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Date: November 25, 2024 Mon
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Results for at-risk youth (montreal, canada, mexico city)
1 results foundAuthor: Boudreau, Julie-Anne Title: Constructing Youth Citizenship in Montreal and Mexico City: The Examples of Youth-Police Relations in Saint-Michel and Iztapalapa Summary: Montreal has witnessed cyclical concerns about youth violence and street gangs. The threat is often “politically” constructed. Currently, Mexico City is struggling with a pervasive sense of insecurity. While the threat in Canada was largely attributed to mafias and organized crime throughout the 1990s (Sheptycki 2003), fear has crystallised on the figure of the young gang member in Mexico and Canada in the past few years. As Ungar writes, [y]outh thus become objects of collective fear, seen not as individuals but for the anxieties they cause and the jarring cultural changes they are seen to embrace. The particular impulsiveness of youths, wrapped up in their hostility to tradition and authority, only serves to aggravate these tensions. (Ungar 2009: 208)1 As a result, youths become the target of police action in public spaces. New repression measures are implemented, such as zero-tolerance policies or anti-gang operations, combined with a strengthened set of preventive actions ranging from youth brigades, to participatory youth projects, to community policing. In Montreal, preventive programs are generously financed by the Quebec Government and the Government of Canada. The money is channelled in priority boroughs selected on the basis of their scoring on a set of risk factors (such as household socio-economic status, school dropout rates, number of single-parent households, proportion of immigrants, general state of the built environment, the presence of gang activities in the borough, etc.). In Mexico City, particularly under the mayorship of Lopez Obrador (2000-2005), police reforms focused on community-run policing programs. The City of Mexico now has several programs for “at-risk” youths, including community youth brigades. Notably, and as discussed in greater detail in the Mexico section, today the Policía Sectorial, which is centrally overseen by the City, manages an outreach program for youth in schools that attempts to connect youth and police in a non-threatening environment. In addition to the citywide effort, Iztapalapa, the only borough in Mexico City with Auxiliary police directly under its command, also has a small team of Auxiliary police officers that implement similar efforts within the delegación. These programs are the closest thing to gang prevention efforts conducted by police in this borough. Such area-based approaches to crime prevention are reflected in the United Nations Guidelines for the Prevention of Crime (2002) and the earlier United Nations Guidelines for the Prevention of Urban Crime (1995), which call for a local approach to problem solving, taking into account the context of vulnerability to being victimized and/or to offending, as well as local resources. Situational approaches build on the “broken windows theory” (Wilson and Kelling 1982) among others, and community crime prevention, which includes consideration of such issues as social capital. The literature on street gangs by criminologists or psychologists (Goldstein 1991; Thornberry et al. 1993; Hawkins 1998) are also relevant. The concern is generally to find causal relationships between background factors (or risk factors) and illegal or violent acts, in order to point towards elements in which to intervene preventively. Over the course of the 1990s, this came to be known as the “new penology” (Feely and Simon 1992), which positions the criminal as a statistical probability to manage. Crime is not conceptualized as transgression; it is understood as the result of the accumulation of risk factors in a territory or an individual. Following this logic, the prevention system aims more to neutralize danger by regulating risks than by punishing or rehabilitating individuals. The stigmatizing effects of this (such as ghettoizing and/or racial profiling) have been largely documented by urban geographers and sociologists (Davis 1998; Symons 1999; Romero 2006; Wacquant 2006; Dikeç 2007). The work of Philoctète at the Maison d’Haïti in Saint-Michel in Montreal (confirmed by the data presented here) has documented how youths perceive the stigmatizing effects of prevention programs and research on their neighbourhood. Yet Saint-Michel has been very innovative in its approach to issues of street crime and insecurity in the borough, developing a comprehensive crime prevention approach which encompasses a range of socio-cultural, developmental and structural concerns. The neighbourhood police work on an area-based logic given the administrative structures in place, but recognize Saint-Michel as a community as well. The neighbourhood has seen many projects beyond gang prevention: support services of all types, work with migrant communities, cross-sector partnerships, community mobilization, etc. As Fady Dagher, former Police Commandant in Saint-Michel, said in a presentation at the 12th UN Congress in Salvador, they are trying to explicitly move from “zero tolerance” to “tolerance”. Much of this local approach is focused on the neighbourhood and the immediate community. Yet, a previous project has shown how moving around the city is important to youths and contributes greatly to their development (Cissé and Boudreau 2009; Guthrie 2009; Boudreau, Janni, and Chatel, 2011; see also Madzou and Bacqué 2008). This mobile and fluid aspect of youths’ everyday life is not always taken into account in prevention projects in Montreal and Mexico City. The developments in Saint-Michel are encouraging, but the youths to whom we spoke still feel at a distance from these programs and labelled as “vulnerable”. The previous research conducted by VESPA has highlighted depoliticization (making delinquency a technical, rather than a publicly debatable problem) as an important effect of these preventive approaches (Boudreau, Janni, and Chatel 2011). It became clear that one of the important effects of preventive measures framed by “at-risk” categorizations is to deny youths any sense of meaningful socio-political agency. As a street worker stated, “it is important to humanize the gang. In it, there are individuals with broken lives” (November 18, 2008, our translation). Viewing gangs as a technical problem of risk management depoliticizes the issue, while stripping youths of individual and group subjectivity. They are seen as vulnerable to gang recruitment rather than as individuals and groups able to act intentionally and autonomously. Parazelli’s (2004) work with street youths in Montreal demonstrates how they create their own autonomous space of action in reaction to the effects of this risk management logic of preventive action. Fortunately, some innovative projects on youth participation are seeking to counteract this (ICPC Youth Resource Guide 2010). With this project, we seek to contribute to this search for solutions. Details: Montreal: Institut national de la recherche scientifique Centre - Urbanisation Culture Société, 2012. 167p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 21, 2012 at: http://im.metropolis.net/research-policy/research_content/doc/Youth-police_relations_in_Montreal_and_Mexico_City-final_report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://im.metropolis.net/research-policy/research_content/doc/Youth-police_relations_in_Montreal_and_Mexico_City-final_report.pdf Shelf Number: 126389 Keywords: At-Risk Youth (Montreal, Canada, Mexico City)GangsJuvenile OffendersPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsUrban CrimeYouth GangsYouth Violence |