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Date: April 26, 2024 Fri
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venezuela
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venezuela
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144 total results foundAuthor: Amnesty International Title: 'The Law is There Let's Use It': Ending Domestic Violence in Venezuela Summary: Violence in the family remains the most common form of violence against women worldwide. Venezuela is no exception. However, a new law, approved in 2007, sets out many of the measures that are most urgently needed to overcome the barriers preventing women from living a life free from violence. Implementation of the law now would provide immediate protection and begin to put an end to the pain and suffering exprienced here and now in homes throughout the country. This report highlights both the promise held out by the law and the measures that the Venezuelan authorities need to take to ensure that the law's potential to protect women is realized. Details: London: Amnesty International Publications, 2008. 50p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Domestic Violence (Venezuela) Shelf Number: 115176 |
Author: Partnership Africa Canada Title: The Lost World: Diamond Mining and Smuggling in Venezuela Summary: This report on the diamond mining industry of Venezuela documents how and why Venezuela’s diamonds – an industry that produces from 150,000 to 200,000 carats per year, worth as much as US$20 million annually – have been driven underground. PAC further details the inability of Venezuela’s Ministry of Basic Industry and Mining (Miban) to control the diamond trade, officially ignoring the problem, while official diamond exports dwindled to nothing. Details: Ottawa: Partnership Africa Canada, 2006. 19p. Source: Internet Resource; Occasional Paper #16 Year: 2006 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Diamonds Shelf Number: 119538 |
Author: Title: Violence and Politics in Venezuela Summary: Every half hour, a person is killed in Venezuela. The presence of organised crime combined with an enormous number of firearms in civilian hands and impunity, as well as police corruption and brutality, have entrenched violence in society. While such problems did not begin with President Hugo Chávez, his government has to account for its ambiguity towards various armed groups, its inability or unwillingness to tackle corruption and criminal complicity in parts of the security forces, its policy to arm civilians “in defence of the revolution”, and – last but not least – the president’s own confrontational rhetoric. Positive steps such as constructive engagement with Colombia as well as some limited security reform do not compensate for these failures. While the prospect of presidential elections in 2012 could postpone social explosion, the deterioration of the president’s health has added considerable uncertainty. In any event, the degree of polarisation and militarisation in society is likely to undermine the chances for either a non-violent continuation of the current regime or a peaceful transition to a post-Chávez era. A significant part of the problem was inherited from previous administrations. In 1999, the incoming President Chávez was faced with a country in which homicide rates had tripled in less than two decades, and many institutions were in the process of collapse, eroded by corruption and impunity. During the “Bolivarian revolution”, however, these problems have become substantially worse. Today, more than ten people are murdered on the streets of Caracas every day – the majority by individual criminals, members of street gangs or the police themselves – while kidnapping and robbery rates are soaring. By attributing the problem to “social perceptions of insecurity”, or structural causes, such as widespread poverty, inherited from past governments, the government is downplaying the magnitude and destructive extent of criminal violence. The massive, but temporary, deployment of security forces in highly visible operations, and even police reform and disarmament programs, will have little impact if they are not part of an integrated strategy to reduce crime, end impunity and protect citizens. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2011. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 38: Year: 2011 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Criminal Violence (Venezuela) Shelf Number: 122747 |
Author: Gratius, Susanne Title: Urban Violence in caracas and Rio de Janeiro: Local and European Responses Summary: Caracas and Rio de Janeiro are prominent examples of urban violence. Although local responses vary, police reform is a common strategy applied by the authorities in both cities. While the new peace police (UPP - Unidades de Policia Pacificadora [Peace Police Units]) represent a shift towards early warning and conflict prevention in Rio de Janeiro, the Policía Nacional Bolivariana [National Bolivarian Police] (PNB) operates in one district of Caracas and is still at an initial stage. Decreasing homicide rates and positive public opinion polls in Rio de Janeiro illustrate that UPPs are considered the most successful security initiative in recent decades to prevent and combat urban violence. Alarming homicide rates in Caracas, however, prove that governmental responses have not yet been successful. This report compares both experiences of communitarian policing and identifies possibilities for bilateral cooperation on public security. The publication concludes with a series of recommendations for the European Union and some proposals for the strengthening of tripartite cooperation to tackle urban violence through early warning and conflict-prevention policies. Details: Brussels: Initiative for Peacebuilding - Early Warning, 2011. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2013 at: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/201112IfPEWUrbanViolenceCaracasRioLocalEuropeanResponses.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 129451 |
Author: Aleman, Alonso Ayala Title: Urban Upgrading Intervention and Barrio Integration in Caracas, Venezuela Summary: "Spatial segregation is the reflection of social structures onto space". Understood as a negative condition the socio-spatial segregation of urban dwellers as the opposing form to urban integration has become a major hindrance to both functional urban development and the inclusive vision that cities are supposed to foster. This premise forms the underpinning rational to construct this dissertation using the situation of the informal settlements of Caracas, Venezuela, as its subject of analysis. Like in many other Latin American major cities the rapid and unregulated urbanization of Caracas is compounded by social polarization, socio-economic inequalities and urban fragmentation. Inefficient government responses to provide large portions of the urban population with adequate access to housing have resulted in the formation and consolidation of informally-built areas outside the purview of urban regulations. Known in Venezuela as barrios de ranchos, these settlements are the spatial manifestation of urban poverty, social exclusion and precarious urban conditions characterized by poor quality housing, poor access to basic services, insecure property rights, and ambiguous citizenship, all of this contributing to their lack of integration to the surrounding city. The physical and socio-economic integration and inclusion of these urban dwellers represent a tremendous challenge for policymakers, professionals and civil society alike. Particular attention must be devoted to them in order to understand why the situation has evolved into what is today with the purpose of envisioning strategies aimed at integrating them to mainstream urban development. Actions to remedy this situation have fallen under projects and programmes implemented in a piecemeal basis, tackling mostly the physical improvement of these settlements. Such actions, at least in the Venezuelan context, have been many times tainted by political patronage and manipulation. It is argued in this dissertation that an integrated, holistic and multi-disciplinary approach denuded from political patronage is necessary to activate the integration process of these settlements. In this context, urban upgrading interventions have assumed a special significance in the process of spatial and socio-economic integration of barrios. For the purpose of this dissertation a specific upgrading project in one informal settlement in Caracas has been chosen to both explore the meaning of integration and how to actually achieve it by drawing up the lessons derived from the project's planning and implementation process. The project, known as the Caracas Barrio Upgrading Project (CAMEBA), has been undertaken in two major barrio agglomerations of Caracas in an attempt towards devising a humane and integrated barrio renewal policy. The empirical evaluation of CAMEBA is believed to offer valuable insights and positive lessons for future implementation of urban integrationist strategies. The main objective of this dissertation is therefore to explore the meaning of urban integration using the implementation process of project CAMEBA as its subject of research. In order to operationalize the research, the theoretical underpinnings of Polanyi's modes of economic integration were used as the base to construct the analytical model to be tested in the field. The articulation of such model was guided on the other hand by a European research on urban integration known as the URBEX project, which applied Polanyi's model in spatial terms and emphazised the interplay of three functional domains as the key to socio-economic integration, viz. the State's redistributive policies, public reciprocity and the dynamics of market exchange. Even though the theoretical underpinnings of the model were used by the URBEX project in the context of Western cities in Europe, this dissertation attempted to adapt the analytical framework envisaged by this project to the particular situation of the barrios of Caracas. Through this theoretical exercise a number of variables and indicators were developed to measure the degree of socio-economic, political and spatial integration of the barrio intervened by the upgrading project of CAMEBA. The complexity of the issue called for an understanding of the different forces and processes behind the social, economic, political and spatial exclusion of the large portion of the Venezuelan urban dwellers that live in barrios. The exploration thus far points out to the fact that urban upgrading endeavours in informal settlements in the context analysed can only be sustainable and relevant if the community being intervened is able to own the process and become the main stakeholder of the intervention. The study reveals that the process of barrio upgrading must be activated and sustained over a period of time in order to enable barrio inhabitants to realize their much cherished aspirations including the achievement of a sense of socio-economic and political integration and a sustained improvement in the quality of their lives. Quality access to basic and physical infrastructure, socio-political recognition of barrios and fostering of proactive community organizations while enabling their meaningful participation in the barrio upgrading process emerge as the major preconditions for working towards the urban integration of barrios. The analytical model articulated in the study stands out as a useful contribution to the scientific debate regarding urban integration, and it is expected to inform policymakers and urban specialists about possible paths towards the integration of informal settlements Details: Dortmund, Germany: Faculty of Spatial Planning, Dortmund University of Technology, 2008. 243p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed September 9, 2014 at: https://eldorado.tu-dortmund.de Year: 2008 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Barrios (Venezuela) Shelf Number: 133193 |
Author: Title: Venezuela: Dangerous Inertia Summary: The streets of Venezuela's major cities are now largely calm, following several months of violent clashes between opposition demonstrators, security forces and civilian gunmen that left more than 40 dead. The crisis, however, is not over. The opposition is demanding freedom for several dozen activists jailed during the unrest and an end to the threat of prosecution against more than 2,000. The underlying causes have not been addressed, and calls to restore autonomy and independence to the justice system and other key institutions have not been heeded. Living standards continue to decline due to economic recession; violent crime remains at record levels, and labour unrest and protests over poor-quality public services are often dealt with harshly. Greater international efforts are required to bring the sides back to the negotiating table, since the alternative to dialogue is likely to be further violence sooner or later. Talks between the government and leaders of the opposition Democratic Unity (MUD) alliance, facilitated by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Vatican broke down in May 2014, when the MUD announced a "freeze" on its participation, citing repression of student protesters. The internal dissent faced by the MUD - whose executive secretary and deputy executive secretary recently resigned - and the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) has further complicated returning the parties to negotiations. The UNASUR foreign ministers charged with accompanying the process (from Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador) have not formally met with them since shortly after the talks broke down. It remains important for the international community to play a role in facilitating the political dialogue and to suggest avenues for agreement on pending tasks. The recent appointment of a new UNASUR Secretary General should provide a renewed impetus. Furthermore, this regional organisation would greatly benefit from technical and political support from the UN system, which has much greater experience of advising on public policies and legal reforms, as it did in Venezuela in 2002. This assistance might initially focus, for example, on reinforcing the capacity of UNASUR to produce analysis and policy recommendations and, at a later stage, on helping to design a credible framework for talks. Both sides, as well as Venezuelan society at large, would benefit. The opposition clearly requires an impartial observer, able to offer reassurances, while the government would benefit by bringing in credible external actors, such as UNASUR, to bolster it in some of the difficult decisions it faces. The most urgent of the pending tasks is to complete the appointment of respected, independent figures to the Supreme Court (TSJ), the electoral authority (CNE) and other constitutionally autonomous state bodies - a process that received a boost from the initial round of talks but now threatens to become bogged down. With the government's popularity suffering in the crisis, the need for autonomous institutions capable of fulfilling their constitutional roles is becoming ever more critical. As Crisis Group has argued since May, the international community - particularly UNASUR but including also the UN system - needs to: - press both sides to agree on a concise, viable timeframe and a trustworthy mechanism for appointing new members of the key rule-of-law institutions; - urge the government to release those detained for non-violent political protest; - call on the opposition to reassert and act on its commitment to resort exclusively to constitutional channels; and - redouble, through UNASUR and with the assistance of the UN system, efforts to help Venezuela move beyond its current polarisation in order to promote democracy, human rights and stability in a country still very much in crisis. Details: Caracas/Bogota/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Briefing No. 31: Accessed September 23, 2014 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/venezuela/b031-venezuela-dangerous-inertia.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Court System Shelf Number: 133386 |
Author: Kasang, Nicholas Title: Socio-spatial violence prevention: Inhibiting violence in Caracas, Venezuela through spatial planning Summary: Contemporary urban growth in many cities in Latin American and Africa has been accompanied by unprecedented levels of urban violence. Latin America epitomizes this trend as three of the world's most dangerous cities, Ciudad Juarez, San Pedro Sula, and Caracas, are located within this region (JACOME; GRATIUS, 2011, p. 2). Of these three, Caracas is notable because its exorbitant homicide rate cannot be explicitly attributed to the illicit drug trade-cartel wars that consume Mexico, nor is it represented by the civil conflict-gang violence that afflicts Central America. Moreover, the Venezuelan context is further distinguished as inequality, which is consistently cited as the primary catalyst for the emergence of everyday reactionary violence, is not overtly characteristic of the contemporary situation. Rather, caraqueo insecurity has largely been attributed to the exacerbation of social factors that perpetuate violence as "(...) an end in itself or a [mechanism] to injure/ eliminate another person in order to resolve an interpersonal conflict (...)" (SANJUAN, 2002, p. 95). Based on this reality, this work proposes the inclusion of socio-spatial interventions into contemporary prevention initiatives. Spatial interventions have shown a "(...) significant capacity to prevent the occurrence of violence in areas that are either totally or partially excluded from economic development and larger society (...) (DIAZ; MELLER, 2012, p. 23). Implications of this work have the capacity to augment predominantly technical violence prevention precedent and enhance knowledge on alternative mechanisms to prevent insecurity. This study employs a comprehensive literature review in conjunction with data analyses in the development of a spatial proposal for Caracas. Details: urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestao Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/urbe/v6n2/07.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Drug Cartels Shelf Number: 135421 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Unchecked Power: Police and Military Raids in Low-Income and Immigrant Communities in Venezuela Summary: Since July 2015, Venezuelan security forces have conducted more than 135 operations, including sweeps through low-income communities, as part of the "Operation to Liberate and Protect the People" (OLP), with the alleged purpose of combatting criminal gangs that contribute to the extremely high levels of violence in Venezuela. Participating security forces have included the Bolivarian National Guard, the Bolivarian National Police, the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service, the Scientific, Penal and Criminal Investigative Police, and state police forces. Unchecked Power: Police and Military Raids in Low-Income and Immigrant Communities in Venezuela describes considerable evidence that security forces conducting OLP raids have committed serious abuses. In interviews with the Venezuelan Human Rights Education-Action Program (PROVEA) and Human Rights Watch, victims, witnesses, and other interlocutors described violations including extrajudicial killings and other violent abuses, arbitrary detentions, forced evictions, the destruction of hundreds of homes, and the arbitrary deportation of Colombian nationals including refugees and asylum seekers, often accused without evidence of having links to "paramilitaries." A common denominator shared by these cases, and by government abuses we have documented in other contexts during the past decade, is the extent to which the victims-or their families-have been unable to challenge alleged abuses of state power, feeling they have nowhere to turn for protection of their fundamental rights. The government of Venezuela should ensure that all OLP operations are carried out in accordance with its international human rights obligations, including the requirement to refrain from using unlawful force during public security operations. Ultimately, a strong, independent judiciary is essential to ensure accountability and redress for the kinds of abuses alleged in this report-and to prevent such abuses in the future. PROVEA and Human Rights Watch call on President Nicolas Maduro, the National Assembly, and the Supreme Court to take urgent steps to restore the judiciary's role as an independent guarantor of fundamental rights, and on the international community to press Venezuela's government to stop undermining the impartiality and independence of the judicial branch. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/venezuela0416web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Gangs Shelf Number: 138591 |
Author: Maehler, Annegret Title: Oil in Venezuela: Triggering Violence on Ensuring Stability? A Context-Sensitive Analysis of the Ambivalent Impact of Resource Abundance Summary: This paper studies the causal factors that make the oil-state Venezuela, which is generally characterized by a low level of violence, an outlier among the oil countries as a whole. It applies a newly elaborated "context approach" that systematically considers domestic and international contextual factors. To test the results of the systematic analysis, two periods with a moderate increase in internal violence in Venezuela are subsequently analyzed, in the second part of the paper, from a comparative-historical perspective. The findings demonstrate that oil, in interaction with fluctuating non-resource-specific contextual conditions, has had ambiguous effects: On the one hand, oil has explicitly served as a conflict-reducing and partly democracy-promoting factor, principally through large-scale socioeconomic redistribution, widespread clientelistic structures, and corruption. On the other hand, oil has triggered violence - primarily through socioeconomic causal mechanisms (central keywords: decline of oil abundance and resource management) and secondarily through the long-term degradation of political institutions. While clientelism and corruption initially had a stabilizing effect, in the long run they exacerbated the delegitimization of the traditional political elite. Another crucial finding is that the impact and relative importance of oil with respect to the increase in violence seems to vary significantly depending on the specific subtype of violence. Details: Hamburg, Germany: German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), 2009. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: GIGA Working Paper, No. 112: Accessed August 30, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1534618 Year: 2009 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Natural Resources Shelf Number: 140096 |
Author: Kronick, Dorothy Title: Electoral Consequences of Violent Crime: Evidence from Venezuela Summary: To what extent do voters hold political incumbents accountable for policy outcomes? This paper considers retrospective voting in the context of violent crime. Using a novel panel data set on county -and neighborhood- level homicide incidence and vote shares in Venezuela, I find that, relative to other policy outcomes such as cash transfers, voters are generally unresponsive to changes in homicide incidence. However, responsiveness varies with the type of election and with the nature of local crime control institutions (which change within municipality over time). Noting the role of external shocks (for example, from drug enforcement activities in neighboring Colombia) in producing violence in Venezuela, I interpret these results as evidence that voters (correctly) view homicide outcomes as weak signals of incumbent political quality. The results are therefore consistent with rational retrospective models of voting behavior. Details: CAF (Development Bank of Latin America), 2014. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Working papers No. 2014/02: http://scioteca.caf.com/bitstream/handle/123456789/687/Electoral%20Consequences%20of%20Violent%20Crime.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 140332 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Punished for Protesting: Rights Violations in Venezuela's Streets, Detention Centers, and Justice System Summary: On February 12, 2014, thousands of people across Venezuela participated in public demonstrations to protest the policies of the administration of President Nicolas Maduro. In several locations, violent clashes broke out between security forces and protesters. Since then, dozens of people have been killed, hundreds injured, and many more arrested in the context of ongoing demonstrations. The Venezuelan government has characterized the protests as violent. There is no doubt that some protesters have used violence, such as throwing rocks and Molotov cocktails at security forces. However, our research shows that Venezuelan security forces have repeatedly used unlawful force against unarmed and nonviolent individuals. Punished for Protesting documents 45 cases, involving more than 150 victims, in which security forces committed serious human rights violations against protesters and bystanders, including severely beating unarmed individuals and shooting them at point blank range. Nearly all of the victims were also arrested and, while in detention, subjected to physical and psychological abuse. In at least 10 cases, the abuse clearly constituted torture. Security forces have also allowed armed pro-government gangs to attack unarmed civilians, and in some cases openly collaborated with them. The abuses were compounded by prosecutors and judges, who either turned a blind eye or were party to violations of detainees' due process rights, including the denial of access to legal counsel and holding unfair hearings. Justice officials routinely failed to intervene when detainees presented to them were visibly injured, or to scrutinize evidence that had been fabricated or planted by security forces. Venezuela should ensure that human rights violations committed in the context of protests are brought to an end, and that the abuses that have occurred are subject to prompt, thorough, and impartial investigations that bring the perpetrators to justice. All acts of violence by non-state actors in the context of protests should also be thoroughly and impartially investigated and prosecuted, regardless of the political affiliation of suspects or victims. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2014. 109p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 26, 2017 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/venezuela0514_ForUpload_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Demonstrations Shelf Number: 145437 |
Author: Kronick, Dorothy Title: Prosperity and Violence in Illegal Markets Summary: Does prosperity generate violence in markets with ill-defined property rights? I consider the consequences of prosperity in drug trafficking markets in Venezuela. Using an original data set constructed from Ministry of Health records, I compare violent death trends in Venezuelan municipalities near trafficking routes to trends elsewhere, both before 1989 - when trafficking volumes were negligible - and after 1989, when heightened counter-narcotics operations in neighboring Colombia increased the use of Venezuelan transport routes. I find that, for thirty years prior to 1989, violent death trends and levels were nearly identical in treatment and control municipalities. After 1989, outcomes diverged: violence increased more in municipalities along trafficking routes than elsewhere. I estimate the difference-in-differences as approximately 10 violent deaths per 100,000, a magnitude similar to the overall pre-1989 violent death rate. Together with qualitative accounts, I interpret these findings as evidence in favor of the longstanding notion that, without Leviathan, prosperity creates violence. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2017 at: http://dorothykronick.com/wp-content/uploads/ProsperityViolence_2016July2.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 144742 |
Author: Camero, Mildred Title: El tráfico de drogas Ilícitas en Venezuela (Illicit drug trafficking in Venezuela) (In Spanish) Summary: We have that the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, due to its geographic location to the north of South America and being a country bordering the Republic of Colombia (2219 Km2), one of the largest producers of drugs and mainly narcotics (marijuana, cocaine and Heroin), indisputably is in a situation of permanent risk. This geographical situation allows a greater approach to the drug markets and also to the transfer of the drug by sea, air and land. Currently, Venezuela is the main transit point for drugs in South America. Approximately more than 300 metric tons of the drug called cocaine are transported from our country to Central America, the United States, Europe and recently to West Africa, for distribution in Eastern Europe. The central objective of these lines is to try to articulate in a generic way what is the cornerstone of the problem of illicit drug trafficking in Venezuela, on the understanding that it is such a complex problem that it can not be addressed unilaterally, but collectively; Before which it is worth questioning Is Venezuela fulfilling the commitments assumed and foreseen in the International Treaties? What are the characteristics, causes, effects and consequences of drug trafficking in our country? At what point is it? Details: Caracas: OBSERVATORIO DE DELITO ORGANIZADO, 2016. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Organized Crime Manual 8: Accessed April 7, 2017 at: http://observatoriodot.org.ve/cms/index.php/item/196-trafico-de-drogas Year: 2016 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Drug Markets Shelf Number: 144748 |
Author: Tarre Briceno, Marcos Title: Como afecta la delincuencia organizada al ciudadano Con la intencion de conocer, investigar e informar sobre el Delito Organizado en Venezuela, nace en el 2012 el Observatorio de Delito Organizado, una accion emprendida por la Asociacion Civil Paz Activa Summary: In this brief manual it is a question of delving into the fact that one of the main problems of Central and South America is precisely Organized Delinquency, whether Transnational or National, which affects the State, society and citizens for being a A multiplier of violence and that, on the other hand, certain types of organized crime directly affect the citizen. Three of these modalities are studied - marked in yellow in the tables - and models are proposed to visualize, to prevent and to disintegrate it. In Venezuela, a nation that in a few years has become the second country in the world with the highest rate of homicide, some experts see a clear parallel between the strengthening of organized crime in the country and the excessive increase in violence. Between 34.4% and 55.1% of the 24,000 homicides recorded per year would be related to organized crime. Details: OBSERVATORIO DE DELITO ORGANIZADO, 2015. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: MONOGRAFIAS VISIBILIZANDO EL DELITO ORGANIZADO No. 1: Accessed April 10, 2017 at: http://observatoriodot.org.ve/cms/images/documentos/odo-manual1-crimorg-web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Homicides Shelf Number: 144767 |
Author: Associacion Civil Paz Activa Title: 2 - Informe del Observatorio de delito organizado en Venezuela (The increase in Organized Crime is a threat to democracy Summary: Venezuelans perceive that the state security forces, instead of fighting, favor the existence and operation of Organized Crime. Sixty-six percent of the interviewees considered that it was the police and the military who sold arms to Organized Crime. The three most common activities at the national level are: drug trafficking, product smuggling and theft and sale of vehicles and spare parts. On average, about one in 3 respondents who said that drug trafficking is "very present" in the country, one interviewee said that they are "not present". The Organized Crime Observatory and the Social Sciences Laboratory (LACSO) are pleased to present the II report of the Organized Crime Observatory, based on the "Results of the 2nd Organized Crime Survey in Venezuela", a study carried out in 7 regions Of the national territory in the period of July and August of this year 2015. Beyond the mere disclosure of the results of our research, we consider it extremely important to inform the citizen in some way about the nature of these crimes and how not to be part of them or victims of these in particular. As reflected in the pages of this publication, more than half of Venezuelans believe that the increase in Organized Crime is a threat to democracy, and even more so in this time where we perceive their presence in much of our daily lives. Here are some relevant results of this study: The three most common activities at the national level are: drug trafficking, product smuggling, theft and sale of vehicles and spare parts. Gangs, mafias and bands, along with pranes and armed groups, are the groups that are considered to be the cause of Organized Crime. For every 3 people who reported that the activity of gangs, mafias and gangs are responsible for Organized Crime, 1 person said otherwise. Sixty-six percent of the interviewees considered that it was the police and the military who sold arms to Organized Crime. More than half of the interviewees expressed fear of the complaint and cooperated with the police and the judicial system. Half of those surveyed nationwide in the past 12 months have been the victims of robbery or theft. Sixty-four percent of respondents felt that it was easy or very easy to get drugs in their community. This perception has increased little between 2013 and 2015 by 3 percentage points. The interviewees consider that personal insecurity has worsened in the country in the last twelve months. This is perceived by 76% of the respondents. The actors identified as responsible for Organized Crime were gangs, mafias and gangs, prisons in the prisons and groups. There was little attribution to the paramilitaries and guerrillas. An important majority of the population considered that the military had been corrupted by drug trafficking. The population considers that organized crime should be combated with the application of the law and not negotiate with criminals or zones of peace. The vast majority of the population, throughout the country and all social or political sectors, believes that the increase in Organized Crime is a threat to democracy. English Summary Details: Caracas: Asociacion Civil Paz Activa, Observatorio de delito organizado. 2015. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2017 at: http://observatoriodot.org.ve/cms/images/documentos/ODO_2do_informe_web_v11_carta.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Automobile Theft Shelf Number: 145156 |
Author: Neumann, Vanessa Title: Kidnappings in Venezuela Summary: The November 9 kidnapping and subsequent rescue of Major League Baseball player Wilson Ramos, a catcher for the Washington Nationals, has shone a spotlight on Venezuelan crime rates. Unfortunately, his kidnapping was commonplace; only his swift and successful rescue is a rarity. Taken from the porch of his family home near the Venezuelan industrial town of Valencia, Ramos was liberated just over 51 hours later in a massive operation that included operatives from the Scientific, Criminal and Penal Scientific Investigations Body (CICPC is its Spanish acronym), the Anti-Extortion and Kidnapping Group of the Bolivarian National Guard, the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN) and the Military Intelligence Directorate, amongst others. After a shootout at the house where Ramos was being kept -- a farm called "My Refuge" about three hours down the road -- the kidnappers fled, leaving Ramos alone in the house to be rescued. Nevertheless, the kidnappers have since been apprehended, identified and indicted. Such judicial efficiency is extraordinary in Venezuela, a country of 28 million inhabitants, of which at least five are kidnapped every day. Even the government's official statistics show that 1,050 kidnappings were reported this year through October - which is 23 times more than number recorded when Hugo Chavez was elected 13 years ago, and double the figure of 2008. That's what's actually reported by the government; some estimates place last year's kidnappings as high as 17,000, on the basis that most Venezuelans do not report crimes to the police, whom they suspect will be at best powerless, and at worst, complicit. Details: Philadelphia: Foreign Policy Research Institute, 2011. 2p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 12, 2017 at: https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/150629/2011_11_venezuela.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Crime Statistics Shelf Number: 131370 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Crackdown on Dissent: Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Summary: In April 2017, tens of thousands of people took to the streets in Venezuela in response to the government-controlled Supreme Court's attempt to usurp the powers of the country's legislative branch. The protests quickly spread throughout the country and continued for months, fueled by widespread discontent with the government's authoritarian practices and the humanitarian crisis that has devastated the country under President Nicolas Maduro's watch. The government responded with widespread and systematic violence against anti-government protesters and detainees, as well as systematic denial of detainees' due process rights. While it was not the first crackdown on dissent under Maduro, the scope and severity of the repression in 2017 reached levels unseen in Venezuela in recent memory. Crackdown on Dissent documents 88 cases of abuse involving at least 314 victims committed by different security forces in multiple locations, including in closed environments like military installations, between April and September 2017. The cases include instances of excessive force on the streets; arbitrary detention, including of individuals pulled from their homes or arrested in incidents unrelated to the demonstrations; and physical abuse of detainees ranging from severe beatings to torture involving electric shocks, asphyxiation, and other techniques. There is no indication that Venezuelan high-level officials-including those who knew or should have known about the abuses- have taken any steps to prevent and punish violations. Governments around the world have spoken out about the crackdown on peaceful expression and protest in Venezuela. It is urgent that they redouble multilateral pressure on the Venezuelan government to release people arbitrarily detained, drop politicallymotivated prosecutions, and hold accountable those responsible for abuses. Details: New York; HRW, 2017. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/venezuela1117web_0.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Arbitrary Detention Shelf Number: 149117 |
Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Democratic Institutions, the Rule of Law and Human Rights in Venezuela: Country Report Summary: 1. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) hereby presents its Country Report entitled Democratic Institutions, the Rule of Law, and Human Rights in Venezuela, its third report on the human rights situation in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (Venezuela). The decision to produce this report stems from the marked deterioration in the country with respect to the exercise of human rights, and the grave political, economic, and social crisis in Venezuela over the past two years and, especially, in 2017. 2. In this report, the Inter-American Commission addresses the human rights situation in Venezuela by analyzing the impact on them of the dismantling of much of democratic institutional system and the alarming increase in repression, violence, and citizen insecurity. Against that backdrop, it examines the situation with respect to political rights, freedom of expression, social protest, and economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights. The IACHR analyzes, across the board, the specific harm done to individuals, groups, and communities that are at greater risk and/or are victims of historical discrimination and exclusion, such as women; children and adolescents; older persons; human rights defenders; persons deprived of liberty; migrants, refugees, and persons in a similar situation; and others. Based on that analysis, it makes recommendation to the State on how to improve protection and safeguards for human rights. 3. The Commission's analysis of the situation of human rights in Venezuela is based on information received through its various protection mechanisms over the past two years, particularly in 2017. In addition, while preparing its report, the IACHR requested information from both civil society organizations and the State, which are fundamental sources for this report. That information was basic for this report. It afforded insight into the human rights situation, which was then analyzed in light of international obligations applicable to Venezuela.1 This report has four main focuses, which correspond to the Commission's core concerns with regard to Venezuela: (i) democratic institutions (both individually and as a system); (ii) social protest and freedom of expression; (iii) violence and citizen security and (iv) economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights (ESCER). 4. This report reflects the interdependence and indivisibility that exists between the infringements in Venezuela of civil, political, economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights. Together those rights constitute an indissoluble whole, which is why -- even though the ESCER are addressed separately in this report, -- the IACHR stresses that the effective exercise of democracy in any State necessarily presupposes the full exercise of all its inhabitants' rights and fundamental freedoms. Details: Washington, DC: Organization of American States, 2018. 259p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 16, 2018 at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Venezuela2018-en.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Civil Rights Shelf Number: 149488 |
Author: InSight Crime Title: Venezuela: A Mafia State? Venezuela has become a hub of organized crime in the region Summary: This investigation, the product of three years of field research, looks at the exponential growth of organized crime in Venezuela and the consequences of this for the region. Details: s.l.: InSight Crime, 2018. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 19, 2018 at: https://www.insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Venezuela-a-Mafia-State-InSight-Crime-2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Criminal Networks Shelf Number: 150272 |
Author: Kronick, Dorothy Title: Profits and Violence in Illegal Markets Summary: Some theories predict that profits facilitate peace in illegal markets, while others predict that profits fuel violence. I provide empirical evidence from drug trafficking in Venezuela. Using an original data set, I compare lethal violence trends in counties near a major trafficking route to trends elsewhere, both before and after counternarcotics policy in neighboring Colombia increased the use of Venezuelan transport routes. For thirty years prior to the policy change, lethal violence trends were similar in both groups of municipalities; afterward, outcomes diverged: violence increased more along the trafficking route than elsewhere. Together with qualitative accounts, these findings illuminate the conditions under which profits fuel violence in illegal markets. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3191426 Year: 2018 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Cocaing Shelf Number: 150705 |
Author: Ramsey, Geoff Title: Reponding to an Exodus: Venezuela's Migration and Refugee Crisis as Seen From the Colombian and Brazilian Borders Summary: As the political, social, and economic crisis in Venezuela worsens, more and more Venezuelans are fleeing their country. Countries across South America are responding to the exodus, and the international community is increasingly looking for opportunities to support humane responses on the ground, particularly in neighboring Colombia and Brazil. Since the start of FY2017, the United States committed roughly $56 million in funding to governments and non-governmental groups in the regional response to Venezuela's exodus, and has pledged to continue offering support. In a new report by research and advocacy group the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), Responding to an Exodus: Venezuela's Migration and Refugee Crisis as Seen From the Colombian and Brazilian Borders, WOLA experts Geoff Ramsey and Gimena Sanchez-Garzoli offer an overview of the mixed response so far. The report draws from extensive documentary research conducted by WOLA's Colombia and Venezuela programs over the last decade, as well as a 10-day visit to the Venezuelan border with Colombia and Brazil in April, 2018. The main findings and urgent policy recommendations in the report include: Regulations and policies imposed by the Colombian government have made it difficult for Venezuelans to access much-needed humanitarian aid. This includes access to shelter, medical care, social programs, and employment opportunities essential to mitigating the risk that Venezuelans may become vulnerable to recruitment by armed criminal groups active along the border. The United States and the international community should call on Colombia to improve access to these humanitarian services, and likewise ensure that the civil society groups and international organizations responding to the crisis receive the support needed to ensure a humanitarian response to Venezuela's migration crisis. Brazil has adopted a more humane response to the flow of Venezuelan migrants, but the country's reliance on the military, rather than civilian agencies, is a major concern. Brazilian security forces are rarely held accountable for abuses against civilians, and given the already vulnerable status of Venezuelan migrants, placing the armed forces in charge of responding to the crisis raises serious human rights concerns.. The United States and the international community should call on Brazil to end its reliance on the armed forces as the primary facilitator of the national government's response to Venezuelan migrants, and transfer all responsibilities that do not involve logistics or transportation to civilian agencies responsible for documentation, health, and social services. The lack of documentation for Venezuelan migrants and refugees has created special challenges for those seeking to formalize their immigration status. Due to the ongoing crisis, it is difficult for most Venezuelans to obtain basic, up-to-date documentation (such as official IDs or passports) necessary for travel and, in most countries, to formally apply for residency or protected status. By implementing regulations that require Venezuelans to show documentation in order to access shelter or other services, Colombia has done little to deter Venezuelans from crossing the border into their country, and instead has only forced them into a more vulnerable position. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2018. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 24, 2018 at: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Final-VZ-Migration-Report-Final.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Human Rights Abuses Shelf Number: 151655 |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: The Venezuelan Exodus: The Need for International Protection and the Region's Response Summary: The massive emigration of Venezuelans has generated the largest migration crisis of its kind in recent Latin American history. The Venezuelan Exodus provides an overview of where the more than 2.3 million Venezuelans who have left the country since 2014 are now living, the conditions they face, their prospects of obtaining legal status in host countries, and applicable international standards that should guide host governments' response. The political, economic, human rights, and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela creates a mix of factors that cause Venezuelans to leave and makes them unable or unwilling to return. Some of these factors alone may qualify a person for refugee status, while for some others the cumulative impact of various factors could generate a valid claim for refugee status. Others fleeing Venezuela may not be refugees but would face severe hardship if returned to Venezuela and are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance in the countries to which they have migrated. Many governments have made considerable efforts to welcome Venezuelans. Recently, however, some governments have been shifting to a harder line, making it more difficult for Venezuelans to apply for legal status. Hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans remain in an irregular situation, which severely undermines their ability to obtain a work permit, send their children to school, and access health care. This makes them more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. An approach consistent with human rights requires treating Venezuelan immigrants humanely. Governments should carefully consider claims of all Venezuelans who apply for refugee status and consider adopting measures to offer legal status to other Venezuelans fleeing the crisis. They should also provide humanitarian assistance to Venezuelans who need it and carry out awareness campaigns to fight discrimination and xenophobia. Details: New York; HRW, 2018. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 12, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/venezuela0918_web.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Asylum Seekers Shelf Number: 153400 |
Author: Mujica, Jesus Manuel Ares Title: The dramatic increase of violent crime in Venezuela since 1999: The Relationship between homicide and the country's new role in drug trafficking Summary: The purpose of this research is to explain the increase of violent crime (homicides) in Venezuela since 1999. Although the literature shows a positive correlation between poverty, inequality and homicides, the available data does not support this explanation. During this period, the homicide rate has increased while poverty and inequality has fallen. Due to the failure of the literature to explain this particular case, this study conceives the role of Venezuela in the trafficking route for shipping drugs to Central America, Europe and the United States as an important and missed factor in the relation that the literature shows. This paper analyzes the route within the country and evaluates its link to the homicide rates of each state in order to establish geographical patterns. Moreover, this paper investigates the effects of drug trafficking activity on the rise of violent crime in the country. This research shows a positive relationship between the role of Venezuela in trafficking activities and the increase in homicide rates since 1999. The findings fit in Deborah Yashar's theory: the states' role in the drug trafficking routes and key states in these activities, such as ports and border states, tend to experience a higher increase in homicide rates than others that are not as involved in the trafficking operations. The results contribute to the fields of violence and development in Latin America. Details: Barcelona: Institut Barcelona Estudis Internacionals, 2015. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Student Paper Series 23: Accessed Dec. 6, 2018 at: http://www.ibei.org/ibei_studentpaper23_71976.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Drug Trafficking Shelf Number: 153928 |
Author: Rodriguez, Mariana Title: Venezuela's Escalating Protests, Violence, and Political Instability: The Legacy of Chavez Summary: Over the last three weeks, Venezuela has found itself engulfed in protests against current President Nicolas Maduro's administration. While the student movement has spearheaded this uprising, many Venezuelans have taken to the streets to voice their grievances against the country's high levels of violent crime, high inflation rates, and the increasing scarcity of basic goods. As protests and violence continue, Hugo Chavez's hand‐picked successor faces potentially destabilizing levels of political violence in an era in which protests in other parts of the world (e.g., Ukraine, the Middle East) recently have shown the power of the street. Almost a year after Hugo Chavez's death and Maduro's election, were such high levels of political unrest foreseeable? A brief look at what we refer to as Chavez's "political culture legacy" suggests that, in the absence of Chavez‐like charismatic leadership and under the weight of the social and economic problems noted above, political instability was a likely outcome. To understand the nature of democratic attitudes under the Chavez regime and how they might help us understand the political instability in the country today, this Topical Brief analyzes survey data from the AmericasBarometer in Venezuela between 2007 and 2012. As in previous AmericasBarometer studies, we examine two attitudinal dimensions essential to democratic stability: political legitimacy (or system support) and political tolerance. Combining a society's level of support for the political system and its willingness to tolerate opposition to that system provides us a more general assessment of the type of political environment that such political attitudes are likely to engender (Seligson 2000; Booth and Seligson 2009; see also previous AmericasBarometer Reports). For example, in a country in which citizens express high levels of support for their political system and high levels of political tolerance, we can expect this political culture to be conducive to the emergence of a stable democratic system of government. Conversely, in a country where citizens neither support the political system nor tolerate those with different political views, the attitudinal landscape will likely not support a stable democracy but rather be more conducive to democratic breakdown. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2014. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 14, 2019 at: https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/ITB013en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Democracy Shelf Number: 154144 |
Author: Trapani, Carlos Title: Muertes y Otras Formas de Violencia Contra Ninos, Ninas y Adolescentes en un Contexto de Emergencia Humanitaria (Deaths and Other Forms of Violence Against Children, Girls and Adolescents in a Humanitarian Emergency Context) Summary: Presentation Somos Noticia is a report published every year by CECODAP to know and monitor the situation of the rights of children and adolescents to life, integrity personnel, and to receive the protection due in situations of violence. It is an annual measurement that was made thirteen years ago, based on the established in Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and in response to The principle of co-responsibility enshrined in the Doctrine of Integral Protection of Human Rights of children. The study examines the characteristics and magnitudes of different types of violence that they affect the development and integral protection of children in Venezuela. Given the complexity of some of these forms of violence, this year we set out share and integrate the data registered and processed by CECODAP with the reports of investigations carried out by the Venezuelan Observatory of Violence (OVV), organization that for 17 years integrates the contribution of several universities of the country, for the study of the social realities of violence in Venezuela. Specifically, OVV and CECODAP examined and could compare information and analyzes that derive from their studies on the mortality of children and adolescents in violent deaths, establishing and analyzing to describe and explain this unfortunate reality. Together CECODAP and OVV present this Annual Report 2017, to contribute to the knowledge of the magnitude of violence against children and adolescents, identifying the factors that characterize and explain it, with the clear purpose of demanding the actions that must be undertaken, without further delay, to prevent and stop violence in the lives of children and adolescents. Details: Caracas, Venezuela: 2017. 65p. Source: Internet Resource (in Spanish): Accessed January 16, 2019 at: http://cecodap.org.ve/descargables/derechosNNA/Somos_Noticia_2017-2018.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Convention on the Rights of the Child Shelf Number: 154194 |
Author: Ramsey, Geoff Title: Focused Pressure and Smart Engagement: How the U.S. Government Can Advance a Negotiated, Non-Violent Solution to Venezuela's Crisis Summary: As Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro prepares to claim a new term on January 10 based on a deeply flawed election, policymakers in the United States are weighing how to best respond to the country's ongoing political and economic crisis. While the situation is dire, the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) has published a new policy memo that explains how the U.S. government can help to achieve progress on the only viable path forward: a negotiated solution. In "Focused Pressure and Smart Engagement," WOLA Assistant Director for Venezuela Geoff Ramsey and Senior Fellow David Smilde lay out concrete actions the United States could take to help create the conditions needed for credible negotiations that are needed between the government and opposition in order to restore Venezuela's democratic institutions. In their memo, Ramsey and Smilde offer a series of concrete policy recommendations for the U.S. government. These include: The Secretary of State, working through the State Department's Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, should offer political support and resources for European Union and regional efforts to create a "contact group" that can facilitate communication between stakeholders in Venezuela's government and opposition - with the aim of eventually establishing conditions for credible negotiations. The U.S. government should be clear in communicating that the Maduro government does not possess a democratic mandate as of January 10, 2019. But it should maintain its embassy in Caracas and continue diplomatic relations. The U.S. government should support the Boston Group and other formal and informal channels to ensure ongoing communication with actors in Venezuela's government. The U.S. Mission to the United Nations should use its voice and vote to elevate the political and humanitarian response to Venezuela's crisis within the priorities of the United Nations. The Departments of State and Treasury should work jointly with other countries that are imposing sanctions on the Maduro government (the European Union, Canada, Switzerland, and Panama) to develop a clear and coherent set of conditions under which existing sanctions-whether sectoral or against individual actors-can be eased or lifted. The President should incentivize negotiations between Venezuela's government and the elected National Assembly by issuing an Executive Order that explicitly reaffirms that Venezuela's elected National Assembly may authorize the purchase of debt, notwithstanding existing or future U.S. sanctions. The U.S. government should plan and carry out a comprehensive and transparent communications strategy aimed at the Venezuelan public, international financial institutions, and international humanitarian organizations that clarifies the scope of and exceptions to the U.S. financial sanctions imposed in August 2017. The U.S. government should refrain from threatening military action and thereby further deepening fissures in the Venezuelan opposition. The U.S. government should refrain from imposing any sanction or action that could exacerbate the country's humanitarian emergency. Details: Washington, DC: WOLA, 2019. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed April 15, 2019 at: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Focused-Pressure-and-Smart-Engagement-for-Venezuela-Ramsey-Smilde-WOLA.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Conflict Violence Shelf Number: 155409 |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Hunger for Justice: Crimes Against Humanity in Venezuela Summary: Venezuela has been experiencing a profound human rights crisis for several years. Massive violations of civil, political, economic and social rights have been reflected in shortages of and lack of access to food and medicines, a deterioration in health services, as well as violence and political repression by the state. As a result at least 3.4 million people have been forced to flee the country since 2015. In this context, social protest became the main and most visible way in which people could respond and channel their discontent. Since 2014, there have been several cycles of mass demonstrations, interspersed with spontaneous protests to demand a range of rights. In February 2014, the first mass protests took place both against and in support of the government of Nicolas Maduro, who had come to power a year earlier. During the first months of demonstrations, Amnesty International documented the excessive use of force, torture and politically motivated arbitrary detentions and highlighted the use of derogatory language to stigmatize anti-government protesters. By the end of these protests, 43 people had been killed, including 10 public officials. A year later, the organization expressed concern at the high level of impunity in relation to possible human rights violations committed during those months. Between April and July 2017, there was a new wave of social conflict in which more than 120 people were killed, mostly at the hands of the state and groups of armed pro-government civilians ("collectives"). At least 1,958 people were injured as a result of the systematic and widespread use of excessive, and often intentionally lethal, force against protesters. In addition, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), more than 5,000 people were reported to have been detained. One year after the protests, to Amnesty International's knowledge, in only one case had judicial proceedings in relation to these deaths been opened against a member of the Bolivarian National Guard (Guardia Nacional Bolivariana, GNB). While 2018 was not characterized by mass protests, it nevertheless saw the largest number of spontaneous protests throughout the country (more than 12,000 during the year) around demands for economic and social rights, due to the serious deterioration in living standards. It was in this context that, at the beginning of 2019, thousands of people took to the streets to demand a change of government. During January, numerous demonstrations were reported, many of them in low-income areas where the demand for political change had not been so pronounced up to that point. From 21 to 25 January 2019, in a total of 12 of the country's 23 states, at least 47 people died in the context of the protests, all of them as a result of gunshot wounds. Reports indicated that, of these 47 people, at least 39 were killed by members of state forces or of third parties acting with their acquiescence during demonstrations (33 and six respectively). Eleven were reportedly victims of targeted extrajudicial executions, 24 reportedly died in the context of demonstrations and 11 reportedly during looting. According to press reports, one member of the security forces also died during these protests. During these five days, more than 900 people were arbitrarily detained in practically every state in the country. It is estimated that 770 of these arbitrary detentions took place in just one day, 23 January, the date on which demonstrations were held throughout the country. Children and teenagers were among those detained. Amnesty International has documented the policy of politically motivated repression implemented by the government of Nicolas Maduro since 2014. As part of this, between 31 January and 17 February 2019, an Amnesty International team visited Venezuela to carry out research into crimes under international law and serious human rights violations committed in the context of the protests. During this visit, a total of six extrajudicial executions were documented, three cases of excessive use of force and six arbitrary detentions, as well as cover-ups and a failure to investigate several of these violations. The 15 cases detailed in this report are representative of a broader pattern of possible human rights violations that took place in January 2019. The extrajudicial executions documented in different parts of the country illustrate a recurring pattern. In all cases, the victims were young men who were critical of the government, or perceived as such by the authorities, from low-income areas and whose participation in the protests had been visible or whose criticisms had gone viral on social media. That is, they were targeted executions based on the profile of the victims. All died as a result of gunshot wounds to the chest and were executed while in the custody of the authorities. Some were tortured before they were killed. After executing them, the authorities publicly depicted them as criminals who had died in confrontations and initiated criminal investigations for "resisting authority" ("resistencia a la autoridad"). In all six cases, the crime scene was tampered with in order to cover up the facts, as were the bodies of the victims. The police force that carried out these executions was the Bolivarian National Police (Policia Nacional Bolivariana, PNB), mainly through its Special Actions Force (Fuerzas de Acciones Especiales, FAES). Regarding the use of force, Amnesty International's research confirmed the disproportionate and unnecessary use of lethal force against demonstrators. In the documented cases, the GNB and the Bolivarian National Guard of Venezuela (Guardia Nacional Bolivariana, GNB) were identified as the bodies responsible for the deaths. For example, Alixon Pisani was killed by a gunshot wound to the chest sustained when a PNB official riding on the back of a motorcycle fired indiscriminately on a protest in Catia (Caracas). According to witnesses, the demonstrators had blocked the street with burning objects and were not armed. Only in a few cases had Molotov cocktails and stones been thrown at the security forces. The cases of detention illustrate a pattern of arbitrary mass arrests followed by ill-treatment of detainees by government forces in order to punish people for taking part in the protests. Researchers also found that judicial guarantees were flouted and that there was interference with principle of judicial independence. For example, in the cases of four teenagers (all under 18) detained in the state of Yaracuy, none was brought before a judge within the legal time limit and they were held for several days despite the absence of sufficient evidence to justify their detention. Days later, the supervising judge (juez de control) dealing with their case complained on social media that her decision regarding the minors had been the result of pressure and the death threats from the Executive branch. Finally, according to the information received from relatives and lawyers, in all the documented cases of violation of the right to life and physical integrity, the official investigations have been neither impartial or thorough and the families have received only minimal information about them. In addition, several relatives were harassed by public officials because of the victims' involvement in the protests. Analysis of these violations shows that in January 2019, multiple acts of violence were committed consistently in all states and with a high degree of coordination between the security forces at the national and state levels. The authorities right up to the highest level, including Nicolas Maduro, have at the very least tolerated such attacks. Amnesty International's research shows that these human rights violations were not random, but were part of a previously planned attack directed against a distinct part of the civilian population: government opponents, or those perceived as such by the government, who were at times specifically identified as targets by the attackers. In addition, these incidents were public and widely known; in other words, the authorities at the highest level knew what was happening. Details: London: Author, 2019. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 6, 2019 at: https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AMR5302222019ENGLISH.PDF Year: 2019 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Arbitrary Detentions Shelf Number: 156236 |
Author: Organization of American States Title: Report of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States and the Panel of Independent International Experts of the Possible Commission of Crimes Against Humanity in Venezuela Summary: In their report and executive summary presented today, a panel of independent international experts designated by the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS) found that reasonable grounds exist to believe that crimes against humanity have been committed in Venezuela dating back to at least February 12, 2014. The panel of experts - Santiago Cantn (Argentina), Irwin Cotler (Canada), and Manuel Ventura Robles (Costa Rica),- recommended that: The Secretary General of the OAS should submit the report and the evidence collected by the General Secretariat of the OAS to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The Secretary General should invite States Parties to the Rome Statute to refer the situation of Venezuela to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC and to call for the opening of an investigation into the crimes against humanity set forth in this report, in accordance with Article 14 of the Rome Statute. The 400-page report, supported by 400 pages of Annexes, is divided in two parts. Part I, written by the OAS General Secretariat, includes material provided by witnesses who testified during the public hearings conducted in September, October, and November 2017, and material collected from interested parties, Venezuelan civil society and intergovernmental organizations. Part II of the report was written by the Panel of Independent International Experts, and provides a legal assessment of the information gathered, an examination of relevant international jurisprudence and precedent, as well as their conclusions and recommendations. This report includes: 26 testimonies from witnesses that testified during 5 public hearings organized by the OAS General Secretariat. (Videos of the hearings are available here) As well as dozens of testimonies from victims, victims' families, and other interested parties submitted to the OAS General Secretariat, through the process. Written submissions provided by over 40 Venezuelan and international non-governmental organizations and intergovernmental organizations. Among other findings, the report: Identifies 131 murder victims of the 2014 and 2017 protests where the perpetrator has been identified as a member of the state security forces and/or the colectivos. Identifies 8,292 extrajudicial executions recorded since 2015. Identifies more than 12,000 Venezuelans arbitrarily detained, imprisoned or subject to other severe deprivation of physical liberty since the 2013 Presidential elections. Identifies more than 1300 political prisoners: people that have been or still are detained because of their opposition to the Government. Identifies a widespread and systematic pattern of abuse targeting an identified segment of the civilian population in Venezuela. Neither the Panel nor the OAS General Secretariat have had the possibility of undertaking field missions to the territory concerned in order to consult with national authorities, victims, civil society organizations, or other interested parties. The publicly available version of the report includes sections that have been redacted to protect the identity of victims and/or their family members who fear reprisal for testifying about crimes and abuses. Crimes against Humanity are defined in Article 7 of the Rome Statute as "specific crimes committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population with knowledge of the attack". Venezuela is a State Party to the Rome Statute, and the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction over any crimes committed in the territory of Venezuela or by Venezuelan nationals since July 1, 2002. Details: Washington, DC: Organization of American States, 2018. 405p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 14, 2019 at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Informe-Panel-Independiente-Venezuela-EN.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Venezuela Keywords: Abuse of Authority Shelf Number: 156820 |