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Results for arrests

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Author: Povey, David (ed.)

Title: Police Powers and Procedures 2008/09

Summary: This statistical bulletin draws together U.K. statistica on the following topics: arrests for notifiable offenses; Stope and searches under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE); breath tests; and police action in relation to motoring offences.

Details: London: Home Office, 2010. 79p.

Source: Internet Resource; Home Office Statistical Bulletin; 06/10

Year: 2010

Country: United Kingdom

URL:

Shelf Number: 118560

Keywords:
Arrests
Criminal Statistics
Drunk Driving - Policing
Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984
Searches and Seizures

Author: Hart, Timothy C.

Title: Arrest-Related Deaths in Nevada, 2009

Summary: This State Data Brief presents details related to the arrests-related deaths in custody that occurred in Nevada during 2009 and that were reported to the Center for the Analysis of Crime Statistics. The report includes information on when the incidents occurred, demographic information of the suspects, the cause and manner of the reported deaths, the mental/physical condition of the suspect at the time of the incidents, the location of the death, and whether the suspects were armed.

Details: Las Vegas, NV: University of Nevada at Las Vegas, Department of Criminal Justice, Center for the Analysis of Crime Statistics, 2010. 4p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 20, 2010 at: http://www.unlv.edu/centers/crimestats/SDBs/Arrest%20Related%20Deaths%20in%20Custody/Arrest%20Related%20Deaths%20in%20Custody%20v4.pdf

Year: 2010

Country: United States

URL: http://www.unlv.edu/centers/crimestats/SDBs/Arrest%20Related%20Deaths%20in%20Custody/Arrest%20Related%20Deaths%20in%20Custody%20v4.pdf

Shelf Number: 120032

Keywords:
Arrest-Related Deaths
Arrests

Author: Hussain, Syed Ejaz

Title: Terrorism in Pakistan: Incident Patterns, Terrorists' Characteristics, and the Impact of Terrorist Arrests on Terrorism

Summary: This dissertation, in a 3-paper format, uses three datasets to study three aspects of terrorism in Pakistan. In the first paper, using data from the GTD, I describe empirically the temporal and spatial patterns of terrorism incidents in Pakistan from 1974 to 2007. In addition, I also describe the patterns in target types, weapon types and terrorist types and the patterns prior to and following the U.S.-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Analysis methods include the univariate time series, descriptive statistics and the GIS. The study offers new insights on the measurement of terrorism, the cyclical nature of terrorism, the role of conflict, the choice of weapons, the sponsorship of terrorism, the selection of targets and the reactionary nature of terrorism. The second paper analyzes personal, socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of arrested terrorists in Pakistan from 1990 to 2009. I analyze police data on 2,344 terrorists using the GIS, univariate and bivariate analyses. Significant group differences, as well as differences based on geography lead to the conclusion that a generic profile of terrorists is almost impossible. One factor universally present in the circumstances of almost all the terrorists is that they belong to some area of conflict. In the third paper, I test Sherman’s theory of defiance (1993) to discern how arrests of different terrorist types and terrorist arrest types result in different types of reactions—defiance, deterrence, or irrelevance. Terrorist types can be divided into hardcore terrorists and peripheral terrorists, and arrest types can be divided into ordinary arrests or arrests by killings. I use 20 years of data from eight regions of the Punjab. Using fixed-effects cross-sectional time series (long panel), instrumental variable approach and Poisson distribution, I conclude that: aggregated arrests, ordinary arrests, and arrests of hardcore terrorists, in the current period, are associated with higher expected incidence and seriousness of terrorism in the same six month period. Further, that as compared to peripheral arrests, hardcore arrests generate more defiance. Lags of arrests and ordinary arrests decrease the expected incidence and seriousness of terrorism, suggesting a possible decay in defiance after the first six months.

Details: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2010. 179p.

Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed December 7, 2010 at: http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1163&context=edissertations

Year: 2010

Country: Pakistan

URL: http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1163&context=edissertations

Shelf Number: 120404

Keywords:
Arrests
Terrorism
Terrorists

Author: Sakiyama, Mari

Title: Clearance Rates in Nevada, 1998-2009

Summary: Clearance rates provide one indication of law enforcement’s ability to apprehend criminal suspects. When clearance rates decline, it raises concerns about police performance. Nationally, in 2009, about 22% of all Part I crimes that were known to the police were cleared (FBI, 2010). Part I crimes include murder, rape, robbery, assault, burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. There are two distinct ways that crimes are cleared. First, a crime can be cleared when “a law enforcement agency has identified the offender, there is enough evidence to charge him, and he is actually taken into custody” (DPS, 2009; p. 63). In addition to offenses cleared by arrest, a crime can be cleared through exceptional means. An offense may be exceptionally cleared when some elements beyond law enforcement control precludes formal charges against an offender due to the death of the offender (e.g., suicide, double murder, justifiably killed by police or citizen); the victim’s refusal to cooperate with the prosecution after the offender has been identified; or the denial of extradition because the offender committed a crime in another jurisdiction and is being prosecuted for that offense. Unless otherwise noted, clearance rates discussed in this report include crimes cleared by both arrest and exceptional means. This state data brief describes patterns of clearance rates in Nevada and compares them to national trends. It examines questions about the trend in clearance rates, differences in clearance rates for particular types of offenses, as well as jurisdictional differences in clearance rates across Nevada’s counties. The limitations of the data and this study are also addressed.

Details: Las Vegas, NV: University of Nevada - Las Vegas, Center for the Analysis of Crime Statistics, 2010. 4p.

Source: Internet Resource: State Data Brief: Accessed May 18, 2011 at: http://www.unlv.edu/centers/crimestats/SDBs/Clearance%20Rates/Clearance%20Rates%20v4.pdf

Year: 2010

Country: United States

URL: http://www.unlv.edu/centers/crimestats/SDBs/Clearance%20Rates/Clearance%20Rates%20v4.pdf

Shelf Number: 121742

Keywords:
Arrests
Clearance Rates (Nevada)
Police Investigations
Police Performance

Author: Uda, Terry

Title: Drug and Alcohol Related Offenses and Arrests: 2005-2009

Summary: This report provides information on Idaho alcohol and drug arrests for years 2005 through 2009. The data for this report was obtained from the Idaho Incident Based Reporting System. The first section of the report gives an overall summary of drug and alcohol arrests. The report then presents arrestee demographic information: including race, ethnicity, gender and age. Also addressed are drug seizures and incidents that involved an offender or offenders suspected of using drugs and/or alcohol. The report concludes with a comparison of Idaho counties by alcohol arrest, drug arrests and drug seizures.

Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho State Police, Statistical Analysis Center, 2011. 24p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 30, 2011 at: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/DrugTrend0509_000.pdf

Year: 2011

Country: United States

URL: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/DrugTrend0509_000.pdf

Shelf Number: 122955

Keywords:
Alcohol Related Crime, Disorder (Idaho)
Arrests
Drug Offenders
Drug Offenses
Drugs and Crime

Author: Loman, L. Anthony

Title: Differential Response Improves Traditional Investigations: Criminal Arrests for Severe Physical and Sexual Abuse

Summary: This research paper is based upon data collected as part of the evaluation of the Missouri Family Assessment and Response Demonstration. The Institute of Applied Research (IAR) conducted the evaluation. This demonstration represented a fundamental change in the approach of the Missouri Children’s Division (CD) to a large majority of child abuse and neglect (CA/N) incident reports. Under the old Missouri system, all valid incident reports that were received via the state’s CA/N hotline were investigated by CD CA/N investigators. Under the demonstration, only 30 percent of child abuse and neglect incident reports were investigated and the response to the remaining reports was to provide family assessment home visits. The family assessment approach was designed to shift initial encounters with families in a more positive and supportive direction. The minority of incident reports that received an investigation were those in which very serious or criminal abuse or neglect was believed to be likely. An explicit objective of the new approach was to pursue criminal prosecution of perpetrators when investigations had uncovered potentially criminal acts. A number of factors implemented in the Missouri demonstration had the potential for improving investigations, as interviews with workers during site visits to local offices confirmed. The screening of hotlines, and the subsequent use of family assessments in many cases, reduced the number of incidents that were investigated. This reduction had consequences for the types of situations investigated and the manner in which they were investigated. As noted, nearly every investigation in demonstration areas involved serious allegations, if not the likelihood of criminal acts. In most demonstration areas, the large majority of investiga-tions became co-investigations with the local police department. In offices in which separate staffs conducted investigations and family assessments, investigative workers frequently spoke of a closer relationship with law enforcement. During interviews, workers reported an increase in the comprehensiveness of investigations and an improvement in their overall quality. Some also saw an improvement in their efficiency. Some workers also described a carry-over effect of the family assessment approach into investigations. Investigators were likely to be more aware of the social psychological dynamics involved in home visits, more sensitive to the feelings of families, and more focused on the timeliness of interventions. In a survey conducted near the end of the demonstration, investigators in demonstration areas were more likely to report that they had been able to interview all the people they thought they should during investigations conducted within the previous 30 days (82 percent versus 66 percent for comparison workers). In the review of sample cases, it was found that investigators in demonstration areas were more likely to have contacted a prosecutor in cases involving severe injury to children. The present paper describes a more elaborate analysis of criminal arrests in demonstration and comparison areas utilizing criminal records maintained by the Missouri Highway Patrol.

Details: St. Louis, Missouri: Institute of Applied Research, 2005. 10p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 19, 2012 at http://www.iarstl.org/papers/DiffRespAndInvestigations.pdf

Year: 2005

Country: United States

URL: http://www.iarstl.org/papers/DiffRespAndInvestigations.pdf

Shelf Number: 124196

Keywords:
Arrests
Child Abuse and Neglect
Incident Reports
Sexual Abuse

Author: Rytina, Nancy

Title: Apprehensions by the U.S. Border Patrol: 2005 - 2008

Summary: Statistics on apprehensions represent one of the few indicators available regarding illegal entry or presence in the United States. This Office of Immigration Statistics Fact Sheet provides information on recent trends in U.S. Border Patrol apprehensions and the gender, age, country of origin, and geographic location of persons apprehended during 2005 through 2008. Databeginning in 2005 were obtained from the Enforcement Case Tracking System (ENFORCE) of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). For prior years, data were obtained from the Performance Analysis System (PAS) of DHS.

Details: Washington, DC: Office of Immigration Statistics, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2009. 2p.

Source: Fact Sheet: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/statistics/publications/ois_apprehensions_fs_2005-2008.pdf

Year: 2009

Country: United States

URL: http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/statistics/publications/ois_apprehensions_fs_2005-2008.pdf

Shelf Number: 125208

Keywords:
Arrests
Border Patrol
Crime Trends
Demographic Trends
Illegal Aliens
Illegal Immigration
Immigrants

Author: Council of State Governments Justice Center

Title: The Impact of Probation and Parole Populations on Arrests in Four California Cities

Summary: One of the first questions as officer asks when arresting someone is “Are you on probation or parole?” and the answer generally expected is “yes.” Given this expectation, it is understandable for officers on the beat to believe that it is only a matter of time before people on parole or probation commit a crime. As longstanding and prevalent as this assumption has been, very little research exists quantifying the extent to which people under community supervision are, in fact, driving local law enforcement’s arrest activity. Law enforcement executives across the country have been forced to make deep cuts to their budgets as a result of plunging local tax revenues and shrinking federal funding for local police departments. This has certainly been the case in California. For example, the police departments in Sacramento, Los Angeles, and Redlands experienced significant declines in funding between 2008 and 2012, which have resulted in, among other things, major reductions in personnel. On top of the fiscal pressures police departments are experiencing, local governments in California are struggling with the transformation of the state corrections system currently underway. Compelled by federal court order to address overcrowding in the California prison system, state policymakers have taken a number of steps to reduce the prison population. For example, they have mandated that non-violent, non-serious and non-sex offenders serve their sentences at the local level rather than in state prisons. In addition, state officials have transferred post-release supervision responsibilities for people convicted of these crimes already in state prison to county probation officers. As a result of these and other actions, the number of people incarcerated in state prison has plummeted by nearly 40,000 people, from more than 173,000 in 20063 to fewer than 133,000 in November 2012. During the same timeframe, the state’s parole supervision population has declined by nearly 50 percent, from almost 120,000 to fewer than 61,000.5 The downsizing of the prison population has enabled the state to address dangerous levels of overcrowding in its system and to reduce state spending on corrections by billions ofdollars. Some of these savings have been passed along to the county governments, which must decide what to do with people who had previously been incarcerated in a state prison or under state parole supervision. Local law enforcement officials generally have received few of these redirected funds. Many police chiefs and sheriffs have asserted that the growing numbers of people released from state prison, combined with supervision responsibility shifting from state to local government for people convicted of particular offenses, will intensify demands on the resources of local law enforcement, which are already stretched to the breaking point. In 2010, Chief Charlie Beck of the Los Angeles Police Department, Chief James Bueermann of the Redlands Police Department, Chief Rick Braziel of the Sacramento Police Department, and Chief George Gascón of the San Francisco Police Department asked the Council of State Governments Justice Center (CSG Justice Center) to help them to determine the extent to which people on probation and parole contribute to the demands on the resources of local law enforcement, and to identify what opportunities exist to use data to target their limited resources more effectively. They asked CSG Justice Center to conduct an unprecedented analysis of arrest, probation, and parole data to answer these questions: 􀁑 To what extent do people on probation and parole contribute to crime, as measured by arrests? 􀁑 What types of crimes are these people most likely to commit? 􀁑 Are there particular subsets of people on probation and parole who are most likely to reoffend? If so, what characteristics do they have in common? 􀁑 What strategies can law enforcement employ to better respond to the people being released from prisons and jails to community supervision? Considerable research exists documenting rearrest or reincarceration rates for people under probation or parole supervision. Little research, however, has been published about the extent to which people on probation and parole contribute to the overall volume of arrests in a particular jurisdiction. This groundbreaking study addresses this gap in the research. Researchers had access to separate information systems maintained by multiple independent agencies. They assembled a vast, comprehensive dataset covering a lengthy time period that is without precedent. Researchers amassed more than 2.5 million adult arrest, probation, and parole supervision records maintained by 11 different agencies over a 42-month period stretching from January 1, 2008 to June 30, 2011. Because California does not mandate the uniform statewide collection of arrest data, each local jurisdiction maintains this information independently and distinctly. Needless to say, the gathering and matching of records for this study proved to be a complex undertaking. The research presented here is not a recidivism study. Researchers did not follow a particular group of people post-release for a prescribed period of time to determine that group’s rates of reoffense and compare that number to another, similar group of people for a similar length of time. The dataset assembled for this study encompassed all people arrested (as opposed to a narrower universe limited to people released from prison or jail) during a three-and-a-half-year time period. By using this cohort, which was far larger than just the number of people under correctional supervision, researchers could learn about the proportion of arrests that involve people under supervision compared to those not under supervision, as well as characteristics of the subset of parolees and probationers who contribute to police arrests.

Details: New York: Council of State Government Justice Center, 2013. 54p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 24, 2013 at: http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Reports/docs/External-Reports/CAL-CHIEFS-REPORT.pdf

Year: 2013

Country: United States

URL: http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Reports/docs/External-Reports/CAL-CHIEFS-REPORT.pdf

Shelf Number: 127372

Keywords:
Arrests
Costs of Criminal Justice
Parole
Parolees
Probation
Probationers (California)

Author: Gettman, Jon B.

Title: Marijuana Arrests in Colorado After the Passage of Amendment 64

Summary: Colorado's Amendment 64 was enacted in November 2012. The constitutional amendment allowed for the personal possession, cultivation and private use of marijuana in the state of Colorado for people over 21 years of age. The state was also mandated to establish a framework for taxation and regulation so adults could legally purchase non-medical marijuana from licensed cultivators and retailers. The new rights conferred to adults went into effect on December 10, 2012. The first retail stores opened on January 1, 2014. This report reviews changes in the number and characteristics of marijuana arrests in Colorado after the passage of Amendment 64. Not all arrests are equal in terms of consequences for the individual and the costs to the criminal justice system because an arrested individual may be charged with several criminal violations. Consequently this report refers to arrests in terms of the number of individual charges prosecuted in court. Data obtained from the Judicial Branch of Colorado was used to compare the number of cases and charges brought before the courts in the state prior to the passage of Amendment 64. Additional data from the Colorado Bureau of Investigation was used to review the racial characteristics of those arrested by law enforcement for marijuana law violations. This report reveals that marijuana-related charges statewide (not including Denver) decreased by 85% between 2010 and 2014. An overwhelming majority of this decrease in charges came in the aftermath of Amendment 64. Possession charges at all levels (not simply the level now legal or previously considered a petty offense) are the primary reason for the decline. Cultivation charges over the last two years were halved when compared to the previous two years before Amendment 64. In addition, all drug-related charges are down 23% since 2010. This underscores the central role of marijuana prohibition in the drug war, as well as marijuana legalization's implications for criminal justice reform more generally. This report also finds that racial disparities for marijuana offenses persist at similar levels as before Amendment 64. However, disparities for the charge of intent to distribute actually went down, easing fears of many racial justice advocates. While the overall decrease in marijuana-related offenses statewide has been enormously beneficial to communities of color, one troubling concern is the rise in disparities for the charge of public consumption, especially in Denver. It is also worth noting that, due to a lack of credible data, this report does not analyze Amendment 64's impact on the state's Latino population. The report also reveals a sharp decline in synthetic marijuana arrests since retail stores opened in 2014. According to judicial county court records, arrests for synthetic marijuana in 2014 have declined by 27% from the prior year. Given the health impacts of marijuana are more established and understood than those related to synthetic marijuana, advocates see this as yet another potential benefit of legalization.

Details: New York: Drug Policy Alliance, 2015. 17p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2015 at: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Marijuana_Arrests_After_the_Passage_of_Amendment_64.pdf

Year: 2015

Country: United States

URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Marijuana_Arrests_After_the_Passage_of_Amendment_64.pdf

Shelf Number: 135227

Keywords:
Arrests
Decriminalization
Drug Enforcement
Drug Legalization
Drug Policy (Colorado)
Drug Reform
Marijuana Legalization

Author: Males, Mike

Title: The Plummeting Arrest Rates of California's Children

Summary: A new research report by CJCJ's Mike Males documents a pronounced decline in arrests of California's children over the past 30 years. The absence of specific, statewide policy aimed at reducing the arrest of children, coupled with favorable trends in youth issues suggest the decrease in childhood arrests may reflect a real decrease in child crime, rather than a shift in arrest practices. Key findings: - In 1978, nearly 14,000 children under age 12 were arrested, 4,400 of whom were under age 10. But in 2013, with a pre-teen population 40 percent larger, arrests for children under 12 fell to 1,394, and arrests of children under 10 fell to 219 - leading to a 92 percent drop in arrest rates. - Forty-seven of the 58 counties (including all major ones) experienced dramatic drops in child arrests between 1980 and 2013. In Los Angeles County, the number of arrests of children under 10 dropped from 485 to 17; in Fresno County, from 132 to four; and in Alameda 321 to six. - The decline in youth arrests is in striking contrast to arrests of older ages: While people under age 25 experienced large declines in felony arrests, those ages 25-29 saw a modest increase, and those ages 30 and older saw large increases. - A supplemental report reveals one exceptions to California's decline in child arrests: Stockton, which along with the city of San Bernardino allows school district officers to arrest students and have arrest rates 24 times higher than the rest of California. Stockton, with one percent of California's youth under age 10, now accounts for 26 percent of the state's arrests of children that age. The dramatic and sustained declines in child arrests, combined with other positive youth outcomes, provide California the opportunity to research what lies behind the trends, adjust youth crime forecasts, and reexamine investments in new juvenile facilities.

Details: San Francisco: Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, 2015. 10p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 2, 2015 at: http://www.cjcj.org/uploads/cjcj/documents/final_child_crime_report.pdf

Year: 2015

Country: United States

URL: http://www.cjcj.org/uploads/cjcj/documents/final_child_crime_report.pdf

Shelf Number: 135845

Keywords:
Arrests
Crime Statistics
Juvenile Delinquency
Juvenile Offenders

Author: Warner, Todd C.

Title: Mapping Mobility of Individuals Arrested for Misdemeanors in New York City, 2006-2014

Summary: This study, Mapping Mobility of Individuals Arrested for Misdemeanors in New York City, 2006-2014, aims to inform the NYPD, other criminal justice agencies, social service providers, and community organizations on the geographical allocation of resources for better law enforcement, crime prevention, and community supervision. Key findings from the report are as follows. -In 2014, almost half (48.5 percent) of all individuals arrested for a misdemeanor were arrested outside of their home precinct. Furthermore, if an individual was arrested outside of their home precinct, the arrest most often occurred in an adjacent precinct. -In 2014, almost half (44.6 percent) of all individuals arrested for a misdemeanor in Manhattan did not live in that borough. For other boroughs, individuals arrested there were much more likely to live in that borough: the Bronx (80.8 percent), Brooklyn (83.0 percent), Queens (73.3 percent), and Staten Island (87.0 percent). -In 2014, among home precinct arrests, the most frequent charges were crimes against a person (24.5 percent) and offenses related to marijuana (16.8 percent). -In 2014, of arrests that occurred outside the home precinct, the most frequent charges were property and theft-related (17.7 percent) and vehicle and driving-related (17.2 percent).

Details: New York: John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2016. 116p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: http://johnjay.jjay.cuny.edu/report/MobilitymobilityReport.pdf

Year: 2016

Country: United States

URL: http://johnjay.jjay.cuny.edu/report/MobilitymobilityReport.pdf

Shelf Number: 139317

Keywords:
Arrest Rates
Arrests
Crime Analysis
Crime Mapping
Crime Rates
Misdemeanors

Author: New York City Department of Investigation

Title: An Analysis of Quality-of-Life Summonses, Quality-of-Life Misdemeanors Arrests, and Felony Crime in New York City, 2010-2015

Summary: Between 2010 and 2015, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) issued 1,839,414 "quality - of- life" summonses for offenses such as public urination, disorderly conduct, drinking alcohol in public, and possession of small amounts of marijuana. There are a number of legitimate reasons to issue such summonses, most notably to address community concerns and police the offenses in question. Further, maintaining order is a goal in and of itself. Addressing disorder is a basic government function, and writing summonses may be a necessary tool toward that end. However, NYPD has claimed for two decades that quality-of-life enforcement is also a key tool in the reduction of felony crime, most recently in the 2015 report, Broken Windows and Quality- of-Life Policing in New York City. Whether there is systemic data to support the effectiveness of quality-of-life summonses and misdemeanor arrests for this particular purpose is a question of considerable importance. New York City is a safer city today than it was in years past. In the period reviewed, 2010 through 2015, felony rates continued to decline and remain at historic lows. What factors contributed to this safer city is a worthy inquiry because identifying what works will help the Department become more strategic and more efficient. It is equally important to identify which factors are not supported by evidence. Issuing summonses and making misdemeanor arrests are not cost free. The cost is paid in police time, in an increase in the number of people brought into the criminal justice system and, at times, in a fraying of the relationship between the police and the communities they serve. So that future discussion of this issue can take place in the clear light of objective data, the Department of Investigation's Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD (OIG-NYPD) undertook to examine what, if any, data-driven evidence links quality- of-life enforcement - defined narrowly for purposes of this Report as quality- of-life criminal summonses and quality- of-life misdemeanor arrests - to a reduction in felony crime.

Details: New York: New York City Department of Investigation, Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD, 2016. 85p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2016 at: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/oignypd/downloads/pdf/Quality-of-Life-Report-2010-2015.pdf

Year: 2016

Country: United States

URL: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/oignypd/downloads/pdf/Quality-of-Life-Report-2010-2015.pdf

Shelf Number: 139632

Keywords:
Arrests
Broken Windows Theory
Crime Statistics
Crime Trends
Felonies
Misdemeanors
Summonses

Author: Kane-Willis, Kathleen

Title: Patchwork Policy: an evaluation of arrests and tickets for marijuana misdemeanors in Illinois

Summary: Nationally, the conversation around marijuana has changed significantly. More than 75% of Americans support measures that would end criminal sanctions for those in possession of small amounts of marijuana. According to polling data released in 2014, 63% of Illinois voters support a marijuana decriminalization bill. Despite these changing attitudes, Illinois's dubious distinctions in terms of marijuana possession arrests is evident in nearly every metric when compared with other states and the national average: - Illinois ranked 5th nationally in the number of arrests for marijuana possession in 2010; - Of the 5 states with the largest number of marijuana possession arrests from 2001 to 2010, Illinois' rate of arrest increased the fastest, by nearly one-third ; - Illinois tied with Texas for 1st place for the proportion of marijuana possession arrests (97.8%) compared to all marijuana arrests and including sales, manufacturing, and delivery arrests; - Illinois ranked fourth in the nation for the rate of arrests for marijuana possession per 100K; - Illinois's marijuana possession arrest rate is more than 150% higher than the national average; - Illinois ranked third in the nation for the black to white racial disparity of marijuana possession offenders, despite the fact that marijuana use is the same between these two groups; - In Illinois, African Americans were about 7.6 times more likely to be arrested than whites; - Cook County made the most marijuana possession arrests of any county in the nation with 33,068 arrests in 2010 and also had one of the worst racial disparity rates in the nation; - Illinois' estimated spending for marijuana possession ranged from $78 million to $364 million per year on marijuana possession arrests and adjudications. In Illinois, 84% of all marijuana arrests are for misdemeanor possession and these arrests represent a sizable portion of arrests within the state. For example: - Three year averages for marijuana misdemeanor arrests from 2010-2013 are over 41,000 per year; - In comparison to FBI index crimes, arrests for marijuana misdemeanors were equivalent to 50% of arrests for all index crimes, that is serious and violent crimes; - Compared to all drug arrests, marijuana misdemeanor arrests make up 39% of drug arrests - including sales and possession of controlled substances - in the state of Illinois; - Of marijuana misdemeanor arrests, 85% of arrests were for possession of cannabis totaling less than 10 grams. As part of these changing attitudes, over 100 Illinois municipalities have passed ordinances that provide ticketing alternatives for small amounts of marijuana. Arrests however, can still be made under state law allowing law enforcement personnel to choose between arresting or ticketing individuals in possession of marijuana. An analysis of pre and post ordinance implementation arresting patterns found: - Of the four municipalities reviewed, Chicago had the smallest decrease in arrests, with arrests declining by only 21% while Evanston had the largest decrease (46%); - Marijuana misdemeanor arrests decreased by 40% in Urbana and by over 32% in Yorkville. In order to understand the level of ticketing to arrests within each municipality, we calculated the ratio of tickets to arrests in six municipalities. Large differences were found between cities: - Countryside had the highest level of implementation, with 88% of marijuana possession violations resulted in tickets; - In Champaign, 75% of marijuana misdemeanor offenders received a ticket instead of arrest; - In Evanston, 69% of misdemeanor marijuana possession violations resulted in a ticket; - Urbana was slightly more likely to arrest than administer a ticket for marijuana possession (59% v. 41%); - In Chicago, 93% of misdemeanor marijuana possession violations resulted in an arrest and in only 7% of cases a ticket was issued; Since ticketing has been identified as a way of possibly reducing the negative impact of disproportionate minority contact (DMC), we assessed municipalities that provided race and ethnicity data: - Study results indicated no real change in DMC after ticketing ordinances were implemented; - Individuals receiving the tickets appeared to be a subset of those arrested; - Yorkville showed little disproportionate minority contact prior to and after ticketing, while Evanston demonstrated high levels of DMC. Arrest and ticket rate per 100,000 individuals was calculated in order to formulate accurate comparisons between municipalities of varying population sizes: - Chicago had the highest arrest rate of any municipality in the study, even after the ordinance was implemented, with nearly 590 arrests per 100,000 individuals; - Chicago was the only municipality studied with a marijuana arrest rate higher than the state rate, specifically 150% higher than the state average; and more than 230% higher than the U.S. rate; - Evanston had the lowest arrest rate with 128 arrests per 100,000 individuals; The sizable difference between Chicago's arrest rate and the rates of other municipalities warranted additional analyses. The number of arrests made in Chicago for marijuana misdemeanors drives state totals: - In 2011, Chicago's misdemeanor arrest comprised almost 50% of the state total; - Despite the decrease from 2011 - 2013, the number of arrests was still disarmingly high in 2013, comprising 38% of Illinois total misdemeanor arrests; - Additionally, the decrease in arrests did not represent a fundamental shift - both in 2001 and 2002, marijuana misdemeanor arrests were lower than in the most recent year (2013). Arguments for the ticketing ordinance were focused on police time and costs. We calculated the amount of time and costs spent on marijuana arrests after the ticket was implemented and found: - In 2013, Chicago police spent from 24,000 hours to 63,000 hours arresting marijuana misdemeanants; - In 2013, the costs associated with misdemeanor marijuana arrests ranged from $25 million to upwards of $115 million dollars after the passage of the ticketing ordinance; - If misdemeanor arrests were reduced by half, potential costs savings range from $12.5 million to $57.9 million; if the number of arrests dropped by three quarters, estimated costs savings range between $18.8 million to $86.9 million per year. The low number of tickets given in Chicago in 2013 (only 1,100) resulted in a significant amount of lost revenue: - The amount of revenue generated for 2013 from marijuana tickets was small, around $416,250; - If half of the number of arrests were charged as tickets, the revenue generated would be closer to $2.9 million and if three-quarters of arrest resulted in tickets, the revenue generated would be more than $4.5 million per year. Marijuana misdemeanor rates within community areas prior to and after the implementation of the Chicago ticketing ordinance were also analyzed: - Geographic disparity by community area was found even after the ticketing ordinance was implemented, with marijuana possession rates that are more than 1100% above the national average; - After the ticketing ordinance was implemented, disparities in neighborhood arrest rates increased, for example Fuller Park, East Garfield Park, and West Garfield Park had arrest rates that were 7 times higher than the city of Chicago's average rate; - Compared to the Edison Park (the neighborhood with the lowest arrest rate), neighborhoods such as Fuller Park, East and West Garfield Park had marijuana arrest rates that were more than 150 times higher after implementing the ticket ordinance; - Neighborhoods with a large African American population were found to be predictive of high arrest rates for marijuana misdemeanor arrests (p < .001). Findings Inconsistencies in the implementation of ticketing legislation are the result of disparities in ticket administration from one community area to the next. Discrepancies in the application of the tickets by geography create a patchwork system of policy resulting in an unequal application of justice. Because a two-tiered system still exists, police retain discretion and can choose who to ticket and who to arrest. Geography, not justice, determines whether marijuana possession results in a fine or an arrest.

Details: Chicago: Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy, 2014. 79p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx

Year: 2014

Country: United States

URL: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx

Shelf Number: 147873

Keywords:
Arrests
Drug Addicts
Drug Offenders
Marijuana
Misdemeanors

Author: Freeman, Linda

Title: Arrest Rates: Maya's Place Place Clients 2005-2011 and Crossroads Clients 2001-2011

Summary: In fall 2014, the New Mexico Sentencing Commission (NMSC), Crossroads and Mayas Place began a partnership to understand criminal justice involvement of clients of both programs. Staff from Crossroads and Mayas Place provided NMSC with client lists. Using these lists, NMSC staff removed any duplicated clients and identified clients who had been both Mayas Place and Crossroads clients. If a client had been in both programs, we tracked them from their start date at Mayas Place. In our initial analysis, we discovered that only 9.8% of Crossroads clients and 19.6% of Mayas Place clients had ever been to prison in New Mexico. Additionally, 31.4% of Crossroads clients and 50.6% of Mayas Place clients had been on New Mexico Corrections Department Probation and Parole Probation supervised probation anytime in the time period 2004-2014. Rather than focus our analysis on return to prison outcomes, we decided to focus our efforts on New Mexico arrests and bookings in the Bernalillo County Metropolitan Detention. In this report we will focus on New Mexico arrests. The source of the data is the New Mexico Department of Public Safety Arrest database that is provided to NMSC on a quarterly basis. The data contains all arrests in the state from January 2000 to December 2014.

Details: Albuquerque: New Mexico Sentencing Commission, 2015. 1p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2016 at: http://nmsc.unm.edu/reports/2015/arrest-rates-mayas-place-clients-2005-2011-and-crossroads-clients-2001-2011.pdf

Year: 2016

Country: United States

URL: http://nmsc.unm.edu/reports/2015/arrest-rates-mayas-place-clients-2005-2011-and-crossroads-clients-2001-2011.pdf

Shelf Number: 146130

Keywords:
Arrests
Crime Statistics
Hispanics

Author: Phillips, Mary T.

Title: Misdemeanor Marijuana Arrests New York City 2012-2014

Summary: Changes in the handling of arrests for possession of small amounts of marijuana have taken place at a rapid pace in New York City during the past several years. This report examines some of those changes and their impact on volume and outcomes in misdemeanor marijuana possession arrests. The research also addresses the impact of these changes on ethnic disparities in marijuana arrests and outcomes. The study focuses on arrests for criminal possession of marijuana in the fifth degree, which is a class B misdemeanor under Penal Law §221.10. Persons found in possession of any amount of marijuana, either "open to public view" or "burning" (i.e., being smoked), can be charged under subsection 1 of this law. Possession of more than 25 grams of marijuana is a crime under subsection 2 of the law, which does not require the marijuana to be in public view or burning. In 2014, over 98% of misdemeanor arrests for marijuana possession in New York City were made under PL 221.10. For years this has been the single most frequent criminal offense in the City, with steadily rising arrest volume during much of the past decade. In 2010 and 2011, well over 40,000 cases with a top arrest charge of PL 221.10 were prosecuted each year (Phillips 2014, Table 1). A series of policy shifts beginning in late 2011 reversed this trend, reducing the volume of arrests for misdemeanor marijuana possession and according more lenient treatment to the arrests that were made. In September 2011, in the wake of public criticism of the NYPD's "stop" and "frisk" practices, Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly issued a directive instructing officers not to make arrests for small amounts of marijuana unless it is in public view - by the suspects' own volition (Harris 2011). This was aimed at allegations that police officers were ordering suspects to empty their pockets during "stop" and "frisk" operations, and then arresting them if any marijuana was displayed as a result. Although it was framed as a reminder of existing policy rather than a new policy, the directive was followed by a steep decline in the volume of marijuana possession arrests in every borough (Phillips 2014, Tables 1 & 2). In May 2013, the final year of the Bloomberg administration, a new policy directed the police to issue a Desk Appearance Ticket (DAT) in all arrests with a top charge of PL 221.10, as long as the defendant produced adequate identification and had no outstanding warrants. The marijuana DAT policy initiative was aimed at reducing the proportion of low-level marijuana arrests in which the defendant was taken into custody, rather than reducing arrest volume. Since the 1960s the NYPD has routinely issued DATs for a limited number of misdemeanor offenses, historically including large numbers of suspects charged with PL 221.10. A suspect who qualifies for a DAT on the basis of the charge and other criteria is taken to the precinct house for an eligibility check and, if additional eligibility criteria are met, the person is released with a ticket instructing him or her to appear in court for arraignment on a future date, several weeks to several months later. (See Phillips 2014 for a detailed description of charge and other eligibility criteria for DATs.) The proportion of 221.10 prosecuted arrests in which a DAT was issued had been rising prior to 2013 - from 13% in 2003 to 50% in 2012 (ibid., Figure 7) - and the prospect of further extending DATs to virtually all arrests for this offense led to predictions of skyrocketing DAT volume. Those predictions turned out to be inaccurate, for reasons that will be explored in this report. A year and a half after implementation of the DAT policy, a new administration announced yet another policy change. In November 2014 the new mayor, Bill de Blasio, and his new police commissioner, William J. Bratton, announced that suspects found in possession of 25 grams or less of marijuana "in a public place and open to public view" would no longer be arrested, as long as the person was not charged with additional fingerprintable offenses. Instead, these suspects would be issued a Criminal Court summons (summons, - also known as a "pink slip") and charged with a non-criminal violation, PL 221.05. Burning is still subject to arrest for 221.10 under the new policy, as is the possession of a small amount "in a manner that is inconsistent with personal use" (NYPD 2014). Persons found with more than 25 grams (and less than 2 ounces) of marijuana are also still subject to arrest under subsection 2 of PL 221.10. The marijuana summons policy was hailed by The New York Times as "the most significant criminal justice policy initiative by Mr. de Blasio since he was sworn in as mayor" (Baker 2014). Many people hoped that it would alleviate widely acknowledged ethnic disparities in low-level marijuana arrests, which disproportionately fall on black and Latino men. One columnist called the new policy a "sledgehammer" that the administration is now swinging at entrenched racism in the system (Dwyer 2014). The summons policy was not greeted with universal acclaim, however, even by some advocates of more lenient treatment for marijuana offenders. Brooklyn District Attorney Kenneth P. Thompson, whose office had been refusing to prosecute many marijuana possession arrests for months (Clifford & Goldstein 2014), objected that by issuing a summons instead of making an arrest, the police were undercutting his prosecutorial discretion (Baker 2014; Goldstein 2014; Mora 2014). This argument pointed to an unintended consequence of the initiative: cases that would have been dismissed by prosecutors under the old policy now go directly to summons court with no prosecutorial review. Other concerns included a lack of due process in summons court and the inability to monitor ethnic disparity because ethnicity is not collected on the summons form. These and other reservations about the summons policy were summarized in a press release from the Drug Policy Alliance, an advocacy organization for drug law reform, which nonetheless remained "cautiously optimistic" (Drug Policy Alliance 2015). A New York Times editorial declared that getting a summons is "better than being arrested" but expressed skepticism about the overall merits of the reform because it "does not reach the fundamental problem of discriminatory policing." The editorial also expressed concern about exposing people to arrest for missing court dates, and lack of transparency in the summons court system (New York Times, 2014). How has the court system been affected by these policy changes? Although many aspects of the policies' impact lie beyond the scope of this study, we can provide a preliminary assessment of two major parameters: arrest volume and DAT issuance for 221.10 offenses. In the months following November 2014, we anticipated a downturn in marijuana arrest volume but - because the marijuana summons policy does not extend to burning or to arrests under subsection 2 - it was difficult to guess how low the volume would go. (Neither the subsection nor the factual allegations for an arrest are collected in the CJA database, making it impossible to distinguish open view from burning, or from possession of over 25 grams.) We also anticipated a slump in the DAT issuance rate after November 2014 because summonses would go primarily to those who previously would have received a DAT. Some factors that would disqualify a person from receiving a summons - an active warrant or lack of adequate identification, for example - are also disqualifying factors for a DAT. This suggests that if a summons is not issued in a marijuana possession arrest, a DAT will not be issued, either, unless the summons was denied because burning was involved, the amount was over 25 grams, or the suspect was charged with another finger-printable offense. Any of these three factors would disqualify a person from a summons, but a DAT could be issued. Finally, any analysis of recent marijuana arrest volume needs to take into account an anomalous period of about three weeks from late December 2014 to mid-January 2015. The killing of two police officers on December 20, 2014 - and the Mayor's perceived lack of support for the NYPD in the aftermath of those killings - triggered a work slowdown by the police that decreased the number of all arrests to a fraction of normal volume in the weeks that followed. The slowdown did not target marijuana offenses specifically, but our analysis shows that 221.10 arrests dropped by over 80% during this period).

Details: New York: New York City Criminal Justice Agency, 2015. 67p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2016 at: www.nycja.org

Year: 2015

Country: United States

URL: www.nycja.org

Shelf Number: 146015

Keywords:
Arrests
Drug Offenders
Drug Policy
Marijuana
Misdemeanors

Author: Vanlaar, Ward

Title: Driving While Impaired Arrest Process Improvement: Six Case Studies of Strategies Used by Law Enforcement to Reduce the Cost and Time of Processing a DWI Arrest

Summary: This final report of the Driving While Impaired Arrest Process project includes six case studies of strategies used by law enforcement to reduce the cost and time of processing DWI arrests. The objectives of this study are to identify law enforcement agencies that have made improvements to their DWI arrest procedures that have resulted in time and/or cost savings, and gather data from these jurisdictions to describe any such savings experienced as a result of these improvements. The improvements, their resulting time and cost savings, as well as experiences regarding the implementation of these improvements are described in this report and used to inform the development of a roadmap that other agencies can rely upon if they are interested in implementing these types of solutions.

Details: Washington, DC: National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, 2016. 62p.

Source: Internet Resource: DOT HS 812 308: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: https://www.nhtsa.gov/sites/nhtsa.dot.gov/files/812308-dwi-arrest-process-improvement.pdf

Year: 2016

Country: United States

URL: https://www.nhtsa.gov/sites/nhtsa.dot.gov/files/812308-dwi-arrest-process-improvement.pdf

Shelf Number: 144924

Keywords:
Arrests
Costs of Criminal Justice
Driving Under the Influence
Drunk Driving
DUI
Impaired Drivers

Author: Cox, Robynn

Title: Financing the War on Drugs: The Impact of law Enforcement Grants on Racial Disparities in Drug Arrests

Summary: We estimate the effectiveness of the Edward Byrne Memorial State and Local Law Enforcement Assistance Program, a grant program authorized under the 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act to combat illicit drug abuse and to improve the criminal justice system, on racial bias in policing. Funds for the Byrne Grant program could be used for a variety of purposes to combat drug crimes, as well as violent and other drug related crimes. The event-study analysis suggests that implementation of this grant resulted in an increase in police hiring and an increase in arrests for drug trafficking. Post-treatment effect implies a 107 percent increase in white arrests for drug sales compared to a 44 percent increase for blacks 6 years after the first grant is received. However, due to historical racial differences in drug arrests, the substantial increase in white drug arrest still results in large racial disparities in drug arrests. This is supported by weighted least squares regression estimates that show, for every $100 increase in Byrne Grant funding, arrests for drug trafficking increased by roughly 22 per 100,000 white residents and by 101 arrests per 100,000 black residents. The results provide strong evidence that federal involvement in narcotic control and trafficking lead to an increase in drug arrests; disproportionally affecting blacks.

Details: Los Angeles: University of Southern California, 2017. 45p.

Source: Internet Resource: CESR-Schaeffer Working Paper No. 2017-005: Accessed November 20, 2017 at:

Year: 2017

Country: United States

URL:

Shelf Number: 148280

Keywords:
Arrests
Drug Enforcement
Drug Offenders
Racial Bias
Racial Disparities
War on Drugs

Author: Dupuy, Danielle

Title: Policing the Houseless 2.0: Arrests by the LAPD (2012-2017)

Summary: On October 10, 2017, the Million Dollar Hoods research team released, "Policing the Houseless," which documented the trends and disparities in LAPD arrests of houseless persons between 2011 and 2016. After its release, we received several requests for additional analyses of LAPD data. In particular, community members wanted to know the 2017 arrest trends and the types of charges leading LAPD arrests of houseless persons. Using LAPD arrest data for January 1, 2012 to June 30, 2017, this report documents that LAPD arrests of houseless persons continued to climb during the first six months of 2017 and that just five charge categories accounted for the majority of houseless arrests.

Details: Los Angeles, CA: Million Dollar Hoods, 2017. 6p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 14, 2019 at: https://bunchecenter.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/82/2017/12/Policing-the-House-2.0.FINAL_.pdf

Year: 2017

Country: United States

URL: https://bunchecenter.ucla.edu/2017/12/06/policing-the-houseless-2-0-arrests-by-the-lapd-2012-2017-a-million-dollar-hoods-report/

Shelf Number: 154143

Keywords:
Arrests
Homeless
Houseless
LAPD
Million Dollar Hoods

Author: American Civil Liberties Union of DC

Title: Racial Disparities in D.C. Policing: Descriptive Evidence from 2013-2017

Summary: Racial disparities pervade criminal justice systems across the country; Washington, D.C. is no exception. The District of Columbia's Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) recently provided extensive arrest data for the years 2013 to 2017 in response to a Freedom of Information Act request filed by Open the Government and ACLU-DC. An examination of that data by the ACLU Analytics Team revealed a pattern of disproportionate arrests of Black people that persists across geographic areas and offense types. It also showed that MPD arrests thousands of people every year for relatively minor offenses. This report analyzes these trends and proposes steps for addressing them.

Details: Washington, DC: American Civil Liberties Union of DC, 2019. 10p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2019 at: https://www.acludc.org/en/racial-disparities-dc-policing-descriptive-evidence-2013-2017

Year: 2019

Country: United States

URL: https://www.acludc.org/en/racial-disparities-dc-policing-descriptive-evidence-2013-2017

Shelf Number: 156213

Keywords:
Arrests
Law Enforcement
Policing
Racial Disparities
Racial Profiling
Racism

Author: Smith, James P.

Title: As Youthful Arrests Spike, Their Consequences Rise, Too

Summary: Americans are experiencing higher rates of arrests and convictions by age 26 than did members of the generations before them - and the consequences may be serious and lasting for them and the nation, according to a RAND Corporation study by James P. Smith. The study showed that Americans ages 26 - 35 were 3.6 times more likely to have been arrested by 26 when compared with those who were age 66 and older. Roughly a third of men ages 26 - 35 had been arrested by 26, 2.6 times the rate of those 66 and older.

Details: Santa Monica, California: RAND Corporation, 2019. 4p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 1, 2019 at: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_briefs/RB10062.html

Year: 2019

Country: United States

URL: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_briefs/RB10062.html

Shelf Number: 157090

Keywords:
Arrests
Youths