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81 total results foundAuthor: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Dying For It: Gangs, Violence and Social Change in Urban Nicaragua Summary: Youth gangs potentially constitute an ideal lens through which to explore the dynamics and ramifications of the new political economy of violence in Latin America, and this paper consequently presents and ethnographic case study of an urban Nicaraguan youth gang. It employs data derived from participant observation research conducted in 1996-97 and 2002 in a low-income neighbourhood in Managua. The first part of the paper provides a brief overview of crime and violence in contemporary urban Nicaragua, exploring some of its socio-economic consequences and situating gang violence within it. The second part offers an account of the neighbourhood's youth gang as it existed in 1996-97, followed by a description of the gang in 2002, focusing on violent gang practices. The third section considers the nature of these two manifestations of the gang and the general evolution of the gang between 1997 and 2002 from an institutional point of view. Details: London: Crisis States Program, Development Research Centre, London School of Economics, 2003. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 35: Crisis States Programme, Working Papers Series No. 1: Accessed January 31, 2010 at: Year: 2003 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Gang Violence Shelf Number: 120636 |
Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Urban Segregation from Below: Drugs, Consumption, and Primitive Accumulation in Managua, Nicaragua Summary: This paper explores the emergence of new forms of urban segregation in contemporary Managua, Nicaragua. Although the country has historically always been characterised by high levels of socio-economic inequality - with the notable exception of the Sandinista revolutionary period (1979-1990), when disparities declined markedly - the past decade in particular has seen the development of new processes of exclusion and differentiation, especially in urban areas. In many ways, these are part of a broader regional trend; as several recent studies have noted, many other Latin American cities are undergoing similar mutations. The seminal investigation in this regard is undoubtedly Teresa Caldeira's City of Walls, which traces the way in which rising crime and insecurity have changed the cityscape of Sao Paolo, Brazil, transforming it from a space of open circulation to a fragmented archipelago of isolated "fortified enclaves". This new urban morphology is most visible in the proliferation of self-sufficient gated communities and closed condominiums for the affluent, which have significantly altered the character of urban space, as those on the 'inside' of the enclaves no longer relate to notions of spatial cohabitation with those on the 'outside', but rather to an ideal of separation from them. This paper examines urban Nicaragua where this phenomenon has arguably gone further than enclaves and has led to the emergence of a 'fortified network' for the elites which excludes the poor and has profoundly altered the cityscape. Details: London: Crisis States Research Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science, 2005. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Crisis States Research Centre Working Papers series 1, No. 71.: Accessed February 1, 2011 at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/13283/1/wp71.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Crime (Nicaragua) Shelf Number: 120638 |
Author: D'Angelo, Almachiara Title: Nicaragua: Protecting Female Labour Migrants from Exploitative Working Conditions and Trafficking Summary: Changing labour markets with globalization have increased both opportunities and pressures for women to migrate. The migration process and employment in a country of which they are not nationals can enhance women’s earning opportunities, autonomy and empowerment, and thereby change gender roles and responsibilities and contribute to gender equality. But they also expose women to serious violation of their human rights. Whether in the recruitment stage, the journey or living and working in another country, women migrant workers, especially those in irregular situations, are vulnerable to harassment, intimidation or threats to themselves and their families, economic and sexual exploitation, racial discrimination and xenophobia, poor working conditions, increased health risks and other forms of abuse, including trafficking into forced labour, debt bondage, involuntary servitude and situations of captivity. Women migrant workers, whether documented or undocumented, are much more vulnerable to discrimination, exploitation and abuse – relative not only to male migrants but also to native-born women. Gender-based discrimination intersects with discrimination based on other forms of “otherness” – such as non-national status, race, ethnicity, religion, economic status – placing women migrants in situations of double, triple or even fourfold discrimination, disadvantage or vulnerability to exploitation and abuse. To enhance the knowledge base and to develop practical tools for protecting and promoting the rights of female migrant workers, a series of case studies were commissioned. These studies were intended to provide background materials for an Information Guide on Preventing Discrimination, Exploitation and Abuse of Women Migrant Workers. The Guide aims at assisting and enhancing the efforts of government agencies, workers’ and employers’ organizations, non-governmental organizations and civil society groups in sending, transit and destination countries to protect the human rights of women migrant workers in the different stages of the migration process. This working paper is based on one of case study - Nicaragua. The focus is on the situation of the women migrant workers in their families, workplaces, communities and societies in sending and receiving countries and also on the initiatives, policies and programmes, “good” and “bad” practices implemented by government, private recruitment and employment agencies and a wide range of social actors to assist and protect women migrants against exploitation and abuse and to prevent them from being trafficked. Details: Geneva: Gender Promotion Programme, International Labour Office, 2001?. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: GENPROM Working Paper No. 6A; Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/documents/publication/wcms_117951.pdf Year: 2001 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Forced Labor Shelf Number: 121310 |
Author: Mora, Pilar Title: Towards a Strategy of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design in the City of Masaya, Nicaragua Summary: This research project studies the influence of the built environment on criminal behaviour, and on people's behaviour because of their fear of crime, in a commercial corridor of the city of Masaya, Nicaragua. The report presents an analysis of the area under study from the perspective of safety. The goal of this project is to explore to what extent a specific strategy on crime prevention which is Crime Prevention Through Environmental Desiang - CPTED - can be applied in that context. Details: Montreal: McGill University, School of Urban Planning, 2008. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 6, 2012 at: http://gim.ucs.inrs.ca/fran/PDF/Mora-2008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (Nic Shelf Number: 126888 |
Author: Gordon, Rachel Title: Urban Resilience in Situations of Chronic Violence Case Study of Managua, Nicaragua Summary: This report explores the ways in which citizens of Managua cope with and adapt to dynamic security conditions in their daily lives as well as the interactions among institutions, actors and spaces that enable and constrain strategies of resilience. Despite the Nicaraguan government’s oft-touted assertion that it is the safest country in Central America, relatively little empirical research exists to shed light on residents’ quotidian experiences of insecurity or senses of agency regarding conditions of violence in their immediate surroundings. How are experiences and perceptions of insecurity shaped by the spatial and social configurations of urban life? How are they mediated by state institutions and non-state actors? What strategies enable resilience? Underlying this case study is the observation—herein regarded as sufficiently accurate—that Managua has thus far avoided the dire urban security challenges facing many of its neighbors, particularly those to the north: Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. It does, however, face the same mounting security difficulties as all of its neighbors in the region: a spiraling struggle against corruption, narco-trafficking and other organized crime, a dearth of economic opportunities, and the legacies of intra-state conflicts. While the legacy of civil war is an oft-cited factor underlying chronic violence, the correlation may be a spurious one. In fact, a central argument of this study is that the multi-layered legacy of the 1979 Sandinista revolution is not anathema to, but is the basis of, citizen resilience to current, entwined economic and security challenges. Such resilience is manifest in localized spatial and social loyalties that contribute to strong neighborhood identities, at the expense of a single broad urban identity. Resilience is defined here as residents’ ability to absorb, cope with, and adapt to the realities of insecurity and violence such that their lives are not consistently disrupted by it. The main focus of this study is on how social and spatial factors interact to determine resilience: how and why a strong neighborhood identity – itself a fusion of social and spatial characteristics – is central to citizens’ ability to cope and adapt in various ways. It is noted that all resilience strategies are not necessarily “positive.” The actions people take to enable the survival and security of themselves and their families in the face of an array of daily threats are what those individuals see as necessary; that does not make them necessarily positive in the long run. Instead, they must be understood to spring from inevitably imperfect sets of options under invariably constrained circumstances. In a hypothetical final accounting, they might prove to be at least as detrimental to security conditions as they are beneficial. Resilience, however, like history, has no such end point toward which human beings, communities and governments can plan. Instead, they must constantly confront multiple stressors and constraints utilizing various dynamic options and strategies. It is also noted that research inevitably offers only snapshot, a momentary freezing of the frame outside of which these various processes continue their constant cycles. While there exists a great volume of political and philosophical polemics on Nicaragua’s historical and modern development, relatively few scholars—in either Spanish or English—have reliably documented current chronic security challenges. The lack of reliable crime statistics and the confusing and inconsistent manner in which crimes are categorized place significant limitations on this and other analyses. In addition, the dearth of specific and non-politicized data and analysis regarding broad physical and livelihoods security factors—including infrastructure, social services, economic activity and opportunities, and vulnerability to hazards and shocks—makes Managua ripe but particularly challenging for analysis. It is explicitly assumed that ideology always shapes discourse, and that all analysis is inherently subjective. That said, the role of ideology in shaping discourse both within and related to Nicaragua is particularly outsized. This study attempts depoliticized analysis to the greatest extent possible, recognizing that such an extent may not be very great given the politicized nature of nearly all discourse in and related to Nicaragua today and throughout the past several decades. This study takes five parts. First, it locates Managua within its national and regional context, describing the physical and social development of the city itself and mapping key socio-historical events onto the geo-spatial layout of the city. Second, it describes current data and perceptions of violence, primary security actors, and the nature of state intervention. This section introduces the role of the National Police force, itself deeply rooted in the 1979 revolution, as a key mediator of security and resilience. Third, it explores spatial and social aspects of resilience, focusing on strong neighborhood identity—a legacy of geological and political upheaval—as a primary source of resilience. This section discusses the reaches and limitations of overt state intervention, as well as the implications of politicized organizing in diverse neighborhood contexts. Fourth, it examines enabling and constraining factors of resilience in greater depth, including poverty and inequality, narco-trafficking, the “youth bulge,” and the gendered dimensions of violence. This section posits a distinction between “public” and “private” spheres of violence by which some types of violence are deemed socially problematic while others—namely, “domestic” violence against women and children—are treated as ordinary and commonplace. Fifth and finally, it offers a brief analysis of the sustainability of resilience in the Managua context. Details: Cambridge, MA: Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 7, 2012 at: http://www.urcvproject.org/uploads/Managua_URCV.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Urban Areas Shelf Number: 127138 |
Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Bismarckian Transformations in Contemporary Nicaragua? From Gang Member to Drug Dealer to Legal Entrepreneur Summary: Through a detailed life history of Bismarck, a Nicaraguan youth gang member turned illegal drug dealer turned legal entrepreneur, this paper explores the potential relationships between formal and informal economic activity. It focuses particularly on the various economic activities that he has been involved in at different stages in his life, tracing their origins and evolving dynamics in order to highlight not only how the ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ often mix, but also how they can in fact be extremely interdependent, to the extent that they often directly feed off each other. At the same time, however, Bismarck’s story also underlines how the systemic iteration of economic activity ultimately depends less on their form and more on the contingent articulation of the specific type of activity concerned, the particular trajectory of the individual social agents involved, as well as ultimately the nature of the broader contextual political economy. Details: Manchester, UK: University of Manchester, Brooks World Poverty Institute, 2009. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: BWPI Working Paper 82: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.bwpi.manchester.ac.uk/resources/Working-Papers/bwpi-wp-8209.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Drug Dealing Shelf Number: 129143 |
Author: Aramburu, Melba Castillo Title: Nicaragua Youth Assessment: Assessment of Security and Crime Prevention Activities, with a Focus on Youth At Risk, On the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua Summary: USAID/Nicaragua is preparing a new Country Development Cooperative Strategy (CDCS) that will include a Special Objective (SpO) aimed at reducing crime and increasing personal, community and regional security in the Caribbean Coast region. This SpO will support formal and non-formal education and training opportunities for youth at-risk, ages 10-24, and build community cohesiveness to reduce chances of youth becoming involved in crime and illicit activities. Funds for this SpO are expected to come from the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) which focuses on crime and levels of citizen security, and USAID basic education funds, particularly goal 3 of the Education Strategy which concentrates on youth and young adults living in “crisis and conflict environments.” The context in which young people live and attempt to thrive on the Caribbean Coast is characterized by multiple risk factors that contribute to their acute level of vulnerability. Principal risk factors—elements that greatly complicate their lives and which can lead to illicit activities—are prevalence of drugs and, worse, trafficking of drugs, along with alcohol abuse, disintegration of family and community ties, school abandonment, sexual abuse and risky sex, unemployment and bleak prospects for a job, and the weak presence of state institutions. In RAAN (Región Aútonoma del Atlántico Norte), the segment of the population under age 24 is 66 percent of the total; in RAAS, (Región Aútonoma del Atlántico Sur) it is 63 percent. Some 70 percent of RAAN’s population is rural, while 60 percent of RAAS’s population lives in rural areas. Another trait of the Caribbean regions is the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural composition. Various peoples exist in both regions, such as Miskito, Rama, Sumu/Mayangna, Twahkas, Panamakas and Ulwas. The Afro-descendant population, Creoles, and Garifunas comprise the ethnic groups. One continuing trend in the RAAN is the arrival of more and more mestizos in the region, with the indigenous and Afro-descendant becoming even more of the minority as time goes on. This is especially true in the interior (central and western) parts of the RAAS and RAAN. The RAAS is much more in flux ethnically, with the biggest concentration of Afro-descendants, although the RAAN is still predominantly indigenous and Afro-descendant. The number of violent deaths in RAAS and RAAN is rising sharply. In Bluefields in 2011, according to the Police Chief, there were 71 violent deaths or homicides, and in the first 11 weeks of 2012 there had been 18 more. Rates of incest, sexual abuse and rape of girls ages 6-16 are alarmingly high, with many cases not even reported. Criminal offenders are rarely brought to justice. In the RAAN, the National Police have registered 20 high-risk youth groups with a total of 313 male members from 12 to 18 years of age. According to the National Police, as well as others interviewed, the prostitution of adolescents, beginning at 14 years of age, is growing in the RAAS through the occurrence of parties and other “social events” organized by drug traffickers.1 The growing disintegration of family and community ties was noted by many people interviewed as a key factor in the worsening crisis and youths’ feelings of insecurity. The exposure of adolescents to STDs, including HIV, is also linked to violence and lack of values and direction from the family. Few adolescent men and women access health services because of shame or fear of reprimand, especially in relation to sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS2. The rate of STDs in the RAAS is 164 per 100,000 inhabitants, the highest among all regions of Nicaragua. The national average is 43.9 per 100,000 people.3 All indicators of education in the Caribbean region are poor; one of the most shocking indicators is that only two out of every ten young people in the corresponding age group are enrolled in secondary school, versus the national average of seven out of ten young people. The team observed, and many interviewees stated, that there are insufficient spaces for sports and recreation, especially in the RAAS. There is no addiction rehabilitation center in the region to provide systematic and intensive care. Drugs are present in virtually the entire Caribbean region and are the major catalyst for social problems. Obtaining lethal weapons is relatively easy. Violence is spreading and is increasingly legitimated through criminal activities mainly connected to drugs. Inter-ethnic tensions, particularly in the RAAN, have percolated to the extent that several civic leaders told a team member that “it is a time bomb, waiting to explode.” Conflicts over property are the prime cause of daily conflicts and legal cases, and these are woven into tensions between ethnic groups which have different philosophies of land tenure and ownership: especially the perception of land as communal versus personal. Based on the risk factors listed above, and especially the prevalence of drugs and violence, the consulting team considers essentially all youth ages 10-24 in the RAAS and RAAN “at risk.” The extensive document review, more than 100 interviews with key informants, focus group sessions with 76 youth at-risk, and nine days of field observation in the Caribbean region were critical in the team’s formulation of the proposed integrated strategy for these young people. The recommended goal of this SpO is for “adolescents and youth at-risk (10-24 years old) in Nicaragua’s Caribbean coastal region to live in strengthened and secure communities and take advantage of more ample opportunities in education, vocational training, life skills, civic engagement, sports and recreation, and positive social inter-action.” Its three components are to: 1. Strengthen vulnerable communities so that youth and young adults feel safe and have a heightened sense of security, connectedness to their families, and feel positive about their futures. 2. Improve direct services to adolescents and youth at risk (AYAR), involving them as much as possible in the design, management and implementation of these services and opportunities. 3. Raise awareness, influence public opinion, and spur community action on a wide range of topics of concern to youth at-risk. Cross-cutting themes in this strategy are to strengthen knowledge management related to AYAR, be proactive regarding gender dynamics and equity and build alliances and vibrant ties with universities, the private sector, media, faith-based organizations and others. Based on the team’s field experiences and observations, seven inter-related programmatic areas evolve from the three strategic components, the mission statement, and the cross-cutting themes. They are to: 1. Strengthen neighborhoods and communities through local engagement, support, planning, increased community security measures, and other critical support. In particular, the initiative should promote sports as an incentive, a platform for dialogue and an attractive component of holistic, integrated, multi-faceted programs for girls and boys. Sports-related activities such as preparing fields for play, repairing and building minimal infrastructure, providing equipment and materials, strengthening leagues and organization will be integrated with, for example, vocational orientation, environmental cleanups, and mentoring programs for AYAR. 2. Strengthen capacity of organizations which provide direct services to youth, both in and out of school, especially vocational and life skills training, and by creating practical, tangible opportunities for AYAR through internships, apprenticeships, etc. 3. Improve conflict management among community and youth leaders through training of teachers, youth, parents and NGOs. For instance, the team recommends that BICU’s Center for Mediation receive technical assistance for its volunteer lawyers and staff to improve upon their mediation techniques and skills, as well as beginning to impart these skills to school teachers. 4. Strengthen BICU’s and URACCAN’s roles in knowledge management by training teachers and trainers, carrying out security studies, monitoring longitudinal progress of initiatives, conducting workshops, assisting with publications, and strengthening their alliances with communities, the National Police, NGOs, the private sector and other groups. 5. Prevent increased drug use and violence by multiplying rehabilitation and attention centers for drug addicts, victims of rape and sexual abuse, and other types of violence. Much of this work will be conducted in collaboration with advocacy and media campaigns mentioned in the next point. The consultant team recommends increasing and extending geographically in RAAN and RAAS the very popular, much appreciated and effective DARE, GREAT and Second Step programs for youth in schools, made possible by the Department of State’s Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL). We also recommend assisting the Movimiento Nidia White Center in Bilwi and COPRAJ in Bluefields to benefit from a trained professional in social and psycho-social attention to/for AYAR. 6. Promote positive youth development through campaigns involving: enhanced radio programming for and with youth at-risk, community events and engagement with key public figures (e.g., well-known sports figures, political leaders). These activities will amplify youth voices, promote community values, echo anti-drug and anti-violence messages, highlight success stories, denounce crime, sexual abuse and drug use, and focus on promising practices in youth-led development. 7. Increase school relevance through improved teaching and curricular offerings, especially at the late primary (5th and 6th years) and early secondary school levels (1st, 2nd and 3rd years of secondary education), through vocational training, enhanced reading proficiency, life skills, and other self-improvement approaches, as well as establishing and fortifying education/university-private sector linkages. 8. Lastly, the team recommends the creation and crisp, effective functioning of a U.S. Embassy Youth Affairs Advisory Committee to, among other tasks, exchange information and coordinate programming options among various U.S.G. entities part of whose mandate and actual or potential funding is directed to youth at risk. The team recommends that program implementation focus on ten neighborhoods in Bluefields, two in Pearl Lagoon and five in Bilwi and its environs. This is based on need, security concerns, potential for impact on AYAR and the communities in which they live, and cost-effectiveness. Concentrating attention and scarce resources in relatively few sites holds most promise in reducing crime and violence, increasing citizen security and making more significant and lasting results for children and youth at risk. Details: Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development (USAID), 2012. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2013 at: http://www.gem2.org/sites/default/files/Nicaragua%20Youth%20Assessment_13nov12.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: At-Risk-Youth (Nicaragua) Shelf Number: 129166 |
Author: Johnson, Stephen Title: Nicaragua: Lessons from a Country with a Low Crime Rate Summary: Unlike its immediate neighbors to the north in Central America, Nicaragua has made admirable strides in the area of citizen security in the last 30 years. While Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras all had been galloping toward greater citizen insecurity since the conflictive 1980s, Nicaragua has managed to keep a lid on crime. With a homicide rate of 12 deaths per 100,000 residents—half the Latin American average of 26 per 100,000 and far lower than 82 per 100,000 in Honduras—Nicaragua appears to be a model for public safety in still turbulent Central America. However, recent erosions in democratic governance in Nicaragua could easily reverse such gains. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2012. 3p. Source: Internet Resource: Hemisphere Focus: Accessed July 9, 2013 at: http://csis.org/files/publication/120710_Johnson_Nicaragua_HemFocus.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Crime (Nicaragua) Shelf Number: 129340 |
Author: Ramirez, Santiago Title: Violence and Crime in Nicaragua: A Country Profile Summary: The Office of Evaluation and Oversight (OVE) conducted an evaluation of a cluster of citizen security projects. The main objective was to identify what factors explained the implementation performance of the projects, and what lessons could be learned from these experiences. This Background Paper presents the results of one of these diagnostics for Nicaragua. Following the introduction, the country profile begins with an overview of the Nicaraguan context in terms of geography, demographics, economy, as well as recent political history (section II). It then builds a diagnostic that covers different forms of violence and crime (section III) as well as main risk and protective factors (section IV), based on available statistics and specialized international and local literature. In section V, the paper reviews the strategy adopted by the Government throughout the last decade to respond to main forms of violence and crime, it describes the budget allocation to citizen security over recent years. Finally, section VI presents the IDB citizen security project part of the comparative evaluation, and summarizes various exercises that OVE undertook to provide additional background information and analysis. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2013. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Discussion Paper No. IDB-DP-306: Accessed March 14, 2014 at: http://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/5770/IDB-DP-306_Violence_and_Crime_in_Nicaragua.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2013 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Shelf Number: 131915 |
Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Broderes in Arms: Gangs and the Socialization of Violence in Post-conflict Nicaragua Summary: This paper explores various ways in which gang members in post-conflict Nicaragua have internalized and put into practice a range of violent behaviour patterns over the past two decades. It shows how different types of gang violence can be related to distinct forms of socialization, tracing how these particular articulations have changed over time, often for very contingent reasons. As such, the paper highlights the need to conceive the socialization of violence within gangs as a dynamic and contextualized process, and suggests drawing on the notion of "repertoire" as a means of meaningfully representing this. Details: Burnaby, BC: Simon Fraser University, 2013. 37qp. Source: Internet Resource: Simons Papers in Security and Development no. 31/2013: Accessed March 16, 2015 at: http://www.sfu.ca/content/dam/sfu/internationalstudies/documents/swp/SWP2013-31-Rodgers.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Shelf Number: 134939 |
Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Urban segregation from below: drugs, consumption, and primitive accumulation in Managua, Nicaragua Summary: This paper explores the emergence of new forms of urban segregation in contemporary Managua, Nicaragua. Although the country has historically always been characterised by high levels of socio-economic inequality - with the notable exception of the Sandinista revolutionary period (1979-1990), when disparities declined markedly - the past decade in particular has seen the development of new processes of exclusion and differentiation, especially in urban areas. In many ways, these are part of a broader regional trend; as several recent studies have noted, many other Latin American cities are undergoing similar mutations. The seminal investigation in this regard is undoubtedly Teresa Caldeira's City of Walls, which traces the way in which rising crime and insecurity have changed the cityscape of Sao Paolo, Brazil, transforming it from a space of open circulation to a fragmented archipelago of isolated "fortified enclaves". This new urban morphology is most visible in the proliferation of self-sufficient gated communities and closed condominiums for the affluent, which have significantly altered the character of urban space, as those on the 'inside' of the enclaves no longer relate to notions of spatial cohabitation with those on the 'outside', but rather to an ideal of separation from them. This paper examines urban Nicaragua where this phenomenon has arguably gone further than enclaves and has led to the emergence of a 'fortified network' for the elites which excludes the poor and has profoundly altered the cityscape. Details: London: Crisis States Research Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science, 2005. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Crisis States Research Centre working papers series 1, 71: Accessed May 28, 2015 at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/13283/1/wp71.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Shelf Number: 120630 |
Author: Hamilton, Mark D. Title: The young and the restless: Dynamics of violent youth mobilization in Sri Lanka and Nicaragua, 1960--2010 Summary: What are the factors that motivate youth to take up arms and mobilize in organized violence? That is the central question of this project, applied to two case contexts, Sri Lanka and Nicaragua. The project's integrative system dynamics methodology synthesizes competing causal explanations that are often considered in isolation within the literature. Three mechanisms are hypothesized to influence the "attractiveness" of armed mobilization for at-risk youth sectors: (1) Groups and Identity; (2) Grievances and (Perceived) Injustice; and (3) Greed and Incentives, with expected shifts across time and institutional context. Causal loop diagrams communicate the model's conceptual framework, key variable relationships, and interactive feedback effects across mechanisms. For purposes of testing, the model is contextualized to initial values for both cases, simulated across time (1960-2010), and then examined against the available empirical data for Sri Lanka and Nicaragua. Case illustrative narratives link quantitative and qualitative analysis of violent mobilization (and demobilization) for targeted historical periods. In Sri Lanka, analysis highlights the relative "attractiveness" for Sinhalese young people joining armed insurrections of the JVP (the "People's Liberation Front", a radical Maoist group with Buddhist roots), or for young Tamils joining ethno-nationalist armed groups such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. In Nicaragua, model analysis traces the "attractiveness" of youth joining Marxist-nationalist Sandinista revolutionaries in the 1970s, with counter-revolutionary Contra forces in the 1980s, and fragmented neighborhood gangs from 1990. Project results show strong correspondence between the applied model simulations and the case historical record, for estimating the number of youth militants and their period-specific causal factor explanations. Model "leverage points" are highlighted across both cases, and then applied to a shadow case study (Israel-Palestine) as a proof-of-concept model extension (without simulation). From there, the text offers critical discussion of model limitations and potential extensions, and delineates key implications for policymaking, programming, and peace-building applications. The project concludes by highlighting the necessity of considering multiple causal explanations for a comprehensive understanding of armed youth mobilization. Moreover, it provides a systematic and rigorous framework to test these explanations' relative strength and their variance across time. Details: Washington, DC: American University, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 12, 2016 at: http://auislandora.wrlc.org/islandora/object/thesesdissertations%3A241 Year: 2012 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: At-risk Youth Shelf Number: 138634 |
Author: Casa Alianza Nicaragua Title: Street Children and Juvenile Justice in Nicaragua Summary: This paper is part of a two-year research and advocacy project examining the situation of the human rights abuses of street children in juvenile justice systems in six countries: Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines and Romania. The study used research and national, cross-sectoral workshops involving street children, civil society organisations, the police, judiciary, social and probation services and other stakeholders. This report provides a brief analysis of the situation of street children in Nicaragua, and the reasons for their arrival and prolonged existence on the streets. It examines the existing legal processes, terms and guarantees of national laws relating to juvenile justice in Nicaragua, primarily the Special Criminal Justice System for Adolescents, to identify the gaps and shortcomings that permit rights violations to occur. Street children and other actors from relevant institutions (police, judiciary, NGOs etc.) provide information on the actual experience of children in conflict with the law at all stages, from arrest through to trial, sentencing and detention. The report also details evidence of good practices regarding the treatment of street children subject to the justice system and suggests recommendations to improve the observance and respect of fundamental rights and national and international legislation. Recommendations to the government of the Republic of Nicaragua include: ensure the provision of humane treatment to children in provisional detention and that their innocence is continually presumed provide training for penitentiary staff on the correct and appropriate treatment of children the quality and quantity of food provided in both provisional and definite detention should be designed with children's particular needs in mind, and sufficient to ensure a basic, healthy diet and the preservation of good health Recommendations to the National Police include: all police personnel must be trained in human rights, the rights of children and adolescents, Special Criminal Justice for Adolescents and the Regulations for Administration of Justice for Adolescents Recommendations to the judiciary: necessary budget allocation should be made to the judiciary powers for creation of Adolescent Courts and their respective specialised teams that are still lacking in the rest of the country all judges should be trained on human rights and the rights of the child. Details: London: Consortium for Street Children, 2004. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 3, 2017 at; http://www.streetchildrenresources.org/resources/street-children-and-juvenile-justice-in-nicaragua/ Year: 2004 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Human Rights Abuses Shelf Number: 130122 |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Shoot to Kill: Nicaragua's Strategy to Repress Protest Summary: Amnesty lnternational considers that the Nicaraguan authorities implemented and maintained a strategy of repression, sometimes intentionally involving loss of life, throughout the weeks of protest in April and May 2018. In this report, Amnesty lnternational documents how the government not only used excessive force in the context of the protests, but possibly carried out extrajudicial executions in conjunction with pro-government armed groups (parapo/iciales). Amnesty lnternational identified the use of firearms by the police and these groups, and confirmed indiscriminate attacks against protesters. The alarming number of deaths, the majority of which were caused by firearm shots to parts of the body where the injury was most likely to prove fatal (such as the head, neck or upper chest), indicates that there was an intention to shoot to kill on the part of the security forces. In addition, Amnesty lnternational identified possible acts of concealment and obstruction in investigations to cover up the grave violations committed by the state. Finally, in order to advance this repressive strategy, the government attempted to censor media outlets, promoted an official discourse of denial of the repression and its consequences and vilified protestors. Details: London: AI, 2018. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 29, 2018 at: https://www.amnestyusa.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Nicaragua-report-ENGLISH.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Demonstrations Shelf Number: 150737 |
Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Graves violaciones a los derechos humanos en el marco de las protestas sociales en Nicaragua Summary: Four months after the start of social protests in Nicaragua and following eight weeks of work in the field by the Special Monitoring Mechanism for Nicaragua (MESENI), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) alerts about the ongoing stigmatization and criminalization of social protest on unjustified and disproportionate grounds; serious problems of access to legal defense and due process; and violations of the rights of persons deprived of liberty and their families. MESENI has registered a decrease in violent actions and the disproportionate use of lethal force at protests. Notwithstanding, the IACHR is concerned that an adverse environment for social protest, through a strategy of criminalization and stigmatization. This entails the use of declarations, Statements, and official announcements that intend to suggest that life is continuing as normal in the country while simultaneously stigmatizing demonstrators, dissidents, social leaders and human rights defenders. The IACHR updates the number of people who have died during the events that have unfolded in the country since April 18, 2018, which now stand at 322, 21 of whom were police officers and 23 of whom were children or teenagers. In addition, according to the information received by MESENI, hundreds of people are currently under detention. However, the IACHR insists on the need for the State of Nicaragua to provide official figures and detailed information on the persons detained. Details: Washington, DC: CIDH, 2018. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 24, 2018 at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Nicaragua2018-en.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 151258 |
Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Gross Human Rights Violations in the Context of Social Protests in Nicaragua Summary: 1.The instant report is about the human rights situation in Nicaragua as observed by the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) during its working visit to the country from May 17 to 21, 2018, in relation to the violent events that have been taking place since the State repressed the protests on April 18, 2018, and subsequent events over the following weeks. According to figures gathered by the IACHR, the States repressive action has led to at least 212 deaths, 1,337 persons wounded as of June 19, and 507 persons deprived of liberty as of June 6, and hundreds of persons at risk of becoming victims of attacks, harassment, threats and other forms of intimidation. 2. The findings of the working visit suggest that the violence perpetrated by the State has been aimed at deterring participation in the demonstrations and putting down this expression of political dissent and that it follows a common pattern, marked by: (a) the excessive and arbitrary use of police force, (b) the use of parapolice forces or shock groups with the acquiescence and tolerance of State authorities, (c) obstacles in accessing emergency medical care for the wounded, as a form of retaliation for their participation in the demonstrations, (d) a pattern of arbitrary arrests of young people and adolescents who were participating in protests, (e) the dissemination of propaganda and stigmatization campaigns, measures of direct and indirect censorship, (f) intimidation and threats against leaders of social movements, and (g) lack of diligence in opening investigations into the killings and bodily injuries taking place in this context. 3. The demonstrators, including university students who took refuge on university campuses, the persons guarding the roadblocks known as tranques in different parts of the country, human rights defenders, journalists, victims and members of religious orders, comprise the groups most affected by the different forms of repression to which the Nicaraguan State has resorted. 4. The Nicaraguan authorities have cited maintaining public order and social peace as justification for their actions. Nonetheless, the IACHR notes that, in view of the scope of the State's violence and the type of strategies implemented by the State, it is obvious that there is coordinated action to control public spaces and repress social protest and not just a few illegal acts perpetrated by a few members of the security forces. In fact, the information received describes a pattern of state agents, mainly members of the National Police of Nicaragua and its anti-riot brigades, parapolice forces, as well as strike groups or mobs, acting in concert with the Police, setting into motion a repressive response aimed at deterring society from participating in the demonstrations. 5. The IACHR notes that this pattern has been implemented with the excessive and arbitrary use of force, including the use of lethal force, deliberately and systematically, by the abovementioned actors. The IACHR notices that the State responded to the demonstrations in different stages and with different levels of intensity and that different tactics and methods of repression have been deployed against the demonstrators, as well as against the civilian population on the streets. Based on the information gathered by the IACHR, on April 18, 2018, the first day of the protests, the State response was first characterized by the excessive use of force, mostly, through the use of firearms and excessive use of less lethal weapons, such as tear gas, rubber bullets and buckshot, by the National Police and anti-riot squad, in order to break up protests and demonstrations in different cities of the country. Because the protests continued, from April 19 to 22 the State adopted a more aggressive repressive strategy against the demonstrators and even against individuals who were not taking part in the protests. 6. According to the testimonies received during the visit, snipers were deployed as another means of repression and evidence suggests a link of the snipers to State agents. The information received by the IACHR from staff members of public hospitals suggests that in the period referenced above numerous victims were treated for bullet wounds in the head, eyes, neck and the thorax, as well as in the back. The mechanics and trajectory of the shots would indicate arbitrary use of lethal force, or extrajudicial executions. According to the autopsy reports examined by the IACHR, projectile entry orifices, in many instances, were located in highly lethal areas of the body, which points to lethal intent of the shots. 7. Furthermore, the IACHR received extensive information and complaints of irregularities and denial of medical care and the blocking of humanitarian efforts to assist injured and wounded persons in the context of the violent events and repression occurring in the country on April 18, 2018. The restrictions reported on health care during the protests included not only obstacles within hospitals, but there were also reports about orders to restrict the departure and circulation of ambulances and humanitarian aid workers, such as firemen, Red Cross staff, as well as medical staff, paramedics, medical students and volunteers. 8. Additionally, a number of cases were identified where people did not go to State health care facilities out of mistrust or fear of being subjected to retaliation, and consequently they remained without any medical assistance or resorted to private hospitals, improvised health facilities or volunteer doctors, firemen and medical students, among others. According to testimonies received and public information, even schools, private homes and parishes were outfitted to tend to the wounded. 9. The IACHR views with concern that the mental health and emotional wellbeing of the population is being seriously jeopardized by the context of violence, harassment, threats and repression, in particular, those who report being victims of human rights violations, their family members, as well as students and residents who demonstrate against the government. 10. Additionally, the IACHR documented the existence of a pattern of arbitrary detentions occurring over the first days of the protests, mostly of individuals who were peacefully demonstrating, or were traveling on public roads in the area of the incidents. According to statistics, thus far, as of the date of the instant report, at least 507 individuals were arrested, 421 of which are young people and adolescents. These detentions were carried out through the arbitrary and disproportional use of force, and were not based on the grounds provided for under the law, nor did they fulfill formal statutory requirements, but instead amounted to a punishment. 11. The IACHR also received many testimonies suggesting that most of the individuals detained in the context of the protests, that began on April 18, were subjected to different forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, with some of the treatment described beyond the threshold of torture, at the time of their apprehension and while they were deprived of liberty. In particular, according to information that was made available to the Commission, during their deprivation of liberty at the respective detention facilities mainly, "El Chipote" and "La Modelo", as well as when they were transferred to those facilities, the detainees were subjected to beatings and threats. According to the testimonies, the security agents threatened the detainees with death, as well as with assaulting them, their family members, and friends. The IACHR received complaints of the detainees being held incommunicado, inasmuch as they were not allowed to have any contact with their family members or legal representation. 12. Moreover, several testimonies taken by the IACHR cite attacks, acts of intimidation, threats, including death threats, and smear campaigns against young demonstrators, student leaders, human rights defenders, family members of the victims and members of religious orders in the country. In this regard, the Commission notes that several human rights defenders have been identified and assaulted in the context of the protests, in addition to accused and singled out for supporting the demonstrations. This has all led the Commission to reach the conclusion that in Nicaragua human rights defenders, the victims' family members and witnesses to human rights violations are at serious risk. Accordingly, the IACHR has requested the Nicaraguan State to immediately adopt precautionary measures to protect the lives and integrity of several individuals. 13. The Commission also received testimonies about state workers from different institutions, who reported being coerced into participating in pro-government acts, either under threat of being terminated or who actually have been terminated, under "orders from higher up" because they supported the protests. Some workers noted that the government has ordered the social media accounts of workers to be monitored in order to report who is sending messages or information perceived as running counter to the interests of the government. 14. The IACHR noticed that the State's response also included the dissemination of propaganda and stigmatization campaigns. Since the start of the protests, information has been disseminated which fails to recognize the grievances of the protests, any information about police repression is left out and the protesters, especially young people who block roads, are accused of being "delinquents" or "vandals" who are committing "acts of terrorism and of organized crime" and causing "chaos, pain and death" in the country and of violating the right to work of Nicaraguan families. 15. Additionally, during the visit and subsequent to it, the IACHR has noted that the State has adopted measures of direct and indirect censorship restricting the widest range of public information about what is happening in the country. Some media outlets or their journalists are being prevented from doing their job, especially the independent media. During the demonstrations some media outlets were taken off the air, one journalist was murdered and others were wounded. 16. There were also reported cases of homes being attacked and burned by State actors and armed third parties, which has forced people to be displaced from their homes in search of safety and refuge. 17. The Commission has also observed several serious violations of access to justice and the right to the truth of victims and their family members, which is reflected mostly in the lack of diligence of the State to investigate the deaths and injuries occurring in the context of the protests, as well as serious irregularities in the recording of fundamental information for the elucidation of the facts, such as failure to conduct autopsies or conducting them based on documents (without any inspection of the bodies), untimely investigations and expert analysis, and shifting the burden of proof onto the victims or their family members. The IACHR ascertained with great concern the fact that the family members of the victims who died were instructed to sign waivers of transfer of the bodies to the Medical Examiner and to waive their right to file complaints as a requirement for receiving death certificates. 18. In particular, the IACHR underscores a climate of widespread distrust it has observed among victims, family members and representatives in filing complaints with the institutions in charge of investigating the crimes committed in the context of the protests. Victims and family members repeatedly cited a lack of trust in the National Police and the Office of the Public Prosecutor because these institutions would not offer any assurance of independence or impartiality. Additionally, the Commission notes that the victims' family members were afraid of filing complaints with the National Police because they felt intimidated by potential retaliation from this institution. 19. The IACHR identifies that there is growing violence in the country. The tension and reaction to the atmosphere of injustice and the failure of State actors to provide protection is leading to actions that fall outside the scope of peaceful protest. Social sectors sympathetic to the government and State agents in turn have been the targets of retaliation and harassment. According to figures provided by the State, from April 18 to June 6, 2018, at least 5 policemen have lost their lives and 65 have been injured in the context of the protests. The Commission also disapproves of these actions, which jeopardize the lives and safety of persons, and must be investigated and punished. 20. The IACHR condemns the escalation of State-perpetrated violence observed over the past weeks and reissues its call for the immediate cessation of repression. Likewise, it urges the Nicaraguan State to reach a constitutional, democratic and peaceful solution to this human rights crisis. The acts of violence must be investigated immediately, autonomously, independently and impartially, and with strict adherence to international norms and standards on seriousness, thoroughness and due diligence, in order to ensure the right to the truth and justice. In this context, the IACHR reiterates to the State the recommendations issued in its Preliminary Observations on the working visit and issues further recommendations. 21. In addition to providing a detailed analysis about the human rights situation in Nicaragua in the context of the protests that began in April, this report serves as a basis for the work of the GIEI in order to make a technical decision about the lines of investigation as well as issuing recommendations of actions at the different levels of legal responsibility. Likewise, the instant report serves as guidance for the creation of the Special Follow-Up Mechanism of Nicaragua (MESENI), the purpose of which is to follow up on compliance with the recommendations issued in the reports produced in this context and the precautionary measures granted in the context of this document, as well as to continue to monitor the human rights situation of the country. Details: Washington, DC: Author, 2018. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2019 at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Nicaragua2018-en.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Arbitrary Arrests Shelf Number: 156326 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Crackdown in Nicaragua: Torture, Ill-Treatment, and Prosecutions of Protesters and Opponents Summary: In April 2018, Nicaraguans took to the streets to protest the government of President Daniel Ortega. They were met with violence. A brutal crackdown by the National Police and heavily armed pro-government groups against protesters left more than 300 people dead and more than 2,000 injured. In the ensuing weeks and months, hundreds were arrested as authorities increased their repression of dissent. Crackdown in Nicaragua examines what happened to many of the hundreds of people arrested by police or abducted by armed pro-government groups. Many detainees were subject to serious abuses that in some cases amounted to torture-including electric shocks, severe beatings, nail removal, asphyxiation, and rape. Some who were injured were reportedly denied medical care in public health centers and doctors who did provide care said they suffered retaliation. Detainees have also been subject to prosecutions for alleged crimes in connection with their participation in anti-government protests or their role in social movements challenging the government that were marred by serious due process violations. Nicaraguan authorities have threatened, harassed, expelled, or jailed those who expose its abuses. In addition, the government has shut down critical NGOs. Impunity for these abuses remains the norm. Instead of holding perpetrators accountable, President Ortega, who under Nicaraguan law is the police's "supreme chief," has promoted top officials who bear responsibility for the abuses. The international community has an essential role to play in pressing the Nicaraguan government to curb these abuses. Governments in the Americas and Europe should impose targeted sanctions, such as asset freezes and travel bans, against top Nicaraguan officials. They should also suspend all funding and other support for Nicaragua's National Police, including any transfers of weaponry and other equipment, that risk being used to further the government's violent abuses against opponents. They should keep up the pressure needed to force an end to abuses and real accountability for the officials most responsible for them. Details: New York: Author, 2019. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2019 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/nicaragua0619_web2.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Human Rights Abuses Shelf Number: 156704 |
Author: Organization of American States Title: Report on the Violent Events that Took Place in Nicaragua between April 18th and May 30th: Executive Summary Summary: One day before the OAS's Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (known by their Spanish acronym GIEI) issued their report, they were expelled from Nicaragua by order of the government. This body was invited in by the Nicaraguan Government to help the Nicaraguan authorities investigate and determine those guilty of what the report now calls "crimes against humanity" - 109 deaths just between April 18-May 30, 2018. Since the report was issued the 24 hour news channel "100% Noticias" was raided by police and closed down, with the Director and News Director jailed and indicted for terrorism, an event which served to validate accusations contained in the report. Details: Washington, DC: Organization of American States, Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts, 2018. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2019 at: https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/actividades/giei-nicaragua/GIEI_INFORME-en.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Armed Conflict Shelf Number: 156330 |
Author: Jubb, Nadine Title: Enforcing Gendered Meanings and Social Order: The Participation of the National Police in the Nicaraguan Women's and Children's Police Stations Summary: The Nicaraguan Women's and Children's Police Stations (Comisaria de la Mujer y la Ninez - CMN or Comisaria for short), were founded on November 25th, 1993, as a coordinated effort between the National Police, the Nicaraguan Women's Institute (INIM the state women's machinery) and various women's NGOs who were later formally represented by the Women's Network against Violence. Their goal is to reduce, prevent and sanction violence against women. This chapter examines the participation of the National Police in the Nicaraguan Comisarias. The police have perhaps the most direct role in bringing about one of the most important successes of the CMNs: defending women's democratic and citizenship rights. But do they? On the one hand, the CMNs are considered a success for a number of reasons. They are a concrete expression of the state's commitment to make violence against women a public issue, not keep it as a private problem, and therefore upholding women's democratic and citizenship rights. The large and increasing number of women and children who go to the CMNs every year can be read as a sign of the visibility of the CMNs and their acceptance by the population. They are also touted as a contribution to good governance because of the participation of state agencies and civil society. On the other hand they have a number of important limitations. Many of the cases are discontinued because the women decide not to pursue the charges, about half are settled in the CMN itself through Extra-Judicial Arrangements (Arreglos Extra -Judiciales or AEJs). So few cases go to court and much fewer still result in convictions, yet so far there is no official accounting of this figure within the CMN administration. Thus, even though the project was designed for women to exercise their rights through the judicial system, very few women do so. Often, police women's oral commitment to upholding women's rights expressed in interviews is contradicted by their daily practices and beliefs, as highlighted in the introductory quotes. Details: Toronto, Canada: Centre for Research on Latin America and the Caribbean, York University, 2001. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 1, 2019 at: http://lasa.international.pitt.edu/Lasa2001/JubbNadine.pdf Year: 2001 Country: Nicaragua Keywords: Gender Shelf Number: 157078 |