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41 total results foundAuthor: International Organization for Migration (IOM) Tunisia Title: Baseline Study on Trafficking in Persons in Tunisia: Assessing the scope and manifestations Summary: Although it is difficult to quantify the magnitude of the global phenomenon of trafficking, it is estimated that every year there are 800,000 victims of cross-border trafficking. This would be more numerous in the internal trafficking networks. This crime, which constitutes a serious violation of human rights and one of the worst violations of human dignity, affects all the Middle East / North African countries (MENA region), and does not spare Tunisia. Prior to its 14th January 2011 Revolution, (triggered by social demands based on the respect of human dignity, the right to work, the fight against inequality and corruption) Tunisia was committed to fighting trafficking through the ratification of the Palermo Protocol in 2003. A decade later, the Tunisian government is particularly concerned about this issue and interested in understanding the problem better in all its forms, in order to establish laws, structures and public policies adapted to respond to the situation. The Baseline Study on trafficking in Tunisia is the first Study addressing this issue in the country and aims to be a key step in supporting all the actors involved in the fight against trafficking. A Steering Committee comprising the major institutions and organizations working on the field of trafficking has also closely followed the development of this Study, from the design to the presentation of results, actively facilitating access to information to the investigators (Chapter I). If the Study is mainly dedicated to discover the characteristics and conditions of trafficking in Tunisia (Chapter III), the context in which it occurs has also been studied (Chapter II). The action implemented in the country to achieve the 4Ps against trafficking in persons, namely: Prevention, Protection, Prosecution and Partnerships, has also been subjected to a detailed research (Chapter IV). The research results show that Tunisia is concerned with trafficking in persons as a source, destination, and potentially transit country. On the national territory, victims are mostly children, but also women and people with disabilities. The sectors of exploitation vary, as well as the profile of traffickers. They range from domestic servitude to forced involvement in criminal activities, through forced labor and forced begging or sexual exploitation. Abroad, Tunisian women are sexually exploited, mainly in the Gulf countries, in Lebanon and Western Africa. Tunisian men were identified as victims of trafficking for forced labor in Europe. A number of challenges remain to be taken up in Tunisia to tackle human trafficking and protect victims. While the legal measures and structures to achieve these objectives are not yet in place, we can however note the efforts made by the government to adopt, soon, a specific national law on trafficking, as well as the will of the Ministries and the civil society actors concerned to commit themselves to the identification and support of victims. Furthermore, Tunisian Media and Labor Unions have an important role to play vis-Ã -vis human trafficking in Tunisia, and in particular to prevent this offense. The private sector will have to make a number of efforts to reduce the number of victims in Tunisia, especially in the Tourism industry. In conclusion to this report, a set of recommendations was formulated to the attention of all the key players to combat trafficking and protect victims in Tunisia. They target the existing needs in the country related to the 4Ps, according to the results of this Study. Details: Tunis: International Organization for Migration (IOM) Tunisia, 2013. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: http://www.tn.iom.int/pdf/Baseline_Study_on_trafficking_n_persons_in_Tunisia_IOM%20_LR.pdf.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Human Trafficking (Tunisia) Shelf Number: 129202 |
Author: Title: Tunisia's Borders: Jihadism and Contraband Summary: Tunisia is embroiled in recurrent political crises whose origins in security concerns are ever more evident. While still of low-intensity, jihadi attacks are increasing at an alarming rate, fuelling the rumour mill, weakening the state and further polarising the political scene. The government coalition, dominated by the Islamist An-Nahda, and the secular opposition trade accusations, politicising questions of national security rather than addressing them. Meanwhile, the gap widens between a Tunisia of the borders - porous, rebellious, a focal point of jihadism and contraband – and a Tunisia of the capital and coast that is concerned with the vulnerability of a hinterland it fears more than it understands. Beyond engaging in necessary efforts to resolve the immediate political crisis, actors from across the national spectrum should implement security but also socio-economic measures to reduce the permeability of the country's borders. The security vacuum that followed the 2010-2011 uprising against Ben Ali's regime - as well as the chaos generated by the war in Libya - largely explains the worrying increase in cross-border trafficking. Although contraband long has been the sole source of income for numerous residents of border provinces, the introduction of dangerous and lucrative goods is a source of heightened concern. Hard drugs as well as (for now) relatively small quantities of firearms and explosives regularly enter the country from Libya. Likewise, the northern half of the Tunisian-Algerian border is becoming an area of growing trafficking of cannabis and small arms. These trends are both increasing the jihadis' disruptive potential and intensifying corruption of border authorities. One ought neither exaggerate nor politicise these developments. Notably, and against conventional wisdom, military equipment from Libya has not overwhelmed the country. But nor should the threat be underestimated. The war in Libya undoubtedly has had security repercussions and armed groups in border areas have conducted attacks against members of the National Guard, army and police, posing a significant security challenge that the return of Tunisian fighters from Syria has amplified. By the same token, the aftermath of the Tunisian uprising and of the Libyan war has provoked a reorganisation of contraband cartels (commercial at the Algerian border, tribal at the Libyan border), thereby weakening state control and paving the way for far more dangerous types of trafficking. Added to the mix is the fact that criminality and radical Islamism gradually are intermingling in the suburbs of major cities and in poor peripheral villages. Over time, the emergence of a so-called islamo-gangsterism could contribute to the rise of groups blending jihadism and organised crime within contraband networks operating at the borders - or, worse, to active cooperation between cartels and jihadis. Addressing border problems clearly requires beefing up security measures but these will not suffice on their own. Even with the most technically sophisticated border control mechanisms, residents of these areas - often organised in networks and counting among the country's poorest - will remain capable of enabling or preventing the transfer of goods and people. The more they feel economically and socially frustrated, the less they will be inclined to protect the country's territorial integrity in exchange for relative tolerance toward their own contraband activities. Weapons and drug trafficking as well as the movement of jihadi militants are thus hostage to informal negotiations between the informal economy's barons and state representatives. Since the fall of Ben Ali's regime, such understandings have been harder to reach. The result has been to dilute the effectiveness of security measures and diminish the availability of human intelligence that is critical to counter terrorist or jihadi threats. In an uncertain domestic and regional context, restoring trust among political parties, the state and residents of border areas is thus as crucial as intensifying military control in the most porous areas. In the long term, only minimal consensus among political forces on the country's future can enable a truly effective approach to the border question. On this front, at the time of writing, an end to the political crisis seems distant: discussions regarding formation of a new government; finalising a new constitution and new electoral law; and appointing a new electoral commission are faltering. Without a resolution of these issues, polarisation is likely to increase and the security situation to worsen, each camp accusing the other of exploiting terrorism for political ends. Overcoming the crisis of trust between the governing coalition and the opposition is thus essential to breaking this vicious cycle. Yet the current political impasse should not rule out some immediate progress on the security front. Working together to reinforce border controls, improving relations between the central authorities and residents of border areas as well as improving relations among Maghreb states: these are all tasks that only can be fully carried out once underlying political conflicts have been resolved but that, in the meantime, Tunisian actors can ill-afford to ignore or neglect. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2013. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Middle East and North Africa Report N°148: Accessed June 16, 2014 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/North%20Africa/Tunisia/148-tunisias-borders-jihadism-and-contraband-english.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 132473 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Flawed Accountability: Shortcomings of Tunisia's Trials for Killings during the Uprising Summary: During Tunisia's "jasmine uprising" from December 2010 to January 2011 that led to the toppling of President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali after more than 23 years in power, Tunisian security forces killed 132 protesters and injured hundreds. Subsequently, more than 50 former government officials, police officers and members of other security forces were charged in connection with the killings and put on trial. The trials, conducted before military courts, represented a historical opportunity to achieve accountability. Based on an analysis of the written verdict and other court documents, and interviews with lawyers, victims and prosecutors, Flawed Accountability; Shortcomings of Tunisia's Trials for killings during the Uprising, assesses the trials and identifies key shortcomings that hampered the accountability process, and undermined its capacity to deliver justice for the victims. These included: the use of military courts; weak evidence gathering; flawed legal reasoning; lenient sentences; inadequate criminal law on command responsibility; and the failure to secure the extradition of Ben Ali from Saudi Arabia. The report calls on the Tunisian authorities to ensure full accountability for past human rights abuses by officials and members of the security forces and outlines measures to address obstacles to achieving national transitional justice. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/tunisia0115_ForUpload.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Human Rights Abuses Shelf Number: 134408 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "All This for a Joint": Tunisia's Repressive Drug Law and a Roadmap for Its Reform Summary: Tunisia's drug laws impose a mandatory sentence of at least one year in prison on anyone convicted of possession or consumption of any illegal drug, including cannabis. In 2015, there were 7,451 drug offenders in Tunisia prisons, around 5,200 of them convicted for marijuana-related offenses. Drug offenders made up 28% of the total prison population. Based on 47 interviews with people arrested or convicted for using cannabis, including artists, bloggers, students, and also young men in poor neighborhoods, the report documents the array of abuses that accompany enforcement of the drug law, including mistreatment during arrest and interrogation, humiliation during urine tests, searches of homes without judicial warrants, and the confinement of cannabis users in overcrowded, insalubrious prison cells with hardened criminals. The government has proposed to ease but not eliminate prison terms as punishment for drug use. While its draft law could reduce the human rights abuses that accompany enforcement of the current law, it does not go far enough. The report calls on the Tunisian government to revise the current draft by relying on non-criminal approaches for drug consumption. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/tunisia0216_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Drug Enforcement Shelf Number: 137779 |
Author: International Alert Title: Politics on the Margins in Tunisia: Vulnerable youhg people in Douar Hicher and Ettadhamen Summary: report analyses the findings of interviews with almost 800 young people aged between 18 and 34 living in the deprived neighbourhoods of Douar Hicher and Ettadhamen in Tunis, which are marked by high unemployment rates, school dropouts and insecurity. This report aims to demonstrate how the social and urban inequalities to which these young people are subjected penetrate every aspect of their lives, shaping their identities and influencing their relationships with politics, leaving them feeling excluded from the democratic process and marginalised from the legitimate political scene. The quantitative findings upon which this research is based can be found in the report, Experiences and perceptions of young people in Tunisia. Details: London: International Alert, 2016. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/Tunisia_PoliticsOnTheMargins_EN_2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tunisia Keywords: At-risk Youth Shelf Number: 139062 |
Author: International Alert Title: Young people and smuggling in the Kasserine region of Tunisia Summary: This report sheds light on the experiences of young smugglers in the marginalised Kasserine region of Tunisia, at a time when the country is facing heightened security concerns, political uncertainty and large-scale unemployment. It is based on the findings of over 20 interviews with young people aged between 18 and 34, including women engaged in the 'suitcase trade' (hiding items in their suitcases when crossing the border). It highlights the complex socio-economic and political relationships they enter through involvement in border economies. Details: London: International Alert, 2016. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/Tunisia_YoungPeopleSmuggling_EN_2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 139063 |
Author: Financial Action Task Force Title: Anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing measures: Tunisia. Mutual Evaluation Report Summary: This MENAFATF report provides a summary of the anti-money laundering (AML) / counter-terrorist financing (CFT) measures in place in Tunisia. The report provides recommendations on how Tunisia's AML/CFT system could be strengthened. The findings of this assessment have also been reviewed and endorsed by the FATF. Details: Manama, Kingdom of Bahrain: FATF, 2016. 200p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 2, 2016 at: http://www.fatf-gafi.org/media/fatf/documents/reports/mer-fsrb/Tunisia_MER_2016_EN.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Counter-Terrorism Shelf Number: 139945 |
Author: Fahmi, Georges Title: Market for Jihad: Radicalization in Tunisia Summary: While Tunisia is the only Arab country undergoing a successful democratic transition as of 2015, it has also been home to a growing Salafi-jihadi movement since the fall of former president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011. Ben Ali's monopolization of the religious sphere and neglect of socioeconomic issues opened the door to radicalization, and these factors, combined with the disillusionment of the youth and the mishandling of Salafists after the revolution, have resulted in escalating violence in Tunisia and the export of jihadists to Syria, Iraq, and Libya. The Roots of Salafi Jihadism - Ben Ali's tight control of the religious sphere meant that there were few religious actors to step in after the revolution. The fall of the regime created a vacuum that allowed radical groups to preach their ideas and recruit new members among the disenfranchised youth. - Ennahdha, a major Islamist religious movement as well as a political party, has focused on constitution building and political struggles and has not struck a healthy balance between politics and religion. - Ennahdha has acted pragmatically to consolidate its political standing. But its failure to break with the former political system has further opened up space for social and political contestation. - The socioeconomic situation in Tunisia has worsened since the revolution, which has led to the disenchantment of the lower and middle classes and the youth in particular. Recommendations for the State and Ennahdha Address socioeconomic grievances. Tunisian youth are drawn to Salafi jihadism because of feelings of disillusionment and stagnation, so improving social mobility and stemming frustration among the younger generation should be high priorities. Strengthen political inclusion of the Salafi movement. Those who would like to work within formal politics and civil society should be allowed to operate freely as long as they respect laws. Balance state control over the religious sphere. The state should allow all nonviolent religious actors a voice, while also encouraging official imams to compete with Salafi preachers to create a diverse marketplace of religious ideas. Separate religious and political activities. Two distinct organizational structures within Ennahdha will allow the political party to operate without any interference from the religious movement and the religious movement to operate without being manipulated by the party for political gains. Form de-radicalization coalitions. Religious and secular actors should coordinate to formulate and implement policies aimed at de-radicalizing, disengaging, and reintegrating members of radical groups into society Details: Beirut, Lebanon: Carnegie Middle East Center, 2015. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2017 at: http://carnegieendowment.org/files/CMEC_55_FahmiMeddeb_Tunisia_final_oct.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Extremist Groups Shelf Number: 145057 |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Tunisia's Borders: Jihadism and Contraband Summary: Tunisia is embroiled in recurrent political crises whose origins in security concerns are ever more evident. While still of low-intensity, jihadi attacks are increasing at an alarming rate, fuelling the rumour mill, weakening the state and further polarising the political scene. The government coalition, dominated by the Islamist An-Nahda, and the secular opposition trade accusations, politicising questions of national security rather than addressing them. Meanwhile, the gap widens between a Tunisia of the borders - porous, rebellious, a focal point of jihadism and contraband - and a Tunisia of the capital and coast that is concerned with the vulnerability of a hinterland it fears more than it understands. Beyond engaging in necessary efforts to resolve the immediate political crisis, actors from across the national spectrum should implement security but also socio-economic measures to reduce the permeability of the country's borders. The security vacuum that followed the 2010-2011 uprising against Ben Ali's regime - as well as the chaos generated by the war in Libya - largely explains the worrying increase in cross-border trafficking. Although contraband long has been the sole source of income for numerous residents of border provinces, the introduction of dangerous and lucrative goods is a source of heightened concern. Hard drugs as well as (for now) relatively small quantities of firearms and explosives regularly enter the country from Libya. Likewise, the northern half of the Tunisian-Algerian border is becoming an area of growing trafficking of cannabis and small arms. These trends are both increasing the jihadis' disruptive potential and intensifying corruption of border authorities. One ought neither exaggerate nor politicise these developments. Notably, and against conventional wisdom, military equipment from Libya has not overwhelmed the country. But nor should the threat be underestimated. The war in Libya undoubtedly has had security repercussions and armed groups in border areas have conducted attacks against members of the National Guard, army and police, posing a significant security challenge that the return of Tunisian fighters from Syria has amplified. By the same token, the aftermath of the Tunisian uprising and of the Libyan war has provoked a reorganisation of contraband cartels (commercial at the Algerian border, tribal at the Libyan border), thereby weakening state control and paving the way for far more dangerous types of trafficking. Added to the mix is the fact that criminality and radical Islamism gradually are intermingling in the suburbs of major cities and in poor peripheral villages. Over time, the emergence of a so-called Islamo-gangsterism could contribute to the rise of groups blending jihadism and organised crime within contraband networks operating at the borders - or, worse, to active cooperation between cartels and jihadis. Addressing border problems clearly requires beefing up security measures but these will not suffice on their own. Even with the most technically sophisticated border control mechanisms, residents of these areas - often organised in networks and counting among the country's poorest - will remain capable of enabling or preventing the transfer of goods and people. The more they feel economically and socially frustrated, the less they will be inclined to protect the country's territorial integrity in exchange for relative tolerance toward their own contraband activities. Weapons and drug trafficking as well as the movement of jihadi militants are thus hostage to informal negotiations between the informal economy's barons and state representatives. Since the fall of Ben Ali's regime, such understandings have been harder to reach. The result has been to dilute the effectiveness of security measures and diminish the availability of human intelligence that is critical to counter terrorist or jihadi threats. In an uncertain domestic and regional context, restoring trust among political parties, the state and residents of border areas is thus as crucial as intensifying military control in the most porous areas. In the long term, only minimal consensus among political forces on the country's future can enable a truly effective approach to the border question. On this front, at the time of writing, an end to the political crisis seems distant: discussions regarding formation of a new government; finalising a new constitution and new electoral law; and appointing a new electoral commission are faltering. Without a resolution of these issues, polarisation is likely to increase and the security situation to worsen, each camp accusing the other of exploiting terrorism for political ends. Overcoming the crisis of trust between the governing coalition and the opposition is thus essential to breaking this vicious cycle. Yet the current political impasse should not rule out some immediate progress on the security front. Working together to reinforce border controls, improving relations between the central authorities and residents of border areas as well as improving relations among Maghreb states: these are all tasks that only can be fully carried out once underlying political conflicts have been resolved but that, in the meantime, Tunisian actors can ill-afford to ignore or neglect. Details: Brussels: Author, 2013. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Middle East/North Africa Report No148 : Accessed May 14, 2019 at: https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/529c448c7.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Tunisia Keywords: Border Security Shelf Number: 155828 |