed that the majority of offenders as well as victims in all countries are males aged between 15 and 30 years (Adler, Mueller, & Laufer, 1998), to the extent that theft, burglaries and assaults are considered youth-related phenomena. Also, since young people tend to enjoy “nights out” in town more than adults, that makes them more vulnerable to crime than adults. LaFree and Tseloni (2006) cited in Jan Van Dijk (2008) confirm the hypothesis that there is a correlation between relatively high proportions of young males and the incidence of crime. Contemporary research in the region also supports the theory associating young men of low-incomes, low literacy rates and the incidence of violence (Samms-Vaughan 2000). The Caribbean is especially vulnerable to crime for several reasons. It is situated between the world’s supplier of cocaine - the Andean region of South America and its primary consumer markets - the United States and Europe (UNODC and the World Bank 2007). There is general consensus that drugs and arms trafficking are inextricably linked (Harriot 2002; Griffith 2003). It is reported that illegal arms are used to protect the transhipment of illegal drugs as they move from major drug producing countries in South America to the consumer countries in the North. In a large number of cases, a positive correlation is seen between the illegal narcotics trade and the illegal trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons. Details: Trinidad and Tobago: Caribbean Coalition for Development and the Reduction of Armed Violence, 2009. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: www.cdrav.org/upload/Gun_crime_paper_annita09.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Rates Shelf Number: 129219 |
Author: Negroponte, Diana Villiers Title: The Merida Initiative and Central America: The Challenges of Containing Public Insecurity and Criminal Violence Summary: The rising level of violence in Central America, as well as Mexico, has created sensational headlines in the daily press and Hollywood style footage on the nightly news. The focus of this violence has been on the drug cartels and the fights among them for routes to market both in the United States and within the region. However, parallel to the drug related violence caused by the cartels are two distinct, but related issues: a pervasive sense of public insecurity and rising levels of criminal violence. Both are related, but not directly attributable, to the possession and trade in illegal drugs. Intentional homicide, assault, robbery, extortion and fraud have all risen in the last seven years leading us to ask how serious is the problem, what should national governments do to contain, if not prevent their occurrence, and what is the appropriate U.S. contribution. This monograph will examine the reasons for the growth in public insecurity within El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, known as the Northern Triangle, and seek to determine the effectiveness of government policies to restore public trust and security. In the pursuit of greater security, these governments, as well as Mexico, have called upon Washington to assist them.1 The affected governments emphasize a “shared responsibility” to engage in reducing levels of violence, reduce consumption of illegal drugs, regulate the sale of firearms to the cartels and organized crime, as well as to confront corruption and impunity that pervade state institutions.2 The problems are regional, if not global, and to be effective, the response should include both U.S. federal and state authorities. Details: Washington, DC: Foreign Policy at Brookings, 2009. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Number 3: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2009/5/merida%20initiative%20negroponte/05_merida_initiative_negroponte.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 129221 |
Author: Jakubowski, Jonathan Robert Title: Do Criminal Deportations Affect Homicide Rates in Central America? Summary: Over the last decade Central America has received the highest number of criminal deportations of any region in the world. At the same time Central America has become one of the most violent regions in the world, with several nations citing homicide rates that are among the world's highest. Governments in Central America have begun to identify the deportation policy as problematic, and recent descriptive studies across the hemisphere have begun to investigate the relationship between deportations and violence. However, at present very little has been done to measure the relationship empirically.; Using data from multiple sources, this study tests the hypothesis that criminal deportations have a positive effect on homicide rates in Central America. The analysis uses multiple regression analysis to measure the effect of criminal deportations on homicide rates. Several other demographic and national characteristics are also included in the model.; Through the use of empirical research, the evidence of this study suggests that increasing amounts of criminal deportations do indeed increase homicide rates, supporting the claims made in the current body of descriptive research. The results of the model show consistent measures of significance for three independent variables in the general model: criminal deportations, primary education rates, and political stability. These findings suggest that multiple factors play a role in the rising homicide rates across Central America.; As the U.S. Government actively pursues peace and stability in the region, it is in the interests of U.S. policymakers to reverse this dangerous trend. However, unilateral policy changes in and of themselves are not sufficient to curb the rising homicide rates of Central America. A successful policy response will be both multilateral and comprehensive, taking all of the determining factors into account. Criminal deportations, as the focal point of this study seem to play a contributing role in the upward trend of this phenomenon. In response to this issue, both the sending and receiving deportation policies in Central America and the United States should be reviewed and revised. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown University, 2010. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed July 3, 2013 at: http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/553786 Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Deportations (Central America) Shelf Number: 129238 |
Author: Imbusch, Peter Title: Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean – a Bibliography Summary: The following bibliography on violence in Latin America and the Caribbean presents an overview about the recently published literature in this academic field. Violence research in Latin America has made great progress since the extent of violence is enormous. No other region of the world knows for example higher homicide rates nor has it such a variety of violence as the Latin American countries. Political violence, guerilla movements and civil wars, bloody revolutions, brutal dictatorships, domestic violence, criminal violence, and youth violence are all well known throughout history. Therefore, efforts to cope with the intellectual output and to overlook the differentiated discussions become ever more difficult. The bibliography wants to alleviate the access to central topics and questions related to the problem of violence in Latin America. In the bibliography, mainly books and articles in journals are cited; articles in books are listed only if the book is not entirely dedicated to the topic of violence. The bibliography starts with general literature on violence in Latin America. It goes on in a regional perspective dealing with Mexico and the Caribbean Basin, Central America, Colombia, Venezuela, the Andean countries (Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru), Brazil, and the Cono Sur States (Argentina, Chile, Uruguay) respectively. Details: Bielefeld, Germany: International Center for Violence Research – ICVR: 2011. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: ICVR Document No. 1/2011: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://internationalviolenceresearch.org/icvr/documents/1_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 129362 |
Author: Ayuso, Tomas Title: Central America : The Downward Spiral of the Northern Triangle Summary: Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador have entered a perilously new era in their history. Caught between the rise in criminal violence domestically and the presence of the international drug trade, the so-called Northern Triangle of Central America is fighting for its survival. A bleak economic landscape has fostered youth gangs known as maras and domestic smugglers to build a relationship with the great drug syndicates of Mexico and South America with impunity permitted by a corrupt police and government. How have the cartels exerted such dominance over Central America with most of the US bound cocaine now going through these countries? And what can be done to regain control of an isthmus in free fall? Details: NORIA: Network of Researchers in International Affairs (www.noria-research.com), 2012. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://www.noria-research.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Tomas-pour-PDF.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 129376 |
Author: Meyer, Rachel Title: Peacetime Violence in El Salvador and Honduras: A tale of two countries Summary: The end of the Cold War did not bring about an end to violence in Central America. Today, so-called non-political violence continues to worsen. Academics and public policymakers are frequently influenced by the assumption that there is a causal relationship between the political violence of the 1980s and the non-political violence of today. By looking at the cases of El Salvador and Honduras, this working paper seeks to systematize existing claims about the causal relationship between past and present violence into two approaches. Our research shows that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence but not in the ways most often cited in existing literature. We propose a new model to better understand the connection between past and present violence and recommend indicators that can be used to measure variations in violence over time in contexts of protracted non-political violence. Details: Barcelona: Institut Català Internacional per la Pau, 2012. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: ICIP Working Papers: 2012/6L Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://www.recercat.net/bitstream/handle/2072/205488/wp_2012_06_eng.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Political Violence Shelf Number: 129378 |
Author: Foundation for the Development of Guatemala Title: Drugs, Guns and Cash: Analysis and Proposals on How To Manage the Crisis in Central America Summary: The most important message extracted from this study is that without intergovernmental and international cooperation and support, primarily between the countries most involved, Guatemala and Central America will soon collapse into failed states dominated by shadow economies and run by Criminal Organizations that buy political power. Without decisive action, these countries will be ―handed to these criminal organizations and groups of people that wish to form their own type of government system and inadvertently create greater regional instability. This scenario must not be permitted. These same groups of people will eventually take control of the agricultural and industrial markets in the region, to which the United States and many other countries depend and, will determine where and at what price they would want to sell their products. Simultaneously, the United States would lose its position and influence in Central America. As a result, the region would begin to foster a unique environment where Narco-Terrorism and quasi-states can flourish. Efforts to stem the momentum of these events from evolving must be instantaneous and holistic to produce the desired effect. The carnage and destruction experienced in Colombia and Mexico is on the doorstep of Central American countries and the criminals have resources that are far greater today. Therefore, this report was developed with the hope of achieving three purposes. First, it is a learning process and a means to bring better understanding about the deteriorating situation in Central America. Secondly, it is to engender a general awareness on the various issues that impact the national security, wellbeing and safety of the citizens of countries in Central America. Thirdly, it is to initiate a deeper and more thoughtful discussion about these topics, recognizing that old debates, paradigms, and historical assumptions must be revisited to better analyze the gravity of the situation as critically and objectively as possible. The forces of organized crime are clashing against the forces of development. This clash impedes the regions ability to develop concrete solutions. Traditional strategies have led to limited results. The type of alternative solutions that should be favored are not based on conventional wisdom but instead of a result-oriented approach. The supporting structural ideas applied throughout this report will attempt to stimulate strategic thinking, debunk myths, understand displacement and its consequences, suggest concrete and cost-effective solutions, and develop an analytical framework, which allows a balanced fact-based approach. The most significant ideas that relate to strategic thinking are cohesive intelligence sharing, combined tactics, operational strategies and a collective initiative without regional borders and barriers. In the case of debunking myths, it is necessary to end the denial phase of the current crisis in the region by confronting the reality that this is a regional problem that requires an Integrated Regional Security Strategy and, unmask numerous erroneous conceptions and assumptions within Guatemala - and other regional countries - in their political, social, and economic arenas. Lastly, to understand the seriousness of displacement and its consequences, especially around the Latin American and Caribbean region. Prioritized allocation of counter-initiative resources must be addressed in a comprehensive and coherent manner or the problem will remain being shuffled around the geographic chessboard that haunts the region. Much time and effort has been devoted to the escalating problems of the region with few concrete and cost-effective solutions implemented in a timely manner. In contrast, an integrated analytical framework will guide the type of actionable strategies that are necessary to better approach these critical issues in Central America. In brief, the goal of this study is to promote a new and informed dialogue on these complex and vastly misunderstood matters. The proposed suggestions and recommendations are not meant to be final or conclusive, but rather, they are meant to spark a debate around sustainable solutions and ideas, and their potential results and benefits to the region. Hopefully, with this Central Americans can find common ground within which these findings and recommendations can be formulated and executed. Nonetheless, this report was developed with the intention of finding immediate and strategic regional solutions, underscoring a sense of urgency more so for Guatemala. Details: Ala Sur: Foundation for the Development of Guatemala, 2012. 113p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://www.fundesa.org.gt/cms/content/files/DRUGS,%20GUNS%20AND%20CASH.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 129379 |
Author: Carranza, Elias Title: Arms, Violence and Youth in Central America Summary: Central America has been identified as a sub-region displaying post-conflict characteristics; with some stages successfully completed, while other have failed or are still in progress. A notable dilemma, however, remains unaddressed: the relationship between violence and youth. Traditionally, this relationship has been perceived as a symbiotic, with youth perceived as violent, as a logical consequence of their presumed lack of maturity or experience. A part of the effort to understand this relationship has been the continuous attempt by some segments of civil society and political circles to grasp one among many dimensions of violence: how it impacts a specific sector of the population –in this case youth– and to what extent is that violence being furthered by that age group. The reason for this is that, while on the one hand we understand that youths are the primary victims of violence, on the other, violence tends to originate in this group. Thus, a vicious circle develops and expands with increased intensity day by day, threatening to embrace the entire society. At present, youth and violence display a strong link throughout Central America, urgently requiring a creative solution to what can be seen as the great urban tragedy of the region. Violence has accompanied humankind since the dawn of history and it is in no way a phenomenon restricted to the developing world. “Violence is the result of the complex interplay of individual, relationship, social, cultural, and environmental factors.”1 It results from a variety of sources, thus demanding comprehensive solutions. It also has a multiplier effect, resulting, among other things, from the way it is perceived, either from what the media conveys or from society’s own understanding of violence, which then reinterprets and translates it. Violence is not specific to a particular social class, nationality, religion, or ethnic group. It permanently combines social, economic, cultural, and even political factors. Therefore, it is a ubiquitous, structural phenomenon, with an undeniable social class component. All of this makes violence more tangible among the destitute, banned strata of society, as these are the hardest hit by poverty. Details: Unpublished paper, 2006(?). 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2013 at: http://www.obrayouthalliance.org/sites/default/files/Arms,Violence,Youth_Central_America.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Central America Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Shelf Number: 129391 |
Author: Centro Internacional para los Derechos Humanos de los Migrantes (International Centre for the Human Rights of Migrants)– CIDEHUM Title: Forced Displacement and Protection Needs Produced by New Forms of Violence and Criminality in Central America Summary: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua have been characterized over the last three years as countries of origin, transit and destination of regular and irregular migrant workers1. The causes of the exit of migrants from their communities of origin are multiple, such as extreme poverty, social exclusion, lack of work, scarce possibilities for settling, intra-family violence, abuse of power and gender violence, etc. The situation of these people with regular or irregular status in the destination countries depends on the new legislation that these countries have about migration. Unlike the situation in decades past, today it can be said that no receiving country for Central American migrants is accepting workers who are not highly qualified. In the last three years the level of violence produced by OC in the countries of Central America‟s Northern Triangle and Mexico has increased. The patterns of exit or displacement of people have changed; now not only the previously mentioned traditional expulsion factors are present, but also forced displacement2 within national territory for causes linked to violence and organized criminality has increased. Although the original socio-economic causes of exit towards the north in search of work or a better life persist, the current scenario in these countries is very different due to the high levels of violence produced by organized crime. However, the variables of internal and regional security do not take into account the human dimension of internal and external forced displacement. The change corresponds to the strengthening of a very significant organized, functional structure at the territorial and social level, which has cut across these countries from another perspective (movement of drugs, arms, migrant smugglers and people traffickers) and affects the dynamics of human mobility, directly linked to violence and lack of security and protection3. Organized crime is concentrated in strategic areas, mainly in border areas and the urban centres of the main cities of the Central American region. In this new scenario, OC weakens the structures of the States whose institutions have been disrupted and experience difficulties in offering effective protection to their own citizens. In this situation it is worth noting that none of the countries of Central America‟s Northern Triangle have accepted or publicly defined the existence of a population forcibly displaced internally or externally by organized crime activity. It is around the existence of the forcibly displaced population on one had and the population at risk from OC activity on the other that this study develops its principal analysis with the aim of highlighting the protection needs of both groups. In the regional Central American framework, the States have incorporated the subject of security as one of their priorities, for example, in SICA Regional Security Strategy and recently in the Presidential Summit held in Guatemala. In turn the Inter-American Human Rights Commission and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights drew up a regional document on citizen security. Details: Geneva, SWIT: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: http://www.rcusa.org/uploads/pdfs/Violence%20in%20CA%20Final20%20July2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 129411 |
Author: Sullivan, John P. Title: From Drug Wars to Criminal Insurgency: Mexican Cartels, Criminal Enclaves and Criminal Insurgency in Mexico and Central America. Implications for Global Security Summary: Transnational organized crime is a pressing global security issue. Mexico is currently embroiled in a protracted drug war. Mexican drug cartels and allied gangs (actually poly-crime organizations) are currently challenging states and sub-state polities (in Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and beyond) to capitalize on lucrative illicit global economic markets. As a consequence of the exploitation of these global economic flows, the cartels are waging war on each other and state institutions to gain control of the illicit economy. Essentially, they are waging a 'criminal insurgency' against the current configuration of states. As such, they are becoming political, as well as economic actors. This presentation examines the dynamics of this controversial proposition. The control of territorial space -- ranging from 'failed communities' to 'failed regions' -- will be examined. The presentation will examine the exploitation of weak governance and areas (known as 'lawless zones,' 'ungoverned spaces,' 'other governed spaces,' or 'zones of impunity') where state challengers have created parallel or dual sovereignty, or 'criminal enclaves' in a neo-feudal political arrangement. The use of instrumental violence, corruption, information operations (including attacks on journalists), street taxation, and provision of social goods in a utilitarian fashion will be discussed. Finally, the dynamics of the transition of cartels and gangs into 'accidental guerrillas' and 'social bandits' will be explored through the lens of 'third generation gang' theory and 'power-counter power' relationships. This presentation will serve as a starting point for assessing the threat to security from transnational organized crime through lessons from the Mexican cartels. Details: Paris: Fondation Maison des sciences de l’homme, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Papers Series, No. 9: Accessed July 16, 2013 at: http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00694083/ Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 129414 |
Author: Cunningham, Wendy Title: Youth at Risk in Latin America and the Caribbean: Understanding the Causes, Realizing the Potential Summary: Realizing the potential of Latin America and the Caribbean’s youth is essential not only to their well-being, but also to the long-term welfare of the whole region.Young people’s families, communities, and governments— as well as private, nonprofit, and international organizations—have a responsibility to help youth reach their potential. There have been many successes but also important failures. How to build on the successes and correct the failures is the subject of this report. Young people are generally perceived as the source of many problems plaguing the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region today. Crime, violence, and illegal drugs are permeating the region. Youth unemployment rates are reaching new highs, and girls are giving birth at younger and younger ages, putting enormous financial and psychological costs on young people and on their societies. Recent initiatives by young people in the region have shown how the youth of LAC can be productive and contributing members of society. But governments, often more concerned about those who are not successfully navigating the youth years, repeatedly ask for advice from international experts about how best to support them. This book has two objectives: to identify the at-risk youth in LAC, and to provide evidence-based guidance to policy makers in LAC countries that will help them to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of their youth investments. The book concludes that governments can be more effective in preventing young people from engaging in risky behavior in the first place and also in assisting those who already are engaged in negative behavior. To support governments in this endeavor, the book provides a set of tools to inform and guide policy makers as they reform and implement programs for at-risk youth. Many recent studies have analyzed the problems of young people in LAC and made policy recommendations. This book contributes to the debate in six ways that are intended to deepen our conceptual thinking about youth, to present new tools that will allow for a more accurate analysis of the youth population, and to extend the boundaries of policy options and reforms. The book does the following: 1. Focuses on young people who can be considered to be at risk. This subgroup is defined as young people who have factors in their lives that lead them to engage in behaviors or experience events that are harmful to themselves and their societies, and that affect not just the risk taker, but society in general and future generations. These behaviors include leaving school early without learning, being jobless (neither in school nor working), engaging in substance abuse, behaving violently, initiating sex at a young age, and engaging in unsafe sexual practices. 2. Considers the young person in his or her entirety rather than analyzing and proposing policies specifically for, say, the young unemployed, young mothers, or juvenile delinquents. This required the use of data sets that contained information about the many facets of a young person’s life and the use of analytical tools that allowed us to view many different dimensions of a young person’s life simultaneously. 3. Considers the many actors who shape the young person’s environment during his or her youth. This allowed us to make policy recommendations for a wider range of actors than studies that focus only on the young person. 4. Highlights the common factors that underlie most kinds of risky behavior and argues that a small set of broad, well-chosen policies can have a bigger impact than a sector-based portfolio. 5. Develops a new methodology to estimate the cost of risky behavior— to the individual and to society—across Latin America that will yield more accurate information for decision making at the individual and government levels. 6. Narrows the thousands of youth programs in the world to 7 “must have” initiatives, 9 “should have” initiatives, and 7 “general” programs and policies that are the most relevant for at-risk youth in LAC. These 23 programs and policies are the result of intensive consultation with policy makers, practitioners, and academics to identify the most appropriate policies and programs to support at-risk youth in LAC. Details: Washington, DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank, 2008. 326p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 17, 2013 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLACREGTOPLABSOCPRO/Resources/YouthatriskinLAC.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Central America Keywords: At-Risk Youth (Latin America) Shelf Number: 116645 |
Author: Seelke, Clare Ribando Title: Trafficking in Persons in Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: Trafficking in persons (TIP) for the purpose of exploitation is a lucrative criminal activity that is of major concern to the United States and the international community. According to the U.S. State Department, as many as 27 million people may be trafficking victims around the world at any given time. In recent years, the largest numbers of trafficking victims have been identified in Africa and Europe; however human trafficking is also a major problem in Latin America. Countries in Latin America serve as source, transit, and destination countries for trafficking victims. Men, women, and children are victimized within their own countries, as well as trafficked to other countries in the region. Latin America is also a primary source region for people trafficked to the United States. In FY2012, for example, primary countries of origin for foreign trafficking victims certified as eligible to receive U.S. assistance included Mexico, Honduras, and Guatemala (along with Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia). Smaller numbers of Latin American TIP victims are trafficking to Europe and Asia. Latin America serves as a transit region for Asian TIP victims. Since enactment of the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA, P.L. 106-386), Congress has taken steps to address human trafficking by authorizing new programs and reauthorizing existing ones, appropriating funds, creating new criminal laws, and conducting oversight on the effectiveness and implications of U.S. anti-TIP policy. Most recently, the TVPA was reauthorized through FY2017 in Title XXII of the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013 (P.L. 110-457). According to CRS calculations, obligations for U.S.-funded anti-TIP programs in Latin America totaled roughly $8.4 million in FY2011, with $5.3 million of those funds destined for Haiti. On June 19, 2013, the State Department issued its 13th annual, congressionally mandated report on human trafficking. The report categorizes countries into four “tiers” according to the government’s efforts to combat trafficking. Those countries that do not cooperate in the fight against trafficking (Tier 3) have been made subject to U.S. foreign assistance sanctions. Colombia and, for the first time, Nicaragua received the top Tier 1 ranking in this year’s report. While Cuba is the only Latin American country ranked on Tier 3 in this year’s TIP report, nine other countries in the region—Barbados, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, St. Lucia, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, and Venezuela—are on the Tier 2 Watch List. Unless those countries make significant progress, they could receive a Tier 3 ranking in the 2014 report. Activity on combating TIP has continued into the 113th Congress, particularly related to the reauthorization of the TVPA and oversight of TIP programs and operations, including U.S.- funded programs in Latin America. Congress is likely to monitor trends in human trafficking in the region, such as the involvement of organized crime groups in TIP and the problem of child trafficking in Haiti. Congress could consider increasing funding for anti-TIP programs in the region, possibly through the Mérida Initiative for Mexico, the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), or through other assistance programs. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: RL33200: Accessed July 19, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33200.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Human Smuggling Shelf Number: 129468 |
Author: Goodman, Colby Title: U.S. Firearms Trafficking to Guatemala and Mexico: A Working Paper Summary: Following an 18-month joint investigation between the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), U.S. authorities arrested Joel Linares Soberanis, a Guatemalan national, Fernando Argenis Huezo, and Fernando's common-law wife, Jenni Otilia Cortez, on March 11, 2010 in Conroe, Texas on alleged drug and firearms related crimes. From September 2008 to early 2010, both Huezo and Cortez allegedly purchased scores of firearms at U.S. gun stores in Texas, including Glock semi-automatic pistols and AR-15 assault-type rifles, with the intention of sending them across the U.S. border. At least 15 of these firearms were recovered by law enforcement authorities in both Mexico and in Guatemala. Three of these firearms were found in Guatemala within two weeks of their purchase. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers discovered these activities when they noticed heroin in the drive shaft of a dodge pick-up truck owned by Huezo attempting to enter the United States. In July 2010, Cortez was sentenced to 45 months in prison for falsifying forms to buy a firearm. Although the above case highlights yet another example of U.S. firearms trafficking to Mexico, it also provides a glimpse into a relatively unknown phenomenon: the illicit movement of U.S.-origin firearms to Guatemala. While U.S. public attention has focused on arms, particularly hand and rocket propelled grenades, moving from Guatemala or El Salvador to Mexico, there has been little research into U.S. firearms flowing into Central America, particularly the northern triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Based largely on an ATF examination of just one Guatemalan military bunker with firearms recovered from FY 2006 to FY 2009, ATF determined that 2,687 of the 6,000 firearms (40 percent) had a nexus with the United States (either because the firearms were U.S. manufactured or U.S. imported). In the last few years, there have also been at least 34 U.S. prosecutions related to firearms trafficking to Guatemala involving a total of 604 U.S.-origin firearms trafficked. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 20, 2013 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/US%20Firearms%20to%20Guatemala%20and%20Mexico_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Firearms Trafficking Shelf Number: 129474 |
Author: United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Title: Children on the Run: Unaccompanied Children Leaving Central America and Mexico and the Need for International Protection Summary: Since 2009, UNHCR has registered an increased number of asylum-seekers - both children and adults - from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala lodging claims in the Americas region. The United States recorded the largest number of new asylum applications out of all countries of asylum, having received 85% of the total of new applications brought by individuals from these three countries in 2012. The number of requests for asylum has likewise increased in countries other than the U.S. Combined, Mexico, Panama, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Belize, documented a 432% increase in the number of asylum applications lodged by individuals from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. In the United States, the number of adults claiming fear of return to their countries of origin to government officials upon arriving to a port of entry or apprehension at the southern border increased sharply from 5,369 in Fiscal Year (FY) 2009 to 36,174 in FY 2013.25 Individuals from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala and Mexico account for 70% of this increase. Beginning in October 2011, the U.S. Government recorded a dramatic rise - commonly referred to in the United States as "the surge" - in the number of unaccompanied and separated children arriving to the United States from these same three countries - El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The total number of apprehensions of unaccompanied and separated children from these countries by U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) jumped from 4,059 in FY 2011 to 10,443 in FY 2012 and then more than doubled again, to 21,537, in FY 2013. At the same time, a tremendous number of children from Mexico have been arriving to the U.S. over a longer period of time, and although the gap is narrowing as of FY 2013, the number of children from Mexico has far outpaced the number of children from any one of the three Central American countries. For example, in FY 2011, the number of Mexican children apprehended was 13,000, rising to 15,709 in FY 2012 and reaching 18,754 in FY 2013. Unlike the unaccompanied and separated children arriving to the U.S. from other countries, including El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, most of these children were promptly returned to Mexico after no more than a day or two in the custody of the U.S. authorities, making it even more difficult to obtain a full picture of who these children were and why they were coming to the U.S. While recognizing a significant contextual difference between the situation in Mexico and in the Northern Triangle of Central America, the common denominator is that all four countries are producing high numbers of unaccompanied and separated children seeking protection at the southern border of the United States. UNHCR's research was to ascertain the connection between the children's stated reasons, the findings of recent studies on the increasing violence and insecurity in the region, and international protection needs. UNHCR Washington conducted individual interviews with 404 unaccompanied or separated children - approximately 100 from each country - who arrived to the U.S. during or after October 2011 and, in the context of the current regional and national environments and the tremendous number of displaced children arriving to the U.S. from these four countries, analyzed the children's responses in order to answer two questions: Why are these children leaving their countries of origin? Are any of these children in need of international protection? Details: Washington, DC: UNHCR, 2014. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2014 at: http://www.unhcrwashington.org/sites/default/files/UAC_UNHCR_Children%20on%20the%20Run_Full%20Report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 131896 |
Author: Seelke, Clare Ribando Title: Gangs in Central America Summary: Congress has maintained an interest in the effects of gang violence in Central America, and on the expanding activities of transnational gangs with ties to that region operating in the United States. Since FY2008, Congress has appropriated significant amounts of funding for anti-gang efforts in Central America, as well as domestic anti-gang programs. This report focuses primarily on U.S.-funded international anti-gang efforts. The Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and its main rival, the "18th Street" gang (also known as M-18), continue to threaten citizen security and challenge government authority in Central America. Gang-related violence has been particularly acute in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, which have had among the highest homicide rates in the world. Recently, some governments have moved away from repressive anti-gang strategies, with the government of El Salvador having facilitated a historic-and risky-truce involving the country's largest gangs in 2012. The truce contributed to a large reduction in homicides, before beginning to unravel in recent months. The truce carries risks for the Salvadoran government that will take office on June 1, 2014, such as what might happen if the gangs were to walk away from the truce stronger than before and/or if the truce were to end abruptly and prompt an escalation in intra-gang violence. U.S. agencies have engaged on both the law enforcement and preventive sides of dealing with Central American gangs; an inter-agency committee developed a U.S. Strategy to Combat Criminal Gangs from Central America and Mexico that was announced in July 2007. The strategy focuses on diplomacy, repatriation, law enforcement, capacity enhancement, and prevention. An April 2010 study by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommended that U.S. agencies consider strengthening the anti-gang strategy by developing better oversight and measurement tools to guide its implementation. U.S. law enforcement efforts may be bolstered by the Treasury Department's October 2012 designation of the MS-13 as a major Transnational Criminal Organization (TCO) subject to sanctions pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13581. In recent years, Congress has dedicated funding to support anti-gang efforts in Central America. Between FY2008 and FY2013, Congress appropriated roughly $38 million in International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) funds for anti-gang efforts in Central America. Congress provided additional support in FY2008 and FY2009 for anti-gang efforts in the region through the Merida Initiative, a counterdrug and anticrime program for Mexico and Central America, and, more recently, through the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). Congressional oversight may focus on the efficacy of anti-gang efforts in Central America; the interaction between U.S. domestic and international anti-gang policies, and the impact of the Treasury Department's TCO designation on law enforcement efforts against MS-13. This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect to gangs in Central America. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2014. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: RL34112: Accessed March 18, 2014 at: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: 18th Street Gang Shelf Number: 131956 |
Author: Llorente, Maria Victoria Title: One Goal, Two Struggles: Confronting Crime and Violence in Mexico and Colombia Summary: Since the mid-2000s, violence related to drug trafficking and other transnational crime has increased exponentially in Mexico. By the end of the decade the public began to seriously doubt the government's strategy and its ability to guarantee public safety. The nature and intensity of violence in Mexico brought forth memories of the 1980s and '90s in Colombia, when the country was besieged by the Medellin and Cali drug cartels. Over the course of more than a decade, Colombia's security situation has improved dramatically; it has become an "exporter" of security expertise and has trained thousands of military and police personnel in Mexico, Central and South America, and the Caribbean as well as around the world. What aspects of Colombia's strategy and tactics for fighting organized crime in its own territory offer useful lessons for Mexico? What might Colombia's steps and missteps offer by way of example or counter-example? What is unique about each case such that comparisons are misleading? What do current security challenges in Colombia suggest about the threat posed by organized crime more generally? In One Goal, Two Struggles: Confronting Crime and Violence in Mexico and Colombia, international experts address the utility of comparing Colombia and Mexico's experiences and strategy for combatting organized crime and violence more generally. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2014. 126p. Source: Internet Resource: Woodrow Wilson Center Reports on the Americas - #32: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Colombia_Mexico_Final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 132052 |
Author: Donadio, Marcela Title: Public Security INDEX. Central America: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama Summary: Security is far from a theoretical discussion. It is a vital necessity, a primary feeling that contextualizes our decisions, hopes, challenges, possibilities and difficulties. It is not a question for disputes between political factions, or a favor bestowed by political representatives, it is a policy that the State designs and sustains in order to legitimize its own existence as the guarantor of the social contract that unites citizens below a single political form. Security permits the exercise of the right to live in peace, to create and make use of opportunities to develop one's life and those of loved ones. An environment of insecurity removes that right and interrupts essential development. Various discussions of security and insecurity in a large number of countries in the Latin American region are explained by the weakness of understandings regarding the State and the rights of citizens. The State is the political representation, not the owner of aspirations, feelings, and projects; political representatives do not own the State, but instead occupy it transitionally. The energized debates and responses, and citizen demands (or their negation, as is observed in the common misrepresentations of public opinion as "perceptions that don't consider the facts") display a confused understanding of the role of representation. A change in the way in which representatives see themselves and in how citizens see them or the power that they actually have would bolster the democratic regime. In the formation of a secure living environment, and wherever a State exists, institutions play a key role. It is in them that the State lives, and through them that policies and legal frameworks are developed and laws that affect all of us applied. The strengths and weaknesses of these institutions have a wide-ranging effect on the development of a secure environment. It is this very security environment that occupies the worries and hopes of the inhabitants of a great part of Latin America, especially in the last decade with the rising rates of criminality. It is a central theme on the agenda, related with the alternatives to the construction of democratic regimes and institutions. The Public Security Index directly addresses this institutional problematic and the foundation of State capacities to provide security in the region. It advances from the premise that institutions should be incorporated into security-development analysis. A pending issue was the field of policy formulation, of capacities to manage the security sector, of the indicators of how to construct a State apparatus that, in collaboration with civil society, faces up to security problems. It is a program born from RESDAL's commitment to work towards the construction of democratic institutions, combining the capacities of those that work within the State, with those from academia and civil society, and also from the objective of providing useful tools for discussions, analysis and decision-making. This publication is dedicated to six Central American countries: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama. Each one has its own particular reality and wealth, and should avoid the temptation to embrace realities that are different, and it is for this motive that each is treated separately. For a better understanding and analysis, the coverage of the cases also presents transversal axis that contribute to the security environment, such as economic resources, the institutional problematic, cross-border people flows, the collaboration of the armed forces with the police, and the role of private security. Details: Buenos Aires, Argentina: RESDAL, 2013. 152p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2014 at: http://www.resdal.org/ing/libro-seg-2013/index-public-security-2013.html Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Prevention Shelf Number: 132322 |
Author: Kennedy, Elizabeth Title: No Childhood Here: Why Central American Children are Fleeing their Homes Summary: Over a decade before President Barack Obama described the influx of unaccompanied child migrants to the United States as an "urgent humanitarian situation requiring a unified and coordinated Federal response," child and refugee advocates warned that children who shared experiences of years-long family separation, widespread violence in home countries, and higher rates of neglect and abuse were fleeing from South of our border in alarming numbers. Then as now, over 95 percent were from Mexico and the Central American nations of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. When these children were apprehended in the U.S., the Trafficking and Victim's Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA) required agents to ask limited and straightforward abuse questions. If the child was determined to be without a parent or legal guardian, s/he had to be transferred to Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) care within 72 hours. Yet, even though 8,000 to 40,000 unaccompanied child migrants were apprehended annually between 2003 and 2011, only 4,800 to 8,300 entered ORR"s care each year. A 2011 report by the Appleseed Foundation documented that most Mexican child migrants did not receive TVPRA screening and thus could not transition to ORR care. Instead, per an agreement between the Mexican and U.S. governments that Obama would like emulated among Central American countries, Mexican children were quickly deported. Nonetheless, those from indigenous areas or areas with high levels of drug violence were able to receive the "Unaccompanied Alien Child" (UAC) designation, alongside thousands from the three countries that make up the so-called Northern Triangle of Central America. In 2012, nearly 14,000 UAC entered ORR care, with 88 percent from the Northern Triangle. In 2013, over 24,000 arrived, with 93 percent from the same three nations. This year, as many as 60,000 could arrive, and while numbers from Mexico have declined, numbers from the Northern Triangle continue rising. What drives these children to flee their homes? What causes their parents to put them and their life's savings in the hands of smugglers? What happens if they fail to reach the U.S.? Since October 2013, with funding from a Fulbright Fellowship, I have lived in El Salvador and worked toward answering these questions through my research into the causes of child migration and the effects of child deportation (see appendix). Based on the evidence I collected and analyzed to date, violence, extreme poverty, and family reunification play important roles in pushing kids to leave their country of origin. In particular, crime, gang threats, or violence appear to be the strongest determinants for children's decision to emigrate. When asked why they left their home, 59 percent of Salvadoran boys and 61 percent of Salvadoran girls list one of those factors as a reason for their emigration. In some areas of El Salvador, however, extreme poverty is the most common reason why children decide to leave. This is particularly true for adolescent males, who hope to work half the day and study the other half in order to remit money to their families and help them move forward in life. In addition, one in three children cites family reunification as a primary reason for leaving home. Interestingly, over 90 percent of the children I interviewed have a family member in the US, with just over 50 percent having one or both parents there. Most referenced fear of crime and violence as the underlying motive for their decision to reunify with family now rather than two years in the past or two years in the future. Seemingly, the children and their families had decided they must leave and chose to go to where they had family, rather than chose to leave because they had family elsewhere. Essentially, if their family had been in Belize, Costa Rica, or another country, they would be going there instead. Details: Washington, DC: American Immigration Council, 2014. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2014 at: http://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/sites/default/files/docs/no_childhood_here_why_central_american_children_are_fleeing_their_homes_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Migrants Shelf Number: 132610 |
Author: Hiskey, Jonathan Title: Violence and Migration in Central America Summary: Over the past decade, much of Central America has been devastated by alarming increases in crime and violence. For most of this timeframe, migration from many of these same countries to the United States increased as well, at least until the 2008 financial crisis deflated migration numbers. In the following Insights report, we examine the possible relationship between high levels of violence and Central Americans' migration intentions. Though conventional views of the motivations behind migration tend to highlight economic and familial factors as the principal causes of migration, we find that crime victimization and perceptions of insecurity among Central Americans also play a significant role in determining the extent to which an individual considers migration as a viable strategy. Nonetheless, in the face of consistently high levels of crime and violence, perceptions of insecurity among Central Americans over the past ten years have been declining, suggesting perhaps a populace that has become accustomed to a high crime context and thus one less inclined to let crime influence future migration patterns. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2014. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Americas Barometer Insights, No. 101: Accessed August 4, 2014 at: http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/IO901en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Immigration Shelf Number: 132875 |
Author: Bumpus, John Title: Best Practices in Reducing Violent Homicide Rates: Honduras, El Salvador, Mexico Summary: The 2011 World Development Report aptly points out that the nature of violent conflict has changed, warning that the 20th century tools developed to prevent, mitigate, and manage traditional forms of violence may no longer be up to the task. The report's evidence shows that while interstate and civil wars are on the decline, 1.5 billion people worldwide continue to live in areas severely affected-and even debilitated- by persistent gang violence and organized crime. In Central America alone, homicides related to organized crime have increased every year since 1999. This worrying trend is evident even in states that have simultaneously made progress addressing traditional forms of political violence. This disconnect raises the question: what new policy tools are needed to prevent, mitigate, and manage contemporary forms of violence? One way that victims and states are grappling with this dilemma is by leveraging the power of local actors to forge local solutions. Some subnational authorities have taken on the responsibility of reducing gang violence in their own communities. Experiments led by innovative coalitions of mayors, private sector leaders and associations, churches, and other community groups seem to have had some positive effects in Latin American countries. Also of note, some of the best police practices and judicial approaches have occurred at the municipal level. This study identifies and assesses some of these local and innovative efforts in El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico. Despite differences in the composition of violent actors and the nature of violence across these three countries, researchers set out to identify how local communities and nontraditional actors are addressing gang violence in their particular contexts. Findings indicate that non-traditional approaches must carefully consider the specific realities of their contexts, thus having implications for external donors and influential state actors like the United States. Summaries of country assessments, findings, and recommendations follow. Full treatment of these topics is available in each country report. Details: Princeton, NJ: Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University, 2014(?). 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: https://wws.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/content/591g%20Homicide%20Reduction%20in%20Honduras_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Shelf Number: 132911 |
Author: Ferdinand, Dinys Luciano Title: Sexual Violence In El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua: Definitions, recommended data and indicators Summary: The objective of this document is to support capacity building within institutions in charge of sexual violence data collection and monitoring in the four selected countries, with proposed definitions, variables and indicators that can be used as a reference for the collection and analysis of data on sexual violence. The selection of indicators is based upon international agreements on the elimination of violence against women and gender-based violence. This proposal includes definitions, variables and indicators that address the diverse types of sexual violence that occur in public and private spheres. Details: Chapel Hill, NC: Ipas Central America, 2012. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2014 at: http://www.ipas.org/~/media/Files/Ipas%20Publications/SVCA.ashx?utm_source=resource&utm_medium=meta&utm_campaign=SVCA Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Family Violence (Central America) Shelf Number: 132950 |
Author: Maduro, Letizia Title: A Situational Analysis of Aruba's Response to Human Trafficking Summary: The Aruba Anti-Human Trafficking and Smuggling Taskforce was formed in 2007 as an interdepartmental and interdisciplinary committee to fight human trafficking and migrant smuggling. The following Aruban Government agencies are represented in the Taskforce: the Aruba Police Force (Chair), the National Security Service, the Public Prosecutor's Office, the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Department of Social Affairs, the Victim Assistance Bureau, the Department of Labour and Research, the Directorate of Alien Integration, Policy and Admission, the Dutch Caribbean Coast Guard, Aruban Border Control and Immigration Services, and the Department of Contagious Diseases. Since the National Plan of Action against Human Trafficking 2008-2010 (hereafter the "Plan of Action") was presented in 2008, the Taskforce has completed several initiatives for the education and training of government officials, guidance and support to possible victims, the establishment of a telephone helpline and availability of emergency shelter. In addition, the Taskforce also advocated for changes to relevant laws and regulations. The awareness campaign entitled "Open Your Eyes" was announced in April 2011. Campaign posters and flyers were put up in October 2011, on the National Day against Human Trafficking. The posters and flyers are available in Dutch, English, Papiamento and Spanish. The campaign is designed to inform the general public about human trafficking, with particular focus on its "invisibility." It also shows the public how to recognize the signs of human trafficking and promotes a telephone number for help on the matter. In June 2012, Aruba's Anti-Human Trafficking and Smuggling National Coordinator received the Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Award from US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in recognition of an extraordinary commitment to uncovering human trafficking cases, raising public awareness with a limited budget and finding alternative methods to provide protection services to victims of trafficking. This important recognition of the Taskforce's work during the previous five years made it clear that even small island nations like Aruba, with its limited financial and human resources, can make a difference in the fight against human trafficking. While only a few cases of human trafficking are reported annually and no convictions have been made yet, the Taskforce members are committed to working together and with other agencies to raise awareness on human trafficking, prosecute traffickers and bring needed assistance to victims of trafficking. Details: Geneva, SWIT: International Organization for Migration, 2013. 136p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2014 at: http://www.ungift.org/doc/knowledgehub/resource-centre/2013/IOM_Situational_Analysis_Aruba_9Aug.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Human Smuggling Shelf Number: 129894 |
Author: Isacson, Adam Title: Time to Listen: Trends in U.S. Security Assistance to Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: The list grows longer: sitting Latin American presidents, including the United States' principal allies; past presidents; the Organization of American States; the Summit of the Americas; civil society leaders from all nations. The clamor for drug policy reform, including for a reformed U.S. drug policy in Latin America, is growing rapidly. But Washington isn't hearing it. The Obama Administration's counternarcotics strategy has continued largely unchanged. In fact, over the past few years the United States has expanded its military, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies' direct involvement in counternarcotics operations in the Western Hemisphere. This has been particularly true in Central America, where it has had disturbing human rights impacts. Aid numbers do not tell the whole story. In dollar terms, assistance to most Latin American and Caribbean nations' militaries and police forces has declined since 2010, as Colombia's and Mexico's large aid packages wind down. Today, only aid to Central America is increasing significantly. For its part, the Defense Department is facing cuts and turning most of its attention to other regions. While the Pentagon's current approach to Latin America does not include major base construction or new massive aid packages, however, the United States is still providing significant amounts of aid and training to Latin America's armed forces and police. In addition to large-scale counter-drug operations, the region is seeing an increase in training visits from U.S. Special Forces, a greater presence of intelligence personnel and drones (while countries are obtaining drones, mostly not from the United States), and rapidly growing use of military and police trainers from third countries, especially Colombia. Much of what takes place may not show up as large budget amounts, but it is shrouded by secrecy, poor reporting to Congress and the public, and a migration of programs' management from the State Department to the Defense Department. A lack of transparency leads to a lack of debate about consequences and alternatives, for human rights, for civil-military relations, and for the United States' standing in the region. On human rights, the Obama Administration has been occasionally willing to raise tough issues with allies. It has encouraged trials in civilian, not military, courts for soldiers accused of committing gross human rights abuses, especially in Mexico and Colombia. It has supported the Rios Montt genocide trial in Guatemala, and has sided with countries and human rights groups that seek to maintain, not weaken, the current Inter-American human rights system. Details: Washington, DC: Center for International Policy, Latin America Working Group Education Fund, and Washington Office on Latin America, 2013. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://lawg.org/storage/documents/Time_to_Listen-Trends_in_U.S._Security_Assistance_to_Latin_America_and_the_Caribbean.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Control Policy Shelf Number: 131150 |
Author: Jones, Giavana Title: The Context of Resilience among At-Risk Bahamian Youth Summary: Many children are raised in environments that are not conducive to healthy development, yet grow up to be productive, well-adjusted adults. Resilience is the term used to refer to better than expected outcomes. The purpose of this study was two-fold: first, to identify the challenges that exist to undermine development among youth growing up in urban areas of Nassau, Bahamas, and secondly, to gain a culturally sensitive understanding of positive adaptation or resilience among this group. Additionally, the study sought to identify the positive factors that serve to buffer the effects of the risk factors and ultimately promote resilience. A mixed method approached was utilized for this study; interviews were first conducted with older youth and then Grade 9 and Grade 11 students in two local public schools completed surveys. Relationships with parents and nonparental adults, self-efficacy, and involvement in meaningful activity were the factors that were significant predictors of resilience in this sample of urban Bahamian students. Details: Windsor, ONT: University of Windsor, 2011. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed August 28, 2014 at: http://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/227/ Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: At-Risk Youth (Bahamas) Shelf Number: 129909 |
Author: Isacson, Adam Title: Mexico's Other Border: Security, Migration, and the Humanitarian Crisis at the Line with Central America Summary: Mexico's Other Border: Security, Migration, and the Humanitarian Crisis at the Line with Central America, which examines migration patterns, human trafficking and smuggling, security, and U.S. and Mexican policy at Mexico's southern border. With dozens of images, maps, statistics, and testimonies, the report not only explains what Mexico's "other border" looks like, it shows very clearly that the real humanitarian emergency is not just in shelters and detention facilities in south Texas - it runs along the entire migration route to the United States. Mexico's Other Border also outlines what is at stake for policymakers under pressure to "do something" about the current surge in migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border. Contrary to what some in Washington allege, lax U.S. border security is not to blame for this surge. (In fact, the number of security personnel on the U.S.-Mexico border has doubled in the past eight years.) WOLA found that Mexican authorities and migrant shelters alike have seen a sharp rise in migration from Central America, including the influx of families and unaccompanied children that authorities are now struggling to manage in south Texas and elsewhere on the U.S.-Mexico border. The report documents a modest but accelerating buildup of U.S.-funded security forces and infrastructure on both sides of the Mexico-Guatemala border. In a series of recommendations, authors Adam Isacson, Maureen Meyer, and Gabriela Morales call for an approach that can ease the humanitarian crisis facing Central American migrants in transit, without the risks of a large deployment of undertrained, uncoordinated, and unaccountable military, police, intelligence, and migration forces Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2014. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 10, 2014 at: http://www.wola.org/publications/mexicos_other_border Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Law Enforcement Shelf Number: 133260 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "You Don't Have Rights Here". US Border Screening and Returns of Central Americans to Risk of Serious Harm Summary: In recent years, the United States has apprehended growing numbers of Central Americans crossing the US-Mexico border without authorization. These migrants have left their countries for many reasons, including fleeing rising violence by gangs involved in the drug trade. US Customs and Border Protection deports the overwhelming majority of migrants it apprehends from Central America in accelerated processes known as "expedited removal" or "reinstatement of removal." These processes include rapid-fire screening for a migrant's fear of persecution or torture upon return to their home country. "You Don't Have Rights Here" details how summary screening at the US border is failing to identify people fleeing serious risks to their lives and safety. It is based primarily on the accounts of migrants sent back to Honduras or in detention in US migrant detention facilities. An analysis of US government deportation data shows that the Border Patrol flags only a tiny minority of Central Americans for a more extended interview to determine if they have a "credible" fear of returning home. Migrants said that Border Patrol officers seemed singularly focused on deporting them and their families despite their fear of return. Some said that after their deportation they went into hiding, fearful for their lives. Human Rights Watch calls on the US government to ensure that immigration authorities give the cases of Central American migrants sufficient scrutiny before returning them to risk of serious harm. It also urges US authorities to stop detaining migrant children, and to improve migrants' access to lawyers. Details: New York: HRW, 2014. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 17, 2014 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/us1014_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 133732 |
Author: Berk-Seligson, Susan Title: Impact Evaluation of USAID's Community-Based Crime and Violence Prevention Approach in Central America: Regional Report for El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Panama Summary: The countries of Central America - especially "the Northern Triangle" of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras - are among the most criminally violent nations in the world. As part of the U.S. Government's (USG) Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has designed and implemented a set of programs to improve citizen security in Central America by strengthening community capacity to combat crime and by creating educational and employment opportunities for at-risk youth. USAID's crime prevention work has been implemented through its field Missions in five countries: El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama. USAID/Washington, via its Cooperative Agreement with the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) at Vanderbilt University, asked LAPOP to design and carry out an impact evaluation of the crime prevention interventions under CARSI in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Panama. This evaluation is part of a broader effort to determine the effectiveness of community-based crime prevention, in contrast to the traditionally more common law enforcement, or mano dura ("iron fist"), approach to addressing the widespread crime and violence permeating Central America. The crime prevention approach attempts to address the root causes of crime, rather than deal with crime after it has become endemic. This multi-method, multi-country, multi-year evaluation was designed to contribute to an understanding of the effectiveness of USAID's community-based crime and violence prevention approach. This package of interventions - that is, the "treatment" in this impact evaluation - includes activities such as planning by municipal-level committees; crime observatories and data collection; crime prevention through environmental design (such as improved street lighting, graffiti removal, cleaned up public spaces); programs for at-risk youth (such as outreach centers, workforce development, mentorships); and community policing. USAID's community-based crime prevention projects are inherently cross-sectoral. That is, they integrate education and workforce development, economic growth and employment, public health, and governance interventions. This scientifically rigorous impact evaluation is based on recommendations found in the comprehensive study by the National Academy of Sciences (National Research Council 2008). It presents a summary of the main findings for the region as a whole. For each of the four focus countries, a more extensive, detailed country-level report has been prepared and is available online at http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ carsi-study.php. Details: Nashville, TN: The Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP), Vanderbilt University, 2014. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 8, 2014 at: http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/carsi/Regional_Report_v12c_final_W_111914.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Community-Based Programs Shelf Number: 134288 |
Author: Eventon, Ross Title: Justifying Militarisation; 'Counter-Narcotics' and 'Counter Narco-Terrorism' Summary: Three inter-related developments within US foreign policy have emerged in recent years: the militarisation of Central America states under the auspices of confronting drug trafficking organisations and improving human security; the deployment of militarised DEA agents overseas; and the emergence of 'counter narco-terrorism' as a means of justifying such policies. The DEA's Foreign-Deployed Advisory Support Teams (FAST) carry out investigations and targeted interdiction operations overseas. They are an upgrade to a similar programme begun in the 1980s and later abandoned, and emerged in their recent form in Afghanistan in 2005 as a funding-focused counter-insurgency initiative. FAST have since been deployed in Central America where agents work alongside repressive security forces and have been implicated in a number of civilian deaths. A surge of US aid to Central American security forces justified largely as 'counter-narcotics' funding continues a well-established trend: 'counter-narcotics' is often a synonym for militarisation. Through its parallel support for 'iron fist' policies, Washington has deepened the repressive capabilities of the local security forces. The concern with drug trafficking and human security is superficial. The overarching aim of US funding is the opening of the local economies to foreign investment, and the support of local political groups amenable to this agenda. In justifying the increased aid to Central America, US officials present a simplistic interpretation of the local situation: drug trafficking and gangs are responsible for violence, and this means the 'cartels' must be 'confronted' militarily. The interpretation is useful in facilitating the fulfilment of strategic goals. In reality, the conditions in Central America - the rising levels of violence and trafficking, the poverty, the economic inequality, marginalisation and political repression - are in large part the result of Washington's intervention. Linking these developments is the use by US officials of 'counter narco-terrorism' as a justification for chosen policies. In Afghanistan, FAST has been touted as such a programme - regardless of the fact that Washington does not officially consider the Taliban a terrorist group. In Central America, officials have publicly offered the same explanation for their policies without providing any substantiating evidence. A strenuous effort to generate such a connection appears to be underway, whether any link exists in reality or not. It is too easy to say 'counter-narcotics' operations are failing or misguided. Washington's policies in Central America may well have disastrous results for many, but through the maintenance of a certain status quo and the improvement of the climate for business and investment, they are undoubtedly a success for others Details: Swansea University, Global Drug Policy Observatory, 2015. 46p. Source: Internet Resource; Policy Report 3: Accessed May 6, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/Justifying-Militarisation-Swansea-university.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Enforcement Policy Shelf Number: 135514 |
Author: Farah, Douglas Title: Central America's Northern Triangle: A Time of Turmoil and Transition Summary: Transnational Organized Crime Groups with ties to Mexican drug cartels tip the balance of power in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador from fragile and corrupt states to potentially criminalized states. Details: IBI Consultants LLC, 2013.46p. Source: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://www.ibiconsultants.net/_pdf/turmoil-and-transition-2.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 129685 |
Author: Eguizabal, Cristina Title: Crime and Violence in Central America's Northern Triangle: How U.S. Policy Responses are Helping, Hurting, and Can Be Improved Summary: Throughout the spring and summer of 2014, a wave of unaccompanied minors and families from Central America began arriving at the U.S.-Mexican border in record numbers. During June and July over 10,000 a month were arriving. The unexpected influx triggered a national debate about immigration and border policy, as well as an examination of the factors compelling thousands of children to undertake such a treacherous journey. Approximately two-thirds of these children are from Central America's Northern Triangle-El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. According to interviews with the children their motives for migrating ranged from fleeing some of the world's highest homicide rates, rampant extortion, communities controlled by youth gangs, domestic violence, impunity for most crimes, as well as economic despair and lack of opportunity. Many hoped to reunite with family members, especially parents, who are already in the United States. The wave of migrants has underscored chronic problems in the region that stem back decades. It is often assumed that international drug trafficking explains the surge in violence since 2009, but other important factors are also at play. Drug trafficking is certainly a factor, especially in areas where criminal control of territory and trafficking routes is contested, but drugs do not explain the entirety of the complex phenomenon. Other factors have also contributed. While there are important differences among the three countries, there are also common factors behind the violence. Strong gang presence in communities often results in competition for territorial and economic control through extortion, kidnapping and the retail sale of illegal drugs. Threats of violence and sexual assault are often tools of neighborhood control, and gang rivalries and revenge killings are commonplace. Elevated rates of domestic abuse, sexual violence, and weak family and household structures also contribute as children are forced to fend for themselves and often chose (or are coerced into) the relative "safety" of the gang or criminal group. Likewise, important external factors such a weak capacity among law enforcement institutions, elevated levels of corruption, and penetration of the state by criminal groups means impunity for crime is extraordinarily high (95 percent or more), and disincentives to criminal activity are almost non-existent. Public confidence in law enforcement is low and crime often goes unreported. U.S. policy and practice are also a major contributing factor to the violence. U.S. consumption of illegal drug remains among the highest in the world, and U.S. and Mexican efforts to interdict drug trafficking in the Caribbean and Mexico has contributed to the trade's relocation to Central America. Furthermore, the policy of deporting large numbers of young Central Americans in the 1990s and 2000s, many of them already gang members in the United States, helped transfer the problem of violent street gangs from the United States to Central America's northern triangle. El Salvador now has the largest number of gang members in Central America followed close behind by Honduras and Guatemala. Finally, the trafficking of firearms, especially from the United States, has also contributed to the lethality and morbidity of crime. Efforts to slow firearms trafficking from the United States have encountered many domestic and political barriers and continue largely unchecked. Over the past year, the Woodrow Wilson Center's Latin American Program has undertaken an extensive review of the principal United States security assistance program for the region-the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). This review has focused on the major security challenges in the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras and how CARSI seeks to address these. This publication includes country reports on each country including a review of the current in-country security context, as well as assessing CARSI's effectiveness for addressing these challenges. The report also includes a chapter providing an in-depth analysis of the geographic distribution of homicides and an examination of how such an analysis can help policy makers design more effective targeted strategies to lower violence. A final chapter outlining policy options for the future completes the report. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2015. 155p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/FINAL%20PDF_CARSI%20REPORT_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 135789 |
Author: Jimenez, Ramon Title: Youth gangs and repressive anti-crime measures: The role of zero tolerance policing in northern Central America Summary: El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras have some of the highest homicide rates in Latin America. After the formal end of civil conflicts and authoritarian regimes throughout the 1990s, violence on a massive scale continued as an issue of great concern for the citizens of these countries. The youth gangs of the region, who have members in the tens of thousands, were blamed as the sole perpetrators of violence by media outlets and politicians. A decade after the transition to civilian rule, politicians chose to remedy their countries high homicide rates by initiating zero tolerance policies under the name Mano Dura or the heavy hand. This thesis explores the origins of the region`s pervasive youth gang problem and the subsequent use of hardline anti-crime measures. I argue that the region`s new violent manifestations and use of zero tolerance measures is rooted in economic conditions. Neglect, inequality and marginalization make up the main factors that drive youths to gangs. Political leaders unable to tackle these structural problems turned to the states security and penal institutions as a way of remedying their criminal problems. However, I argue that these measures are ineffective in reducing crime, promote human rights violations, and have pushed for a reemergence of the military in civilian affairs. Details: San Diego, CA: San Diego State University, 2014. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed July 13, 20015 at: http://sdsu-dspace.calstate.edu/handle/10211.3/123371 Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Shelf Number: 135994 |
Author: Marczak, Jason Title: Security in Central America's Northern Triangle: Violence Reduction and the Role of the Private Sector in El Salvador Summary: In the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, the increase in violence and organized crime highlights the need for new approaches to improve citizen security. In the case of El Salvador, a March 2012 gang truce has halved the daily homicide rate, opening an opportunity to build on existing efforts or to launch new approaches aimed at violence prevention. While public safety is the responsibility of the state, this Americas Society policy brief highlights the role of the private sector in violence prevention. It highlights innovative corporate efforts in violence prevention so that policymakers, businesses leaders, and others concerned about improvements in security can learn from these initiatives and obtain a more nuanced grasp of the possible space that can be filled by the private sector. Security in Central America's Northern Triangle: Violence Reduction and the Role of the Private Sector in El Salvador focuses on the role that multinational corporations can play in forging an integrated approach to crime reduction. This is a little known field in Central America. While the policy brief analyzes reinsertion efforts for former gang members and at-risk youth programs in the Salvadoran context, it also serves as a reference point for Honduras and Guatemala. Drawing examples from a larger sample of violence prevention efforts, the Americas Society policy brief highlights five corporate efforts that are creating safer communities and contributing to business bottom line. The local focus and the direct or indirect cooperation with the public sector are critical to program success. One of the companies, Grupo Calvo, employs 90 rehabilitated former gang members in its El Salvador plant-about 5 percent of its staff-and facilitates employment opportunities with suppliers for an additional 100 former gang members. These workers are some of the strongest and most productive employees at Grupo Calvo as well as at League Collegiate Wear, where 15 percent (40 employees) of its Salvadoran workforce joined the company through its reinsertion program. Additional companies featured in the policy brief include the AES Corporation, Microsoft Corporation, and Rio Grande Foods. Five recommendations are issued: 1.The private and public sectors each bring unique ideas, resources, and skills to violence prevention efforts and must find ways to coordinate these efforts, especially at the local level. 2.Corporate practices to improve security must be continuously catalogued and updated with a central repository and coordinating institution. 3.Private-sector violence prevention programs must be recognized both for their value in improving local communities as well the potential benefits they can bring to corporate bottom lines. 4.Reinsertion efforts and at-risk youth programs analyzed in the Salvadoran context should serve as examples-both the lessons learned and the overall strategies-for other Northern Triangle countries. 5.Regular dialogue between the public and private sectors is critical for identifying medium- to long-term violence prevention programs that will outlast the period in office of one particular official or political party. Details: New York: Americas Society, 2011. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Americas Society Policy Brief: Accessed July 23, 2015 at: http://www.as-coa.org/sites/default/files/Central%20American%20Security%202012.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: At-risk Youth Shelf Number: 136141 |
Author: Hipsman, Faye Title: In-Country Refugee Processing in Central America: A Piece of the Puzzle Summary: In December 2014, the Obama administration established the Central American Minors (CAM) Refugee/Parole Program, an in-country refugee processing program for minors in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras deemed deserving of humanitarian protection in the United States. An element of the government's response to the 2014 surge in arrivals at the U.S.-Mexico border of unaccompanied minors from Central America, the CAM program seeks to provide certain minors with a legal, safe alternative to undertaking dangerous, unauthorized journeys to the United States. In fiscal year (FY) 2014, almost 69,000 unaccompanied minors were apprehended by the U.S. Border Patrol, up from 39,000 in FY 2013 and 24,000 the prior year. Unlike in prior years, when Mexico was the top sending country, the majority of unaccompanied children in 2014 came from Central America's Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The growing power of gangs and organized-crime groups, as well as rising rates of homicide, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and gender-based violence in the region are well documented, and the new CAM in-country processing program was created with the aim of providing minors affected by violence in Central America the ability to legally reunite with parents living lawfully in the United States. This report provides an overview of the CAM program and its operations, and reviews the history of U.S. in-country processing programs, which date to the 1970s and have operated in countries including Vietnam, Haiti, Cuba, and Iraq. It also examines the issues such programs have raised about goals, participation rates, and the process and criteria for in-country applications. Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2015. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 14, 2015 at: http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/In-Country-Processing-FINAL.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Migrants Shelf Number: 136400 |
Author: International Organization for Migration Title: Hunger Without Borders: The hidden links between food insecurity, violence and migration in the Northern Triangle of Central America, Summary: Millions of Central Americans live outside their countries, with 80 percent of them living in the United States, according to new research into the connections between food insecurity, violence, and migration in the region. El Salvador alone has the highest percentage of its population living outside the country's borders at over 18 percent, the research shows. Further, during the period 2011-2013, the number of unaccompanied minors entering the United States from El Salvador increased by 330 percent. Worse, that number reached 593 percent for unaccompanied minors coming from Honduras. Findings have been organized around three main streams. The first describes the state of knowledge and evidence on the connections between the variables under scrutiny. The second focuses on the main lessons that can be drawn by combining the results of the literature review, the findings of the IOM and LSE studies, and the research and analysis conducted for the present study. Finally, the third part consists of a description of major gaps, recommendations and next steps. This research reveals that very limited analysis has been done that combines all the factors that are believed to drive outward migration and describes their interrelation. As pointed out by the IOM research, while there is a rich and varied bibliography on each of the individuals variable significantly less research has been conducted on the relationship between any two of them, and even less when considering at all three variables together. Literature on the relationship between violence and food security is particularly scarce. Food security as an issue in its own right is also generally absent from the current debate on migration and development, which focuses on economic opportunities, remittance flows, and other issues. Violence is discussed more frequently in relation to migration. This literature places emphasis primarily on criminal activities such as transnational organized crime, street gangs and related violent crime, while other forms of violence such as domestic and institutional violence are analysed to a much lesser extent and usually not in the framework of migration. Whatever the type of violence, evidence on whether and to what extent violence forces people to migrate out of their country of origin remains rather weak. Details: Rome: World Food Programme, 2015. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2015 at: http://files.ctctcdn.com/a9b48762501/6af4e79c-6cf2-42db-871d-7d7403dd7b4a.pdf?utm_source=Campaign+Created+2015%2F09%2F10%2C+11%3A29+AM&utm_campaign=Hunger+Without+Border%3A+Media+coverage&utm_medium=email Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Gangs Shelf Number: 136773 |
Author: Martin, Gerard Title: Community Policing in Central America: The Way Forward Summary: El Salvador, Guatemala, and Central America in general face complex security problems, including the proliferation of violent gangs, drug-trafficking organizations, and organized crime, as expressed in homicide rates that are among the highest in the Latin America and Caribbean region. Police reform that incorporates a community policing (CP) approach could contribute significantly to solutions, but it faces significant hurdles, including entrenched opposition to police reform, poor leadership and management capacity within police and other law enforcement entities, corruption as well as a challenging security environment. This report focuses on the status of USAID and U.S. State Department support for CP in El Salvador and Guatemala, and the road ahead, addressing five questions: - What key elements are leading to successful CP in El Salvador and Guatemala? - What factors keep CP programs from succeeding? - How can programs achieve quick successes in target communities, become sustainable, and be replicated? - What are we missing - and what else can we do? - Which innovative aspects of current practices can be used as best practices in the challenging security situation in these countries? This report presents an assessment of each country's current CP situation and the ongoing support from USAID and the State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL). The assessment offers country-specific conclusions, next steps, and observations about key elements for successful replication in the region. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development, 2011. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 25, 2015 at: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00JBQ7.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Community Policing Shelf Number: 136878 |
Author: Briscoe, Ivan Title: New humanitarian frontiers: Addressing criminal violence in Mexico and Central America Summary: Parts of Central America and Mexico are suffering a humanitarian crisis which stems directly from expanding criminal violence. In vulnerable communities in the region there are mass casualties on a par with conflicts elsewhere in the world - rape, kidnapping, human trafficking, extortion, forced displacement (both internally and across borders), migration of unaccompanied minors from crime-ravaged communities and exploitation and murder. The report pinpoints three structural challenges to a stronger humanitarian agenda in response to criminal violence in the region: the features and characteristics of criminal violence, the presence of self-sustaining regional mixed migration and the flow of narcotics and the extremely fragile nature of Central American states. The case for a reinvigorated humanitarian approach to criminal violence is stronger than ever. There are notable opportunities. This report argues that the existing strengths of humanitarian organisations in addressing criminal violence could be responsibly enhanced. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2015. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 27, 2015 at: http://www.internal-displacement.org/assets/publications/2015/201510-am-central-americas-violence-en.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug-Related Violence Shelf Number: 137158 |
Author: ACAPS Title: Other Situations of Violence in the Northern Triangle of Central America Summary: The aim of this study is to: Improve understanding of the key humanitarian impacts of violence on the lives of the affected population, using a multi-sectoral approach and considering both direct and indirect effects. Identify and propose specific sectoral indicators to measure these impacts, identifying available sources at national or regional level. io Provide an analytical framework that will help humanitarian actors decide the relevance of a humanitarian response based on the situation of the affected population, humanitarian access, and existing response capacities at the national and international level. Details: Geneva, SWIT: ACAPS, 2014. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 30, 2015 at: http://www.acaps.org/img/documents/o-2014-07-31-osv-hum-impact.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Statistics Shelf Number: 137179 |
Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Building Partner Capacity: U.S. Agencies Can Improve Monitoring of Counter-Firearms Trafficking Efforts in Belize, Guatemala, and Mexico Summary: Trafficking of illicit materials, including firearms, is widespread across Mexico's more than 700-mile southern border with Guatemala and Belize. Such trafficking presents a challenge for law enforcement in all three countries and for U.S. security interests. State and other U.S. agencies, such as ATF, have provided support to build the capacity of their counterparts in these three countries to address problems related to firearms trafficking. GAO was asked to review U.S. support to the governments of Belize, Guatemala, and Mexico to stem firearms trafficking across their shared border. This report examines, for these three countries, (1) the activities undertaken by U.S. agencies to build partner capacity to combat firearms trafficking and the extent to which they considered key factors in selecting the activities and (2) progress the United States has made in building such capacity. GAO analyzed program documentation and conducted interviews with U.S., Belizean, Guatemalan, and Mexican officials. To examine progress, GAO selected a nongeneralizable sample of eight key activities based on a number of factors, including whether the activity addressed firearms trafficking. What GAO Recommends GAO recommends that (1) ATF establish and document performance targets for its key counter-firearms trafficking activities in Belize, Guatemala, and Mexico, as appropriate, and (2) State work with other U.S. agencies and implementers to help ensure that progress reports identify key challenges and plans to address them. ATF and State agreed with these recommendations. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2016. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-16-235: Accessed February 3, 2016 at: http://www.gao.gov/assets/680/674640.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Firearms Trafficking Shelf Number: 137754 |
Author: Rosenblum, Marc R. Title: Trends in Unaccompanied Child and Family Migration from Central America Summary: After reaching record high levels during the spring and summer of 2014, the flow of Central American unaccompanied children (UACs) and families arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border declined sharply. Data from U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) show a resurgence in the numbers of child migrants and families from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras arriving in the United States in the summer and fall of 2015. What caused the sharp drop in Central American child and family migration flows in summer 2014, and why have the numbers begun to climb once again? Undoubtedly, numerous factors contributed to the downturn. The United States intensified its enforcement efforts at the U.S.-Mexico border, detained large numbers of Central American women and children, targeted more resources to investigate and prosecute migrant smugglers, and worked with the Northern Triangle countries on a public information campaign to discourage outflows. Perhaps most importantly, Mexico significantly stepped up its enforcement, with the advent of the Southern Border Program. Guatemala and Honduras also took additional steps to secure their common borders and Guatemala's border with Mexico; and the three Northern Triangle countries announced a large-scale development strategy known as the Plan for the Alliance for Prosperity. While the drop in child migration and family arrivals in 2014 led some to believe the regional migration crisis had been resolved, rising flows in 2015 offer a reminder that humanitarian and migration pressures in the Northern Triangle remain a major concern, and that smuggling networks play a significant role. This fact sheet examines influencing factors on the recent trends in unaccompanied child and family arrivals from Central America to the U.S.-Mexico border, as well as Mexico's role in enforcement. Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2016. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Fact Sheet: Accessed February 8, 2016 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/trends-unaccompanied-child-and-family-migration-central-america Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Law Enforcement Shelf Number: 137790 |
Author: Malone, Mary Fran T. Title: Why Do the Children Flee? Public Security and Policing Practices in Central America Summary: In this brief, author Mary Fran Malone discusses the security crisis in Central America and successful policing strategies for confronting this crisis. She reports that Central Americans' experiences and perceptions of crime are linked to an increased likelihood of migration. In 2014, approximately 57,000 unaccompanied minors traveled from Central America to Mexico, continuing north to cross the U.S. border illegally. The large numbers of people fleeing Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras testify not only to the violence of illicit markets but also to the failure of these countries' governments to fulfill their most important task - protecting the lives of their citizens. Not all Central American countries have failed at this task, however. Nicaragua and Panama have successfully created civilian police forces that have contained the crime crisis while also respecting the rights of citizens. Trust in police is significantly higher in Nicaragua and Panama than other countries in Central America, and people have more trust that the justice system will convict perpetrators of crime. If the United States aims to reduce the number of people fleeing north, it must invest more seriously in policing and public security practices that have a track record of success. After almost two decades, it is clear that the militarized and repressive policing strategies of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras do not work. As the cases of Nicaragua and Panama demonstrate, community-oriented policing strategies are effective in building citizens' trust in their police and fostering a culture of respect for human rights. Details: Durham, NH: University of New Hampshire, Carsey School of Public Policy, 2015. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: National Issue Brief #95: Accessed February 8, 2016 at: http://scholars.unh.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1259&context=carsey Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Community-Oriented Policing Shelf Number: 137791 |
Author: Hiskey, Jonathan Title: Understanding the Central American Refugee Crisis: Why They are Fleeing and How U.S. Policies are Failing to Deter Them Summary: In the spring and summer of 2014, tens of thousands of women and unaccompanied children from Central America journeyed to the United States seeking asylum. The increase of asylum-seekers, primarily from Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala - the countries making up the "Northern Triangle" region - was characterized by President Obama as a "humanitarian crisis." The situation garnered widespread congressional and media attention, much of it speculating about the cause of the increase and suggesting U.S. responses. The increase of Central Americans presenting themselves at the United States' southwest border seeking asylum, President Obama and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), specifically, implemented an "aggressive deterrence strategy." A media campaign was launched in Central America highlighting the risks involved with migration and the consequences of illegal immigration. DHS also dramatically increased the detention of women and children awaiting their asylum hearings, rather than release on bond. Finally, the U.S. government publicly supported increased immigration enforcement measures central to the Mexican government's Southern Border Program that was launched in July of 2014. Together, these policies functioned to "send a message" to Central Americans that the trip to the United States was not worth the risk, and they would be better off staying put. Yet the underlying assumption that greater knowledge of migration dangers would effectively deter Central Americans from trying to cross the U.S. border remains largely untested. This report aims to investigate this assumption and answer two related questions: "What motivates Central Americans to consider migration?" and "What did Central Americans know about the risks involved in migrating to the United States in August 2014?" An analysis of data from a survey of Northern Triangle residents conducted in the spring of 2014 by Vanderbilt University's Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) reveals that respondents were more likely to have intentions to migrate if they had been victims of one or more crimes in the previous year. In a separate LAPOP survey of residents of selected municipalities across Honduras, carried out in late July and early August of 2014, we find that a substantial majority of respondents were also well aware of the dangers involved in migration to the United States, including the increased chances of deportation. This widespread awareness among Hondurans of the U.S. immigration climate in the summer of 2014, however, did not have any significant effect on whether or not they intended to migrate. In sum, though the U.S. media campaigns may have convinced - or reminded - Hondurans, and perhaps their Salvadoran and Guatemalan counterparts, that migration to the United States is dangerous and unlikely to be successful, this knowledge did not seem to play a role in the decision calculus of those considering migration. Rather, we have strong evidence from the surveys in Honduras and El Salvador in particular that one's direct experience with crime emerges as a critical predictor of one's emigration intentions. What these findings suggest is that crime victims are unlikely to be deterred by the Administration's efforts. Further, we may infer from this analysis of migration intentions that those individuals who do decide to migrate and successfully arrive at the U.S. border are far more likely to fit the profile of refugees than that of economic migrants. Upon arrival, however, they are still subject to the "send a message" policies and practices that are designed to deter others rather than identify and ensure the protection of those fleeing war-like levels of violence. Details: Washington, DC: American Immigration Council, 2016. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2016 at: http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/docs/understanding_the_central_american_refugee_crisis.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 138142 |
Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Slum Wars of the 21st Century: The New Geography of Conflict in Central America Summary: Although the last of the civil wars that plagued Central America during the 1970s and 1980s was formally brought to an end in 1996, violence has continued to affect the region unabated into the 21st century. It has been widely contended, however, that there has been a fundamental shift in the political economy of this brutality, which according to various commentators now occurs predominantly in the more prosaic form of crime and delinquency rather than ideologically-motivated political violence. Drawing on the specific example of Nicaragua, this paper suggests that the alteration of the landscape of conflict in Central America can be interpreted differently, as a geographical transition from 'peasant wars' (Wolf, 1969) to 'urban wars' (Beall, 2006). The underlying nature of this new geography of violence is then explored, first theoretically and then empirically. Although past and present forms of brutality initially seem very different, present-day urban violence can in fact be seen as a continuation of past struggles in a new spatial context. The dynamics of these contemporary 'slum wars' suggest that this ongoing conflict is becoming more intense into the 21st century, largely as a result of this new spatial context. Details: London: Crisis States Research Centre, London School of Economics, 2007. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 10: Accessed March 11, 2016 at: http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/Output/173191/ Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Political Violence Shelf Number: 138179 |
Author: United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Title: Women on the Run: First-Hand Accounts of Refugees Fleeing El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico Summary: The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is entrusted by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly with responsibility for providing international protection to refugees and others of concern and, together with governments, for seeking permanent solutions to their problems. UNHCR would not be able to carry out its essential duties without the support, cooperation, and participation of States around the world. UNHCR provides international protection and direct assistance to refugees in some 125 countries throughout the world. It has over 60 years of experience supervising the international treaty-based system of refugee protection and has twice received the Nobel Peace Prize for its work on behalf of refugees. UNHCR works closely with governments and others to ensure that the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol are honored, and that national and regional migration policies are sensitive to the protection needs of all individuals. International refugee protection centers on providing refugees the protection of asylum, ensuring their human rights are respected, and safeguarding the principle of non-refoulement: the prohibition against returning individuals to a place where they would face danger. The protection of women is a core priority of UNHCR at the global, regional, and national levels. Gender inequality systematically prevents women and girls from claiming and enjoying their rights, and is exacerbated by displacement. UNHCR is committed to promoting gender equality and ensuring equal access to protection and assistance so women can fully participate in all decisions affecting their lives. In 2014, for instance, the percentage of females playing active roles in leadership and management structures in refugee communities increased from 42 to 46 per cent;136 UNHCR's sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) reporting and awareness raising led to a doubling of reported incidents in 44 key countries; and women identified access to livelihood options as key to creating self-reliance and sustainable solutions to displacement. UNHCR's Executive Committee has adopted four general conclusions relating specifically to refugee women. These conclusions note the need for UNHCR and host governments to give particular attention to the international protection needs of refugee women; the need for reliable information and statistics about refugee women in order to increase public awareness of their situation; the need for an active senior-level steering committee on refugee women; and the need for the development of training modules on the subject for field officers. The UNHCR Regional Office in Washington, DC covering the United States of America and the Caribbean gives priority to enhancing protection for women arriving in and within the United States, including for women in detention. After coming into contact with increasing numbers of women and families fleeing El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico, UNHCR undertook this study to understand the challenges they face. The overarching goal for the study was to hear from the women themselves the reasons they fled their countries of origin and the challenges they encountered while seeking protection. The women's voices provide the foundation for the ultimate aim of the study: to document profiles of women from El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico with a need for international protection, and provide policy makers and adjudicators with necessary information to bolster regional asylum for women. Details: Washington, DC: UNHCR, 2015. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2016 at: http://www.unhcr.org/5630f24c6.html Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 138557 |
Author: Preciado, Luis E. Title: State approaches toward reducing youth violence in Honduras and Nicaragua Summary: Nicaragua and Honduras are neighbor countries situated in one of the most violent regions of the world. As such, they share many similarities, including geopolitics, a history of political violence and insurgency, as well as a repressive authoritarian past. In spite of the two countries' similarities, their divergent policing and public security policies have led to equally divergent outcomes in crime and homicide rates. What factors explain this divergence? How effective are their respective policing and security policies in confronting the proliferation of violence among the youth of their nations? Analysis of these questions helps U.S. policy-makers gain greater understanding of the critical factors that are contributing to Central America's escalating youth violence. By way of a most-similar systems approach, this thesis analyzes the aspects that either enable or degrade state efforts to address their youth gang crisis. In sum, building strong and accountable criminal justice institutions as well as addressing the socioeconomic challenges that confront youth populations are necessary preconditions for reducing youth violence. To assist our regional partners in restoring security to their nations, U.S. policymakers need to promote programs that help strengthen institutional capacities and expand social programs that assist at-risk youth. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed April 11, 2016 at: http://calhoun.nps.edu/bitstream/handle/10945/47317/15Sep_Preciado_Luis.pdf?sequence=3 Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: At-risk Youth Shelf Number: 138626 |
Author: Meyer, Peter J. Title: Unaccompanied Children from Central America: Foreign Policy Considerations Summary: Since FY2011, the number of unaccompanied alien children (UAC) traveling to the United States from the "northern triangle" nations of Central America - El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras - has increased sharply. U.S. authorities encountered more than 52,000 unaccompanied minors from the region at the U.S. border in FY2014, a more than 1,200% increase compared to FY2011. This unexpected surge of children strained U.S. government resources and created a complex crisis with humanitarian implications. U.S. apprehensions of unaccompanied minors from the northern triangle declined by 45% in FY2015. They increased in the first five months of FY2016, however, and experts warn that significant migration flows will continue until policymakers in the countries of origin and the international community address the poor socioeconomic and security conditions driving Central Americans to leave their homes. The 2014 migration crisis led to renewed focus on Central America, a region with which the United States historically has shared close political, economic, and cultural ties. The United States engages with Central American countries through a variety of mechanisms, including a security assistance package known as the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and the Dominican Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR). Over the past two years, the Obama Administration has sought closer cooperation with Central American governments to dissuade children from making the journey to the United States, target smuggling networks, and repatriate unauthorized migrants. The Administration also has introduced a whole-of-government "U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America" designed to increase economic opportunity, reduce extreme violence, and strengthen the effectiveness of state institutions in the region. The Administration requested $1 billion through the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development to implement the strategy in FY2016, and it has requested more than $770 million through those two agencies to continue implementation in FY2017. The governments of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras are undertaking complementary efforts under their "Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity in the Northern Triangle." Congress has expressed considerable concern about increased migration from Central America, with Members holding numerous hearings, traveling to the region, and introducing legislation designed to address the situation. Although Congress opted not to appropriate supplemental funding for programs in Central America in FY2014, it appropriated more than $570 million for the region in FY2015, which was $241 million more than the Administration originally requested. The Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act, 2015 (P.L. 113-235), also directed the Administration to develop a comprehensive strategy to address the key factors contributing to the migration of unaccompanied children to the United States. The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2016 (P.L. 114-113), appropriated $750 million in support of the Administration's Central America strategy in FY2016. The act also placed a number of conditions on the assistance, requiring governments in the region to take steps to improve border security, combat corruption, increase revenues, and address human rights concerns, among other actions. As Congress debates the Administration's FY2017 budget request and other legislative options to address increased migration from Central America, it might take into consideration a variety of interrelated issues. These issues might include the humanitarian implications of the current situation, the international humanitarian response, Central American governments' limited capacities to receive and reintegrate repatriated children, Central American governments' abilities and willingness to address poor security and socioeconomic conditions in their countries, and the extent to which the Mexican government is capable of limiting the transmigration of Central Americans through its territory. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Services, 2016. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: R43702: Accessed May 25, 2016 at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/homesec/R43702.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Protection Shelf Number: 138656 |
Author: Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO) Title: Violence and Community Capabilities: Insights for Building Safe and Inclusive Cities in Central America Summary: This paper offers insights into dynamics of urban violence in two Central American countries that have evolved very differently historically. Costa Rica boasts the lowest overall levels of poverty and inequality of any country on the Isthmus, and has benefited from decades of stable and relatively inclusive governance highlighted by ambitious social policies. El Salvador, by contrast, exhibits severe levels of poverty and inequality typical of its neighbors, as well as a long history of exclusionary rule and corresponding inattention to social welfare. Yet our research reveals significant parallels between the two countries. This three-year, multi-method comparative study, carried out by teams at FLACSO-Costa Rica and FLACSO-El Salvador in collaboration with American University and with support from the IDRC/DFID Safe and Inclusive Cities program, focused on violence in two impoverished urban communities in Costa Rica and three in El Salvador. In all five settings, we analyzed neighborhood dynamics as well as community assessments of anti-violence interventions. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Latin American and Latino Studies, American University, 2015. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: CLALS Working Paper Series no. 8: Accessed June 2, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2685419 Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 139272 |
Author: Rosnick, David Title: Have US-Funded CARSI Programs Reduced Crime and Violence in Central America? Summary: In October 2014, the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) at Vanderbilt University published an impact assessment study of community-based violence prevention programs that have been implemented under the umbrella of the US State Department's Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). The study looked at survey data measuring public perceptions of crime in 127 treatment and control neighborhoods in municipalities in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Panama where the violence prevention programs have been implemented. The study's authors stated that the data shows that "in several key respects the programs have been a success" and note, for instance, that 51 percent fewer residents of "treated" communities reported being aware of murders and extortion incidents during the previous 12 months, and 19 percent fewer residents reported having heard about robberies having occurred. As the LAPOP study is, to date, the only publicly accessible impact assessment of programs carried out under CARSI - a notoriously opaque regional assistance scheme that has received hundreds of millions of dollars of US government funding - a thorough review of the LAPOP study data seemed appropriate. This report examines the data collected during the LAPOP study and subjects them to a number of statistical tests. The authors find that the study cannot support the conclusion that the areas subject to treatment in the CARSI programs showed better results than those areas that were not. This report identifies major problems with the LAPOP study, namely, the nonrandomness of the selection of treatment versus control areas and how the differences in initial conditions, as well as differences in results between treatment and control areas, have been interpreted. In the case of reported robberies, if the areas subject to treatment have an elevated level of reported robberies in the year prior to treatment, it is possible that there is some reversion to normal levels over the next year. The LAPOP methodology does not differentiate between effective treatment and, for example, an unrelated decline in reported robberies in a treated area following a year with an abnormally high number of reported robberies. The series of statistical tests in this report indicate that this possibility is quite plausible, and cannot be ruled out; and that the LAPOP study, therefore, does not demonstrate a statistically significant positive effect of treatment. The same can be said for the other variables where the LAPOP study finds significant improvement. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2016. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2016 at: http://cepr.net/images/stories/reports/carsi-2016-09.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Prevention Programs Shelf Number: 146137 |
Author: de Leon-Escribano, Carmen Rosa Title: Capabilities of Police and Military Forces in Central America -- A Comparative Analysis of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras an d Nicaragua Summary: A difficult transition to a new paradigm of Democratic Security and the subsequent process of military restructuring during the nineties led El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua to re-consider their old structures and functions of their armed forces and police agencies. This study compares the institutions in the four countries mentioned above to assess their current condition and response capacity in view of the contemporary security challenges in Central America. This report reveals that the original intention of limiting armies to defend and protect borders has been threatened by the increasing participation of armies in public security. While the strength of armies has been consolidated in terms of numbers, air and naval forces have failed to become strengthened or sufficiently developed to effectively combat organized crime and drug trafficking and are barely able to conduct air and sea operations. Honduras has been the only country that has maintained a proportional distribution of its armed forces. However, security has been in the hands of a Judicial Police, supervised by the Public Ministry. The Honduran Judicial Police has been limited to exercising preventive police duties, prohibited from carrying out criminal investigations. Nicaragua, meanwhile, possesses a successful police force, socially recognized for maintaining satisfactory levels of security surpassing the Guatemalan and El Salvadoran police, which have not achieved similar results despite of having set up a civilian police force separate from the military. El Salvador meanwhile, has excelled in promoting a Police Academy and career professional education, even while not having military attaches in other countries. Regarding budgetary issues, the four countries allocate almost twice the amount of funding on their security budgets in comparison to what is allocated to their defense budgets. However, spending in both areas is low when taking into account each country's GDP as well as their high crime rates. Regional security challenges must be accompanied by a professionalization of the regional armies focused on protecting and defending borders. Therefore, strong institutional frameworks to support the fight against crime and drug trafficking are required. It will require the strengthening of customs, greater control of illicit arms trafficking, investment in education initiatives, creating employment opportunities and facilitating significant improvements in the judicial system, as well as its accessibility to the average citizen. Details: Miami: Florida International University, Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, 2011. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center. Paper 10. Accessed October 6, 2016 at: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1009&context=whemsac Year: 2011 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 140540 |
Author: United Nations Children's Fund - UNICEF Title: Broken Dreams: Central American Children's Dangerous Journey to the United States Summary: The flow of refugee and migrant children from Central America making their way to the United States shows no sign of letting up, despite the dangers of the journey and stronger immigration enforcement measures implemented after a major increase in numbers in mid-2014. In the first six months of 2016, almost 26,000 unaccompanied children and close to 29,700 people travelling as a family - mostly mothers and young children - were apprehended at the US border.2 Most are from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, which have some of the world's highest murder rates.3 They seek to get away from brutal gangs that target them or poverty and exclusion that deprive them of education and hope. Many also travel north to reunify with their families. Many of the adults and some of the children apprehended at the US border are deported in expedited proceedings, women and young children spend weeks, and at times months in detention, while unaccompanied children may face years of uncertainty as their cases go before immigration courts. If deported, some of them could be killed or raped by the gangs they had sought to escape in the first place. All these children need protection every step of the way - at home, along the journey and at their destination. Thousands never make it as far as the US border. In the first six months of 2016, more than 16,000 refugee and migrant children from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras were apprehended in Mexico.4 In addition, hundreds of refugees and migrants die every year in the harsh environment along the Mexico-US border.5 Many more are missing and are feared to have been kidnapped, trafficked or murdered.6 "It is heart-rending to think of these children - most of them teenagers, but some even younger - making the gruelling and extremely dangerous journey in search of safety and a better life. This flow of young refugees and migrants highlights the critical importance of tackling the violence and socio-economic conditions in their countries of origin," said UNICEF's Deputy Executive Director Justin Forsyth. Details: UNICEF, 2016. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 7, 2016 at: http://www.unicef.org/media/files/UNICEF_Child_Alert_Central_America_2016_report_final(1).pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 147814 |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Easy Prey: Criminal Violence and Central American Migration Summary: Massive deportations from Mexico and the U.S. have failed to stem the tide of Central Americans fleeing endemic poverty combined with epidemic violence. Stepped up enforcement has diverted undocumented migration into more costly, circuitous and dangerous channels. Criminal gangs and the corrupt officials who enable them are the beneficiaries of a policy that forces desperate people to pay increasing sums to avoid detention, extortion or kidnapping. Beefed-up border control inadvertently fuels human smuggling and fortifies criminal gangs that increasingly control that industry. Governments must guarantee those fleeing violence the opportunity to seek asylum through fair, efficient procedures, while launching a major regional effort to provide security and economic opportunity in home countries. Central American leaders, especially in the northern triangle of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, must in turn address chronic insecurity more effectively while monitoring and assisting those deported, especially children and adolescents, so they have an option other than fleeing again. The humanitarian crisis of 2014, when the U.S. struggled to cope with a surge of undocumented migrants, especially unaccompanied children, was never resolved. It was just pushed southwards. In fiscal year 2015, Mexico returned 166,000 Central Americans, including some 30,000 children and adolescents, while the U.S. deported over 75,000. But the Mexican government’s capacity to control the flow of migrants and refugees is reaching its limit. Many see Mexico as their destination, not just the country they cross in transit to the U.S. Asylum petitions have more than doubled, straining capacity to process them fairly and efficiently. Though the acceptance rate has increased in 2016, it remains inadequate to protect the men, women and children whose lives and livelihoods are threatened by the criminals who dominate many impoverished communities. Migrants from both Mexico and the northern triangle of Central America (NTCA) region have long fled poverty to seek a better life abroad, sending home remittances that are a major source of foreign exchange and a crucial prop for their home countries’ economies. However, Mexico and the U.S. treat what is now in large part a violence-driven refugee crisis as if it were still solely an economic migration problem. Many victimised today by economic deprivation and social exclusion also face persecution by organised criminal groups, from neighbourhood gangs to transnational drug traffickers. Forced displacement is increasingly widespread, as violence reaches civil-war levels. About 150,000 people have been killed in the NTCA since 2006, an average of more than 50 homicides per 100,000, more than triple the rate in Mexico (where killings have soared since 2007) and more than ten times the U.S. average. El Salvador became the most violent country in the western hemisphere in 2015 with a staggering murder rate of 103 per 100,000 people, while Honduras suffered 57 per 100,000 and Guatemala 30 per 100,000. Young people are the most vulnerable to violence, as both perpetrators and victims. The proportion of homicide victims under age twenty in El Salvador and Guatemala is higher than anywhere else in the world. No wonder that 35,000 children and adolescent migrants were detained in Mexico in 2015, nine times more than in 2011. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2016. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 57: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/057-easy-prey-criminal-violence-and-central-american-migration.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Deportation Shelf Number: 141083 |
Author: Dudley, Steven Title: Violence Against Migrants Summary: Mexico and Central America have emerged as one of the most dangerous areas on the planet outside of active war zones. The region is currently confronting unprecedented security challenges from street gangs, the growing presence of sophisticated criminal organizations and endemic corruption at all levels of law enforcement and government. These challenges are not new, but they are growing in intensity and visibility. As the risks to human security increase, so does the vulnerability of migrants who cross the region moving northward toward the United States. The dangers have become particularly vivid in Mexico, where unknown numbers of Mexican, Central American, and South American migrants have been killed or gone missing, presumably at the hands of criminal actors or corrupt public officials. Many more are victims of extortion, rape, and other crimes. The homicide rate in Central America stands at just over 40 per 100,000 residents — more than twice the homicide rate in Mexico (18 per 100,000 residents), a country that receives considerably more international media attention for high levels of crime and violence. Most of the homicides in Central America are concentrated in the Northern Triangle countries — Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras — where murder rates average 58 per 100,000 residents (See Figure 1). By comparison, in the United States the homicide rate peaked at 10 per 100,000 residents in 1980 and currently stands around 5 per 100,000. The aggregate national statistics, however, hide substantial variation within nations. In the District of Columbia (Washington, DC), the homicide rate peaked at 81 per 100,000 residents in 1991 and in 2010 stood around 22 per 100,000 — higher than in Mexico City, where the murder rate was about 14 per 100,000 in 2010. High levels of violence in certain areas — in Mexico's case, in the border regions — skew national statistics upward. In both Mexico and Central America, criminal groups seem to have overwhelmed the undermanned public security forces. Controlling illicit activity in rural and border areas, where migrants often cross, is particularly challenging. For instance, Olancho, a Honduran department (similar to a state or province), has about 250 police officers to cover an area roughly the size of El Salvador and larger than the country of Belgium or the US state of Maryland.1 In 2011, the Guatemalan government recently ordered 800 soldiers, including 300 members of the country's elite Kaibil forces that specialize in jungle warfare and counterinsurgency, to reinforce local police in the remote Peten province that borders Mexico. Corruption of public security forces —in some instances at high levels — further complicates these challenges. Details: s.l.: InSight Crime, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 21, 2016 at: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2016/Violence_Against_Migrants.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Shelf Number: 147902 |
Author: CID Gallup Latinoamerica Title: Illicit Cigarette Trade in Central America Summary: This report is intended to contribute to the knowledge of a silent phenomenon that has been expanding alarmingly in recent years to become a serious threat to the economies, institutionality, and security of Central American countries. Based on a variety of studies, it synthesizes the views of regional market studies and documents by international organizations such as the World Health Organization, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and the World Customs Organization, among others, to give a panorama of the problem's complexity and the imperative need to join forces to halt its rapid expansion. According to the World Bank, the illicit cigarette trade accounts for 10-12% of the global market. This is equivalent to 600 billion illicit cigarettes, generating $40-50 billion in lost tax revenue every year. In recent years, the illicit trade in tobacco products has grown rapidly all over the world to become an activity of interest for international organized crime and terrorism. For large criminal operations it implies potentially huge profits at low risk. The market research firm of Euromonitor International, for example, considers "the illicit cigarette trade is the leading illegal trade with respect to legal products, in terms of value, and is second only to drugs in terms of income generated by traffickers." One of the main reasons this illicit trade has grown so rapidly is the adoption of policies to reduce consumption, driving laws that have raised the price of the product, particularly through selective taxes, and making illegal products more attractive price-wise, especially for lower income families. Added to this is the failure of governments to enact the laws needed to persecute and punish the illicit cigarette trade. Last year the United States Department of State classified the illicit cigarette trade as a threat to national security. The main reasons behind this affirmation are that it encourages corruption and is a low-risk, high-reward activity for criminal organizations and a major focal point of tax fraud. Research has shown that terrorist organizations such as Hezbollah and Hamas use the illicit cigarette trade to finance some of their activities, while in Central America its link with criminal groups such as the Los Zetas drug cartel has already been reported. This serious security threat is added to the detrimental impact this illicit trade has on the countries' democratic, legal and economic institutions. In Central America, studies indicate that the hub of the illicit cigarette trade is in Panama, where illegal cigarettes are brought in from India and China and later re-exported to the rest of the countries in the region. The free trade zones play a key role in the illicit cigarette trade, since they are used as deposit, storage and distribution sites due to their lax controls and trade facilities, which are taken advantage of by criminals. Despite major efforts by Central American governments and authorities to counter this illegal activity, its illicit growth has not been contained. Generally speaking, it appears that policymakers have underestimated the real size of this threat. The public, as well, tends to have a mistaken idea, expressing a certain amount of tolerance for the trade. Because of the many factors involved, the problem must be addressed holistically and comprehensively, with the participation of the different law enforcement, security, health, customs, and treasury institutions as well as the private sector affected by this type of trade. A public-private sector alliance is therefore essential for implementing joint strategies and containing a growing threat that is gaining force and amassing resources, making it even more difficult to eradicate. Along with training and control and vigilance by law enforcement agencies, campaigns are needed to raise public awareness of the seriousness of the problem. Finally, through the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control the World Health Organization is advancing the Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products, which addresses the problem comprehensively and urges authorities to take joint and concrete measures to counter it. Details: San José, Costa Rica, CID Gallup Latinomaerica, 2016. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 10, 2017 at: http://amcham.co.cr/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Ilicit-Cigarette-Trade-in-Central-America.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Illegal Cigarette Trade Shelf Number: 140868 |
Author: Lessing, Benjamin Title: The Logic of Violence in Criminal War: Cartel-State Conflict in Mexico, Colombia, and Brazil Summary: Why do drug cartels fight states? Episodes of armed conflict between drug cartels and states in Colombia, Brazil and Mexico have demonstrated that 'criminal wars' can be just as destructive as civil wars. Yet insurgents in civil wars stand a reasonable chance of winning formal concessions of territory or outright victory. Why fight the state if, like drug cartels, you seek neither to topple nor secede from it? Equally puzzling are the divergent effects of state crackdowns. Mexico's militarized crackdown in 2006 was intended to quickly break up the cartels and curtail incipient inter-cartel and anti-state violence; five years later, splintered cartels are an order of magnitude more violent, with over 16,000 homicides and 600 of attacks on army troops in 2011 alone. Conversely, in Rio de Janeiro, a massive November 2010 invasion by state forces of a key urban zone that had been under cartel dominion for a generation failed to produce the grisly bloodbath that even the government’s defenders predicted. Instead, it heralded what appears to be a decisive shift by cartels away from confrontation. Why do some crackdowns lead to violent blowback, while others successfully curtail cartel-state conflict? The key to both puzzles lies in a fundamental difference between cartel-state conflict and civil war. Cartels turn to anti-state violence, not, as in civil war, in hopes of conquering mutually prized territory or resources, but to influence state policy. Like many interest groups, cartels expend resources to influence policy, usually acting at the level of policy enforcement, through corruption, but sometimes also at the level of policy formation, through lobbying. Yet licit interest groups are not targeted for destruction by the state, and generally possess no means of physical coercion. Cartels always face some level of state repression, but fighting back usually provokes even greater repression. Often, this leads them to 'hide' rather than 'fight', using anonymity and bribes to minimize confrontation; under certain conditions, though, violence may seem the best pathway to policy influence. The decision to turn to violent forms of policy influence is thus highly sensitive to what the state is doing; shifts in state policy, especially crackdowns, can trigger sharp variation in cartel-state conflict. This study first distinguishes the 'logics' of violent corruption and violent lobbying, as well as dynamics deriving from turf war among cartels, then identifies the conditions that make each logic operative. Violent corruption—epitomized by drug lord Pablo Escobar’s infamous phrase “plata o plomo?” (bribe or bullet?)—is central; it occurs, in all three cases, prior to and with greater consistency than violent lobbying or other mechanisms. States face a dilemma: they cannot crack down on traffickers without inadvertently giving corrupt enforcers (police, judges, etc.) additional leverage to extract bribes. A formal model of bribe negotiation illustrates the cartel's choice: simply pay the larger bribe, or use the threat of violence to intimidate enforcers and reduce the equilibrium bribe demand. The central finding is that blanket crackdowns in a context of widespread corruption can increase cartels' incentives to fight back, whereas more focused crackdowns that hinge on cartel behavior induce non-violent strategies. Conditionality of repression–the degree to which repressive force is applied in proportion to the amount of violence used by cartels–is thus a critical factor behind the divergent response of cartels to crackdowns across cases. A move toward conditional crackdowns occurred both in Colombia, after Escobar's demise and the fragmenting of the drug market, and in Rio de Janeiro, with its innovative ‘pacification’ strategy. In both cases, cartels have shifted away from confrontation and toward nonviolent 'hiding' strategies. In Mexico, by contrast, the state has insisted on pursuing all cartels without distinction, leading to sharp increases in cartel-state violence. Other, less central logics help explain contrasting modalities of cartel violence. Violent lobbying, in the form of narco-terrorism and direct negotiation with state leaders, is dramatic and chilling, but only makes strategic sense when there is an open policy question that cartels can realistically hope to influence. Moreover, if the benefits of policy change are 'public' or non-excludable, violent lobbying is subject to the free-rider problem, and only likely to occur if cartels can cooperate. Thus violent lobbying has been intense in Colombia, where cartels were initially united and extradition remained an open policy question for a decade; occasional in Brazil where a dominant cartel uses it to influence carceral policy, and relatively rare in Mexico, where cartels are fragmented and the president’s high-profile 'ownership' of his crackdown creates overwhelming audience costs to policy change. Inter-cartel turf war is far more intense in Mexico than elsewhere, driving logics of reputation building and false-flag attacks, and contributing to the prominence of 'propagandistic' violence like mutilation and 'narco-messages'. These turf-war dynamics are reinforced by the government’s kingpin strategy and its splintering of the cartels. Moreover, fragmentation has a general-equilibrium effect on the maximum pressure the state can apply to any one cartel, given its unconditional approach. This further reduces the sanction cartels face for using violence, and drives the escalatory spiral presently gripping Mexico. The study concludes by asking why leaders do or do not adopt conditional strategies. Even when leaders would like to do so, they face both logistical constraints arising from low capacity and fragmented security institutions, and acceptability constraints deriving from the negative optics of 'going easy' on less violent cartels (a necessary component of conditional repression). Case evidence helps identify political circumstances that minimize these constraints. Coalitions or partisan hegemony can mitigate institutional fragmentation, while the 'Nixon-Goes-to-China' effect allows leaders perceived as hardliners to overcome acceptability constraints, particularly if they present conditionality as a tactical, operational imperative. Details: Berkeley, CA: University of California at Berkeley, 2012. 141p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed February 15, 2017 at: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/03m9r44h Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 135319 |
Author: Cruz, Jose Miguel Title: Democratization Under Assault: Criminal Violence in Post-Transition Central America Summary: This research project aims to answer the question as to why some new democracies develop astronomically high levels of criminal violence, whereas in others, violence is far more limited. This inquiry is related to a more general question: does democratization itself provoke violence? In order to answer these questions, I have conducted a two-fold research project linking transitions to democracy and violent crime. Firstly, I conducted a cross-country longitudinal analysis on the determinants of violence in Latin America using indicators of political regime as independent variables. Secondly, I conducted a qualitatively-oriented research design focused on the Central American countries, particularly on El Salvador and Nicaragua, as the former is considered the most violent country in the Western Hemisphere, while the latter is one of the less violent countries in Latin America. The fundamental argument that emerges from this research project is that criminal violence in post-transitional societies is a function of the mode in which political transitions were carried out. Specifically, I found that where the transitions were able to eradicate the utilization of violence specialists as informal collaborators of the state, the likelihood of high levels of post-transition violence is lower than in countries where transitions did not separate violence specialists acting informally on behalf of the state. In other words, I argue that criminal violence in the post-transition setting is the result of the way in which security institutions were reconstructed during the period of regime change regarding the violent actors of the past. Therefore, I view the state and its formal and informal institutions as the key determinants of the level and nature of post-transition violence. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2010. 245p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed February 18, 2017 at: http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/available/etd-07282010-214904/unrestricted/Dissertation_Cruz_final.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Shelf Number: 141090 |
Author: Seelke, Clare Ribando Title: Gangs in Central America Summary: The Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and its main rival, the "18th Street" gang, continue to undermine citizen security and subvert government authority in parts of Central America. Gang-related violence has been particularly acute in El Salvador, Honduras, and urban areas in Guatemala, contributing to some of the highest homicide rates in the world. Congress has maintained an interest in the effects of gang-related crime and violence on governance, citizen security, and investment in Central America. Congress has examined the role that gang-related violence has played in fueling mixed migration flows, which have included asylum seekers, by families and unaccompanied alien children (UAC) to the United States. Since FY2008, Congress has appropriated funding for anti-gang efforts in Central America. Central American governments have struggled to address the gang problem. From 2012 to 2014, the government of El Salvador facilitated a historic—and risky—truce involving the country’s largest gangs. The truce contributed to a temporary reduction in homicides but strengthened the gangs. Since taking office in June 2014, President Salvador Sanchez Ceren has adopted repression-oriented anti-gang policies similar those implemented in the mid-2000s, including relying on the military to support anti-gang efforts. El Salvador's attorney general is investigating allegations of extrajudicial killings committed by police engaged in anti-gang efforts. Successive Honduran governments have generally relied on suppression-oriented policies toward the gangs as well, with some funding provided in recent years to support community-level prevention programs. The Guatemalan government has generally relied on periodic law-enforcement operations to round up suspected gang members. U.S. agencies have engaged with Central American governments on gang issues for more than a decade. In July 2007, an interagency committee announced the U.S. Strategy to Combat Criminal Gangs from Central America and Mexico, which emphasized diplomacy, repatriation, law enforcement, capacity enhancement, and prevention. Between FY2008 and FY2013, Congress appropriated roughly $38 million in International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) funds through a special line item for anti-gang efforts in Central America. Since FY2013, approximately $10 million in Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) funding has been assigned to continue those anti-gang initiatives. Significant additional support has been provided through CARSI for violence-prevention efforts in communities affected by gang violence, as well as for vetted police units working on transnational gang cases with U.S. law enforcement. Recently, U.S. and Salvadoran officials have also targeted the financing of MS- 13, which the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated as a Transnational Criminal Organization subject to U.S. sanctions in October 2012, pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13581. This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect to gangs in Central America. Congressional oversight may focus on the efficacy of anti-gang efforts in Central America; the interaction between U.S. domestic and international anti-gang policies, and the potential impact of U.S. sanctions on law-enforcement efforts. See also CRS Report R41731, Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress, and CRS Report R43702, Unaccompanied Children from Central America: Foreign Policy Considerations. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: RL34112: Accessed March 13, 2017 at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: 18th Street Gang Shelf Number: 144462 |
Author: Baizan, Paula Gil Title: The humanitarian effects of violence in the Northern Triangle of Central America and Mexico Summary: Violence is a looming presence in the lives of every child and young person in the Northern Triangle of Central America and Mexico (NTCAM). There is no way of escaping its reach. Violence has invaded every aspect of life. There is violence at home, at school, in the streets, and in the media. There is violence in how the system operates. The high levels of malnutrition rates, the low levels of access to education, the lack of opportunities for education, are all violent. The phenomenon of violence is pervasive and it harms, displaces and robs children of their potential. Violence in this context is elusive. It is complex, multicausal and the nature and magnitude of its effects on children and young people has made it challenging to address. Organised armed violence, as a specific form of violence, has seen a surge in the last couple of years with devastating effects for children and vulnerable people in the NTCAM. Organised armed violence is a calamitous social phenomenon that stems from deeply rooted structural factors including inequality, poor economic development, rapid urbanisation and other social practices and institutions at national and international levels. As a phenomenon it has been accelerated by environmental circumstances such as transnational organized crime and drug trafficking, organised armed groups (such as gangs, Maras and pandillas), weak criminal justice and social protection institutions, and the availability of firearms, among other circumstances. It has palpable and measurable effects on individuals and communities of a considerable magnitude and a calamitous nature that exceed individuals’ and communities’ ability to cope using their own resources and furthermore undermines development at a social and individual level. The extensive loss of life, the high numbers of violence-related displacement, mass kidnappings and disappearances, restrictions of movement, disruption of livelihoods and the number of children forcefully recruited into armed groups, suggests that some countries in the NTCAM exhibit levels of violence comparable to other countries that are not formally at peace. Despite the serious humanitarian impact of organised armed violence in the NTCAM, agencies working in the region have traditionally only provided humanitarian support to populations affected by natural disasters, or implemented development programmes focused mostly on poverty reduction. For more than a decade, regional and international organizations have draw attention to the issue of violence in the NTCAM focusing mostly on the importance of 'citizen security', 'social cohesion' and 'peaceful co-existence' and have designed programmes to respond to this. But agencies working in the region, including Save the Children, are realising that the operational models they have been using in these contexts for many years are no longer fit to work in an environment where the actors have changed, the needs of people have evolved and insecurity is an ever-present issue. It has become a necessity to change the way the problem is approached to better understand it and adjust interventions to respond to the needs of children and young people more effectively. With a grant from the Humanitarian Innovation Fund (HIF), Save the Children (SC) conducted this study to apply humanitarian approaches to identify key aspects of the impact of widespread organized armed violence on vulnerable children and young people in the NTCAM. SC's research was conducted in three phases in September 2014, consisting of: a literature review; fieldwork in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador where a total of 124 were interviewed; and a two day workshop in Mexico City with SC's staff from the relevant country offices. This study intends to provoke a paradigm shift in how SC and other interested agencies perceive the problem of organised armed violence in the NTCAM, and how they see themselves as actors working in this complex environment. To that extent, this study is not about solving the challenge of assessing the needs generated by the issue of armed violence in a specific context, but about presenting a different viewpoint to understand the problem better. The ultimate intent is to improve programme design so that more suitable responses, which meet children and womens needs, can be implemented with the aim of strengthening their capacity to flourish in such environments. In a region increasingly marked by rapid change, complexity and uncertainty, this study offers insights into perspectives and indicators from the humanitarian sector that should help SC and others think and plan strategically about the future. The study is organised into four sections that answer three core questions: 1. What is known about the effects of organised armed violence on vulnerable children and young people in the NTCAM? 2. Can the effects of organised armed violence on vulnerable children and young people in the NTCAM be understood from a humanitarian perspective using humanitarian tools? 3. What approaches can SC in the region take to respond to identified needs? Details: London: Save the Children, 2014. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 24, 2017 at: https://www.savethechildren.mx/sci-mx/files/02/026a0e60-925f-42f0-a8e2-8af81fd20b28.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America Keywords: Armed Violence Shelf Number: 144570 |
Author: Rietig, Victoria Title: Stopping the Revolving Door: Reception and Reintegration Services for Central American Deportees Summary: In the past five years, hundreds of thousands of Central American migrants deported from Mexico and the United States -including tens of thousands of children - have arrived back in the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. For many deportees, the conditions upon arrival are worse than those that compelled them to leave in the first place. They and their families may be in crippling debt after having paid smugglers, and many return to communities that are even less safe than when they left. Thus, a significant number are in danger of entering a revolving door of migration, deportation, and remigration. Efforts to break this cycle center on providing more and better opportunities for Central America's people, especially its youth - an effort that includes reception programs and reintegration services for deportees once they return. Governments of Central America acknowledge the need for comprehensive policies and programs to help their deported citizens anchor themselves again upon return. All three countries offer reception services to most deportees, but reintegration services are far more limited and serve only a few. This report offers a detailed profile of the organization, funding sources, capacity, and the numbers of deportees served in reception and reintegration programs in the Northern Triangle. While the relevance of reintegration programs is largely unquestioned, knowledge is limited about what services are already in place, and how existing programs can be leveraged effectively. The authors note that there is little in the way of program evaluation or monitoring. This report attempts to fill these knowledge gaps by describing the types of reception and reintegration services, and analyzing common challenges to building successful initiatives in the region. An appendix provides further details on the programs surveyed, including relevant actors, organizations, budgets, evaluations, numbers of beneficiaries, and challenges. Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2015. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 10, 2017 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/stopping-revolving-door-reception-and-reintegration-services-central-american-deportees Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 144765 |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Mafia of the Poor: Gang Violence and Extortion in Central America Summary: Born in the aftermath of civil war and boosted by mass deportations from the U.S., Central American gangs are responsible for brutal acts of violence, chronic abuse of women, and more recently, the forced displacement of children and families. Estimated to number 54,000 in the three Northern Triangle countries - El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras - the gangs' archetypal tattooed young men stand out among the region's greatest sources of public anxiety. Although they are not the only groups dedicated to violent crime, the maras have helped drive Central American murder rates to highs unmatched in the world: when the gangs called a truce in El Salvador, homicides halved overnight. But it is extortion that forms the maras' criminal lifeblood and their most widespread racket. By plaguing local businesses for protection payments, they reaffirm control over poor urban enclaves to fund misery wages for members. Reducing the impact of these schemes, replacing them with formal employment and restoring free movement across the Northern Triangle's urban zones would greatly reduce the harm of gang activity. Charting this route, however, requires a sharp switch in current policies. Ever since mara=related insecurity became visible in the early 2000s, the region's governments have responded through punitive measures that reproduce the popular stigmas and prejudices of internal armed conflict. In programs such as Iron Fist in El Salvador, the Sweep-Up Plan in Guatemala or Zero Tolerance in Honduras, mass incarceration, harsher prison conditions and recourse to extrajudicial executions provided varieties of punishment. The cumulative effects, however, have fallen far short of expectations. Assorted crackdowns have not taken account of the deep social roots of the gangs, which provide identity, purpose and status for youths who are unaccommodated in their home societies and "born dead". The responses have also failed to recognise the counterproductive effects of security measures that have given maras prisons in which to organise and confirmation of their identity as social outcasts. Mass deportation from the U.S. back to these countries risks a repeated upsurge in gang crime. The succession of unsuccessful punitive measures is now coming under closer scrutiny across the Northern Triangle. All three countries are experimenting with new forms of regional collaboration in law enforcement. Guatemala has introduced vanguard measures to combat extortion rackets, many of them run from within jails, and has proposed a range of alternatives to prison terms. Although the collapse of the truce with the maras in 2014 spurred unprecedented violence in El Salvador, murder rates appear to have fallen again, while parts of the maras have proposed fresh talks with an eye to their eventual dissolution - an offer shunned by the government. Mass deportation from the U.S. back to these countries risks a repeated upsurge in gang crime. However, U.S. concern with reducing the migrant flow from Central America has generated significant new funds for development in the region via the Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity. At the core of a new approach should stand an acknowledgement of the social and economic roots of gang culture, ineradicable in the short term, alongside a concerted state effort to minimise the violence of illicit gang activity. Focused and sophisticated criminal investigations should target the gangs responsible for the most egregious crimes, above all murder, rape and forced displacement. Extortion schemes that depend on coercive control over communities and businesses, and which have caused the murder of hundreds of transport workers and the exodus of thousands in the past decade, could be progressively transformed through a case-by-case approach. Ad hoc negotiations and transactions with gangs responsible for extortion are not uncommon in the Northern Triangle, and have generated insights into how the maras may be edged toward formal economic activity. Targeted and substantial economic investment in impoverished communities with significant gang presence could reduce the incentives for blackmail. Despite the mistrust bequeathed by the truce as well as El Salvador's and Honduras' classification of maras as terrorist groups, new forms of communication with gangs could be established on the basis of confidence-building signals from both sides, potentially encouraged by religious leaders. Government and donor support for poor communities and for improved prison conditions would ideally be answered by a significant reduction in violence from the maras. A momentous step by the gangs, above all in El Salvador, would be to guarantee free movement of all citizens through gang-controlled territories, as well as a restoration of the veto on violence and recruitment in schools. Rounding up all gang members, or inviting gangs to an open-ended negotiation, represent a pair of extremes that have both proven fruitless in the Northern Triangle. Gangs are both embedded in society and predatory upon it, and both victims and perpetrators. Policies toward them need to recognise their social resilience and find ways to reduce the harm they undeniably cause without branding them enemies of the people. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2017. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 62: Accessed April 17, 2017 at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/062-mafia-of-the-poor_0.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 144989 |
Author: Perkins, Christina Title: Achieving Growth and Security in the Northern Triangle of Central America Summary: The Northern Triangle of Latin America, consisting of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, has experienced overwhelming challenges to economic growth and development. Gang violence is the root of many of these challenges, and the cost of hiring security forces for individuals and businesses creates a significant tax on the economy of these three countries. Beyond this drain on the region's finances, the Northern Triangle is considered one of the most dangerous places on the planet, excluding active war zones. The interrelated issues of violence, poverty, and slow economic growth have led to high rates of emigration from the region, such as during the summer of 2014 when thousands of unaccompanied minors entered the United States. This study examines these issues and goes on to explore connections to the successes of Plan Colombia. Specifically, it considers the opportunity for a "Plan Colombia for the Northern Triangle" to generate long-term economic growth, personal safety, and political stability and accountability in the region. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Strategic & International Studies; Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield; 2016. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2017 at: https://csis-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/161201_Perkins_NorthernTriangle_Web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Shelf Number: 145259 |
Author: Doctors Without Borders Title: Forced to Flee Central America's Northern Triangle: A Neglected Humanitarian Crisis Summary: An estimated 500,000 people cross into Mexico every year. The majority making up this massive forced migration flow originate from El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, known as the Northern Triangle of Central America (NTCA), one of the most violent regions in the world today. Since 2012, the international medical humanitarian organization Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) has been providing medical and mental health care to tens of thousands of migrants and refugees fleeing the NTCA's extreme violence and traveling along the world's largest migration corridor in Mexico. Through violence assessment surveys and medical and psychosocial consultations, MSF teams have witnessed and documented a pattern of violent displacement, persecution, sexual violence, and forced repatriation akin to the conditions found in the deadliest armed conflicts in the world today. For millions of people from the NTCA region, trauma, fear and horrific violence are dominant facets of daily life. Yet it is a reality that does not end with their forced flight to Mexico. Along the migration route from the NTCA, migrants and refugees are preyed upon by criminal organizations, sometimes with the tacit approval or complicity of national authorities, and subjected to violence and other abuses - abduction, theft, extortion, torture, and rape - that can leave them injured and traumatized. Details: New York: Doctors Without Borders, 2017. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 4, 2017 at: https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/sites/usa/files/msf_forced-to-flee-central-americas-northern-triangle.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Forced Migration Shelf Number: 146712 |
Author: Haggqvist, Linn Title: 'Taking the Law Into Your Own Hands': Violent Vigilantism in Post-War Societies Summary: Why do some post-civil war societies experience high levels of violent vigilantism, whilst others do not? Vigilantism, i.e. when citizens take the law into their own hands, in post-civil war societies is an overlooked topic within peace and conflict research. It is however a daily reality in some parts of the world, where populations are facing challenging post-war conditions, with the transition from war to peace being marked by high levels of crime and lack of order and security. Studies on vigilantism have pointed to the importance of state legitimacy; if the state is not viewed as the legitimate, this may spur citizens to take matters into their own hands. One potential variable that can undermine state legitimacy is judicial corruption. The judiciary has an important role in enforcing law and order, but if this role is perverted by corrupt practices, then citizens can no longer expect that the state is able to uphold the law in a fair way, and may turn to vigilantism. The aim of this thesis is to test this argument by studying the post-civil war cases of Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua. While the hypothesis gets some support, the overall conclusion is that while judicial corruption may harm the popular attitude toward the judiciary, it is perhaps not the most important variable in explaining high levels of violent vigilantism. Details: Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University, 2017. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed August 7, 2017 at: http://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1113108&dswid=-8101#sthash.LqhbBkvw.dpbs Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Judicial Corruption Shelf Number: 146763 |
Author: Isacson, Adam Title: Mexico's Southern Border: Security, Central American Migration, and U.S. Policy Summary: It has been nearly three years since the Mexican government announced its Southern Border Program, which dramatically increased security operations and apprehensions of northbound migrants. This report-based on field research in the area surrounding Tenosique, Tabasco along Mexico's border with Guatemala-examines migration flows, enforcement, and insecurity in southern Mexico. - THERE HAS BEEN A SHARP INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF MIGRANTS AND ASYLUM SEEKERS WHO INTEND TO STAY IN MEXICO, RATHER THAN TRAVEL TO THE UNITED STATES. Many are seeking asylum or other forms of immigration status. Between 2014 and 2016, there was a 311 percent increase in asylum requests in Mexico. In the first three months of 2017, Mexico had received more asylum applications than all of 2015. The UN Refugee Agency estimates that Mexico will receive up to 20,000 asylum requests in 2017. - DECREASED MIGRATION FLOWS THROUGH MEXICO AND AT THE U.S. SOUTHWEST BORDER DURING THE MONTHS FOLLOWING PRESIDENT TRUMP'S INAUGURATION ARE NOT SUSTAINABLE. News of the Trump administration's hard line appears to have caused a wave of Central American migration before January 20, and a sharp drop afterward. However, until there are improvements in the violence and adverse conditions from which Central Americans are fleeing, people will continue to migrate en masse. By May 2017, apprehension levels at the U.S-Mexico border had begun to tiptoe back up, with a 31 percent increase in total apprehensions compared to April, and a 50 percent increase in apprehensions of unaccompanied minors. - ALTHOUGH MEXICO REGISTERED LOWER APPREHENSION LEVELS IN THE FIRST FOUR MONTHS OF 2017 COMPARED TO PREVIOUS YEARS, MIGRATION ENFORCEMENT UNDER MEXICO'S SOUTHERN BORDER PROGRAM REMAINS HIGH. Total migrant apprehensions increased by a staggering 85 percent during the Southern Border Program's first two years of operation (July 2014 to June 2016) compared to pre-Program levels. Limited government resources, migrants' and smugglers' ability to adjust to new security patterns, corruption among authorities, and an overall drop in migration from Central America since President Trump took office have all likely contributed to the leveling off of apprehensions seen in Mexico in recent months. - CRIMES AND ABUSES AGAINST MIGRANTS TRAVELING THROUGH MEXICO CONTINUE TO OCCUR AT ALARMING RATES, AND SHELTERS HAVE NOTED A MORE INTENSE DEGREE OF VIOLENCE IN THE CASES THEY DOCUMENT. While Mexico's major organized criminal groups do not operate heavily in the Tenosique corridor, smaller criminal bands and Central American gang affiliates routinely rob, kidnap, and sexually assault migrants along this portion of the migration route. Migrant rights organizations in southern Mexico documented an increase in cases of migration and police authorities' abuse of migrants as a result of the Southern Border Program, including recent accounts of migration agents, who are supposed to be unarmed, using pellet guns and electrical shock devices. - THERE HAVE BEEN FEWER U.S. ASSISTANCE DELIVERIES TO MEXICO FOR THE SOUTHERN BORDER PROGRAM THAN ORIGINALLY EXPECTED, BUT BIOMETRIC AND COMMUNICATIONS PROGRAMS CONTINUE APACE. The U.S. State and Defense Departments are currently implementing a US$88 million dollar program to increase Mexican immigration authorities' capacity to collect biometric data and share information about who is crossing through Mexico with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. The U.S. State and Defense Departments are also funding a US$75 million project to improve secure communications between Mexican agencies in the country's southern border zone. This program has erected 12 communications towers so far, all of them on Mexican naval posts. - THE MIGRATION ROUTE INTO MEXICO THROUGH TENOSIQUE, TABASCO HAS SEEN A SHARP INCREASE IN CHILDREN AND FAMILIES FLEEING VIOLENCE IN THE NORTHERN TRIANGLE REGION. Between 2014 and 2016, the number of children (both accompanied and unaccompanied) apprehended in the state of Tabasco increased by 60 percent. The majority of migrants traveling through this area of the border are from Honduras. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2017. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 9, 2017 at: https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/980081/download Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 147169 |
Author: Gimeno, David Title: Work-Related Violence Research Project. Overview and Survey Module and Focus Group Findings Summary: The objective of this Final End of Project Report is to summarize the development and field testing of a new module on survey questions and focus group protocols on the topic of work-related violence (WRV), for use in Central America. A.1. Main objective The main goal of the contract was to provide ILAB with a newly developed set of high quality research tools (i.e., new survey questions module and related focus group protocols) and corresponding methodological recommendations to meet ILAB's needs for collecting nationally representative, gender-disaggregated data on the prevalence, nature, and possible consequences of adult (18 years of age and older) WRV, including gender-based violence (or GBV) to the extent practicable. ILAB is particularly interested in the formal and informal sectors of one or more of the following Spanish-speaking Central American countries: Panama, Honduras, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Costa Rica. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor, 2016. 140p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2017 at: https://www.dol.gov/asp/evaluation/completed-studies/Work-Related-Violence-Research-Project-Final-Report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Gender-Related Violence Shelf Number: 147346 |
Author: Clemens, Michael A. Title: Violence, Development and Migration Waves: Evidence from Central American Child Migrant Apprehensions Summary: A recent surge in child migration to the U.S. from Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala has occurred in the context of high rates of regional violence. But little quantitative evidence exists on the causal relationship between violence and international emigration in this or any other region. This paper studies the relationship between violence in the Northern Triangle and child migration to the United States using novel, individual-level, anonymized data on all 178,825 U.S. apprehensions of unaccompanied child migrants from these countries between 2011 and 2016. It finds that one additional homicide per year in the region, sustained over the whole period - that is, a cumulative total of six additional homicides - caused a cumulative total of 3.7 additional unaccompanied child apprehensions in the United States. The explanatory power of short-term increases in violence is roughly equal to the explanatory power of long-term economic characteristics like average income and poverty. Due to diffusion of migration experience and assistance through social networks, violence can cause waves of migration that snowball over time, continuing to rise even when violence levels do not. Details: Bonn: IZA (Institute of Labor Economics), 2017. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA DP No. 10928: Accessed October 3, 2017 at: IZA DP No. 10928 Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 147526 |
Author: Center for Migration Studies Title: Point of No Return: The Fear and Criminalization of Central American Refugees Summary: The purpose of this study was to ascertain the challenges faced by Central American migrants who returned home after failing to gain asylum or other international protection in the United States or Mexico. Cristosal interviewed individuals who fled from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras under threats of violence and persecution and had been deported back to their country of origin to determine why they fled their homelands, why they could not secure asylum, and on their situations post-return. In the context of mass migration from these countries, the study used indepth interviews to understand the different ways in which people experienced the violence and fear that forced them to flee and how their responses upon "voluntary return" or deportation back to their country of origin were shaped by that same violence. While there are many studies on the flight of persons from the Northern Triangle of Central America (NTCA), little is known about the experience of refugees who cannot secure protection in another country and are deported to their home country, from which they originally fled. What are the psychosocial, security, and human rights consequences for people who migrated out of fear for their lives and were then forced to return to the situation that forced them to flee? Details: New York and San Salvador: CMS and Cristosa, 2017. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 16, 2017 at: http://cmsny.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/CMS-Cristosal-Report-final.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 148203 |
Author: Salcedo-Albaran, Eduardo Title: The Northern Triangle Criminal Network: Arms Trafficking Across Central America Summary: This document includes a model and analysis of a transnational criminal network that involves nodes/agents participating in Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and El Salvador. The document has 4 parts. In the first part it is presented the methodology and concepts related to Social Network Analysis. In the second part it is discussed the modeled judicial case and the sources gathered and analyzed. The third part includes characteristics of the modeled criminal structure, such as types of nodes/agents, interactions established and the nodes/agents with the highest indicators of direct centrality and betweenness. In the last section, conclusions are presented and discussed. Details: Global Observatory of Transnational Criminal Networks, 2017; Bogota, Colombia; Vortex Foundation. 2017. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: The Global Observatory of Transnational Criminal Networks - Research Paper No. 18. VORTEX Working Papers No. 32: Accessed November 17, 2017 at: http://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/522e46_77362051de3e49f9841f2b5ecd5e5c53.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 148217 |
Author: Salcedo-Albaran, Eduardo Title: Firearms Trafficking: Central America Summary: The aim of this paper is to characterize the traffic of firearms across Central America. The document has five sections. The first one is a background of Central American countries that are mainly related to this type of traffic. In the second section, trends related to main sources, hotspots, routes and the actors agents involved in the arms trafficking market in Central America are explained. The third part is a brief presentation of the main restrictions and regulations of firearms, ammunitions, explosives and other materials in the more affected zone by firearms trafficking, the northern triangle: Honduras, Guatemala and Salvador. The fourth part includes relevant cases related to firearms trafficking in the region. The fifth part includes conclusions Details: Global Observatory of Transnational Criminal Networks, 2017; Bogota, Colombia; Vortex Foundation. 2017. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: The Global Observatory of Transnational Criminal Networks - Research Paper No. 17. VORTEX Working Papers No. 31: http://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/522e46_9440bb7922324758ac345f2f72d188ce.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 148218 |
Author: Evans, Ashley Jane Title: eBOrqucxiJY Summary: ublAoK http://www.LnAJ7K8QSpfMO2wQ8gO.com Details: ublAoK http://www.LnAJ7K8QSpfMO2wQ8gO.com Source: ublAoK http://www.LnAJ7K8QSpfMO2wQ8gO.com Year: 1985 Country: Central America Keywords: ublAoK http://www.LnAJ7K8QSpfMO2wQ8gO.com Shelf Number: 0 |
Author: InSight Crime Title: MS13 in the Americas: How the World's Most Notorious Gang Defies Logic, Resists Destruction Summary: The Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) is one of the world's largest and arguably most violent street gangs. After relatively humble beginnings in Los Angeles in the 1980s, it has spread to more than a half-dozen countries and become a central focus of law enforcement in two hemispheres. In spite of these efforts, the MS13 remains a persistent threat and shows signs of expanding its criminal portfolio. This report attempts to explain what makes the MS13 such a difficult problem for authorities to tackle. It focuses on assisting law enforcement's understanding of the gang's criminal activities, but it includes deep discussion on the social and political issues around the MS13. Below are our major findings. The MS13 is a largely urban phenomenon that has cells operating in two continents. The MS13 has between 50,000 and 70,000 members who are concentrated in mostly urban areas in Central America or locations outside the region where there is a large Central American diaspora. In Honduras and Guatemala, the gang is still largely urban. In El Salvador, however, the gang has steadily spread into more rural areas. Expansion beyond urban areas has also happened in places in the United States, most notably in Long Island and North Carolina, and increasingly California. The gang has appeared as well in Europe, specifically in urban areas of Spain and Italy. The size of the gang in these settings varies greatly and fluctuates, mostly in accordance with law enforcement efforts and migration patterns unrelated to the gang. The MS13 is a social organization first, and a criminal organization second. The MS13 is a complex phenomenon. The gang is not about generating revenue as much as it is about creating a collective identity that is constructed and reinforced by shared, often criminal experiences, especially acts of violence and expressions of social control. The MS13 draws on a mythic notion of community, a team concept, and an ideology based on its bloody fight with its chief rival, the Barrio 18 (18th Street) gang, to sustain a huge, loosely organized social and criminal organization. The MS13 is a diffuse organization of sub-parts, with no single leader or leadership structure that directs the entire gang. The MS13 has two poles of power: in Los Angeles, where it was founded, and in El Salvador, its spiritual birthplace where many of its historic leaders reside. But the gang has no single leader or leadership council. Instead it is a federation with layers of leaders who interact, obey and react to each other at different moments depending on circumstances. In general terms, most decisions are made by the individual cell, or what is known as the "clica," the Spanish term for clique. The highest-ranking members in some geographic areas make up a leadership council, but not all areas have a leadership council. In Los Angeles, the MS13 is subservient to the prison gang known as the Mexican Mafia. In El Salvador, the gang is also run from prison by its own leadership council. Along the East Coast of the United States, the gang has no council, although it is takes much of its directives from Salvadoran-based gang leaders. Because these leaders are mostly in jail, it is exceedingly difficult for them to impose total control over the rank-and-file. The MS13 has guidelines more than rules, which are subject to varying interpretations. The diffuse nature of the organization has widespread implications for how it operates. The gang has guidelines more than rules. These guidelines are subject to haphazard interpretations and application. In other words, this internal justice is not necessarily a strict system and often depends more on who the leader is and who is being judged, rather the actual transgression or the circumstances surrounding it. This inconsistent application of the rules leads to constant internal and external conflicts and is the cause of widespread violence wherever the gang operates. MS13 violence is brutal and purposeful. Violence is at the heart of the MS13 and is what has made it a target of law enforcement in the United States, Central America and beyond. It is central to the MS13's ethos, its modus operandi, and its evaluation and discipline of its own members. Violence also builds cohesion and comradery within the gang's cliques. This use of violence has enhanced the MS13's brand name, allowing it to expand in size and geographic reach, but it has undermined its ability to enter more sophisticated, money-making criminal economies. Potential partners see the gang as an unreliable, highly visible target, and the gang's violent spasms only reinforce this notion. The MS13's diffuse nature makes it hard for it to control its own expressions of violence. The MS13's diffuse nature has made it difficult to curtail its violence. The gang itself has attempted to implement rules to control the use of force. Most murders must be sanctioned from the highest levels, but as one of our case studies illustrates, this is often a perfunctory task, reflecting what seems to be a disregard for human life. In addition, the very system that is designed to control the violence often leads to more violence, since failure to carry out a sanctioned hit becomes cause for internal disciplinary action. The MS13 is a hand-to-mouth criminal organization that depends on control of territory to secure revenue. The gang's lack of a centralized leadership has kept it relatively impoverished. While it has established revenue streams, the MS13 has a hand-to-mouth criminal portfolio. Extortion is the single most important revenue stream for the gang in Central America, although a significant and rising portion of the MS13's criminal portfolio comes from local drug peddling, especially in US cities such as Los Angeles. The gang is also involved in prostitution, human smuggling, car theft and resale and other criminal activities, but the gang's revenue nearly always depends on its ability to control territory. The MS13 is a transnational gang, not a transnational criminal organization (TCO). While the gang has a presence in two continents and at least a half-dozen nations, the gang is a small, part-time role player in international criminal schemes. In cases of international drug trafficking, for instance, the MS13 is dependent on other criminal actors such as the Mexican Mafia. The gang plays a similar, part-time role in other international criminal activities such human smuggling as well. Its diffuse organizational structure and public displays of violence are two of the main reasons why the gang has not succeeded in transforming itself into a TCO. And while some criminal activity - most notably the MS13's involvement in petty drug dealing on a local level - is driving the gang's maturation process and leading it to new opportunities, this is a slow process that is causing significant conflict within the gang. El Salvador's MS13 leaders are trying to assert more control over the US East Coast. Some MS13 leaders, especially those operating from jails in El Salvador, are trying to create more top-down control, and expand its social and political influence. In El Salvador, the gang has negotiated delivering votes to some of the country's most powerful politicians. They have also instituted more formal and complex command structures inside and outside of jail, and they have emissaries in places as far away as Boston who are trying to corral the rudimentary and undisciplined gang cliques operating along the US East Coast. The MS13 is taking advantage of traditional migration patterns, not sending members to set up new cells. The MS13's efforts in El Salvador have alarmed law enforcement officials who say the gang's high-ranking leaders are also moving their rank-and-file around the region, including to the United States. But while the gang is repopulating cells and establishing new ones, the MS13 appears to be taking advantage of circumstances, rather than actively creating those circumstances. MS13 members migrate for the same reasons that other migrants do, and they go to the same places. They also face many of the same risks such as indigence, isolation, victimization, detention and deportation. This report is divided into five sections. We begin by chronicling the multi-national history of the MS13. The group is the byproduct of war, migration and policy, and it has a footprint in a half dozen nations. We then turn to the gang's philosophy, its guiding principles and ideology. The gang centers itself around the idea of community, which is reinforced mostly via violent rituals and expressions of rage towards outsiders and rivals. From there, we move to organizational structure. This includes explaining the largely misunderstood loose hierarchy of the gang and its clique system. Then we cover modus operandi, tackling the all-important questions of recruitment, criminal economy, use of violence, and political and social capital. Finally, we elaborate five case studies, which address the MS13's: 1) organizational structure; 2) use of violence; 3) criminal migration; 4) involvement in international drug trafficking; and 5) political and social capital. Details: s.l.: Insight Crime; Washington, DC: Center for Latin American and Latino Studies, 2018. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 20, 2018 at: https://www.insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/MS13-in-the-Americas-InSight-Crime-English.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Organization Shelf Number: 149182 |
Author: Raderstorf, Ben Title: Beneath the Violence: How Insecurity Shapes Daily Life and Emmigration in Central America Summary: This report from the Peter D. Bell Rule of Law Program and the Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University sheds light on how insecurity impacts everyday life in Central America and how violence shapes behaviors from economic activity to migration. Based on approximately 9,300 in-person interviews conducted across nationally representative samples in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama as a part of the 2016/17 AmericasBarometer, these findings paint a detailed portrait of the ongoing toll that crime takes on countries in Central America, and offer guidance on how to move forward. move forward. NOTABLE FINDINGS: Approximately two-thirds of Central Americans (63.9%) report having prevented their children from playing in the street for fear of crime. In Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, just over half of the adult population (50.5%) reports having avoided buying "things they like" in the past year because they may be stolen. 11% of adults residing in the Northern Triangle have changed their job or place of study in the past year because of fear of crime. 25.7% of Northern Triangle residents between 36 and 45 years old report feeling a need to move neighborhoods because of insecurity. Public transportation is particularly vulnerable in the Northern Triangle, with 50% of Hondurans, 47% of Guatemalans, and 42% of Salvadorans avoiding it for fear of crime. 31% of Guatemalan parents report having kept children home from school because of crime. Experience of police corruption is closely correlated with crime avoidance behavior. Crime avoidance behavior is closely correlated with intentions to migrate, which have risen sharply in all Central American countries in the past five years, especially in Honduras. Interestingly, there is strong evidence that crime avoidance behavior (along with being a victim of a crime) correlates with increased engagement and activity in the community instead of self-isolation. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS: Focus on "push factors" instead of "pull factors" behind migration. These findings provide clear evidence for the argument that migration from the Northern Triangle is driven to a large degree by concern about crime and fear of violence. Policymakers in the United States looking to stem migration pressure should continue to focus on improving security and economic conditions in the Northern Triangle countries, rather than focusing exclusively on domestic immigration and border security policies. Think of security as an economic investment. The high incidence of crime avoidance behavior-particularly in employment and purchasing decisions-suggests a clear link between insecurity and missed economic opportunities. Measures aimed at improving citizen security situations should be framed as long-term economic investments. Invest in communities. Evidence suggests that community organizations and local institutions can be an important resource for those most vulnerable to crime and violence. Investing in communities at the micro level may be a critical juncture, both when it comes to lessening the burden of insecurity and as a potential way to stem pressure to migrate. Protect access to transportation and education. The sheer number of Central Americans that avoid public transit or keep their children out of school because of fear of crime translates to a significant loss of opportunity with significant long-term impacts on economic productivity and other outcomes. Improving secure access to both these services is critical when it comes to lessening the burden of crime and violence. Fight petty corruption and improve police to bolster community security. While the exact mechanisms still need to be studied, the link between petty corruption by police and crime avoidance behavior is clear. Improving the quality and efficacy of local police will help ease the impacts of crime. Fighting corruption more broadly may also help improve overall trust in institutions and improve the quality of public services, which can also help lessen the burden of insecurity. Stay focused on Honduras. Within Central America, the highest burden of crime avoidance falls on individuals in this country. Despite the recent progress in reducing homicide rates, Honduras remains the most affected in terms of crime avoidance behavior and it has the highest (and most sharply increasing) rates of intention to migrate. Details: The Dialogue, 2017. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Rule of Law Working Paper: Accessed March 26, 2018 at: https://www.thedialogue.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Crime-Avoidance-Report-FINAL-ONLINE.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Fear of Crime Shelf Number: 148561 |
Author: Aidoo, Davina Title: Hidden hurts, healing from within: restorative justice for victims and convicted offenders in Bermuda Summary: This thesis sought to explore how restorative justice (RJ) could be implemented into the Bermuda Department of Corrections using action research. The aim was to explore how RJ can work for victims and incarcerated offenders in Bermuda in regards to the potential for reduction of harm, increasing empathy and as an addition to the existing CJS. Training was provided and partnerships established with the Bermuda Police Service and Prison Fellowship Bermuda for the specific purpose of the initiative. Phase-one involved the introduction of two prerequisite programmes (Victim Empathy and the Sycamore Tree) that offenders were invited to voluntarily participate in. Respectively, one programme delivered by Corrections staff and consisting of only prisoners and the other delivered by Prison Fellowship facilitators and involving 16 surrogate victim-participants. A mixed-method approach was used to examine impact and process. These included questionnaires pre and post the phase-one programmes and the CRIME-PICS II psychometric to assess attitudinal change, participatory and non-participatory observations and a focus group. Both programmes increased the offenders' empathy while the Sycamore Tree programme involving participants from the community, helped create further positive attitudinal change on the main scales measured by the CRIME-PICS II. 93% of the Sycamore Tree victim-participants were 'very satisfied' overall and 'would definitely' recommend the programme to others. Qualitative findings indicated victim healing, with some referring to a sense of closure and forgiveness for themselves and the offender. The second-phase introduced RJ conferencing, two conferences were held and the experience of participants was again very positive. The offenders considered trained conference facilitators from the Police and Corrections as being impartial. Overall benefits for both parties (offenders and victims) indicated a promising start to the initiative. A number of previous findings from empirical research were found in the current study. Victims valued having a voice and rehabilitation; and offenders valued the 'victim's forgiveness and reintegration'. The social interconnectedness of Bermuda creates a need for RJ as the stigmatization of criminality often extends beyond the offender to include their family. The pilot indicated the need in some cases for reparatory preparation work with offenders and their families before the offender feels comfortable, or able to call upon family members as conference supporters. Further the importance of community lay in the fact that the likelihood of victims coming into contact with the person who offended against them, once released is virtually inevitable. The success of the action research pilot led to the Department of Corrections adopting the initiative and continuing with it and produced nine trained facilitators. The content of the Sycamore Tree Project was superior as a phase-one prerequisite programme to RJ conferencing; however, an adaption to the programme would be needed to reduce the strong religious content. Victims and offenders benefited from the initiative. Details: London: London Metropolitan University, 2016. 233p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 25, 2018 at: http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1139/1/AidooDavina_HiddenHurtsHealingFromWithin.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Restorative Justice (Bermuda) Shelf Number: 149885 |
Author: University of Washington. Jackson School of International Studies Title: The Cycle of Violence: Migration from the Northern Triangle Summary: This report documents the brutal and pervasive abuses suffered by Central American migrants in efforts to seek refuge from gang and state violence, government corruption, social exclusion, and endemic poverty. The cyclical nature of this violence - that is, the tendency of its victims to be caught in a cycle of forced migration, deportation, and remigration - reflects that the involved governments have collectively failed in both resolving its underlying causes and stemming its devastating effects. For instance, reintegration programs that might afford deportees the opportunity to rebuild their lives are thoroughly lacking in the NTCA; and simultaneously, U.S. and Mexican immigration officials are routinely neglecting their legal obligations to screen apprehended migrants for asylum claims before summarily deported them. Our aim is to explicate factors such as these, which reveal long-standing patterns of impunity for criminal organizations and corrupt officials, negligence, and a lack of political will which perpetuate what has become a deepening cycle of human rights abuses. By using data from the cases of Salvadoran, Guatemalan, Honduran, and Mexican clients who sought legal counsel at El Rescate - as well as scholarly works, government figures, and the findings of various nongovernmental organizations - our report sheds light on the policies and practices that have systematically marginalized those compelled to flee the Northern Triangle. Details: Seattle: The School, 2017. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 27, 2018 at: https://digital.lib.washington.edu/researchworks/bitstream/handle/1773/38696/Cycle%20of%20Violence_Task%20Force%20Report%202017%20FINAL.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Deportation Shelf Number: 149925 |
Author: Ellis, Geoffrey A. Title: Evaluating common hypotheses for violence in Central America Summary: This thesis endeavors to bring analytical clarity to the assumptions that inform proposed policy solutions to the alarming rise in violence in Central America. The thesis evaluates three of the most common hypotheses for citizen insecurity in the region: the impact of structural economic problems like poverty and inequality; the efficacy of state criminological approaches; and the effectiveness of internal security institutions. To evaluate each hypothesis, the thesis uses a comparative case analysis of Nicaragua and El Salvador. In spite of dramatic divergence in violence outcomes, the two countries share many variables including geographical proximity, economic development challenges, a history of civil conflict, and democratic transition in the 1990s. Using homicide rates as the most reliable indicator of violence, the findings reveal that structural economic problems like poverty and inequality have only an imperfect correlation with citizen security. On the contrary, variables that correlate more closely with peaceful security outcomes include the effectiveness of security institutions-characterized by sophisticated plans, sound structures, and adequate resources-and rigorous criminological approaches as characterized by community involvement, efficient intelligence-gathering mechanisms, and recidivism reduction programs. The thesis's implications pertain not only to Central America but also to troubled regions throughout the world. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2016. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: https://calhoun.nps.edu/handle/10945/51687 Year: 2016 Country: Central America Keywords: Citizen Security Shelf Number: 150130 |
Author: Ospina, Guillermo Andres Title: Poppies, Opium and Heroin: Production in Colombia and Mexico Summary: Poppy cultivation in Mexico and Colombia is part of a local economy geared almost exclusively toward the illegal market abroad: it is driven by demand for heroin, primarily in the United States. North America, including Canada, is currently experiencing a major humanitarian crisis related to this use and the opioids circulating on this market. To understand the dynamics of this market and to evaluate whether political responses to the phenomenon are appropriate and effective, we present this report on opium poppy cultivation in Mexico and Colombia, which, together with Guatemala, are the poppy-producing countries of Latin America. While it was not possible to include Guatemala in this study, we attempt to provide some relevant information about this Central American country. Because the U.S. government tends to look to producing countries to explain the causes of the emergency situation in its country, it is important to consider the problem from broader and more inclusive perspectives. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Poppy cultivation in Mexico, and, to a lesser extent, Colombia and Guatemala, expanded during the last decade, following the trend in the illegal heroin market in the United States, although official data from drug control organisations are not very reliable, lack clarity with regard to the methodologies used (especially in the case of Colombia), and have often demonstrated contradictions and incoherencies. Poppy cultivation and opium extraction were adopted decades ago by farming communities in the mountains of Mexico and Colombia, and the practice persists despite its illegality and constant efforts at eradication. It is a complementary activity in the family farming economy, providing a source of income that is alternated with food production, manufacturing and local trade to sustain economies that are, in many cases, precarious. Government policies for the control of illicit drug crops in Mexico and Colombia have consisted exclusively of forced eradication, whether manual, by police and military forces, or through aerial spraying with chemicals. In both cases, these strategies are ineffective and counterproductive as they cause the displacement of cultivation to other, more remote areas and harm the affected communities. The U.S. government should recognize the underlying causes of its opiates/opioid crisis which involves an unprecedented number of heroin and fentanyl overdoses. These causes are internal and not the result of the growing flow of heroin from Latin America. In fact, the United States should assume a certain amount of responsibility for the fact that structural failures in public health and control of the pharmaceutical industry have stimulated illegal drug production in Latin America to satisfy growing demand. In no way can farmers in Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala be blamed for the dramatic increase in opioid overdose deaths. Nor can farmers that grow poppies be criminalized for cultivating the plant for subsistence: few real options exist for substituting poppies with alternative crops due to the high price opium currently commands in the market, which is a result of increased demand. Meanwhile, the areas where crops exist are isolated, with little infrastructure and virtually no state presence or assistance. In the case of Colombia, the National Comprehensive Program for the Voluntary Substitution of Illicit Crops (PNIS) created in the context of the peace process never included poppy growers, and to date has focused exclusively on coca crops. The often-mentioned option of redirecting illicit opium production to legal, medicinal uses seems interesting. However, it poses a series of obstacles and dilemmas that are not easy to overcome in the short term. Most importantly, the high prices paid to producers in the current illicit market would be difficult to match with an economic, competitive programme for licit production of medicines. The conversion of illicit production into licit production would not only depreciate farmers' product, but would also be unviable in the international pharmaceutical industry. Meanwhile, demand for heroin for the illegal market, which would compete with production for licit purposes, would continue. Hence, it is difficult to argue that this would provide an economical solution to the scarcity of opiates for medicinal ends, or significantly reduce the illegal heroin market. Even so, the option deserves further study as a short-term alternative for certain communities that currently depend on illicit cultivation, given the absence of other viable options for alternative development and the inefficiency and deleterious consequences of forced eradication. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2018. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 4, 2018 at: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/poppiesopiumheroin_13042018_web.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Markets Shelf Number: 150461 |
Author: Harney, Sean M. Title: By Land, sea, or air? A comparative analysis of cartel smuggling strategies Summary: Cartels are known for their innovative smuggling techniques, across land, sea, or air, which allow them to clandestinely transport drugs across any point of entry into the United States. With this in mind, it is worth asking: why do cartels choose a certain drug smuggling technique over another, which domain is more commonly used and potentially more successful, and what sorts of structural changes would it take to shift from one method or domain to another? When seeking answers, there are several things to take into consideration: law enforcement is limited in funding, personnel, and assets, which creates endless smuggling opportunities for cartels. Additionally, cartels exploit weak law enforcement and judicial systems, as well as corrupt officials in several countries throughout South and Central America and the Caribbean. Even though cartels sometimes fail, their persistence and motivation are what cause them to be successful. The last consideration is money, which is the main driving factor that causes cartels to switch from one domain to another, or from one method to another. The end result stands firm: cartels benefit most and are more successful using methods in the land domain, specifically tunnels. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2017. 107p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 29, 2018 at: https://calhoun.nps.edu/handle/10945/55618 Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 150590 |
Author: Demoscopia, S.A. Title: Maras y pandillas, comunidad y policia en Centroamerica Hallazgos de un estudio integral Summary: In the last decade, youth gangs have taken special relevance in Central America, becoming so much a problem of insecurity public as an object of concern for governments and fear among the population, on all in the countries of the northern triangle of the region -El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala - but with a development something similar also in Nicaragua and Costa Rica. While the existence of youth gangs dedicated to crime is nothing new in Central America, the systematization of the use of violence and brutality demonstrated by gangs current is something unprecedented; reflected in the new concept of "maras". In short, although it would not be correct to point out the maras as the main responsible for the high level of violence that for some time lives in Central America, without a doubt they represent a strong and real problem that deserves more attention, for the sake of providing security to citizens and improve future prospects for the population Young of the Region. Both history and social science teaches that juvenile delinquency is primarily a group phenomenon that reflects social situations and complex economics; deserving, therefore, updated, concrete and deep knowledge to achieve the design and implementation of policies and successful action programs. It is in this context that the Swedish International cooperation for development International (Sida) and the Central American Bank of Economic Integration (BCIE) have considered convenient to finance a regional study and multidisciplinary on the phenomenon of gangs and maras, with a contextual focus (maras-vecinoscommunity-police) and with a solid empirical base. The objective of this publication, which constitutes a condensed version of the study carried out by a group of researchers from the Demoscopy company S.A., is to facilitate a discussion broader and more purposeful public desire to contribute to efficient policies and actions, so much about the immediate need to face the current situation as in what refers to the prevention towards the future. (From Google Translate) Details: Guatemala, SIDA, 2007. 120p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 29, 2018 at: http://www.dhl.hegoa.ehu.es/ficheros/0000/0143/maras_y_pandillas_comunidad_y_policia_en_centroamerica.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 150733 |
Author: Does, Antonia Title: Citizen (In)Security in the Northern Triangle of Central America: an Analysis of the Construction of the Maras Summary: High levels of crime and violence in Central Americas northern triangle are a major preoccupation of politicians, policy-makers and citizens. Public authorities in ElSalvador, Honduras and Guatemala have largely sought repressive measures toincrease public safety and to contain such violence, for which youth gangs ( maras )are principally held responsible. This paper aims at uncovering more comprehensivelythe motivations and the intended effects behind the suppressive strategies of the respective governments. Viewing the gang phenomenon through the lens of securitization theory allows for a new understanding of the construction of the maras and furthermore reveals a blurred line between the political and the security sectors. The analysis finds that interests other than combatting a security threat, as well as the particular historical and societal contexts of the three countries, seem to decisively influence how the maras are addressed. Details: Geneva: Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2012 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed June 29, 2018 at: https://www.academia.edu/3691562/Citizen_In_Security_in_the_Northern_Triangle_of_Central_America_an_Analysis_of_the_Construction_of_the_Maras Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 150744 |
Author: Moreno, Rafael Arturo Title: Mano Dura, Mano Amiga, and La Tregua: The Failures of Gang Policy Responses in El Salvador and Honduras Summary: In Central America, gang violence has reached endemic proportions. El Salvador has an estimated 60,000 gang members with a presence in 94% of the municipalities (Martinez, Lemus, Sontag 2016). In Honduras, membership estimates are as high as 36,000 according to US AID (Pachico 2016). Both El Salvador and Honduras have violence unpreceded in countries supposedly not at war, ranking first and third respectively in homicides per 100,000 citizens in Latin America (Gagne 2016). Gangs have long existed in Central America; bands of street youths have been part the urban environment of Honduras and El Salvador as early as the 1960s (Wolf, 2011). However, since the late 1990s the gangs have transformed into what today is referred to as "Maras" which are stronger, more cohesive, and more violent criminal gangs that have spread across both El Salvador and Honduras and created a major security crisis. This transformation is largely attributed to the increase in deportations throughout the 1990s which drastically changed the landscape of urban environments in Central America and brought the US gang culture particularly from Los Angeles back to El Salvador and Honduras (Valdez, 2011). The rise of deportation and the exportation of US Latino gang culture to Central America brought the more violent and sophisticated criminal activity seen in the more recent gang phenomenon and is the reason that the two largest gangs in both El Salvador and Honduras, MS13 and Barrio 18, both have their origin in Los Angeles. In response to this rise violence and expansion of gangs throughout the region, Central American governments have developed three policy responses. The most frequently used policy is harsh suppression through law enforcement, known throughout the region as Mano Dura (Iron Fist or Firm Hand). This policy includes increases in law enforcement and reforms to the penal code to criminalize the act of being a gang member and facilitate their arrest and prosecution (Holland, 2013). The second strategy introduced more recently is a gang truce. The first country to attempt one was El Salvador in March of 2012, where prominent prison leaders of the two major gangs, Barrio 18 and La Marasalvatrucha, negotiated a truce (Lohmuller, 2015). The truce was able to reduce homicides by 50% however it fell apart 18 months later and was followed by an intense upsurge in violence (Lohmuller, 2015). The least common strategy and often most holistic approach is known as Mano Extendida or Mano Amiga (Extended Hand or Friendly Hand) which focuses on the rehabilitation of ex-gang members and prevention work with at risk youth. These programs seem to have the most promise; however, their implementation is limited and often carried out by international NGOs rather than the governments themselves. Since the early 2000s, Central America has implemented these varied attempts at curtailing the presence and strength of these gangs, yet gang violence at best has remained constant and arguably worsened. The question that then arises is why have these policies failed to curb the violence or the strength of the gangs? Why have the three different approaches failed? With another tangential question of why are the suppression policies continually repeated after clear evidence of their failure? This thesis will explore each of the policies and analyze why they have failed. I will use a paired comparison study of anti-gang policy specifically in El Salvador and Honduras. These two countries both began with suppression policies in the early 2000s, experimented with gang truces, and have limited social and prevention programs for gangs. Along with that, they have similar levels of gang membership and levels of violence. Using both El Salvador and Honduras, I can draw conclusions on what has been ineffective about anti-gang policy in Central America. The thesis will begin with a brief overview of the literature on gang responses looking at the literature on the effectiveness of the three policy responses; suppression, truces, and prevention. The second chapter will examine Mano Dura in El Salvador and Honduras and demonstrate how the policy in fact strengthen the gangs instead of eradicating them and explore why both governments continuously reverted back to suppression. The third chapter will explore the gang truce and examine how the truce failed to create lasting peace in El Salvador and had a minimal effect in Honduras and also why the governments now have totally rejected any attempts of implementing another truce or any sort of negotiation with gangs. The fourth chapter will explore the limited prevention and intervention strategies and demonstrate how they have been ineffective and dominated by international donors. The fifth and final chapter will review the three policies from the earlier chapters and offer conclusions to why they have failed and why the governments continue to prioritize suppression strategies. Details: Haverford, PA: Haverford College Political Science Department, 2017. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed July 2, 2018 at: https://scholarship.tricolib.brynmawr.edu/bitstream/handle/10066/19349/2017MorenoR.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: At-risk Youth Shelf Number: 150750 |
Author: Ambrosius, Christian Title: Deportations and the roots of gang violence in Central America Summary: El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala count among today's most violent countries of the world. Qualitative research has claimed that large-scale deportations of Central American convicts have played an important role for the spread of gangs and rampant violence in the region. Using a novel identification strategy, this paper provides the first econometric evidence for this hypothesis from the case of El Salvador. Regarding the dependent variable, the policy experiment of a truce between rivaling gangs in 2012 allows to single out gang-related killings from overall homicide rates. The explanatory variable exploits subnational variation in the exposure of migrant communities to exogenous conditions in the host country. Violence spilled over to migrants' places of origin when migrant corridors developed around US destinations with high pre-existing levels of violent crime. The cross-sectional evidence is backed by panel data analysis dating back to 1999. The annual inflow of convicts translated into rising homicides mainly in those municipalities whose migrants were exposed to high pre-existing crime at destination, whereas deportations of non-convicts did not have the same effect. These finding are in line with evidence on the origin of Central American gangs in US cities and convicts' return to their places of birth after massive deportations since the mid-1990s. Details: Berlin: Freie Universitat Berlin, Fachbereich Wirtschaftswissenschaft, 2017. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Diskussionsbeitrge, No. 2018/12: Accessed August 10, 2018 at: https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/180901/1/1027893929.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: Deportations Shelf Number: 151108 |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: Crime and development in Central America: caught in the crossfire Summary: The countries of Central America are diverse. But they have one thing in common. They are all affected - to varying degrees - by drugs, crime and poverty. Many countries of the region are vulnerable because of socio-economic conditions like income inequality, chaotic urbanization, mass poverty, a high proportion of youth, easy access to a large supply of guns, and an unstable post-conflict environment. They are also at risk because of their geographic position, trapped between the world's biggest suppliers and consumers of cocaine. Trafficking routes have carved paths of destruction through the region. Crime and corruption flourish while development lags. This deepens social cleavages, scares away investors, and encourages the flight of domestic capital and brain drain. While many tourists dream about visiting Central America, the dream of many people in the region is to leave. Where crime and corruption reign and drug money perverts the economy, the State no longer has a monopoly on the use of force and citizens no longer trust their leaders and public institutions. As a result, the social contract is in tatters, and people take the law into their own hands either to defend themselves or commit offences. The warning signs are evident in this report - gunrelated crime, gang violence, kidnapping, the proliferation of private security companies. But these problems are in no way inherent to the region. They can be overcome. To break the vicious circle, countries need development, justice, good governance, and security. Strengthening their justice systems should be a priority in order to root out corruption and restore public confidence in the rule of law. This would create a fertile environment for economic growth and attract foreign investment, thereby promoting development. Heavy handed crackdowns on gangs alone will not resolve the underlying problems. Gang culture is a symptom of a deeper malaise that can not be solved by putting all disaffected street kids behind bars. The future of Central America depends on seeing youth as an asset rather than a liability. Many of the region's problems can best be solved from outside, particularly in reducing the supply and demand for drugs. Others require strong domestic political leadership. Cooperation and funding are vital. The problems are too big, too costly, too dangerous and too inter-linked with the problems of others to be left to individual States. In order to reverse the trends highlighted in this report, it is time for a concrete, realistic and manageable programme of action to reduce the impact of drugs and crime on development in Central America. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2007. 101p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 13, 2018 at: https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Central-america-study-en.pdf Year: 151518 Country: Central America Keywords: Cocaine Shelf Number: 2007 |
Author: United States Government Accountability Office (GAO) Title: Central American Police Training: State and USAID Should Ensure Human Rights Content is Included as Appropriate, and State Should Improve Data Summary: What GAO Found Agencies have established objectives and delivered training to professionalize police in Central Americas Northern Triangle but have not consistently done so to promote police respect for human rights. U.S. strategies include objectives to professionalize police, and the Departments of State (State) and Defense (DOD) and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) have delivered related training (see figure). These strategies also highlight the importance of police respect for human rights, but agencies have few objectives or other control mechanisms to ensure police receive related training. For instance, none of the 14 State projects and 2 of the 8 USAID projects that GAO reviewed had such objectives. Officials said this is because objectives were designed to be broader in focus. DOD also does not have objectives but has other control mechanisms to ensure its training includes human rights content. Federal standards for internal control call for managers to establish control mechanisms consistent with priorities. Without them, it may be difficult for State and USAID to ensure that training supports agencies' goals to promote police respect for human rights. DOD, State, and USAID collect information on police training, but State lacks readily available, reliable data on the number of police traineda key indicator in the U.S. Strategy for Central America. States data are not readily available because, according to officials, the process to track training is decentralized and data are not consolidated. Further, GAO found States fiscal year 2017 police training data to be unreliable because, among other reasons, the data did not include training delivered by some implementers. Officials noted that State did not have sufficient internal control mechanisms and staff in place to collect data as it expanded police training in the Northern Triangle. Without such data, State cannot accurately assess its efforts in Central America. Details: Washington, DC, 2018. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 5, 2018 at: https://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-18-618 Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: Foreign Assistance Shelf Number: 151524 |
Author: Kids in Need of Defense (KIND) Title: Childhood Cut Short: Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Against Central American Migrant and Refugee Children Summary: Since 2011, the number of unaccompanied Central American children arriving in the United States and Mexico has increased dramatically. The number of unaccompanied children apprehended in the United States increased 272 percent from 2011 to 2016, and the number of unaccompanied children deported from Mexico increased 446 percent during the same period. This trend has been accompanied by a significant increase in the number of girls migrating alone. The percentage of unaccompanied girls in U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) custody rose from 23 percent in 2012 to 34 percent of all unaccompanied children in 2014, and has remained at around 33 percent through the 2016 fiscal year. The percentage of Central American migrant girls deported from Mexico rose from 17 percent to 25 percent during the same period. Girls make up a significantly higher percentage of younger Central American unaccompanied migrant and refugee children - since 2013 over 40 percent of unaccompanied children ages 0-11 deported from Mexico have been girls. A growing body of research indicates that many of these children are forced from their homes due to violence. However, less is known about the specific role of sexual and gender-based violence in driving child migration from Central America. With funding from the Oak Foundation, Kids in Need of Defense (KIND), in partnership with the Human Rights Center Fray Matias de Crdova (CDH Fray Matias) undertook a study of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and migration of unaccompanied Central American children. To better understand the relationship between violence and child migration from this region, this study documents the occurrence and forms of sexual and gender-based violence that children face in their countries of origin and during migration, as well as access to justice and protection for child survivors of SGBV in these countries. This study draws on the cases of 96 Central American migrant children, including those gathered through interviews conducted by KIND and CDH Fray Matias, and analysis of key documentation from KIND client case files, as well as 78 interviews with government and civil society representatives in the region. Analysis of children's cases provides insight into the forms of violence that children face, as well as the ways in which these experiences of violence shape their decision to migrate. Interviews with government and civil society experts and analysis of secondary sources provide information on violence in Central America and Mexico, access to justice and protection, and child migration trends in the region. Details: Washington, DC: KIND, 2017. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 18, 2018 at: https://supportkind.org/resources/childhood-cut-short/ Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Migration Shelf Number: 152875 |
Author: Kids in Need of Defense (KIND) Title: Neither Security nor Justice: Sexual and Gender-based Violence and Gang Violence in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala Summary: The Northern Triangle of Central America, which includes El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, is one of the most violent regions in the world. Along with staggering homicide rates, all three countries have extremely high rates of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), including rape and sexual assault, domestic violence, human trafficking, sexual exploitation, and sexual abuse of children. The three countries also have some of the highest rates of femicide, or the gender-motivated killing of women and girls, in the world, and rates have risen dramatically over the past several years. In El Salvador, a woman was murdered every 16 hours in 2015. In Honduras, gender-based violence is the second leading cause of death for women of reproductive age. On average, two women are murdered each day in Guatemala, and the number of women murdered each year has more than tripled since 2000. The rise of violence in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala is in large part attributable to gangs that have grown increasingly powerful in all three countries. These gangs employ brutal forms of violence to maintain control over the territories where they operate. Gangs dominate urban areas of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala and have increased their presence in rural and semi-urban areas in recent years, leaving children and youth in these areas vulnerable to gang violence. This intensified gang violence has a particularly severe impact on women, children, and LGBTI people who are vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence within their homes, schools, and neighborhoods, and find little hope of receiving protection or justice from the state. Rates of SGBV in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala are extremely high, and in the vast majority of cases, violence goes unreported and unpunished. When victims of SGBV live in gang-controlled areas or when perpetrators have gang affiliations, crimes are even more likely to result in impunity. Many victims do not report violence because they do not trust authorities or because they know that doing so will put them, and their families, at greater risk of retaliation by gangs. Those few who do report violence confront the unwillingness or inability of the state to provide either protection or justice. With no place to turn, many of these women and children are forced to flee their country to save their lives. Whether they ultimately reach Mexico, the United States, or any other country, they need-and in many cases should qualify for-refugee protection. This report examines the relationship between gang violence and SGBV in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. It describes common forms of SGBV in the gang context and the ways in which gangs use SGBV to exert and maintain control over populations and territories in the areas where they operate. It also explains the factors that prevent reporting and prosecution of SGBV, both when the perpetrator is a gang member and when the victim lives in a gang-dominated area. The report briefly outlines government efforts to address violence and impunity. It provides recommendations on how the governments of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala can work to reduce gang-related SGBV and increase assistance and justice for survivors, which in turn will provide affected individuals and families with alternatives to forced migration. The report also makes recommendations to the U.S. government on how to direct and prioritize aid to Central American countries to effectively bolster efforts to prevent and address SGBV. Details: Washington, DC, 2017. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 24, 2018 at: https://supportkind.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Neither-Security-nor-Justice_SGBV-Gang-Report-FINAL.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Central America Keywords: Femicide Shelf Number: 152874 |
Author: UNICEF Title: Uprooted in Central America and Mexico: Migrant and refugee children face a vicious cycle of hardship and danger Summary: Every day, children and families from El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico leave their homes and communities to set off on the perilous journey northward. Driven by the threat of violence and desperation of poverty, they risk their lives for the promise of a better future. Along the way they face the constant threat of exploitation or detention - a threat that continues if they make it across the border. And if they do return home, they often find their circumstances worse than when their journey began. Why are families from northern Central America and Mexico migrating northward? The decision to leave is often shaped by multiple factors. For many families, migration to Mexico and the United States is the only path they can imagine to escape the torment of extreme poverty. Others are driven by the pervasive threat of violence in their countries, lack of educational opportunities for children, and a desire to reunite with family members who have already migrated. What is the migration journey like? Without the means to access safe and regular migration pathways, many of the region's poorest and most disadvantaged families take dangerous informal routes. Unaccompanied children and women are at the greatest risk - they are easy prey to traffickers, criminals, gangs, security forces and others who abuse, exploit or even kill them. Children may be apprehended in transit or upon reaching their destinations, only to be separated from their families, detained and returned to their countries of origin. What happens when they are sent back? For migrant children and families, reintegrating safely back into their communities is more complicated than simply being sent home. Families frequently find themselves in debt, unable to earn back the money they spent to finance the journey. Children endure the immense psychological stress of being separated, detained and deported to a country and socioeconomic circumstances that are entirely new to them. They are often stigmatized by their communities and seen as failures, or, in the case of some teenage girls, viewed as 'tainted'. And the threat of violence persists. In many cases, the fact that families have been in the United States can make them a target for local gangs. Details: United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF), 2018. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Child Alert: Accessed November 15, 2018 at: https://www.unicef.org/publications/files/UNICEF_Child_Alert_2018_Central_America_and_Mexico.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: Immigrant Detention Shelf Number: 153473 |
Author: Cruz, Jose Miguel Title: Democratization Under Assault: Criminal Violence in Post-Transition Central America Summary: Why does Nicaragua have less violent crime than Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras? All these countries underwent political transitions in the 1990s, and most of them faced widespread internal conflicts during the 1980s. Many explanations point to the legacies of war, socioeconomic underdevelopment, neoliberal structural reforms, and a lingering culture of violence. However, these arguments do not fully explain why, despite economic reforms conducted throughout the region, warless Honduras and the wealthier countries of Guatemala and El Salvador are more ripped by crime than Nicaragua. This paper argues that public security reforms carried out during the political transitions shaped the ability of the new regimes to deal with crime. The persistence of violent entrepreneurs in the new security apparatuses, their relationship with new governing elites, and the role of civil society and the U.S. during the transitions, determined later success or failure in tackling crime in Central America. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2009. 245p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 25, 2018 at: https://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu//available/etd-07282010-214904/unrestricted/Dissertation_Cruz_final.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America Keywords: Central America Shelf Number: 152864 |
Author: Meyer, Rachel Title: Peace Without Tranquility. A comparative analysis of two causal explanations of persistent violence in El Salvador and Honduras Summary: I am interested in exploring the relationship between political and non-political violence in post-civil or quasi-civil war settings, especially in Central America. The problem has had many diagnoses and even more treatments, as academics and public policymakers try to address a very real problem. Unfortunately, the violence seems to only worsen. This paper seeks to explore whether persistent levels of non-political violence can be explained, in part, as legacies of past political violence and what the corresponding policy implications may be. More specifically, my research question is whether the existing literature sufficiently explains the connection between present and past violence and if not, how to improve upon existing explanations. I find that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence and I propose my own model with specific indicators to measure its development over time. Details: Barcelona: Institut Barcelona Estudis Interncionals, 2012. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Student Paper Series 08: Accessed Dec. 7, 2018 at: http://www.ibei.org/ibei_studentpaper08_71899.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America Keywords: Gun Violence Shelf Number: 153933 |
Author: Berk-Seligson, Susan Title: USAID's Community-Based Crime and Violence Prevention Approach in Central America Found Effective in LAPOP Impact Evaluation Summary: Executive Summary LAPOPs multi-year, multi-country randomized control trial impact evaluation of the USAID community-centered approach to violence prevention found that the programs have been a success on a wide variety of community-level indicators. The study was based on over 29,000 quantitative interviews and more than 800 qualitative interviews. Results show that outcomes in the treatment communities improved more (or declined less) than they would have if the programs had not been administered. Specifically, LAPOP found that the approach produced a significant reduction in the level expected of crime victimization and violence and also resulted in a significant increase in the level expected of citizens sense of security. Perception of neighborhood insecurity and perception of insecurity when walking alone at night declined more than would be expected without USAID intervention. Levels of satisfaction with police performance and trust in the police have increased significantly over the levels expected in the absence of the treatment. Indirect effects of the programs include strengthening democratic values, which increased significantly over the expected level in the absence of the program. An extensive series of qualitative interviews generated many specific policy recommendations, some of which are summarized in this short report. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2015. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 14, 2019 at: https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/IO914en.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Central America Shelf Number: 154145 |
Author: Laurance, Edward J. Title: Weapons Collection in Central America: El Salvador and Guatemala Summary: On the weekend of 19-20 June 1999, a coalition of citizens, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), businesses, and churches called the Patriotic Movement against Crime (MPCD in Spanish) completed the twenty-third round of the voluntary weapons collection program Goods for Guns in San Salvador. In two days citizens turned in more than 250 pistols, military rifles and grenades, along with over 5,000 rounds of ammunition, in exchange for vouchers for food, medicine and clothing. Since the program began in September 1996 9,527 weapons and 129,696 rounds of ammunition have been voluntarily turned in. The principal objective of this chapter is to analyze the Goods for Guns project. How did it come about? What was the role of the government of El Salvador and the international community? Can this outcome be considered successful? As the international community comes to grips with the humanitarian crisis associated with the proliferation and misuse of small arms and light weapons, can this program be used as a prototype of how societies awash with weapons can begin to collect and destroy weapons as a tool in improving human security and enhancing economic and social developments? In particular, how and to what degree can the El Salvador experience be applied in other countries in the region? However, we will also review earlier disarmament efforts in El Salvador and neighboring Guatemala. These were undertaken in what is referred to as Phase I, namely a peace process. Phase II weapons collection programs are the disarmament component of a peace process brokered or assisted by the United Nations or another multilateral organization. In this chapter, the main focus is on how weapons that remain after immediate post-conflict disarmament can be collected. This is called Phase II disarmament. The turning in of weapons in the Phase I context is first and foremost a political act associated with the end of a conflict, but also a highly symbolic act of which the full implications are not yet fully understood. Dealing with the questions of collecting weapons in a post-conflict situation is more complex and since it does not normally have the political support of a formal peace process, relies more on local efforts attuned to local, national or regional cultures. The body of knowledge needed to design and implement Phase II programs is just beginning to emerge. In this discussion of El Salvador, and the following of Guatemala, a description and analysis of the Phase I collection efforts implemented by the UN are included as important background information and a contextual variable in evaluating Phase II collection efforts. First, despite that fact that Phase I programs are normally implemented by organizations other than warring parties, most of them take into account the context of the conflict and the cultures of these parties. Evaluating how this was done, and more importantly the failure to do so, has important lessons for Phase II programs. Second, the actual conduct of Phase I programs can directly influence the implementation of Phase II programs. Finally, the Phase I program can build capacity and experience within the country that can be utilized in planning and implementing Phase II programs Details: Chapter contribution for the Bonn International Center for Conversion, 2000. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 4, 2019 at: http://sites.miis.edu/sand/files/2011/02/bicc_elsgua.pdf Year: 2000 Country: Central America Keywords: Black Market Shelf Number: 154803 |
Author: Giannini, Renata Avelar Title: Urban Security Exchange: Data, Design and Innovation for Urban Security Summary: The Urban Security Exchange: Data, Design and Innovation for Urban Security was held on January 22 and 23, 2018 in San Salvador, at a critical time for Central American countries. On one hand, in early 2018, the capitals of the Northern Triangle countries - Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador - reported significant reductions in their high homicide rates; while on the other, these positive results highlighted the complex efforts necessary to maintain this downward trend amidst the struggle against violence. Effectively, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras present some of the highest homicide rates in the world. In 2018, El Salvador leads the ranking and its capital, San Salvador, is one of the most violent cities on the planet. Nevertheless, such cities were able to reduce their homicide rates between 2016 and 2017. In El Salvador, the rate dropped by 34%, in Honduras, 22% and in Guatemala, 4%. This context of persistently high homicide rates in spite of reductions was a key element throughout the discussion endorsed by the Urban Security Exchange. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, 2018. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2019 at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/2018-06-04-AE-USEx-dialogos-seguranca-EN-1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: Crime Prevention Shelf Number: 155033 |
Author: Greenfield, Victoria A. Title: Human Smuggling and Associated Revenues: What Do or Can We Know About Routes from Central America to the United States? Summary: Unlawful migrants from Central America apprehended at the U.S.-Mexico border each year often hire smugglers for assistance or pay others for rights of way at some point during their journey north. Policymakers face concerns that a substantial share of migrants' expenditures on smuggling services could be flowing to transnational criminal organizations (TCOs), entities that represent a potential threat to homeland security. In response to these concerns, the authors of this report conducted a scoping study to develop a preliminary estimate of TCOs' revenues from smuggling migrants from the Northern Triangle region of Central America (Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador) to the United States and to characterize the TCOs' structure, operations, and financing. They conducted interviews with subject-matter experts, a review of literature, and an analysis of governmental and nongovernmental data on migration and human smuggling and found that human smuggling involves many different types of actors and that most TCOs' activities and revenues cannot be separated credibly from those of ad hoc groups, independent operators, and others who engage in human smuggling. They developed a preliminary estimate of revenues from human smuggling flowing to all types of smugglers, not just TCOs - ranging from about $200 million to $2.3 billion in 2017 - with uncertainty stemming largely from analytical challenges related to data limitations and time constraints. Separately, they also produced a preliminary estimate of the taxes, or pisos, that migrants pay to drug-trafficking TCOs to pass through their territories, ranging from about $30 million to $180 million. Key Findings -- Characteristics of actors that engage in human smuggling Actors that engage in human smuggling range from independent operators, to ad hoc groups, to loose networks, to more-formally structured networks, such as TCOs. Many of these actors are subcontractors that offer their services to different networks or groups or other independent operators at the same time. Many of the actors engaged in human smuggling do not appear to meet the statutory definition of a TCO. Relationship between human smuggling and drug trafficking -- There is little evidence that drug-trafficking TCOs engage directly in human smuggling, but they maintain control of primary smuggling corridors into the United States and charge migrants a "tax," known as a piso, to pass through their territories. Drug-trafficking TCOs might also coordinate unlawful migrants' border crossings to divert attention from other illicit activities and recruit or coerce migrants to carry drugs. Preliminary findings on revenue estimation Estimating revenues from human smuggling requires data on (1) the number of unlawful migrants, (2) the percentage hiring smugglers, and (3) typical payments. A lack of reliable information on each point contributes to uncertainty in revenue estimates. The authors' preliminary estimate of revenues to all types of smugglers from smuggling migrants from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, combined, ranged from a total of about $200 million to a total of about $2.3 billion in 2017. The authors' preliminary estimate of taxes paid to drug-trafficking TCOs by migrants from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador who passed through those TCOs' territories ranged from $30 million to $180 million in 2017. Recommendations -- Target vulnerabilities of human smugglers. For example, consider expanding existing efforts to investigate payments made to human smugglers, especially in the United States, and working more closely with formal and informal banking services to identify suspicious payments. Also, consider expanding current efforts to work with foreign law enforcement partners to disrupt smuggling operations. Use information about the value of the smuggling market to inform decisions about efforts to allocate resources to market disruption. Consider standardizing and expanding the range of questions that border officials ask migrants during interviews to seek more consistent and detailed information from migrants about different types of smugglers, routes, and payments. Use shared portal for data entry that can screen for errors and use a randomized survey process to reduce the administrative burden of data collection on frontline personnel and increase the likelihood of successful data entry. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2019. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 26, 2019 at: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR2852.html Year: 2019 Country: Central America Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 155528 |
Author: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime Title: A Criminal Culture: Extortion in Central America Summary: In parts of Central America, extortion has become so endemic that it is now a feature of the daily socio-economic life of citizens, businesses and the fabric of the state. The pervasive impunity and weakness of state institutions to combat extortion have meant that, for many central American communities, extortion, or the threat of it, has become a normalized facet of life - a form of violent, omnipresent, criminally enforced taxation - and its effects are far-reaching on a personal, economic and societal level. For the violent, armed street gangs that continually threaten and harass communities in the Northern Triangle countries (El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras) - a region that is the main focus of this report - the extortion market is the main security threat to those countries and one of the principal sources of criminal income. These gangs have bred a criminal regional economy on such a scale that extortion forms a sizeable tranche of some Northern Triangle countries' GDP. The revenue from extortion has provided some gangs in the region with a solid economic operating base, and at the same time allowed them to diversify into other criminal enterprises, including drug trafficking, and human smuggling and trafficking, which means that they have consolidated their influence over broader transnational organized-crime networks operating in the region. Meanwhile, extortion revenue is laundered through investments in formal businesses, extending the gangs' economic stranglehold over the communities they target. In Panama and Costa Rica, the dynamics are somewhat different; there, gangs, and the threat of extortion they pose, are also present but the groups in these countries rely more on revenue from drug trafficking than from extortion markets. The response to the extortion markets by Central American governments, as well as by non-governmental organizations and community self-support groups, has been largely ineffective, mainly because the violent control exerted by the gangs makes individual citizens and organizations powerless to resist. In some cases, state interventions, in the form of heavy-handed crackdowns by law-enforcement authorities, including mass incarceration of gangsters, have served not to quell the problem, but to exacerbate it, creating more problems than solutions. Non-police intervention policies, involving preventative, rehabilitative and reintegrative measures, have been limited. Another factor that perpetuates the vortex of gang violence is corruption, which weakens state institutions and law-enforcement agencies, and leads to impunity; as a result, some arms of the state have become cells of criminal governance. Until the chain of collusion between corrupt political actors (and other civil servants) and the criminal rackets can be broken, it will be difficult for policy interventions to penetrate and break the circuit of criminality, which reaches into the very organs of state that are constitutionally instituted to combat it. This report offers a comprehensive picture of the nature and impact of the various kinds of gang-based extortion schemes across Central America, but particularly in the trio of countries in the Northern Triangle, and the political-economic environment in which they occur. The report develops a typology of modes of extortion that have been reported in the region under study, with case studies on how certain schemes operate and the impact they have on their victims. In the face of the growing scourge of regional extortion markets, it also examines more innovative ways of responding to extortion and analyzes some promising trends that may threaten the regional gang networks. There has been a shift, for example, towards dismantling the financial structures of the gangs, and investigations into money-laundering schemes they use to conceal their revenue, which may offer the kind of intelligence needed to combat the regional transnational networks. Some citizen- and community-initiated pushbacks against the extortion have shown promise and they have, if only to a small degree, mitigated the impact wrought by the gangs on society by helping generate resilience initiatives. Where these have connected multiple actors within civil society and the private sector, the potential for impact is considerable, and suggests that a whole of community approach to addressing extortion might be a promising practice that could be replicated. The report is the culmination of recent extensive research conducted jointly by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and InSight Crime, an investigative research foundation dedicated to the study of crime trends in Latin America. To produce a comprehensive and balanced analysis of the extortion economy in Central America, field researchers interviewed a large number of representative participants, including victims and perpetrators of extortion; members of regional law-enforcement agencies; analysts; politicians; members of the judiciary and academia; business people; journalists; and civil-society organizations. To corroborate the field investigation, and to provide a broader quantitative framework to inform the findings, statistics on the regional extortion markets were analyzed and a literature review was carried out. The authors also drew from previous investigations by InSight Crime on gangs in the Northern Triangle. This report is the first phase of the 'Building coalitions against extortion in Central America' project developed by the Global Initiative. During the second phase, this report will enable the project to gather stakeholders from each country to discuss and analyze this pervasive phenomenon in the region. It will also allow the creation of a network of experts and stakeholders who will, firstly, exchange information and practices to tackle extortion and then, regionally, discuss alternatives to better respond to the issue. During the third and final phase, the project will aim to strengthen local resilience through a training initiative to help affected communities to better respond to extortion and mitigate its effects, and a roadmap to help build municipal strategies in the medium and long run. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Author, 2019. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2019 at: https://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Central-American-Extortion-Report-English-03May1400-WEB.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Central America Keywords: Extortion Shelf Number: 155687 |
Author: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime Title: A Criminal Culture: Extortion in Central America Summary: In parts of Central America, extortion has become so endemic that it is now a feature of the daily socio-economic life of citizens, businesses and the fabric of the state. The pervasive impunity and weakness of state institutions to combat extortion have meant that, for many central American communities, extortion, or the threat of it, has become a normalized facet of life a form of violent, omnipresent, criminally enforced taxation - and its effects are far-reaching on a personal, economic and societal level. For the violent, armed street gangs that continually threaten and harass communities in the Northern Triangle countries (El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras) - a region that is the main focus of this report - the extortion market is the main security threat to those countries and one of the principal sources of criminal income. These gangs have bred a criminal regional economy on such a scale that extortion forms a sizeable tranche of some Northern Triangle countries' GDP. The revenue from extortion has provided some gangs in the region with a solid economic operating base, and at the same time allowed them to diversify into other criminal enterprises, including drug trafficking, and human smuggling and trafficking, which means that they have consolidated their influence over broader transnational organized-crime networks operating in the region. Meanwhile, extortion revenue is laundered through investments in formal businesses, extending the gangs' economic stranglehold over the communities they target. In Panama and Costa Rica, the dynamics are somewhat different; there, gangs, and the threat of extortion they pose, are also present but the groups in these countries rely more on revenue from drug trafficking than from extortion markets. The response to the extortion markets by Central American governments, as well as by non-governmental organizations and community self-support groups, has been largely ineffective, mainly because the violent control exerted by the gangs makes individual citizens and organizations powerless to resist. In some cases, state interventions, in the form of heavy-handed crackdowns by law-enforcement authorities, including mass incarceration of gangsters, have served not to quell the problem, but to exacerbate it, creating more problems than solutions. Non-police intervention policies, involving preventative, rehabilitative and reintegrative measures, have been limited. Another factor that perpetuates the vortex of gang violence is corruption, which weakens state institutions and law-enforcement agencies, and leads to impunity; as a result, some arms of the state have become cells of criminal governance. Until the chain of collusion between corrupt political actors (and other civil servants) and the criminal rackets can be broken, it will be difficult for policy interventions to penetrate and break the circuit of criminality, which reaches into the very organs of state that are constitutionally instituted to combat it. This report offers a comprehensive picture of the nature and impact of the various kinds of gang-based extortion schemes across Central America, but particularly in the trio of countries in the Northern Triangle, and the political-economic environment in which they occur. The report develops a typology of modes of extortion that have been reported in the region under study, with case studies on how certain schemes operate and the impact they have on their victims. In the face of the growing scourge of regional extortion markets, it also examines more innovative ways of responding to extortion and analyzes some promising trends that may threaten the regional gang networks. There has been a shift, for example, towards dismantling the financial structures of the gangs, and investigations into money-laundering schemes they use to conceal their revenue, which may offer the kind of intelligence needed to combat the regional transnational networks. Some citizen- and community-initiated pushbacks against the extortion have shown promise and they have, if only to a small degree, mitigated the impact wrought by the gangs on society by helping generate resilience initiatives. Where these have connected multiple actors within civil society and the private sector, the potential for impact is considerable, and suggests that a whole of community approach to addressing extortion might be a promising practice that could be replicated. The report is the culmination of recent extensive research conducted jointly by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and InSight Crime, an investigative research foundation dedicated to the study of crime trends in Latin America. To produce a comprehensive and balanced analysis of the extortion economy in Central America, field researchers interviewed a large number of representative participants, including victims and perpetrators of extortion; members of regional law-enforcement agencies; analysts; politicians; members of the judiciary and academia; businesspeople; journalists; and civil-society organizations. To corroborate the field investigation, and to provide a broader quantitative framework to inform the findings, statistics on the regional extortion markets were analyzed and a literature review was carried out. The authors also drew from previous investigations by InSight Crime on gangs in the Northern Triangle. This report is the first phase of the 'Building coalitions against extortion in Central America' project developed by the Global Initiative. During the second phase, this report will enable the project to gather stakeholders from each country to discuss and analyze this pervasive phenomenon in the region. It will also allow the creation of a network of experts and stakeholders who will, firstly, exchange information and practices to tackle extortion and then, regionally, discuss alternatives to better respond to the issue. During the third and final phase, the project will aim to strengthen local resilience through a training initiative to help affected communities to better respond to extortion and mitigate its effects, and a roadmap to help build municipal strategies in the medium and long run. Details: Geneva, Switzerland: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2019. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 5, 2019 at: https://globalinitiative.net/extortion-in-central-america/ Year: 2019 Country: Central America Keywords: Central America Shelf Number: 156180 |
Author: Vaughan, Jessica M. Title: MS-13 Resurgence: Immigration Enforcement Needed to Take Back Our Streets Summary: The Trump administration has declared war on MS-13, the notoriously brutal gang based in El Salvador. A similar initiative launched by the Bush administration in 2005 stifled the gang's activity after several years, but the gang has been able to rebuild itself here since 2012. Center researchers reviewed more than 500 cases of MS-13 gang members arrested nationwide since 2012. We conclude that this resurgence represents a very serious threat to public safety in communities where MS-13 has rebuilt itself. The resurgence is directly connected to the illegal arrival and resettlement of more than 300,000 Central American youths and families that has continued unabated for six years, and to a de-prioritization of immigration enforcement in the interior of the country that occurred at the same time. All criminal gangs are a threat to public safety, but MS-13 is a unique problem because of the unusually brutal crimes its members have committed, its success in using intimidation to victimize and control people in its territory, and its focus on recruiting young members, often in schools. Nevertheless, because such a large share of MS-13 members are not citizens, they are especially vulnerable to law enforcement, and many can be removed from the communities they terrorize. Strategic use of immigration enforcement is a necessary element to disrupting and dismantling MS-13 gangs and any other transnational criminal organization operating in our communities. The proliferation of sanctuary policies that interfere with cooperation between state and local law enforcement agencies threatens to hamper efforts to stifle MS-13 activity. The federal government must take steps to clarify how federal law permits such cooperation and also must set up consequences for those jurisdictions and officials who impose sanctuary policies. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Immigration Studies, 2018. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 10, 2019 at: https://cis.org/Report/MS13-Resurgence-Immigration-Enforcement-Needed-Take-Back-Our-Streets Year: 2018 Country: Central America Keywords: El Salvador Shelf Number: 156357 |
Author: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime Title: A Criminal Culture: Extortion in Central American Summary: In parts of Central America, extortion has become so endemic that it is now a feature of the daily socio-economic life of citizens, businesses and the fabric of the state. The pervasive impunity and weakness of state institutions to combat extortion have meant that, for many central American communities, extortion, or the threat of it, has become a normalized facet of life - a form of violent, omnipresent, criminally enforced taxation - and its effects are far-reaching on a personal, economic and societal level. For the violent, armed street gangs that continually threaten and harass communities in the Northern Triangle countries (El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras) - a region that is the main focus of this report - the extortion market is the main security threat to those countries and one of the principal sources of criminal income. These gangs have bred a criminal regional economy on such a scale that extortion forms a sizeable tranche of some Northern Triangle countries' GDP. The revenue from extortion has provided some gangs in the region with a solid economic operating base, and at the same time allowed them to diversify into other criminal enterprises, including drug trafficking, and human smuggling and trafficking, which means that they have consolidated their influence over broader transnational organized-crime networks operating in the region. Meanwhile, extortion revenue is laundered through investments in formal businesses, extending the gangs' economic stranglehold over the communities they target. Details: Geneva: Authors, 2019. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 24, 2019 at: https://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Central-American-Extortion-Report-English-03May1400-WEB.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Central America Keywords: Criminal Gangs Shelf Number: 156610 |
Author: Tinti, Peter Title: Dark Pharma: Counterfeit and Contraband Pharmaceuticals in Central America Summary: This working paper, the second in a series on the global illicit economy, focuses on the dark pharma trade in Central America, where no country has been spared the problem of counterfeit and contraband pharmaceuticals making their way to consumers. As this paper argues, the illicit sale of pharmaceutical drugs is a growing global concern, most particularly in developing countries such as in Central America, where the lack of adequate healthcare forces people to seek cheaper drugs. In the absence of effective systems of regulation and access to affordable pharmaceuticals, the demand for cheap medicines drives a criminal market. In "Dark Pharma: Counterfeit and Contraband Pharmaceuticals in Central America," Peter Tinti notes that the damage caused by such markets relates not only to the quality of the medicines available to consumers but also to the corruption these markets create and reinforce, reducing citizens' confidence in the public health sector and the government. These substandard and ineffective drugs may worsen the condition of sick individuals, hinder medical professionals' ability to make accurate diagnoses, accelerate the spread of communicable diseases, increase drug resistance, and ultimately kill people. Details: Washington, DC: Atlantic Council, 2019. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed June 24, 2019 at: https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/images/publications/Dark_Pharma-Counterfeit_and_Contraband_Pharmaceuticals_in_Central_America.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Central America Keywords: Consumer Fraud Shelf Number: 156621 |
Author: de Waegh, Frank Title: Unwilling Participants: The Coercion of Youth into Violent Criminal Groups in Central America's Northern Triangle Summary: The crisis of insecurity affecting Central America's Northern Triangle countries - Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala - has entered a new and advanced stage. Levels of generalized violence exceed those typically associated with open conflicts: targeted killings and rape, mass migration from conflict areas, and the forced recruitment of children into armed groups are worrisome parallel traits. This research is devoted to the little-studied practice of forced and coerced recruitment of youth by Northern Triangle street gangs, or maras. The coercive enlistment of children has become widespread and sustains a growing need for fresh recruits. A reevaluation of the concept of youth membership within Northern Triangle street gangs is called for - specifically, revaluating the participation of children in gangs in light of their own victimhood, is critical in addressing the complex root causes of the violence epidemic. Finally the research highlights the need for creative approaches to breaking cyclical youth violence, and the need to draw lessons from methods used to counter violent extremism and reintegration of child soldiers. Details: Washington, DC: Jesuit Conference of Canada and the United States, 2015. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2019 at: https://jesuits.org/Assets/Publications/File/Report_UnwillingParticipants_v4.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America Keywords: Child Soldiers Shelf Number: 156955 |