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Date: April 25, 2024 Thu
Time: 12:55 pm
Time: 12:55 pm
Results for genocide
6 results foundAuthor: Human Rights First Title: Disrupting the Supply Chain for Mass Atrocities. How to Stop Third-Party Enablers of Genocide and Other Crimes Against Humanity Summary: Mass atrocities are organized crimes. Those who commit genocide and crimes against humanity depend on third parties for the goods and services-money, materiel, political support, and a host of other resources-that sustain large-scale violence against civilians. Third parties have supplied military aircraft used by the Sudan Armed Forces against civilians, refined gold and other minerals coming out of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, and ensured a steady flow of arms into Rwanda. Governments seeking to prevent atrocities cannot afford a narrow and uncoordinated focus on the perpetrators of such violence. Rather, an effective strategy must include identifying and pressuring third-party enablers - individuals, commercial entities, and countries - in order to interrupt the supply chains that fuel mass violence against civilians. Details: New York: Human Rights First, 2011. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper: Accessed August 25, 2015 at: https://www.humanrightsfirst.org/wp-content/uploads/pdf/Disrupting_the_Supply_Chain-July_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: https://www.humanrightsfirst.org/wp-content/uploads/pdf/Disrupting_the_Supply_Chain-July_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 136573 Keywords: GenocideHuman RightsMass AtrocitiesMass ViolenceOrganized Crime |
Author: Lovgren, Rose Title: Masculinity and mass violence in Africa: Ongoing debates, concepts and trends Summary: At a time when attention to the male gender aspects of violence and security is growing, this DIIS Working Paper by Rose Lovgren analyzes how masculinity has been related to war, conflict and genocide in African countries. The purpose of the paper is twofold: firstly, by reviewing an extensive literature Rose Lovgren seeks to draw up an overview of the ongoing political and academic discussions in which violence is linked to different understandings of masculinity. Secondly, she problematizes some of the underlying assumptions about gender in general and masculinity in particular and highlight their, at times troubling, political implications. Violence on the African continent has often been explained with reference to culturally disconnected anxious young men, who react to 'masculinity in crisis' with a desire for violence and destruction. Other parts of the literature have argued that especially African patriarchies foster violent political organization. What kind of gendered understandings are produced and foreclosed by these interpretations and how do they affect the political responses to violence? More recently, men's participation in war has been explained by a global economic situation that leaves them with no or few other choices of income, and their vulnerability in this situation has received more attention. How can we engage these gender aspects of perpetrating and being subjected to violence academically and politically? Details: Copenhagen: DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: DIIS Working Paper,2015:08: Accessed March 18, 2016 at: http://pure.diis.dk/ws/files/380566/WP_2015_8.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Africa URL: http://pure.diis.dk/ws/files/380566/WP_2015_8.pdf Shelf Number: 138337 Keywords: GenocideMalesMasculinityViolence |
Author: Bellamy, Alex Title: Reducing Risk, Strengthening Resilience: Toward the Structural Prevention of Atrocity Crimes Summary: Despite the commitment of world governments to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle in 2005 to prevent genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity (atrocity crimes), it has proven difficult to make the prevention of atrocity crimes a lived reality. It has been common to separate prevention into two components: operational prevention, aimed at preventing violence that is imminent, and structural prevention, aimed at reducing or mitigating the underlying risks of violent conflict ahead of time. Over the past decade, steady progress has been made on developing the operational prevention of atrocity crimes. However, somewhat less progress has been made on structural prevention, largely because this important work upstream from atrocity crimes does not receive the world attention of the crimes themselves. Also, the work of structural prevention is integrated with a range of additional program areas and processes, including governance and the rule of law, peacebuilding, and human rights. Despite the lack of attention and broader, more comprehensive program processes, the work of structural prevention is absolutely essential to truly preventing atrocity crimes. Over a number of years, the Stanley Foundation has supported fresh thinking and policy dialogue on structural prevention. This policy analysis brief attempts to synthesize the key conclusions from this work, and importantly, articulates ways to translate theories of structural prevention into practice. Details: Muscatine, IA: Stanley Foundation, 2016. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Analysis Brief: Accessed August 2, 2016 at: http://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pab/Risk-Resilience-BellamyPAB416.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pab/Risk-Resilience-BellamyPAB416.pdf Shelf Number: 139939 Keywords: Atrocity Crimes GenocideHuman Rights Abuses |
Author: Burger, Johan Title: Violent Crime on Farms and Smallholdings in South Africa Summary: Farm attacks and farm murders are a contentious topic in South Africa. Claims have been made that the criminal attacks on farms are a deliberate form of white - specifically Afrikaner - genocide. But are farm dwellers and particularly white Afrikaans farmers the target? Or are these crimes part of a bigger picture of escalating brutal violence countrywide? Are statistics accessible and accurate so as to paint a true landscape of violent crime in rural South Africa? Details: Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies, 2018. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 14, 2018 at: file:///C:/Users/AuthUser/Downloads/policy-brief-115v2.pdf Year: 2018 Country: South Africa URL: file:///C:/Users/AuthUser/Downloads/policy-brief-115v2.pdf Shelf Number: 151550 Keywords: FarmsGenocideRural CrimeViolent CrimeViolent Crime Statistics |
Author: The Sentry Title: Fear, Inc. War War Profiteering in the Central African Republic and the Bloody Rise of Abdoulaye Hissene Summary: Since 2013, the conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) has repeatedly made international headlines, with alarms being raised over the escalating violence and even precursors to genocide in the country. Ethnic purges and other mass atrocities continue to take place on a near-daily basis against entire communities. A great, but unknown, number of civilians have died in the conflict and the instability has led to a major humanitarian crisis. In May 2018, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) announced that an unprecedented 1.27 million people have been internally displaced or forced to flee the country. Over the past 20 years, there have been a growing number of initiatives aimed at ending the CAR conflict, but these have had little impact. The country has seen a series of peace, disarmament and amnesty agreements; long-term UN peacekeeping missions and humanitarian assistance; foreign military operations; and elections. Billions of dollars have been spent in an attempt to restore stability and compensate for the lack of state control. Since 2014, the UN mission in CAR, also known as MINUSCA, has cost more than $3.2 billion. The European Union, a long-term and major development partner in CAR, has also disbursed nearly $200 million during the same period. Despite these efforts, the various mediation initiatives have failed to obtain a political compromise sufficient to manage the simple respect of a ceasefire. Today, there are multiple armed gangs, self-defense and politico military groups that control or exercise influence across the entire national territory. Worse yet, the perpetrators of atrocities are recognized by regional and international actors as legitimate political interlocutors with whom dialogue is necessary and peace must be negotiated. In August 2018 the African Union announced the end of a series of meetings with representatives of 14 armed groups to record their claims, even though some of the leaders have been placed under sanctions by the United Nations (UN) and the United-States (US). The African Union presented a list of more than 100 demands made by armed groups, including power sharing and amnesty. At the same time, a parallel dialogue was initiated by the Russian government, which invited to Khartoum the military leaders of the most violent armed groups active in the CAR conflict for almost a decade. Today, these so-called dialogues aimed at ending the deadly war have been captured by the agenda of perpetrators of mass atrocities who have shown no intention of making peace. Between 2016 and 2018, The Sentry investigated one such armed group representative, Abdoulaye Hissene, a notorious warlord involved in CAR's conflict for almost a decade. Formerly a diamond and gold trader, and since 2009 the leader of various politico-military groups, Hissene has been recognized as being responsible for an attempted coup in late 2015 and for targeted violence against UN and humanitarian staff. Since 2017, the United States, then followed by the full UN Security Council, have decided to impose sanctions through an asset freeze and travel ban. Chad announced it had implemented these sanctions, and the CAR government issued an international arrest warrant for him in 2016. Despite these measures and several attempts to arrest him, he remains a free man. The Sentry's investigation also reveals that Hissene has been successful building a profitable business and even since he has been under sanctions. He has amassed a fortune out of devastating sectarian violence. By inciting hatred and sowing divisions between ethnic and religious communities, he has gradually become a central player in the country's conflict. Hissene's rise has been possible thanks to strong ties he has developed over time with national and regional heads of state, their close allies, and with foreign business partners. In 2014, amid the ethnic cleansing of the Muslim population in CAR, Hissene enjoyed diplomatic status and traveled abroad, notably to Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Chad, Kenya, United Arab Emirates, Switzerland, and France. During these travels, he expanded his list of partners and created lucrative business opportunities. At the end of 2014, after being fired from office and formally joining the armed opposition movement, he declared to the Chadian and Congolese heads of state that "what we want is to destroy everything to rebuild the country." He also convinced a Swiss oil company that he would be able to secure an oil contract with the Chadian national oil petroleum company. Acting as a "minister" and a leader of armed groups, and advertising his control of rich mining sites, Hissene has also developed an illicit trade in diamond and gold, particularly in Cameroon and in Kenya. Hissene's rise illustrates a violent system endemic in CAR, and similar to other countries in east and central Africa, that incentivizes conflict over peace. War profiteers and their allies hamper political and peace efforts, since conflict and state collapse are seen as lucrative business and smart politics. Sectarian violence is used as a political negotiation tool and actors who chose to pursue peace are largely kept out of negotiations. In this system, the greater the perpetrators of atrocities and their accomplices represent a threat to the central power, the more they will become essential political interlocutors and increase their financial gain. In 2015, the UN Security Council took a strong step when It decided to impose sanctions on a diamond company, Badica/Kardiam, accused of financing armed groups at the peak of the 2014 crisis. Despite this positive step, no other entities or businessmen faced any consequences for their role in the financing of the deadly conflict. By focusing on Hissene to illustrate war profiteering, this report calls for an in-depth reassessment of the strategy to support the emergence of CAR from its crisis. As long as violence is profitable for those behind the atrocities and their business networks both inside and outside the country, long-term peace in CAR and the rest of the Central African region will remain an illusion. It is time to send a strong signal to war profiteers so that their crimes will be less lucrative and bear increasingly costly consequences. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentry, 2018. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 13, 2018 at: https://cdn.thesentry.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/FearInc_TheSentry_Nov2018-web.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central African Republic URL: https://cdn.thesentry.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/FearInc_TheSentry_Nov2018-web.pdf Shelf Number: 153409 Keywords: GangsGenocideIllicit TradeProfiteeringViolenceViolent ConflictWarlords |
Author: Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) Title: "Sold Like Fish": Crimes Against Humanity, Mass Graves, and Human Trafficking from Myanmar and Bangladesh to Malaysia from 2012 to 2015 Summary: On April 30, 2015, Thai authorities announced the discovery of a mass grave in a makeshift camp in a forested area near the Malaysian border. The grave contained more than 30 bodies of suspected victims of human trafficking believed to be Rohingya Muslims and Bangladeshi nationals. Less than one month later, on May 25, the Royal Malaysian Police announced the discovery of 139 graves and 28 suspected human-trafficking camps in Wang Kelian, Perlis State, Malaysia. Rohingya Muslims have faced military-led attacks and severe persecution in Myanmar for decades. Fortify Rights, the United Nations, and other organizations determined that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the Myanmar authorities committed genocide against Rohingya-a crime that continues to today. These crimes forced hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees to flee the country in recent years. Most fled with hopes of finding sanctuary in Bangladesh and Malaysia, the nearest predominantly Muslim countries. This report documents how a transnational criminal syndicate-a group of individuals or organizations working together for common criminal interests- in Myanmar, Bangladesh, Thailand, and Malaysia preyed on Rohingya refugees, deceiving them into boarding ships supposedly bound for Malaysia. Motivated by profit, between 2012 and 2015, a transnational criminal syndicate held Rohingya as well as Bangladeshis at sea and in human-trafficking camps on the Malaysia-Thailand border. Traffickers provided their captives with three options: raise upwards of 7,000 Malaysian Ringgit (US$2,000) in exchange for release, be sold into further exploitation, or die in the camps. Members of a syndicate tortured, killed, raped, and otherwise abused untold numbers of men, women, and children, buying and selling them systematically in many cases, in concert with government officials. Days after the mass-grave discovery in Thailand in 2015, Thai authorities arrested a Rohingya man from Myanmar named Anwar, also known as Soe Naing, for alleged involvement in a human-trafficking ring. Thai authorities went on to arrest 102 other suspects, including senior Thai government officials. Thai authorities then began the largest human-trafficking trial in the history of Southeast Asia. On July 19, 2017, a newly established, specialized human-trafficking court in Bangkok convicted 62 defendants for crimes related to the trafficking of Rohingya and Bangladeshis to Malaysia via Thailand. Those found guilty included nine Thai government officials, including Lieutenant General Manas Kongpaen, a military general who reportedly received approximately US$1 million (3.49 million Malaysian Ringgit) in profits from the trafficking trade, including payments amounting to more than US$400,000 (1.39 million Malaysian Ringgit) in just over one month alone. In contrast, since 2015, Malaysian courts convicted only four individuals of trafficking-related offenses connected to the mass graves discovered at Wang Kelian. All those convicted were foreigners, including one Thai national, two individuals from Myanmar, and a Bangladeshi national. The Royal Malaysian Police reportedly arrested 12 police officers but eventually released them due to a lack of evidence. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)-the agency mandated to protect refugees-estimates that more than 170,000 people boarded ships from Myanmar and Bangladesh bound for Thailand and Malaysia from 2012 to 2015 and that the criminal syndicate organizing the vessels generated between US$50 million (174.5 million Malaysian Ringgit) and US$100 million (349 million Malaysian Ringgit) annually. Each ship reportedly earned traffickers an estimated US$60,000 (209,400 Malaysian Ringgit) in profits, according to UNHCR. The majority of people trafficked during this period were Rohingya Muslims; however, in late 2014 and 2015, the syndicate began targeting Bangladeshi nationals as well. This is a joint report by the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM, referred to in this report as "the Commission") and Fortify Rights. It documents human rights violations perpetrated against Rohingya Muslims trafficked from Myanmar and Bangladesh to Thailand and Malaysia from 2012 to 2015, the discovery of mass graves in Wang Kelian in Malaysia's Perlis State, and the Malaysian authorities' response to the discovery of the mass graves. It analyzes the violence against Rohingya within the framework of relevant international law. Details: Belfast, ME: Authors, 2019. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 5, 2019 at: https://www.fortifyrights.org/downloads/Fortify%20Rights-SUHAKAM%20-%20Sold%20Like%20Fish.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Asia URL: https://www.fortifyrights.org/downloads/Fortify%20Rights-SUHAKAM%20-%20Sold%20Like%20Fish.pdf Shelf Number: 155353 Keywords: Criminal SyndicatesGenocideHuman Rights AbusesHuman TraffickingRefugeesSexual Exploitation |