Transaction Search Form: please type in any of the fields below.
Date: November 22, 2024 Fri
Time: 12:19 pm
Time: 12:19 pm
Results for gun violence
273 results foundAuthor: Rand, Kristen Title: Law Enforcement and Private Citizens Killed by Concealed Handgun Permit Holders: An Analysis of News Reports, May 2007 to April 2009 Summary: This report is divided into three sections that address: law enforcement shootings incidents involving concealed handgun permit holders by state; private citizen shooting incidents involving concealed handgun permit holders by state; and summaries of prior research conducted by the Violence Policy Center, news organizations, and the National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences that the author argues refutes the "false promises" made by the gun lobby in support of "lax" concealed handgun laws. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2009 Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 116538 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Buchanan, Cate Title: No Relief: Surveyng the Effects of Gun Violence on Humanitarian and Development Personnel Summary: This report documents the victimization of development and humanitarian personnel. Based on over 2,000 questionnaires, the survey involved staff from 17 United Nations and non-governmental organizations in 90 countries. One of the key findings is that the biggest threat facing relief and development agencies appears to be criminal violence from civilians armed with handguns, rather than armed groups. Details: Geneva: Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue and the Small Arms Survey, 2009(?). 33p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 117661 Keywords: Gun ViolenceVictimization |
Author: Children's Defense Fund Title: Protect Children, Not Guns 2009 Summary: This report presents key findings on child gun deaths including firearm deaths of children and teens by: manner, state, race/Hispanic origin, year and age group. The report also provides suggests various means that can be taken to protect children and teens from gun violence. Details: Washington, DC: Children's Defense Fund, 2009. 22p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117337 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Violence |
Author: Heemskerk, Tony Title: A Report on the Illegal Movement of Firearms in British Columbia Summary: This report was commissioned because of concerns with the proliferation of illegal firearms and dramatic increase in firearms related violence, particularly with respect to organized criminal gangs who are more frequently settling disputes with guns. The report provides information on the current situation regarding the regulatory framework for firearms control; the illegal movements of firearms; the use of illegal firearms to support criminal activity; the agencies involved in regulation and enforcement and their current activities; and makes recommendations regarding changes to impact the illegal movement of firearms. Details: Victoria, BC: British Columbia Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2008. 89p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 114639 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGang ViolenceGangsGun ControlGun ViolenceIllegal Firearms (Canada) |
Author: Ehrlich, Isaac Title: Taxing Guns vs. Taxing Crime: An Application of the "Market for Offenses Model" Summary: The interaction between offenders and potential victims has so far received relatively little attention in the literature on the economics of crime. The main objective of this paper is twofold: to extend the "market for offenses model" to deal with both product and factor markets, and to apply it to the case where guns are used for crime commission by offenders and for self-protection by potential victims. This analysis offers new insights about the association between crime and guns and the limits it imposes on the efficacy of law enforcement and regulatory policies aimed to control both crime and guns. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2010. 35p. Source: Internet Resource; NBER Working Paper Series; Working Paper 16009 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118566 Keywords: Crime ControlEconomics of CrimeGun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Loomis, Dana Title: Preventing Gun Violence in the Workplace Summary: This report addresses the problem of gun violence in the workplace and strategies to prevent it. It begins with a description of the broad problem of workplace violence and then discusses factors contributing to gun violence in the workplace, responses to the problem, challenges to those responses, and research on the effectiveness of various responses. Finally, specific actions are recommended along with a summary of future research needs. Details: Alexandria, VA: ASIS International Foundation, 2008. 34p. Source: CRISP Report: Connecting Research in Security to Practice Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 113034 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsWorkplace CrimeWorkplace Violence |
Author: New Jersey. Commission of Investigation Title: Armed and Dangerous: Guns, Gangs and Easy Access to Firearms Ammunition in New Jersey Summary: This report presents a statewide invesgation into the sale and availability of firearms ammunition. It found that while New Jersey maintains some of the most stringent and restrictive laws in the United States governing the purchase and sale of handguns, the trade in actual bullets remains a wide-open, unregulated bazaar of misguided commercial activity the practical effect of which includes exacerbated gun violence on the streets of communities across the state. Details: Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Commission of Investigation, 2007. 31p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117341 Keywords: Firearms (New Jersey)Gangs (New Jersey)Gun ViolenceGuns (New Jersey) |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Indicted: Types of Firearms and Methods of Gun Trafficking from the United States to Mexico as Revealed in U.S. Court Documents Summary: Increasing public attention is focusing on the role of the U.S. civilian firearms markets as a major source of guns supplied to the Mexican drug cartels responsible for the escalating violence on the U.S.-Mexico border. Aided by restrictions - endorsed by the National Rifle Association and implemented by Congress - on the release of federal crime gun trace data and a longstanding lack of detained information on gun commerce (both legal and illegal) in America, the gun lobby has claimed that Mexican drug lords are solely using true military weapons, not their civilian counterparts, and that such guns do not come from the U.S. civilian firearms market. This report, based on indictments and criminal information filed in U.S. district courts in the southwest United States, refutes the gun lobby's claims. The information contained in these government documents demonstrates - by the make, model, caliber, manufacturer, and retail source of firearms seized in criminal trafficking cases - that the military-style semiautomatic firearms easily available on the U.S. civilian gun market are a significant component of the weapons being trafficked to, and utilized by, the Mexican cartels. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2009. 23p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 116304 Keywords: Gun ViolenceIllegal GunsMexican Drug CartelsTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Dreyfus, Pablo Title: Small Arms in Rio de Janeiro: The Guns, the Buyback, and the Victims Summary: This report presents three separate studies regarding a gun buyback program in Rio de Janeiro: Do voluntary small arms collections reduce violence? Do they work in isolation, or do they have to be combined with other control measures? The first study attempts to answer these questions by analysing the impact in the state of Rio de Janeiro of a national small arms buyback campaign that took place from July 2004 to October 2005. The study concludes that in Rio de Janeiro, small arms voluntary collection campaigns do indeed reduce armed violence, as long as they are not implemented in isolation; they must be combined with other preventative measures. The second study analyses the volume, price and symbolic value of small arms in the criminal market in the city of Rio de Janeiro. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, the study finds that 928,621 small arms circulate in the so-called Marvellous City, of which 159,723 are used in crime. The third study looks at demand for small arms in Rio de Janeiro and asks whether the characteristics of the city are unique, in particular in its impoverished peripheral areas where armed violence is most acute. Details: Geneva, Switzerland: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2008. 147p. Source: Internet Resource; Special Report by Small Arms Survey, Viva Rio, and ISER Year: 2008 Country: Brazil URL: Shelf Number: 114582 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun Buyback ProgramsGun ViolenceGunsIllicit MarketsWeapons |
Author: Van Vleet, Russell K. Title: Evaluation of Utah Project Safe Neighborhoods: Final Report Summary: This report evaluates the Utah Project Safe Neighborhoods program, a comprehensive, multi-agency intervention designed to reduce gun crime. The evaluation determined the effectiveness of PSN Partnerships, examined successful gun prosecutions, evaluated changes in felony firearm use, and measured the effectiveness of the public awareness campaign, training, and outreach programs. Details: Salt Lake City, UT: Criminal and Juvenile Justice Consortium, College of Social Work, University of Utah, 2005. 154p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 111247 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceJuvenile OffendersPartnershipsPublicity CampaignsViolent Crime |
Author: Diaz, Tom Title: Big Boomers: Rifle Power Designed Into Handguns Summary: This report examines the growing threat to law enforcement officers by the use of powerful new handguns called "big boomers" by the gun industry. The rounds fired from these guns can penetrate all but the most resistant body armor. The study traces the proliferation of various big boomers and the gun industry's increased marketing of vest-buster handguns following the 2003 introduction of the first vest buster: the Model 500 S&W Magnum from Smith & Wesson. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2008. 36p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118715 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsWeapons |
Author: Haas, Stephen M. Title: Project Safe Neighborhoods in West Virginia: Selected Findings from Gun Crime and Domestic Violence Initiatives Summary: This report describes West Virginia's Project Safe Neighborhoods, a federal initiative aimed at reducing gun violence in local communities through coordinated strategic planning. Distinct gun violence problems were identified by West Virginia's two judicial districts and each took a slightly different approach to implementing Project Safe Neighborhoods. However, the primary intervention in each district was the development of a media campaign based on deterring gun violence through awareness of federal firearms laws. Details: Charleston, WV: Criminal Justice Statistical Analysis Center, Division of Criminal Justice Services, Department of Military Affairs and Public Safety, 2007. 48p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119163 Keywords: Crime PreventionDomestic ViolenceFirearmsGun ViolenceMedia CampaignsProject Safe Neighborhoods (West Virginia) |
Author: Moffatt, Luke Title: Crime Mapping Project: Project Safe Neighborhoods Hawaii Summary: Project Safe Neighborhoods is a partnership program designed to reduce firearm-related crime. This report presents the offender dataset and crime mapping used in the implementation of Project Safe Neighborhoods in Hawaii. The report presents 37 maps constructed to show the location of offenses targeted in the program. Details: Honolulu: Hawaii Department of the Attorney General, Crime Prevention and Justice Assistance Division, 2005. 56p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119134 Keywords: Crime MappingFirearms and CrimeGun ViolenceGunsIllicit FirearmsProject Safe Neighborhoods (Hawaii) |
Author: Wilson, Jeremy M. Title: Community-Based Violence Preventoin: An Assessment of Pittsburgh's One Vision One Life Program Summary: This report assesses the implementation and impact of the One Vision One Life violence-prevention strategy in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. In 2003, Pittsburgh witnessed a 49-percent increase in homicides, prompting a grassroots creation and implementation of the One Vision One Life antiviolence strategy. This initiative used a problem-solving, data-driven model, including street-level intelligence, to intervene in escalating disputes, and seeks to place youth in appropriate social programs. Analysis of the program, which is modeled on similar efforts elsewhere, can help inform other efforts to address urban violence. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119164 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun ViolenceHomicidesProblem-SolvingStreet WorkersViolence (Pittsburgh, PA)Violent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Attree, Larry Title: SASP Test of North East Serbia: Evaluation Report Summary: The initial idea for the project was to implement a targeted SALW Awareness campaign around the town of Zrenjanin in North East Serbia. As well as aiming to have a positive effect on the attitudes of local people towards firearms possession and safety, the project was designed as a test for the principles of the SEESAC SALW Awareness Support Pack (SASP) in a project with limited resources at its disposal. The project also offered a local NGO, European Movement Zrenjanin, the opportunity to build capacities in carrying out an awareness campaign following the principles of SASP. The effects of SALW on the local area were made clear by a phase of initial information gathering. European Movement gathered the information from the local police department, a local hospital and the courts. Where information was confidential or not systematically collated to provide figures specifically useful to the campaign, informal methods were used to allow the initial profile of the problem to be as detailed as possible. The initial assessment identified a significant number of local casualties and criminal prosecutions related to the problems of weapons in local society. Details: Belgrade: SEESAC (South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons), 2005. 71p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2005 Country: Serbia and Montenegro URL: Shelf Number: 118681 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGun ViolenceGunsViolenceWeapons |
Author: Finlay, Brian Title: WMD, Drugs, and Criminal Gangs in Central America: Leveraging Nonproliferation Assistance to Address Security/Development Needs With UN Security Council Resolution 1540 Summary: Few regions of the world better illustrate the intimate nexus between human development and security than does Central America. A region of inherent economic and social promise, its fortunes have been frustrated by a plethora of overwhelming security challenges related to small arms, drugs, and criminal gangs. Although a long and innovative roster of instruments has been developed to counter these scourges, a lack of technical and financial support has often prevented their full realization. Moreover, institutional vulnerabilities at the local and state levels have further complicated the implementation of national and regional strategies designed to break this cycle of violence and underdevelopment. The global economic downturn now threatens to reverse progress made to date and again place countries of the region squarely on a downward economic and security trajectory. According to a recent report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), no issue has had a greater impact on the stability and development in Central America than crime. The Central American region has emerged as the most violent in the world, with the average number of homicides in Central America in 2008 rising to 33 per 100,000 people—three times the global average. While these statistics are rooted in a complex array of social, political, and economic circumstances that have depressed economic opportunity and inflated levels of violence, Central American scholars and regional government officials generally agree that their security and development challenges are rooted in the culture of illegality embodied most graphically by the triple threat of small arms proliferation, drug trafficking, and criminal and youth gangs. Details: Washington, DC: Stimson Center; Muscatine, IA: Stanley Foundation, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Central America URL: Shelf Number: 119459 Keywords: Criminal ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceWeapons |
Author: Engel, Robin S. Title: Implementation of the Cincinnati Initiative to Reduce Violence (CIRV): Year 2 Report Summary: The Cincinnati Inititive to Reduce Violence is a focused deterrence strategy loosely modeled after the Boston Gun Project from the mid-1990s. Focused deterrence initiatives aim to deliver a deterrent message accurately and directly to those who sustain a culture of violence. This report details the activities and outcomes for the second year of the program. Details: Cincinnati, OH: University of Cincinnati Policing Institute, 2009. 90p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 7, 2010 at http://www.cincinnati-oh.gov/police/downloads/police_pdf38580.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.cincinnati-oh.gov/police/downloads/police_pdf38580.pdf Shelf Number: 118346 Keywords: Focused Deterrence (Cincinnati)GangsGun ViolenceHomicideViolence Prevention |
Author: Townsend, Dorn Title: No Other Life: Gangs, Guns, and Governance in Trinidad and Tobago Summary: Gun violence and gun-related homicides in Trinidad and Tobago have continued to increase over the last decade. The twin-island nation now has more gun-related deaths than Jamaica and a murder rate of 42 per 100,000. This report examines the interconnection between the gun violence and the present political situation in Trinidad and Tobago. The publication asserts that the crime-fighting measures of the police force are hampered by financial support to urban gangs via public welfare programs. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2009. 55p. Source: Internet Resource; Working Paper of the Small Arms Survey; accessed August 8, 2010 at http://smallarmssurvey.org/files/sas/publications/w_papers_pdf/WP/WP8-Gangs-Guns-Governance-Trinidad-Tobago-2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Trinidad and Tobago URL: http://smallarmssurvey.org/files/sas/publications/w_papers_pdf/WP/WP8-Gangs-Guns-Governance-Trinidad-Tobago-2009.pdf Shelf Number: 117633 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Weintraub, Sidney Title: Cooperative Mexican-U.S. Antinarcotics Efforts: A Report of the CSIS Simon Chair in Political Economy Summary: "Because of high U.S. narcotics consumption and Mexico’s role as the main transit country for cocaine from Colombia, the dominant narcotics activity in the Western Hemisphere takes place between the United States and Mexico. Competition among the large Mexican drug-trafficking organizations to maximize their sales in the United States has led to terrible violence in Mexico, and that country’s “war” against those organizations has amplified that violence. Mexico was a small player in the movement of cocaine to the United States before the 1980s, when the main route was from Colombia through the Caribbean to Florida. After that route was largely abandoned because of heavy U.S. sea and land interdiction, Colombian cocaine began to enter the United States through Central America and Mexico. This report focuses on four drugs: cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana. Mexico produces the last three of these drugs, which are shipped directly to the United States. If reliance on Mexico as the final transit country for cocaine sales to the United States were to become too costly for the drug-trafficking organizations, the route could change again. And while the violence in Mexico might then diminish, cocaine would still come into the United States because of the demand for the drug. For many years the U.S. government was unwilling to admit explicitly that U.S. narcotics consumption bore some responsibility for the violence in Mexico. During a visit to Mexico in March 2009, however, the U.S. secretary of state finally stated the obvious: that U.S. narcotics demand was fueling drug violence in Mexico. This report thus comes at a time of antinarcotics cooperation between the two countries. This cooperation does not mean that the problems related to drug trafficking and consumption are on their way to solution, only that issues not discussed earlier can now be put on the table. The purpose of this report is to provide a full discussion of such issues." Details: Washington, DC: Center for Stratigic and International Studies, 2010. 57p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://csis.org/publication/cooperative-mexican-us-antinarcotics-efforts Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://csis.org/publication/cooperative-mexican-us-antinarcotics-efforts Shelf Number: 119606 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingGun ViolenceNarcotics |
Author: Title: Illicit Arms in Indonesia Summary: A bloody bank robbery in Medan in August 2010 and the discovery in Aceh in February 2010 of a terrorist training camp using old police weapons have focused public attention on the circulation of illegal arms in Indonesia. These incidents raise questions about how firearms fall into criminal hands and what measures are in place to stop them. The issue has become more urgent as the small groups of Indonesian jihadis, concerned about Muslim casualties in bomb attacks, are starting to discuss targeted killings as a preferred method of operation. The Indonesian government could begin to address the problem by reviewing and strengthening compliance with procedures for storage, inventory and disposal of firearms; improved vetting and monitoring of those guarding armouries; auditing of gun importers and gun shops, including those that sell weapons online; and paying more attention to the growing popularity of “airsoft” guns that look exactly like real ones but shoot plastic pellets. The problem needs to be kept in perspective, however. It is worth addressing precisely because the scale is manageable. Indonesia does not have a “gun culture” like the Philippines or Thailand. The number of people killed by terrorist gunfire in Indonesia over the last decade is about twenty, more than half of them police, and most of the deaths took place in post-conflict central Sulawesi and Maluku. The nexus between terrorism and crime is not nearly as strong as in other countries. There have been a few cases of bartering ganja (marijuana) for guns – and one case of trading endangered anteaters – but in general, narco-terrorism is not a problem. Jihadi use of armed robberies as a fund-raising method is a more serious issue, with banks, gold stores and ATMs the favourite targets. As of this writing it remained unclear who was behind the Medan robbery – although criminal thugs remain the strongest possibility – but jihadi groups have robbed Medan banks before, most notably the Lippo Bank in 2003. Such crimes constitute a miniscule proportion of the country’s robberies, but it is still worth looking at where the guns come from when they occur. The problem may increase as the larger jihadi groups weaken and split, particularly those that once depended on member contributions for financing day-to-day activities. Recruitment by jihadis of ordinary criminals in prisons may also strengthen the linkage between terrorism and crime in the future. There are four main sources of illegal guns in Indonesia. They can be stolen or illegally purchased from security forces, taken from leftover stockpiles in former conflict areas, manufactured by local gunsmiths or smuggled from abroad. Thousands of guns acquired legally but later rendered illicit through lapsed permits have become a growing concern because no one has kept track of them. Throughout the country, corruption facilitates the circulation of illegal arms in different ways and undermines what on paper is a tight system of regulation. Details: Jakarta/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2010. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Briefing; Asia Briefing No. 109: Accessed September 7, 2010 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/B109-illicit-arms-in-indonesia.aspx Year: 2010 Country: Indonesia URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/B109-illicit-arms-in-indonesia.aspx Shelf Number: 119762 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGun ControlGun ViolenceGunsIllicit FirearmsSmugglingWeapons |
Author: Siebel, Brian J. Title: Assault Weapons: "Mass Produced Mayhem" Summary: This report highlights how the availability of assault weapons has changed the balance of power between law enforcement and criminals, endangering police officers and communities. At least 15 police officers have been killed and 23 wounded since the ban expired in September 2004. Details: Washington, DC: Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2008. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 6, 2010 at: http://www.bradycenter.org/xshare/pdf/reports/mass-produced-mayhem.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.bradycenter.org/xshare/pdf/reports/mass-produced-mayhem.pdf Shelf Number: 119843 Keywords: Assault WeaponsAssaults on PoliceGun ViolenceWeapons |
Author: Mayors Against Illegal Guns Title: Issue Brief: The Movement of Illegal Guns Across the U.S.-Mexico Border Summary: In recent years, the escalating drug cartel violence in Mexico has claimed tens of thousands of lives, fueled in part by thousands of guns illegally trafficked from the United States. In fact, 90% of guns recovered and traced from Mexican crime scenes originated from gun dealers in the United States. This report relies primarily on previously unreleased trace data provided by Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (“ATF”) to Mayors Against Illegal Guns to describe which states are the predominant suppliers of those guns recovered and traced in Mexico. This new data shows that four in ten of the U.S. guns recovered in Mexico between 2006 and 2009 were originally sold by gun dealers in Texas. The three other states that share a border with Mexico – Arizona, California, and New Mexico – were the source for another one-third of the U.S. guns. To better understand the flow of guns into Mexico, this report also studies the rate at which states supply Mexican crime guns by controlling for population. When using this control, gun dealers in Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas each supply crime guns to Mexico at rates at least 169% greater than any other state and at a rate more than three times as high as the fourth border state, California. In addition to proximity to the border, relatively lax gun laws in Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas may contribute to that disparity. Additionally, the time between the original sale of guns at U.S. gun dealers and the recovery of those guns at Mexican crime scenes is decreasing – a sign of ever more sophisticated gun trafficking. Details: (S.l.): Mayors Against Illegal Guns, 2010. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2010 at: http://www.mayorsagainstillegalguns.org/downloads/pdf/issue_brief_mexico_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.mayorsagainstillegalguns.org/downloads/pdf/issue_brief_mexico_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 119893 Keywords: Drug CartelsGun ControlGun TraffickingGun ViolenceIllegal Guns |
Author: O'Flaherty, Brendan Title: Peaceable Kingdoms and War Zones: Preemption, Ballistics and Murder in Newark Summary: Between 2000 and 2006 the murder rate in Newark doubled while the national rate remained essentially constant. In 2006, Newark had seven times as many murders per capita as the nation as a whole. Furthermore, the increase in murders came about through an increase in lethality: total gun discharges rose much more slowly than the likelihood of death per shooting. In order to explain these trends we develop a theoretical model of murder in which preemptive killing and weapon choice play a central role. Strategic complementarity amplifes changes in fundamentals, so areas with high murder rates (war zones) respond much more strongly to changes in fundamentals than those with low murder rates (peaceable kingdoms). In Newark, the changes in fundamentals that set o¤ the spiral were a collapsing arrest rate (and probably a falling conviction rate), a reduction in prisoners, and a shrinking police force. A prediction of the model is that murders will decline in a manner that is as sharp and sudden as the increase has been, and there is preliminary evidence to suggest that such a collapse in the murder rate is already underway. Details: New York: Department of Economics, Columbia University, 2007. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 11, 2010 at: http://www.columbia.edu/~rs328/murder.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.columbia.edu/~rs328/murder.pdf Shelf Number: 119915 Keywords: Crime RatesGun ViolenceGunsHomicide |
Author: Mayors Against Illegal Guns Title: Trace the Guns: The Link Between Gun Laws and Interstate Gun Trafficking Summary: Every year, tens of thousands of guns make their way into the hands of criminals through illegal trafficking channels. These firearms contribute to the more than 12,000 gun murders in the United States each year. This report seeks to explain where crime guns originate, where they are recovered in crimes, and whether state gun laws help curb the flow of these illegal weapons. Details: S.l.: Mayors Against Illegal Guns, 2010. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2010 at: http://www.mayorsagainstillegalguns.org/downloads/pdf/trace_the_guns_report.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.mayorsagainstillegalguns.org/downloads/pdf/trace_the_guns_report.pdf Shelf Number: 119944 Keywords: Gun ControlGun TraffickingGun ViolenceIllegal GunsIllegal Weapons |
Author: SEESAC (South Eastern and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons) Title: 'The Rifle Has the Devil Inside': Gun Culture in South Eastern Europe Summary: SALW (Small Arms and Light Weapons)control stakeholders and practitioners within South Eastern Europe (SEE) are often told that weapon registration and collection programmes are ineffective because guns are an intrinsic part of ‘cultures’ in the region. In addition, international and local observers often explain high levels of gun ownership and use in SEE by stating there is a strong ‘gun culture’. In contrast, survey results on the public’s perception of guns, suggest that ‘culture’ and ‘tradition’ are not principal reasons for gun ownership in the region. Thus, it is a matter of continued debate to what extent and which types of gun ownership and use are rendered acceptable and legitimate by certain cultural beliefs and practices. This report examines how cultural beliefs and practices influence gun ownership and use in SEE, and how these might affect SALW control interventions. An anthropological approach was taken to better understand the reasons for civilian gun ownership and use, and the ways in which society represents these behaviours, in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Serbia and Montenegro (including the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo). A wide variety of research tools were used including household surveys (HHS) conducted by SEESAC and UNDP, focus group transcripts, secondary literature searches, statistical data, anthropological field studies, the Internet, print and electronic media. The report concludes that the motivations and reasons for gun ownership and use in SEE are complex and suggests that cultural practices and beliefs do not play a central role in justifying gun ownership and use in SEE. There are pockets of culturally motivated gun related behaviours, in very localised areas, which have historical roots, such as celebratory gunfire in the mountainous areas of the peninsula (parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Northern Albania). However, more important are the ways that ‘traditional’ customs and values have interplayed with other factors such as the political or socio-economic situation, or the 1990s conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. People’s behaviours involving guns, and their perceptions of guns, are more to do with the relatively widespread availability of weapons, weak and ineffective law enforcement and the reinvention of history and folklore for political means. Over the years guns have been associated with masculinity and have been a means of defining male attributes but they are not so significant now for ideas of masculinity although gun related activities remain male-oriented. The way guns are represented today, and how society perceives them is largely influenced by the media and how it portrays gun owners and gun use, especially the actions of high profile organizations or individuals who are associated with guns, such as the police, politicians and prominent business people. In general, ‘traditional’ and ‘cultural’ motivations for gun ownership and use in SEE are unlikely to be the principal barriers to SALW control interventions. Security considerations are much more likely to play a significant role with many people unwilling to give up their weapons, which they perceive as providers of security and protection, until they are satisfied that the state can be trusted to provide for their needs. Whilst there are still relatively high crime levels, the unresolved status of territory i.e. the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo, uncertain futures and interethnic distrust (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Southern Serbia and to some extent in Montenegro and Moldova) there will be people who feel that they are justified in keeping their guns. Details: Belgrade: SEESAC, 2006. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2010 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/country/eu_pdf/europe-regional-2006-b.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/country/eu_pdf/europe-regional-2006-b.pdf Shelf Number: 119948 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGunsHomicidesIllegal Guns |
Author: Wilkinson, Deanna Title: Event Dynamics and the Role of Third Parties in Urban Youth Violence Summary: This report presents a secondary analysis of qualitative data collected from 1995 through 1998 as part of the New York City Youth Violence Study. The current study’s goal was to identify situational factors and contingencies that facilitated violence among 416 young violent male offenders from the South Bronx and East New York, two of the most violent neighborhoods in the Nation. Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio State University, Depratment of Human Development and Family Science, 2009. 188p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 18, 2010 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/227781.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/227781.pdf Shelf Number: 120008 Keywords: Gun ViolenceUrban AreasViolence PreventionViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Aguirre, Katherine Title: Assessing the Effect of Policy Interventions on Small Arms Demand in Bogota, Colombia Summary: In Bogotá, some 50,000 people died in firearm-related events between 1979 and 2009. This constitutes roughly 8% of the total number of deaths, by natural or external causes, registered in the Colombian capital. While the impact of firearms in Bogotá is smaller than in Colombia as a whole, where approximately 11% of deaths have been attributed to firearms, Bogotá contributed 10% of all firearms deaths in Colombia over the period 1979 to 2009. In Bogotá as in the rest of Colombia, homicides are the primary event through which firearms deaths occur (more than 90% of cases). In 2009, there were over 15,000 homicides registered in Colombia. Despite an impressive reduction since 2002 (26.8%), and this figure being the lowest in more than 20 years, the homicide rate in Colombia continues to rank as one of the highest in the world, if not the highest. Improvements in the city of Bogotá have contributed substantially to the overall reduction in homicides. The city has experienced an impressive reduction of homicide violence since its peak in 1993, when the number of homicides rose from 3,000 in 1992 to almost 4,500, a 33% increase. According to the National Police, the figure of 2009 of Bogotá was 1,327 a reduction of around 70% with respect to the 1993 level. The current homicide rate of 18 per 100,000 inhabitants is still quite high, but contrasts with the rate of 1993 of 80 per 100.000. The contribution of Bogotá to the total number of homicides of the country has not declined at the same speed as the level of homicides. For the 2007, the Ministry of Defence says that the capital contribute with 32.7 per cent in the decrease of the homicides in the whole country. Violence in Colombia is a result of two interconnected complex social phenomena. The first is the prevalence of entrenched criminal organisations, mainly involved in the production and transport of illegal narcotics. The second is the three-sided armed conflict between the government, guerrilla groups and paramilitary groups. The situation in Bogotá is influenced more by common urban delinquency by conflict dynamics. In this document, we assess the market associated with the criminal use of firearms. Recent academic studies highlighted demand for firearms for violent use. This assessment will distinguish demand for firearms along two main axes: the markets in which they can be obtained (legal and illegal markets) and how individuals use them (criminally and non-criminally). Specifically, we will explore the impact that active antigun policies and other security interventions, established in the mid-1990s, had on reducing firearm-related homicides in Bogotá. After reviewing the general context, we will introduce the policies that have been implemented by local administrations during the period in which the homicide rate fell drastically. We then use a variety a statistical methods to assess the impact of gun-carrying and violence reduction interventions on homicide in Bogotá. Details: Bogota, Colombia: CERAC - Centro de Recursos para el Analisis de Conflictos, 2009. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Documentos de CERAC, No. 14: Accessed October 19, 2010 at: http://www.cerac.org.co/pdf/CERAC_WP_14_DemandBogotaFinal.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.cerac.org.co/pdf/CERAC_WP_14_DemandBogotaFinal.pdf Shelf Number: 120022 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGunsHomicidesOrganized CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Siebel, Brian J. Title: No Check. No Gun. Why Brady Background Checks Should be Required For All Gun Sales Summary: Since the Brady Bill was passed in 1994, Brady background checks have prevented 1,631,000 attempts by criminals and other dangerous people to purchase guns. Of these 1.6 million denied attempts to purchase, 51.6% were denied for felony charges, 14.5% had a history of domestic violence, and 4.2% were fugitives from justice. While Brady background checks likely contributed to lowering gun violence across the country, an estimated 40% of gun purchases still do not require background checks. Requiring background checks at all sales at gun shows is popular among the American public: a 2008 poll revealed that 87% of people favor requiring everyone who purchases a gun at a gun show to undergo a criminal background check with 83% of gun owners agreeing. As 95% of all background checks are completed within several minutes, this process does not inconvenience law-abiding citizens. Background checks should be required for all purchases. Details: Washington, DC: Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2009. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 19, 2010 at: http://www.bradycenter.org/xshare/pdf/reports/no-check-no-gun-report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.bradycenter.org/xshare/pdf/reports/no-check-no-gun-report.pdf Shelf Number: 119969 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGunsViolent Crime |
Author: Yemen Armed Violence Assessment Title: Under Pressure: Social Violence Over Land and Water in Yemen Summary: This Yemen Armed Violence Assessment (YAVA) Issue Brief provides an overview of the dynamics and impacts of land- and water-related social violence, highlighting likely future trends. It elaborates on the particular contribution of small arms and light weapons as a cross-cutting factor shaping social violence. The Issue Brief also considers government initiatives to contain civilian gun use, and highlights the many linkages between social violence and other systemic challenges confronting Yemeni society. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Yemen Armed Violence Assessment, 2010. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey, Issue Brief, No. 2; Accessed October 20, 2010 at: http://yemenviolence.org/pdfs/Yemen-Armed-Violence-IB2-Social-violence-over-land-and-water-in-Yemen.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Yemen URL: http://yemenviolence.org/pdfs/Yemen-Armed-Violence-IB2-Social-violence-over-land-and-water-in-Yemen.pdf Shelf Number: 120019 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsViolent Crime |
Author: Albright, Danielle Title: Results from the New Mexico Gang Threat Assessment Summary: Project Safe Neighborhoods began in 2001 as a federal initiative to reduce gun violence in the U.S. The initiative brings together local, state, and federal law enforcement partners with the goal of providing a comprehensive strategy for prevention, intervention, and suppression of gun related crime. In 2006, PSN added an anti-gang component to its existing strategy. In the District of New Mexico comprehensive data on gang-related crime and violence is limited, complicating efforts to shift the focus of PSN activities in the State towards anti-gang efforts. To facilitate this shift and determine how the current PSN infrastructure built through the anti-gun initiative could be expanded to include anti-gang activities, the District’s PSN task force allocated a portion of its PSN research funds towards the development and implementation of a statewide gang threat assessment survey. The survey was designed to identify how law enforcement personnel across the state: 1) perceive the nature and extent of the gang problem in New Mexico; 2) collect information on gangs, gang members, and gang crime within their agencies; 3) identify resources available, both within their agencies and the community at large, for combating the gang problem in their jurisdictions, and 4) how they think the State should prioritize future anti-gang activities. This report was prepared for the New Mexico PSN Task Force for use in developing research driven policy and program initiatives, to serve as a benchmark for future gang threat assessment research, and to identify the direction of future research and media outreach campaigns. Details: Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center, Institute for Social Research, University of New Mexico, 2008. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 21, 2010 at: http://nmsac.unm.edu/contact_information/nmsac_publications/ Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://nmsac.unm.edu/contact_information/nmsac_publications/ Shelf Number: 120048 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceGunsViolent Crime |
Author: Wells, Matthew Title: Afraid and Forgotten: Lawlessness, Rape and Impunity in Western Cote d'Ivoire Summary: This report documents the often brutal physical and sexual violence in the western administrative regions of Moyen Cavally and Dix-Huit Montagnes. The widespread criminality has been fueled by the disintegration of legal institutions, a failed disarmament process that has left the region awash with arms, and state officials’ refusal to respond to attacks. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2010. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 25, 2010 at: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2010/10/22/afraid-and-forgotten Year: 2010 Country: Cote d'Ivoire URL: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2010/10/22/afraid-and-forgotten Shelf Number: 120072 Keywords: Gun ViolenceRapeSexual AssaultViolent Crime |
Author: Hughes, Ed Title: Community Safety and Small Arms in Somaliland Summary: Between August 2008 and August 2009, data was collected and analysed across Somaliland in order to improve understanding of community safety and small arms and light weapons in Somaliland. Data has been collected from 157 communities in 32 districts and the data set includes a total of 2846 household questionnaires and 281 focus group and key informant interviews with key players in the field of community safety, such as the police, civil society organisations, the UN and traditional and religious leaders. The publication is a joint effort by DDG and the Small Arms Survey. The findings of the survey are presented in this report along with contextual interpretations of the results and information that may be of use to practitioners. For the purposes of this summary and because of the representativeness of the data sample, the results from the household survey have been generalised for the whole population and percentages have been rounded to the nearest whole number to facilitate reading. Details: Copenhagen: Danish Demining Group; Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2010. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2010 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/E-Co-Publications/SAS-DDG-2010-Somaliland.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Somalia URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/E-Co-Publications/SAS-DDG-2010-Somaliland.pdf Shelf Number: 120090 Keywords: Community SafetyGun ViolenceViolenceViolent CrimeWeapons |
Author: Thaler, Kai Title: Weapons, Violence and Personal Security in Cape Town Summary: Given the high levels of crime and violence in South Africa, there may be a temptation for citizens to arm themselves for protection. Using quantitative survey data from the Cape Area Panel Study and qualitative interviews with residents of high-violence neighborhoods, this paper examines the question of who carries weapons outside the home in Cape Town and what the effects of weapon carrying may be. Multiple regression analysis is used to test the significance of possible socioeconomic drivers of weapon carrying and the results are discussed in the South African social context. Weapon carrying is found to be associated with both assault perpetration and victimization, suggesting that it is part of a violent lifestyle in which weapon carriers are likely to use their weapons both offensively and defensively. Possible weapon-related policies for violence reduction are also discussed. Details: Brighton, UK: Households in Conflict Network, Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, 2010. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: HiCN Working Paper 85: Accessed November 5, 2010 at: http://www.hicn.org/papers/wp85.pdf Year: 2010 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.hicn.org/papers/wp85.pdf Shelf Number: 120191 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsSocio-Economic ConditionsViolenceViolent CrimeWeapons (South Africa) |
Author: Bevan, James Title: Blowback: Kenya's Illicit Ammunition Problem in Turkana North District Summary: Kenya has an ammunition problem. The Government of Kenya is fully aware of the symptoms, but it is not aware that it plays a large role in nurturing them. Turkana North District is afflicted by some of the most intense armed violence in the region. The wars that rage between the pastoralist communities in the district and neighbouring regions of Sudan and Uganda are fuelled by a steady supply of small arms ammunition. The research presented in this paper provides strong evidence of a systematic unofficial initiative to supply the Turkana pastoralist groups with Kenyan government ammunition. It finds that the Kenya Police supplies almost 50 per cent of the ammunition that circulates illegally in Turkana North, ostensibly to provide the Turkana with some defence against rival groups in Sudan and Uganda. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2008. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Occasional Paper No. 22: Accessed November 9, 2010 at:http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP22-Kenya.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Kenya URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP22-Kenya.pdf Shelf Number: 120266 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGuns (Kenya)Weapons |
Author: Gabelnick, Tamar Title: A Guide to the US Small Arms Market, Industry and Exports, 1998-2004 Summary: This report will be of interest to scholars, policy analysts, diplomats, and activists concerned about the global gun economy and/or the impact of firearms on society in the United States or the world at large. It presents a snapshot of what, precisely, is knowable — and what is not — about the world’s leading small arms maker and market. The report tracks US firearms production, imports, and domestic sales during 1998–2004 and provides insight into fluctuations in the civilian, military, and (to a limited extent) law enforcement markets. It surveys US small arms manufacturers and the special constraints under which they were operating during this period, and it highlights the increasing market share gained by imported weapons and foreign-owned producers. It also describes US shipments of small arms to other countries, particularly as part of the ‘war on terrorism’ initiated by the US government following the 9/11 terror attacks. A brief overview of the relevant US laws and policies governing firearms imports and exports is provided. Finally, the report provides a guide to further research and a template for more meaningful transparency around US weapons production, imports, exports, and domestic sales. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, 2006. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Occasional Paper no. 19: Accessed November 9, 2010 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP19-US.pdf Year: 2006 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP19-US.pdf Shelf Number: 120267 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsTerrorismWeaspons |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Office of the Inspector General. Evaluation and Inspections Division Title: Review of ATF's Project Gunrunner Summary: This review by the Department of Justice (Department) Office of the Inspector General (OIG) examined the impact of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives’ (ATF) implementation of Project Gunrunner on the illicit trafficking of guns from the United States to Mexico. Violence associated with organized crime and drug trafficking in Mexico is widespread, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths. In part because Mexican law severely restricts gun ownership, drug traffickers have turned to the United States as a primary source of weapons, and these drug traffickers routinely smuggle guns from the United States into Mexico. The criminal organizations responsible for smuggling guns to Mexico are typically also involved in other criminal enterprises, such as drug trafficking, human trafficking, and cash smuggling. This requires ATF to work with other federal entities, as well as with state and local law enforcement partners, in sharing intelligence, coordinating law enforcement activities, and building cases that can be prosecuted. To help combat firearms trafficking into Mexico, ATF began Project Gunrunner as a pilot project in Laredo, Texas, in 2005 and expanded it as a national initiative in 2006. Project Gunrunner is also part of the Department’s broader Southwest Border Initiative, which seeks to reduce cross-border drug and firearms trafficking and the high level of violence associated with these activities on both sides of the border. In June 2007, ATF published a strategy document, Southwest Border Initiative: Project Gunrunner (Gunrunner strategy), outlining four key components to Project Gunrunner: the expansion of gun tracing in Mexico, international coordination, domestic activities, and intelligence. In implementing Project Gunrunner, ATF has focused resources in its four Southwest border field divisions. In addition, ATF has made firearms trafficking to Mexico a top ATF priority nationwide. The OIG conducted this review to evaluate the effectiveness of ATF’s implementation of Project Gunrunner. Our review examined ATF’s enforcement and regulatory programs related to the Southwest border and Mexico, ATF’s effectiveness in developing and sharing firearms trafficking intelligence and information, the number and prosecutorial outcomes of ATF’s Project Gunrunner investigations, ATF’s coordination with U.S. and Mexican law enforcement partners, ATF’s traces of Mexican “crime guns,” and challenges that ATF faces in coordinating efforts to combat firearms trafficking with Mexico. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, 2010. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2010 at: http://www.justice.gov/oig/reports/ATF/e1101.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.justice.gov/oig/reports/ATF/e1101.pdf Shelf Number: 120279 Keywords: Drug TraffickingGun ViolenceGunsOrganized CrimeTrafficking in WeaponsWeapons |
Author: Small Arms Survey Title: Fault Lines: Tracking Armed Violence in Yemen Summary: In Yemen, armed violence is conditioned by the widespread availability and proliferation of small arms and light weapons. It is also exacerbated by structural factors such as weak rule of law, the limited political legitimacy of public institutions, and rapid natural resource depletion. Similarly, it is tolerated due to prevailing sociocultural norms sanctioning certain forms of violence, and because of competing geopolitical interests. As a result, many observers are concerned about the likelihood of increased instability in Yemen and its implications for the region as a whole. Drawing on intensive research and analysis, this Issue Brief first briefly reviews Yemen’s political and economic environment. It considers a range of key risk factors shaping contemporary and future instability, then provides a short assessment of arms availability and use. Finally, the Issue Brief provides a typology to conceptualize the manifestations of armed violence and the interaction of key risk factors. While preliminary, the typology facilitates a more structured analysis of armed violence dynamics in Yemen and identifies opportunities for strategic engagement leading to preventive and reduction strategies for both Yemeni actors and their international partners. A 13 page supplement presents a timeline covering incidents reported in the media over the 12-month period from September 2008 to August 2009, inclusive. Both printed and online publications were monitored, primarily but not exclusively in English. Yemen’s press was classified as ‘Not Free’ in the 2009 Freedom of the Press Index and Yemen was ranked 172nd out of 195 countries (Freedom House, 2009). In particular, the government has imposed considerable restrictions on reporting political developments in the south since early 2009, and more generally on the war in Sa’dah. The 199 incidents documented below should therefore be read as indicative of the manifestation of armed violence in Yemen rather than as a comprehensive audit. Nevertheless, they encompass incidents in which approximately 740 people were killed and at least a further 734 injured. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2010. 12p., supplement Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief: Available December 13, 2010 at: http://www.yemenviolence.org/pdfs/Yemen-Armed-Violence-IB1-Tracking-armed-violence-in-Yemen.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Yemen URL: http://www.yemenviolence.org/pdfs/Yemen-Armed-Violence-IB1-Tracking-armed-violence-in-Yemen.pdf Shelf Number: 120450 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceGun ViolenceGunsViolence (Yemen)Violent CrimeWeapons |
Author: Gathings, M.J. Title: Evaluation of the Durham Police Department's S.T.A.R.S. Notification Program Summary: This report summarizes an evaluation of the Durham S.T.A.R.S. Notification Program. Based upon data for 246 offenders that participated in call-in sessions from March 2000 to December 2004, this report examines changes in rate and type of offense as a result of program participation. Based on the findings reviewed here, it appears this program has a positive impact on crime reduction in the City of Durham. Specifically, analyses indicated the following key findings: The overall rate of offending, as indicated by encounters with the court system, decreased by 36%; The rate of weapon offenses per month decreased by 57% after notification. Before notification, 46% of all offenses involved a weapon compared to 32% of all offenses after notification; The rate of violent offenses per month decreased by 75% after notification. Before notification, 28% of all offenses were violent compared to 18% of all offenses after notification; The rate of drug offenses per month decreased by 33% after notification; The rate of crimes against person(s) decreased by 40% after notification. Details: Greensboro, NC: Center for Youth, Family and Community Partnerships, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2005. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 14, 2010 at: http://www.uncg.edu/csr/pdfs/starseval2005final.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.uncg.edu/csr/pdfs/starseval2005final.pdf Shelf Number: 120499 Keywords: Gun ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Muggah, Robert Title: Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment Final Report Summary: This report brings together research and analysis produced for the Timor- Leste Armed Violence Assessment (TLAVA) over the period 2008–10. The TLAVA was a two-year field research-based project to explore pressing security issues in Timor-Leste, with a specific focus on the dynamics of armed violence. Co-sponsored and administered jointly by the Small Arms Survey and ActionAid Australia (formerly Austcare) with support from AusAID, the project produced five Issue Briefs and two legal analyses, as well as workshops and consultations with key domestic Timorese and international stakeholders. The overarching goal of the project was to marshal existing and new research to systematically examine the gap between real and perceived armed violence in Timor-Leste, and produce accessible publications to inform interventions. Based on consultations with stakeholders in Timor-Leste, the project focused on three specific areas: an assessment of the risk factors, impacts, and socio-economic costs of armed violence in relation to population health—particularly women, children and male youths, and internally displaced persons (IDPs); a review of the dynamics of armed violence associated with ‘high-risk’ groups such as gangs, specific communities in affected districts, petitioners, veterans, and state institutions, and potential triggers such as elections; and the role of arms (e.g. bladed, home-made or ‘craft’, and manufactured) as a factor contributing to armed violence. In addition to the reports generated by the TLAVA, the research team sought to ensure the transfer and exchange of skills and training for sustainable research on armed violence, and to strengthen domestic monitoring and information management capacities in the public health and security sectors to prevent and reduce armed violence. This report is organized by thematic area, reviewing specific topics covered in the Issue Briefs, specifically the presence and control of small arms in Timor-Leste, group-related violence and state and civil society efforts to control it, and sexual and gender-based violence and recent developments in addressing it. Owing to important developments since the publication of the original Issue Briefs, researchers and contributors provided updates on these topics in 2010. While not all substantive areas of the TLAVA could be revisited, the conclusion reflects on future directions for research on armed violence in Timor-Leste. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2010. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 14, 2010 at: http://www.timor-leste-violence.org/pdfs/Timor-Leste-Violence-Special-Report-12.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Asia URL: http://www.timor-leste-violence.org/pdfs/Timor-Leste-Violence-Special-Report-12.pdf Shelf Number: 120508 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceGunsViolence (Timor-Leste)Violence Against WomenViolent Crime |
Author: Chicago Police Department Title: Trafficking: Case Studies of Five Trafficked Guns in Chicago Summary: This brief report presents five case studies developed by the Chicago Police Department's CAGE Team on trafficked guns in Chicago. Details: Chicago: Chicago Police Department, 2007. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 15, 2010 at: https://portal.chicagopolice.org/portal/page/portal/ClearPath/News/Department%20Publications/Guns-CaseStudies.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: https://portal.chicagopolice.org/portal/page/portal/ClearPath/News/Department%20Publications/Guns-CaseStudies.pdf Shelf Number: 120510 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsIllegal Weapons (Chicago)Trafficked Guns |
Author: Karp, Aaron Title: Surplus Arms in South America: A Survey Summary: The data in this report is derived from country submissions when possible, and estimates when necessary. Estimates are extrapolated from each country’s identified procurement, highest modern personnel totals, and strategic doctrine. Except where noted, the military small arms and light weapons data presented here is not official, comprehensive, or conclusive; it is for general evaluation and comparison only. The complete methodology used here is described in Chapter 2 of the Small Arms Survey 2006. Small arms are state-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, shotguns, and light and medium machine guns. Firearms are civilian-owned handguns, submachine guns, rifles, and shotguns. Long at the forefront of international small arms issues, public debate and activism in South America have largely focused on matters surrounding civilian firearms, estimated here to total between 21.7 and 26.8 million. The reasons for this civilian preoccupation are principally linked to chronic gun violence. South America has 14 per cent of the global population, and roughly 3.5 to 4 per cent of the world’s civilian firearms, but it suffers from roughly 40 per cent of all homicides committed with firearms. Military small arms are rarely part of public debate, largely because of a strong culture of national security secrecy in South America. But military small arms policy has attracted much closer scrutiny in recent years, especially as military small arms and light weapons are diverted to criminals and guerrillas, fuelling insurgencies and civil violence. This report focuses primarily on issues surrounding surplus military small arms and light weapons in the region. Law enforcement and civilian firearms inventories and issues are recognized here as well, to ensure a balanced overall perspective. The region’s military establishments do not have a strong record of identifying or eliminating their surplus small arms, light weapons, or ammunition. South America holds some of the world’s largest military small arms and light weapons surpluses. Military inventories are not exceptionally large in absolute terms, but they are a major element in global surplus problems. Among the 12 independent countries of South America, there are an estimated 3.6 million military small arms as of 2007, 1.5 per cent of the global total. Of these, approximately 1.3 million, more than one-third, are surplus. Summary recommendations include: • The formal small arms and light weapons requirements of South American active-duty forces should be available to national civilian leaders and the public. • Inventories of military small arms and light weapons, including obsolescent small arms, and ammunition should be made publicly available. • Reserve forces should be kept at the lowest levels possible to avoid exaggerating military small arms and light weapons requirements. • Excess military small arms, light weapons, and ammunition should be destroyed under civilian supervision and public scrutiny. • Countries where surplus military small arms destruction is a special priority include Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guyana, Paraguay, and Peru. • Older-generation man-portable air defence systems (MANPADS) should be destroyed. Storage of newer MANPADS should be made highly secure and accountable. • Countries where MANPADS destruction is a special priority include Argentina, Ecuador, and Peru. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2009. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper No. 7: Accessed February 8, 2011 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/F-Working-papers/SAS-WP7-Surplus-Arms-in-South-America.pdf Year: 2009 Country: South America URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/F-Working-papers/SAS-WP7-Surplus-Arms-in-South-America.pdf Shelf Number: 120719 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceHomicideWeapons |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Gun Control Legislation Summary: Congress has debated the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. The tragic shootings in Tucson, AZ, on January 8, 2011, in which six people were killed and 13 wounded, including Representative Gabrielle Giffords, could prompt the 112th Congress to examine issues related to the shooter’s mental illness and drug use and his use of large capacity ammunition feeding devices (LCAFDs) (see H.R. 308 and S. 32), as well as a proposal to ban firearms within the proximity of certain high-level federal officials (see H.R. 496). This report provides basic firearms-related statistics, an overview of federal firearms law, and a summary of legislative action in the 111th Congress and selected legislative action in the 110th Congress that involved issues revisited in the 111th Congress. The report concludes with a discussion of other salient issues that have generated significant congressional interest in the past, including the 1994-2004 LCAFD ban. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2011. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 10, 2011 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32842.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32842.pdf Shelf Number: 120963 Keywords: FirearmsGun Control Policy (U.S.)Gun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Pruitt, Bettye H. Title: Case Study: Boston Strategy: A Study of Unlikely Alliances Summary: In the 1990s, Boston achieved dramatic success in reducing its level of gang-related gun violence — in particular, youth homicides. That success has brought widespread recognition and attention to what has now become known as The Boston Strategy to Prevent Youth Violence. Other cities have begun to experiment with some of its key programs, in particular Operation Night Light and Operation Cease Fire. Yet, as all the participants in Boston’s anti-violence campaign agree, the effectiveness of those specific initiatives was entirely dependent upon the larger context of cooperation, trust, and respect within which they were developed and which continues to support them today. Only within that context could there be the collaboration among unlikely partners—police, probation officers, African-American clergy, gang outreach workers, and many more — that made a coordinated approach possible. Only within that context could the unusual law-enforcement tactics developed by the partners have widespread support within the community, not only from the inner city ministers who were some of the harshest critics of the police, but even from the families of the young people at whom the police initiatives were aimed. Only within that context has Boston been able to think strategically about how to seize the opportunity afforded by the lower rate of youth homicides to make positive and fundamental changes in the lives of the city’s young people. The creation of that positive context is an integral part of the success achieved in Boston. It began with the efforts of individuals who were dealing with gangs and violence on a daily basis—people who, in frustration and despair over the sustained wave of killings, determined to find a way to do their jobs differently and better, and who decided to try working together. Gradually, out of those initial collaborations emerged a clearer understanding of the dynamics driving gang violence, and of the necessary conditions for a broader partnership capable of mounting an effective campaign against it. The emergence of that understanding is the central thread in the story of how The Boston Strategy came into being. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, Water, Disaster Management, and Urban Development Group - Latin America and Caribbean Region, 2005. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 8, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTLACREGTOPURBDEV/Resources/841042-1219076931513/5301922-1250717140763/Boston.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTLACREGTOPURBDEV/Resources/841042-1219076931513/5301922-1250717140763/Boston.pdf Shelf Number: 121283 Keywords: Crime Prevention PartnershipsGang ViolenceGangs (Boston)Gun Violence |
Author: Women's Institute for Alternative Development Title: Small Arms Proliferation and Misuse Toward a Caribbean Plan of Action Summary: Bank note that murder rates in the Caribbean — at 30 per 100,000 population annually —are higher than for any other region of the world. Understandably, mounting fatalities from illegal weapons worry Caribbean policymakers and citizens alike. In the last two years, at least six Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Member States have held general elections in which crime and security were central issues. The proliferation of illegal small arms threatens the ability of Caribbean states to meet their Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As the World Bank (2007) states, “high rates of crime and violence in the Caribbean are undermining growth, threatening human welfare, and impeding social development.” Crime and violence have become development issues in the Caribbean. A major factor in the surge of gun-related criminality is the trafficking of narcotics. Illicit drugs are transshipped through the region from South America to North America and there is a linked movement of illegal weapons from North America to several destinations in the Caribbean. At the same time, the rise of crime has been characterized by the increased use of more powerful weapons, resulting in higher mortality levels. Caribbean countries exhibit crime patterns similar to those of other countries where low economic growth has coincided with large populations of young men. The Latin America and Caribbean region boasts the highest homicide rate of men between the ages of 15 and 29 in the world, more than three times greater than the global average. Indeed, youth violence is a high-priority, high-visibility concern across the Caribbean. Youth are disproportionately represented in the incidence and severity of gun violence, both as victims and perpetrators, and violent crimes are being committed at younger ages in many countries. A wide variety of risk factors contribute to the prevalence of youth violence, including poverty, youth unemployment, large-scale migration to urban areas, drug trafficking, a weak education system, ineffective policing, the widespread availability of weapons, drug and alcohol use, and the presence of organized gangs. Deaths and injuries from youth violence constitute a major public health, social, and economic problem across the Caribbean. Much of the work that seeks to reveal the use and impact of small arms and light weapons in the region has highlighted the masculine perpetrator and victim. Although this is a legitimate sphere of inquiry, it is important to recognize that a more integrated approach is required. The lives of Caribbean men and women are influenced by the gender disparities and structural inequalities that persist in many facets of Caribbean life. In a post-“structurally adjusted” Caribbean region, and as a result of shifting trading arrangements, there remains the persistent challenge of positioning the economies of the region to address the growing levels of poverty. Over the years, the larger economic shifts have seen the growth of the commoditization of violence, which speaks to the fact that an increasing number of citizens have had to rely on criminal violence of various kinds to survive. Details: Belmont, Trinidad and Tobago: Women's Institute for Alternative Development; Waterloo, ONT: Project Ploughshares, 2008. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: WORKING PAPER 08-1: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.ploughshares.ca/libraries/WorkingPapers/wp081.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Central America URL: http://www.ploughshares.ca/libraries/WorkingPapers/wp081.pdf Shelf Number: 121292 Keywords: Economic ConditionsGun ViolenceHomicidesIllegal WeaponsViolence (Caribbean)Violent Crime |
Author: Serrano-Berthet, Rodrigo Title: Crime and Violence in Central America: A Development Challenge Summary: Central America’s spiraling wave of crime and violence is threatening the region’s prosperity as countries face huge economic and human losses as a result of it. Aside from the pain and trauma inflicted upon victims, violence can cost the region up to 8 percent of its GDP when taking into account law enforcement, citizen security and health care costs. This is no small change for a region that in 2010 grew around 2 percent of GDP, while the rest of Latin America grew around 6 percent. To make matters worse, crime and violence also hampers economic growth, not just from the victims’ lost wages and labor, but by polluting the investment climate and diverting scarce government resources to strengthen law enforcement rather than promote economic activity, argues Crime and Violence in Central America: a Development challenge. But, in a redeeming twist, the study also suggests that a ten percent reduction of murder rates in the region’s most violent countries could boost annual economic growth by as much as a full one percent. Crime rates in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras are among the top five in Latin America. In the region’s other three countries — Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Panama — crime and violence levels are significantly lower, but a spike in recent years has raised serious concerns. Some perspective may help gauge the extent of the problem. While Central America's population is roughly the same size as Spain's, Spain only registered 336 homicides in 2006, in sharp contrast with Central America’s 14,257 homicides – an average of 40 per day. Drug trafficking and a decades-long culture of violence emerge as the main culprits in Central America’s crime predicament. Easy access to firearms and weak judicial institutions are also to blame for the region’s violent state of affairs, according to the report. Narco trafficking ranks as the top cause for the rising crime rates and violence levels in Central America, a reflection in part of the sheer volume of narcotics flows through the area –90 percent of US-bound drugs, according to the study. Inherent traits of drug cartel operations, such as turf wars and vendettas between rival gangs, seem to fuel the region’s murder rates. The complexity of this situation calls for a regional approach and greater emphasis on prevention, at the expense of interdiction, which has proven insufficient to diminish the traffickers’ capacity. Also, successful strategies require actions along multiple fronts, combining prevention and criminal justice reform. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2011. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/FINAL_VOLUME_I_ENGLISH_CrimeAndViolence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/FINAL_VOLUME_I_ENGLISH_CrimeAndViolence.pdf Shelf Number: 121323 Keywords: Drug CartelsDrug TraffickingDrugsGangsGun ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime (Central America) |
Author: Litch, Michael Title: Draft Technical Report For SECURES Demonstration in Hampton and Newport News, Virginia Summary: On March 21, 2005 Planning Systems Inc. (PSI) teamed with the Center for Society Law and Justice (CSLJ) and the Department of Justice / Office of Justice Programs entered into a cooperative agreement for the deployment, operation and analysis of an acoustic gunshot detection system in Newport News and Hampton Virginia. The National Institute of Justice (NIJ) – Office of Science and Technology, oversaw the project. Chris Miles, Senior Program Manager, Sensors, Surveillance, and Biometrics provided oversight and direction on behalf of NIJ. The SECURES® acoustic gunshot detection system deployed in Newport News and Hampton, Virginia represented the third generation of hardware electronics since its original inception. This report is presented in two basics sections. The first section represents the findings by CSLJ as an independent third party assessor with scientifically founded conclusions based on research and statistical data collected during the operation of the system including independent Live-Fire tests conducted in Newport News and Hampton, Virginia. The second section of this report is the overview of deployment and operational initiatives as reported by PSI personnel. The conclusions drawn by CSLJ are impressive. Some of the most notable include: o The Live-Fire tests conducted in Newport News and Hampton, though differing in actual results, suggest that the detection of handguns by the SECURES® system, particularly in calibers of 9 mm and greater, is very accurate. o The ability of the SECURES® system to locate gunshots was very accurate often localizing the actual test shot location within a 10-foot radius. o Trade-offs between detecting true positives and false positives was noted wherein false positives can be reduced to near zero with relative small loss in true positives. o Indications exist that public awareness of the SECURES® system may serve to decrease the number of gunshot relate 911 calls. o Eleven (11) arrests were made as a result of SECURES® related dispatches that can conservatively attributed solely to the SECURES® system deployment. o In Newport News there were four gunshot victims found on SECURES related dispatches of which one would not have been found otherwise. The other three gunshot victims found were incidents where associated 911 calls also existed. The deployment and operations of the SECURES systems in Newport News and Hampton were completed under best practices as known at the time deployed. These initiatives, as with most projects, were met with challenges that have been overcomed. The information gained in these efforts, though beyond the scope of these demonstrations, have subsequently been used in other deployments to further stream line deployments and operations. Details: Reston, VA: Planning Systems, Inc., 2008. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2011 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/233342.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/233342.pdf Shelf Number: 121330 Keywords: Crime DetectionGun ViolenceGunshot DetectionPolice Deployment |
Author: Planning Systems, Inc. Title: Draft Technical Report for SECURES Demonstration in San Bernardino County - Bloomington Area Summary: In October 2003 Planning Systems Inc. (PSI) teamed with the Center for Society Law and Justice (CSLJ) and the Department of Justice / Office of Justice Programs entered into a cooperative agreement 2003-IJ-CX-K021 for the deployment, operation and analysis of an acoustic gunshot detection system in San Bernardino County California. This report is presented in three basic sections. The first section provides an overview of the enhancements to the technical tools used in the deployment of the SECURES® system and to the SECURES® display software. The second section of this report is the overview of deployment and operational initiatives as reported by PSI personnel. The third section represents the findings by CSLJ as an independent third party assessor. The use of technical tools in the form of acoustic and RF modeling can greatly enhance the deployment of SECURES® by reducing the normal amount of field manpower and time required in an empirical approach to sensor and receiver placement and installation. This enables police departments to deploy or even relocate a SECURES® system in minimum time with limited exposure within the area of deployment. Not only does this save time and costs in installation but it also has the ability to identify deficient areas in advance so that these can either be re-engineered to assure coverage by the system being deployed or can provide additional situational awareness to patrol officers. Enhancements to the SECURES® display software provides dispatch personnel with better tools to more accurately define and convey the gunshot locations to patrol. The deployment and operations of the SECURES® systems in was plagued by delays in securing a valid poly use agreement with the local providing utility, Southern California Edison (SCE). Much progress was made with the onset of the program in 2003 including software enhancements, system layout, training and even the initial installation of the receiver and base station assemblies. However, once the issues concerning the pole use agreement for the intended area was overcome in 2007 with separate pole use agreements with both SCE and AT&T (formerly PacBell) much of the enthusiasm developed earlier on with all parties concerned had dissipated. Nonetheless the system was deployed as intended. The results gained from the assessment by CSLJ were disappointing. The area in which SECURES® was deployed netted few gunshot alerts. There were no corroborating reports from the SBCSD to support actual ground truth events. The span of time from initial time of planned deployment in 2003 to actual deployment in 2007 had not only diminished enthusiasm but also the resources available to support this effort locally. Details: Reston, VA: Planning Systems, Inc., 2011. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2011 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/233343.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/233343.pdf Shelf Number: 121334 Keywords: Crime DetectionGun ViolenceGunshot DetectionPolice Deployment |
Author: Kessler, Jim Title: Missing Records: Holes in Background Check System Allow Illegal Buyers to Get Guns Summary: This report, issued in the wake of the nation’s worst-ever mass shooting at Virginia Tech, updates a 2002 look at the records in background check system. We conclude that the system has improved in the last five years, but as evidenced by Seung-Hui Cho’s ability to pass two firearms purchase background checks, major holes remain. For example, 91% of those who should be barred by virtue of their mental illness (like Cho) are not in the system. Details: Washington, DC: The Third Way, 2007. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2011 at: http://content.thirdway.org/publications/69/Third_Way_Report_-_Missing_Records_-_Holes_in_the_Background_Check_System_-_How_They_Allow_Illegal_Buyers_to_Get_Guns.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://content.thirdway.org/publications/69/Third_Way_Report_-_Missing_Records_-_Holes_in_the_Background_Check_System_-_How_They_Allow_Illegal_Buyers_to_Get_Guns.pdf Shelf Number: 121362 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGunsIllegal Guns |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum Title: Guns and Crime: Breaking New Ground By Focusing on the Local Impact Summary: This report summarizes the results of a project that the Police Executive Research Forum undertook to explore issues of gun crime in the United States. There are several dynamics that led PERF to think that we needed to do some work on the issue of gun crime: • It seems that the United States has become anesthetized to gun violence. While the 1999 Columbine school massacre in Colorado resulted in widespread demands for action to prevent such tragedies from occurring, it seemed that more recent incidents (Virginia Tech, Northern Illinois University, the nursing home rampage in Carthage, N.C., to name just a few) no longer prompted many calls for reform, because people no longer expect that any reforms will be made. • Even though violent crime in the United States has declined sharply since the 1990s, our nation still endures far higher homicide rates than do other countries — for example, 46 killings per day in the U.S. compared to only 8 killings per day in the entire European Union, which has a population 60 percent larger than the United States’. • Prospects for reform at the federal level seem bleak. In 2009, Washington showed little or no appetite for taking on gun crime issues. In an effort to “get off the dime” on the issue of gun violence, PERF decided to investigate what is happening at the local level on these issues. We wanted answers to questions like these: Are all cities facing the same types of gun violence, or are there significant local differences? In the views of local police executives, what are the most important factors that contribute to their gun problems? What have local police departments done to prevent gun violence? Are there police initiatives that seem especially effective in reducing shootings? What do police chiefs want most from their local, state, and federal governments to help them reduce gun violence? PERF began by conducting a pair of surveys: one to local police departments, and the other to all of the Field Divisions of the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF). Next, we conducted case studies in a number of cities. And finally, we convened a Gun Summit in Washington, D.C. on November 12. We invited local chiefs and ATF officials to share with us and each other their stories detailing exactly how gun crime is damaging their local communities, and what they have been doing about it. And in order to ensure that we would not just have police talking to each other in a sort of echo chamber at our Summit, we also invited representatives of two major gun rights groups and the Brady Center to attend. I know there are people who will ask, “How could you invite ‘those people’ to the table?” And my answer is the same as when I worked in the Middle East: “You don’t make peace with your friends.” So yes, we invited everyone to the table in order to get all sides talking to each other, with the common theme of reducing gun violence across the country. Instead of the same old stale arguments that have been circulating in Washington for years, we hoped to identify new perspectives and new approaches to getting a job done—the job of reducing gun homicides and other shootings. Details: Washington, DC: Police Executive Research Forum, 2010. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Critical Issues in Policing Series: Accessed April 15, 2011 at: http://policeforum.org/library/critical-issues-in-policing-series/GunsandCrime.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://policeforum.org/library/critical-issues-in-policing-series/GunsandCrime.pdf Shelf Number: 121366 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Feinstein, Dianne Title: Halting U.S. Firearms Trafficking to Mexico: A Report ....to the United States Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, One-Hundred Twelfth Congress, First Session Summary: Military-style weapons are arming Mexico's brutal drug trafficking organizations at an alarming rate. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) has consistently found that the overwhelming majority of firearms recovered at crime scenes and traced by Mexican officials originate in the United States. These guns have contributed to Mexico's dangerous levels of violence. Since the start of the administration of President Felipe Calderon in December 2006, according to Mexican government estimates, 34,612 people have died in organized crime-related killings in Mexico. The killings reached their highest level in 2010, increasing by almost 60 percent to 15,273 deaths from 9,616 the previous year. As the U.S. partners with Mexico to combat drug-related violence, we must enhance our efforts to curb firearms trafficking from the United States to Mexico. This report provides background information on firearms trafficking and makes recommendations to Congress and the Obama Administration on key next steps. Details: Washington, DC: The Authors: 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 27, 2011 at: https://www.hsdl.org/?view&doc=143589&coll=limited Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: https://www.hsdl.org/?view&doc=143589&coll=limited Shelf Number: 121828 Keywords: Firearms TraffickingGun Control (U.S.)Gun ViolenceOrganized CrimeTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Gun Control Legislation Summary: Congress has debated the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. The tragic shootings in Tucson, AZ, on January 8, 2011, in which six people were killed and 13 wounded, including Representative Gabrielle Giffords, could prompt the 112th Congress to examine issues related to the shooter’s mental illness and drug use (see S. 436) and his use of large capacity ammunition feeding devices (LCAFDs) (see H.R. 308 and S. 32), as well as a proposal to ban firearms within the proximity of certain high-level federal officials (see H.R. 367 and H.R. 496). Other emerging issues include the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives’s (ATF) proposal to require multiple rifle sales reports from Southwest border state gun dealers and its conduct of Operation Fast and Furious. More recently, gun-related amendments to bills reauthorizing USA PATRIOT Act provisions were considered (H.R. 1800, S. 1038, and S. 990), but were not included in the enacted legislation (P.L. 112-14). To set these and other emerging issues in context, this report provides basic firearms-related statistics, an overview of federal firearms law, and a summary of legislative action in the 111th Congress. During the 111th Congress, the gun control debate was colored by two key Supreme Court findings. In District of Columbia v. Heller, the Court found that the District of Columbia (DC) handgun ban, among other regulations, violated an individual’s right under the Second Amendment to lawfully possess a firearm in his home for self-defense. In McDonald v. City of Chicago, the Court found that the Second Amendment also applied to the states. Congress considered amendments to DC voting rights bills that would have further overturned DC gun laws (S. 160 and H.R. 157), effectively scuttling the House bill. In addition, some Members passed several other gun-related provisions included in enacted legislation that address • carrying firearms on public lands (P.L. 111-24), • transporting firearms in passenger luggage on Amtrak (P.L. 111-117), • widening law enforcement off-duty concealed carry privileges (P.L. 111-272), and • prohibiting higher health care premiums for gun owners (P.L. 111-148). The 111th Congress reconsidered or newly considered several other provisions that were not enacted. These issues could re-emerge in the 112th Congress. These provisions address • gun rights restoration for veterans previously deemed to be mentally incompetent (S. 669 and H.R. 6132), • firearms possession in public housing (H.R. 3045 and H.R. 4868), • interstate reciprocity of concealed carry privileges (S. 1390 and S. 845), and • the treatment of firearms under bankruptcy proceedings (H.R. 5827/S. 3654). The report concludes with discussion of other salient and recurring gun control issues that have generated past congressional interest. Those issues include (1) screening firearms background check applicants against terrorist watch lists; (2) reforming the regulation of federally licensed gun dealers; (3) requiring background checks for private firearms transfers at gun shows; (4) more-strictly regulating certain firearms previously defined in statute as “semiautomatic assault weapons”; and (5) banning or requiring the registration of certain long-range .50 caliber rifles, which are commonly referred to as “sniper” rifles. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2011. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2011 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32842.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32842.pdf Shelf Number: 121946 Keywords: Firearms and WeaponsGun Control (U.S.)Gun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Moncrieffe, Joy Title: Making and Unmaking the Young ‘Shotta’ [Shooter]: Boundaries and (Counter)- Actions in the ‘Garrisons’ Summary: This paper comprises a patchwork of conversations and life-stories from two of Jamaica’s reputedly violent ‘garrison’ communities. The stories come from a variety of sources, grandparents to the very young; however, the principal focus is on the children and, specifically, on how some among them – those labelled as ‘young shottas’ [shooters] are cultivated. Our storytellers expose the effects of deep-rooted economic and social inequalities; the perception that gun violence is a means to personal liberation and ‘power’, particularly among males; and the concentration of conflict within and across like neighborhoods. There are stories about social conditioning and manhood, the role of families and peers and of how children are forced to grow in contexts where there are little or no opportunities for exit and restricted spaces for change. There are also accounts of how some actual and potential ‘shottas’ are attempting to contest the physical, material and socio-psychological boundaries within and outside of their immediate communities, through what Hayward (2000) describes as ‘action upon boundaries to action’. Notably, contestation does not always comprise those productive social actions that are considered crucial for participation and vibrant citizenship; it is often much more complex, combining non violent and violent actions, ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ measures. It is important to dissect how perceptions, such as of legality and illegality, legitimacy and illegitimacy are framed for the stories indicate that in these communities such concepts can have different meanings and that what is considered indefensible in some areas may be both justified and regarded as normal practice in others. Through these forthright and compelling accounts, readers will be exposed to the routes to and experiences of different citizenships as well as the substantial challenges to transformational change, particularly for the children who were born and cultivated in these particular violent environments. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, 2008. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 297: Accessed July 20, 2011 at: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734559/original/1052734559-moncrieffe.2008-making.pdf?1289991772 Year: 2008 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734559/original/1052734559-moncrieffe.2008-making.pdf?1289991772 Shelf Number: 122125 Keywords: Gun ViolencePovertySocioeconomic ConditionsViolenceViolent Crime (Jamaica)Youth Violence |
Author: Issa, Darrell E. Title: The Department of Justice’s Operation Fast and Furious: Accounts of ATF Agents Summary: In the fall of 2009, the Department of Justice (DOJ) developed a risky new strategy to combat gun trafficking along the Southwest Border. The new strategy directed federal law enforcement to shift its focus away from seizing firearms from criminals as soon as possible — and to focus instead on identifying members of trafficking networks. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) implemented that strategy using a reckless investigative technique that street agents call “gunwalking.” ATF’s Phoenix Field Division began allowing suspects to walk away with illegally purchased guns. The purpose was to wait and watch, in the hope that law enforcement could identify other members of a trafficking network and build a large, complex conspiracy case. This shift in strategy was known and authorized at the highest levels of the Justice Department. Through both the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona and “Main Justice,” headquarters in Washington, D.C., the Department closely monitored and supervised the activities of the ATF. The Phoenix Field Division established a Gun Trafficking group, called Group VII, to focus on firearms trafficking. Group VII initially began using the new gunwalking tactics in one of its investigations to further the Department’s strategy. The case was soon renamed “Operation Fast and Furious,” and expanded dramatically. It received approval for Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDETF) funding on January 26, 2010. ATF led a strike force comprised of agents from ATF, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). The operation’s goal was to establish a nexus between straw purchasers of assault-style weapons in the United States and Mexican drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs) operating on both sides of the United States-Mexico border. Straw purchasers are individuals who are legally entitled to purchase firearms for themselves, but who unlawfully purchase weapons with the intent to transfer them into the hands of DTOs or other criminals. Operation Fast and Furious was a response to increasing violence fostered by the DTOs in Mexico and their increasing need to purchase ever-growing numbers of more powerful weapons in the U.S. An integral component of Fast and Furious was to work with gun shop merchants, or “Federal Firearms Licensees” (FFLs) to track known straw purchasers through the unique serial number of each firearm sold. ATF agents entered the serial numbers of the weapons purchased into the agency’s Suspect Gun Database. These weapons bought by the straw purchasers included AK-47 variants, Barrett .50 caliber sniper rifles, .38 caliber revolvers, and the FN Five-seveN. During Fast and Furious, ATF frequently monitored actual transactions between the FFLs and straw purchasers. After the purchases, ATF sometimes conducted surveillance of these weapons with assistance from local police departments. Such surveillance included following the vehicles of the straw purchasers. Frequently, the straw purchasers transferred the weapons they bought to stash houses. In other instances, they transferred the weapons to third parties. The volume, frequency, and circumstances of these transactions clearly established reasonable suspicion to stop and question the buyers. Agents are trained to use such interactions to develop probable cause to arrest the suspect or otherwise interdict the weapons and deter future illegal purchases. Operation Fast and Furious sought instead to allow the flow of guns from straw purchasers to the third parties. Instead of trying to interdict the weapons, ATF purposely avoided contact with known straw purchasers or curtailed surveillance, allowing guns to fall into the hands of criminals and bandits on both sides of the border. Though many line agents objected vociferously, ATF and DOJ leadership continued to prevent them from making every effort to interdict illegally purchased firearms. Instead, leadership’s focus was on trying to identify additional conspirators, as directed by the Department’s strategy for combating Mexican Drug Cartels. ATF and DOJ leadership were interested in seeing where these guns would ultimately end up. They hoped to establish a connection between the local straw buyers in Arizona and the Mexico-based DTOs. By entering serial numbers from suspicious transactions into the Suspect Gun Database, ATF would be quickly notified as each one was later recovered at crime scenes and traced, either in the United States or in Mexico. The Department’s leadership allowed the ATF to implement this flawed strategy, fully aware of what was taking place on the ground. The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona encouraged and supported every single facet of Fast and Furious. Main Justice was involved in providing support and approving various aspects of the Operation, including wiretap applications that would necessarily include painstakingly detailed descriptions of what ATF knew about the straw buyers it was monitoring. This hapless plan allowed the guns in question to disappear out of the agency’s view. As a result, this chain of events inevitably placed the guns in the hands of violent criminals. ATF would only see these guns again after they turned up at a crime scene. Tragically, many of these recoveries involved loss of life. While leadership at ATF and DOJ no doubt regard these deaths as tragic, the deaths were a clearly foreseeable result of the strategy. Both line agents and gun dealers who cooperated with the ATF repeatedly expressed concerns about that risk, but ATF supervisors did not heed those warnings. Instead, they told agents to follow orders because this was sanctioned from above. They told gun dealers not to worry because they would make sure the guns didn’t fall into the wrong hands. Unfortunately, ATF never achieved the laudable goal of dismantling a drug cartel. In fact, ATF never even got close. After months and months of investigative work, Fast and Furious resulted only in indictments of 20 straw purchasers. Those indictments came only after the death of U.S. Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry. The indictments, filed January 19, 2011, focus mainly on what is known as “lying and buying.” Lying and buying involves a straw purchaser falsely filling out ATF Form 4473, which is to be completed truthfully in order to legally acquire a firearm. Even worse, ATF knew most of the indicted straw purchasers to be straw purchasers before Fast and Furious even began. In response to criticism, ATF and DOJ leadership denied allegations that gunwalking occurred in Fast and Furious by adopting an overly narrow definition of the term. They argue that gunwalking is limited to cases in which ATF itself supplied the guns directly. As field agents understood the term, however, gunwalking includes situations in which ATF had contemporaneous knowledge of illegal gun purchases and purposely decided not to attempt any interdiction. The agents also described situations in which ATF facilitated or approved transactions to known straw buyers. Both situations are even more disturbing in light of the ATF’s certain knowledge that weapons previously purchased by the same straw buyers had been trafficked into Mexico and may have reached the DTOs. When the full parameters of this program became clear to the agents assigned to Group VII, a rift formed among Group VII’s agents in Phoenix. Several agents blew the whistle on this reckless operation only to face punishment and retaliation from ATF leadership. Sadly, only the tragic murder of Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry provided the necessary impetus for DOJ and ATF leadership to finally indict the straw buyers whose regular purchases they had monitored for 14 months. Even then, it was not until after whistleblowers later reported the issue to Congress that the Justice Department finally issued a policy directive that prohibited gunwalking. This report is the first in a series regarding Operation Fast and Furious. Possible future reports and hearings will likely focus on the actions of the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona, the decisions faced by gun shop owners (FFLs) as a result of ATF’s actions, and the remarkably ill-fated decisions made by Justice Department officials in Washington, especially within the Criminal Division and the Office of the Deputy Attorney General. This first installment focuses on ATF’s misguided approach of letting guns walk. The report describes the agents’ outrage about the use of gunwalking as an investigative technique and the continued denials and stonewalling by DOJ and ATF leadership. It provides some answers as to what went wrong with Operation Fast and Furious. Further questions for key ATF and DOJ decision makers remain unanswered. For example, what leadership failures within the Department of Justice allowed this program to thrive? Who will be held accountable and when? Details: Washington, DC: United States Congress, 2011. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Joint Staff Report: Accessed July 20, 2011 at: http://grassley.senate.gov/judiciary/upload/ATF-06-14-11-Joint-Issa-Grassley-report-on-agent-findings.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://grassley.senate.gov/judiciary/upload/ATF-06-14-11-Joint-Issa-Grassley-report-on-agent-findings.pdf Shelf Number: 122129 Keywords: Border SecurityDrug CartelsGun ControlGun ViolenceGuns (U.S.)Illegal GunsOrganized CrimeTrafficking in Weaspons |
Author: San Francisco. Mayor's Office of Criminal Justice Title: SF Safe City: A Report on Ongoing Initiatives to Reduce Crime and Violence in San Francisco Summary: In the summer of 2006, San Francisco launched SF Safe Summer 2006, a coordinated effort amongst City departments, law enforcement, the courts and the community to combat the high rate of violence plaguing San Francisco. Together, these efforts created new job opportunities for at risk youth and adults, advanced new strategies to combat gun and gang violence, and bolstered social services for families impacted by violence. The summer passed but the city's efforts to stop violence continue to grow. The Mayor's Office prepared SF SAFE CITY to report on San Francisco's ongoing violence prevention and reduction strategies moving forward. These efforts are organized into five key elements: collaboration, prevention, intervention, enhanced criminal justice system effectiveness, and community policing. In 2005, homicides in San Francisco reached a ten-year high, with 96 people slain. So far this year, San Francisco continues to see high numbers of lives lost to violence. Homicides from gun violence constitute the majority of homicides in San Francisco. The violence and homicides disproportionately affect low-income communities of color. Victims of violence need support services to help them heal. Perpetrators must be prosecuted and held accountable for their actions. Youth and young adults need access to positive and productive activities as alternatives to crime and violence. Residents need to be safe in their communities. San Francisco launched SF Safe Summer 2006 to advance the kind of collaboration and innovation needed to solve this intolerable problem. Among other accomplishments, the Juvenile Probation Department and the Department of Children, Youth and their Families spearheaded the most ambitious effort in San Francisco history to provide jobs to youth on probation. The Mayor's Office of Economic and Workforce Development expanded its CityBuild Academy to provide job-training services in the construction field. The Department of Children, Youth and their Families commenced an effort to expand the Community Response Network crisis response program in the Mission and bring this model to the Bayview and Western Addition neighborhoods. The Department of Public Health initiated a new citywide Crisis Response Team to assist family members and witnesses of violent incidents. Operation Ceasefire, a collaboration among local and federal public safety agencies to combat gun and gang violence, began extensive data collection and planning. The District Attorney and Public Defender continued their efforts to improve outcomes for people exiting jail, and Police District Stations carried out violence reduction plans to tackle the unique crime problems in each neighborhood. These initiatives have laid the foundation for change, but a tremendous amount of work lies ahead. The ongoing violence must be stopped through a combination of intensive prevention, intervention, and suppression strategies that can both respond to the immediate crisis on the streets and begin to deal with the underlying social and economic conditions that contribute to instability, violence, and crime. This report, SF SAFE CITY, describes San Francisco's ongoing violence prevention, intervention, and reduction efforts. Details: San Francisco: Mayor's Office of Criminal Justice, 2006. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 22, 2011 at: http://sfmayor.typepad.com/sf_mayor/files/SFSafeCity.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://sfmayor.typepad.com/sf_mayor/files/SFSafeCity.pdf Shelf Number: 122152 Keywords: CollaborationCrime Prevention (San Francisco)GangsGun ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Fox, James Alan Title: The Recent Surge in Homicides involving Young Black Males and Guns: Time to Reinvest in Prevention and Crime Control Summary: While overall homicide levels in the United States have fluctuated minimally in recent years, those involving young victims and perpetrators — particularly young black males — have surged. From 2002 to 2007, the number of homicides involving black male juveniles as victims rose by 31% and as perpetrators by 43%. In terms of gun killings involving this same population subgroup, the increases were even more pronounced: 54% for young black male victims and 47% for young black male perpetrators. The increase in homicide among black youth, coupled with a smaller increase or even decrease among their white counterparts, was consistently true for every region of the country and nearly all population groupings of cities. The pattern also held individually for a majority of states and major cities. After some decline during the 1990s, the percentage of homicides that involve a gun has increased since 2000, both among young white offenders and black offenders of all age ranges. The percentage of gun homicides for young black offenders has reached nearly 85%. These trends are concomitant with various legislative initiatives at the federal level that have lessened the extent of surveillance on illegal gun markets. Time-of-day patterns of violent crime victimization for youngsters, ages 6-17, reveal clear differences between school days and out-of-school periods. On school days, the risk spikes during the after-school hours — the primetime for juvenile crime---while the late evening hours are most problematic on non-school days, particularly summertime weekends. Future demographics suggest that the concern for at-risk youth should increase over the next decade. The number of black and Hispanic children should continue to expand, contrasting with the rather limited increase expected among Caucasian children. There is a significant need for reinvestment in children and families — in essence an at-risk youth bailout during these difficult economic times. Federal support for policing and youth violence prevention has declined sharply in recent years, perhaps precipitated by complacency brought about by the significant 1990s decline in crime. The resurgence in homicide, especially among minority youth, signals the importance of restoring federal funds for crime prevention and crime control. Details: Boston, MA: Northeastern University, 2008. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 9, 2011 at: http://www.jfox.neu.edu/Documents/Fox%20Swatt%20Homicide%20Report%20Dec%2029%202008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.jfox.neu.edu/Documents/Fox%20Swatt%20Homicide%20Report%20Dec%2029%202008.pdf Shelf Number: 122335 Keywords: African AmericansGun ViolenceHomicidesIllegal GunsViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Olscamp, David M. Title: Project Exile: Beyond Richmond Summary: Over the past four years, the federal government has spent over $1 billion on Project Safe Neighborhoods. The program, which is modeled after Richmond, Virginia’s Project Exile and Boston, Massachusetts’ Operation Ceasefire, is designed to reduce gun violence by integrating federal, state and local resources. Project Safe Neighborhoods was announced by President Bush on May 14, 2001 and has continued to be his administration’s main crime fighting initiative. This paper attempts to resolve whether or not Project Exile is effective at reducing homicides. Even though Project Exile was nationalized through Project Safe Neighborhoods, there has been little academic inquiry on the program. Details: Atlanta, GA: Emory University, Department of Economics, 2006. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2011 at: http://www.economics.emory.edu/Working_Papers/wp/Olscamp.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.economics.emory.edu/Working_Papers/wp/Olscamp.pdf Shelf Number: 119165 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceGunsHomicidesProject ExileViolent Crime |
Author: Gilgen, Elisabeth Title: Contributing Evidence to Programming: Armed Violence Monitoring Systems Summary: Governments, development practitioners, and United Nations agencies are increasingly looking for ways to ensure that resources for development programmes and humanitarian interventions are used effectively and to support interventions with a proven record of success. Such evidence-based policy-making has also gained popularity in relation to the prevention and reduction of armed violence. To support this trend, practitioners and other stakeholders are establishing new mechanisms and research tools, including armed violence monitoring systems (AVMS). In the past few decades, AVMS have become an important tool to better understand the scale and distribution of armed violence. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) currently supports AVMS in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Caribbean, Colombia, Croatia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Kenya, Somalia, South-eastern and Eastern Europe, and Sudan. UNDP has observed that national governments are increasingly requesting support for AVMS. This Working Paper — commissioned by the UNDP — aims to clarify the concept of AVMS and to deepen understanding of their work. It is designed to inform policy-makers and practitioners who are working on violence reduction and prevention and who are interested in supporting or establishing an AVMS. The report will also allow experts who are already engaged in AVMS to compare their experiences with those of others. Last but not least, the paper aims to inform researchers and academics who work on developing indicators that capture the scale and scope of armed violence at a local, national, or global level. Details: Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Declaration, 2011. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed September 12, 2011 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/general/GD-WP-2011-Contributing-Evidence-to-Programming.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/general/GD-WP-2011-Contributing-Evidence-to-Programming.pdf Shelf Number: 122720 Keywords: Armed ViolenceFirearmsGun ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Kohli, Anil Title: Mapping Murder: The Geography of Indian Firearm Fatalities Summary: Rates of murder, and firearms murder in particular, vary dramatically across India's 28 states and seven union territories, as well 35 cities with over one million residents. National statistics and autopsy findings reveal the range of variation between states and cities. Murder and firearms death are declining in many regions, but much of the country still faces extreme problems. This Issue Brief identifies those areas worst affected and those most immune. Access to illegal firearms is a major element in this variation. Details: New Delhi: India Armed Violence Assessment, 2011. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief No. 2: Accessed September 21, 2011 at: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB2-mapping-murder.pdf Year: 2011 Country: India URL: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB2-mapping-murder.pdf Shelf Number: 122803 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGun ViolenceGunsHomicides (India)ViolenceViolent Crimes |
Author: Acharya, Arabinda Title: India’s States of Armed Violence Assessing the Human Cost and Political Priorities Summary: Some forms of violence get more attention than others. Terrorism and insurgency have effects which go far beyond the direct deaths and injuries that they cause, undermining security and economic development. But for sheer numbers of lives destroyed, criminal violence and suicide deserve more attention. All forms of armed violence require more attention, and more holistic policy. Institutional cooperation — between ministries, the central and state governments, and between government and civil society — is only beginning to occur. Details: New Delhi: India Armed Violence Assessment, 2011. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief No. 1: Accessed September 21, 2011 at: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB1-states-of-armed-violence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: India URL: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB1-states-of-armed-violence.pdf Shelf Number: 122804 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun ViolenceGunsHomicidesTerrorismViolence (India)Violent Crime |
Author: Stambaugh, Hollis Title: Northern Illinois University Shooting: DeKalb, Illinois, February 14, 2008 Summary: On February 14, 2008, less than 1 year after a senior at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (Virginia Tech) murdered 32 people and committed suicide, the campus community at Northern Illinois University (NIU), in DeKalb, Illinois, faced a similar horror. A former NIU graduate student walked onto the stage of a large lecture hall and began firing on startled students and faculty. The shooter, a 28-year old male, had a history of mental illness. He shot and killed 5 students and wounded 18, some critically. His suicide at the end of the brief attack brought the number of deaths to 6. The building where the shooting occurred, Cole Hall, is centrally located in the interior of the campus and is directly across from a concentration of dormitories identified as Neptune East, West, Central, and North. Cole Hall contains two large lecture halls for large group classes. All of the injured who were transported were taken to Kishwaukee Community Hospital, the only hospital nearby. Several of the most seriously injured were then transferred to five other hospitals in the region—four via helicopter and one via ground ambulance. A close examination of how the emergency medical and hospital services were carried out reveals that the right decisions and actions were taken during triage and treatment, lives were saved, and no one was hurt in the process of providing emergency medical services (EMS) to the victims, transporting them, or safeguarding the rest of the campus immediately after the murders. The City of DeKalb Fire Department, the NIU Department of Public Safety, the hospital, and other mutual-aid responders were prepared. They had practiced emergency drills together and coordinated their planning. They were familiar with the Incident Command System (ICS) and had formally incorporated its use in their plans. The fire/EMS, university police, and university events management partners had worked together frequently in planned and unplanned events, so Command and control procedures were well practiced. They also had studied the official report1 on the Virginia Tech shootings and had integrated the lessons learned enumerated in that report into the university’s and the City of DeKalb’s emergency response plans, especially from the chapters that reported on the law enforcement and EMS response to that April 16, 2007 incident. The value of that report, their training, and their joint planning was apparent in the excellent response to Cole Hall. The DeKalb Fire Department has stated they hope that what they discovered from their internal debriefings and reports can add to the lessons that were documented from Virginia Tech so that the body of experience can expand to include this most recent tragedy and help other universities, law enforcement agencies, and fire departments as the Virginia Tech report helped them. The U.S. Fire Administration (USFA) is pleased to enable the sharing of information from the NIU shooting with emergency response organizations nationwide. Details: Wshington, DC: U.S. Fire Administration, Department of Homeland Security, 2009. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: USEA-TR-167: Accessed September 27, 2011 at: http://www.usfa.fema.gov/downloads/pdf/publications/tr_167.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.usfa.fema.gov/downloads/pdf/publications/tr_167.pdf Shelf Number: 122914 Keywords: Campus Crime (U.S.)Campus ViolenceColleges and UniversityEmergency ServicesGun ViolenceHomicidesSchool ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Polczynski, Christa G. Title: The Driving Force: A Comparative Analysis of Gang-Motivated, Firearm-Related Homicides Summary: The knowledge of gang homicides is constantly increasing, but one aspect of gangs rarely studied is drive-by shootings (Dedel 2007; Hutson, Anglin, and Pratts 1994; Hutson, Anglin, and Eckstein 1996; Polczynski 2007; Sanders 1994; Sugarmann and Newth 2007). In this paper are comparative analyses of gang-motivated, firearm-related homicides perpetrated through a drive-by shooting to those which are not perpetrated through a drive-by shooting, by spatial and regression analyses. The data used for the analyses are a combination of incident variables, such as victim, offender, and incident characteristics, as well as social and economic characteristics of the communities in which the homicides occurred for a 31 year time period in Chicago. The findings indicate that there are differences in the characteristics and spatial location of gang-motivated, firearm-related homicides whether perpetrated through a drive-by shooting or by some other means. Based on the findings there may be policy implementations that are available in order to reduce the likelihood of a gang-motivated drive-by shooting. Details: Orlando, FL: Department of Sociology, University of Central Florida, 2009. 211p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed October 6, 2011 at: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0002524/Polczynski_Christa_G_200905_PhD.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0002524/Polczynski_Christa_G_200905_PhD.pdf Shelf Number: 122992 Keywords: Drive-By Shootings (U.S.)Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceHomicides |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: Global Study on Homicide: Trends, Contexts, Data Summary: The UNODC 2011 Global Study on Homicide brings together global, regional, national and subnational homicide data in one publication. It is hoped that the data and analysis of the most violent crime against the person will assist global efforts to design evidence-based policies to prevent and reduce crime in those areas and population groups where violence is most acute. This study was made possible because of increased efforts by countries to produce and share good quality homicide data. However, homicide data remain far from perfect—indeed, the study draws attention to the large geographic and thematic data gaps in many regions of the world—and comparisons should always be made with caution. This is also true because legal systems and practices, as well as capacities in reporting intentional homicide, can vary significantly between countries and regions. Nevertheless, there are a number of key messages that may be derived from the wealth of data in this study. First, there is a clear link between violent crime and development: crime hampers poor human and economic development; this, in turn, fosters crime. Improvements to social and economic conditions go hand in hand with the reduction of violent crime. The development agenda must also include crime prevention policies and the enhancement of the rule of law at both national and international level. Reducing violent crime should also be a priority for achieving the Millennium Development Goals, particularly in those countries where crime is disproportionally high. The study also represents an important advance in our understanding of the trends and patterns of homicide. One of the most important considerations is the recognition that different factors drive violent crime rates and trends. In some regions, organized crime, drug trafficking and the violent cultures of youth gangs are predominantly responsible for the high levels of homicide; while in others, killings connected to intimate partner and family-related violence account for an important share of homicides. Although it is important to understand that the sharp increase in homicides in some countries, particularly in Central America, are making the activities of organized crime and drug trafficking more visible, it should not be assumed that organized crime is not active in other regions as well. Another aspect is the role played by firearms in violent crime. It is crucial that measures to prevent crime should include policies towards the ratification and implementation of the UN Firearm protocol. Domestic policies in furtherance of the Protocol’s provision can help avoid the diversion of firearms to fuel violence and increase homicides. Knowledge of the patterns and causes of violent crime are crucial to forming preventive strategies. Young males are the group most affected by violent crime in all regions, particularly in the Americas. Yet women of all ages are the victims of intimate partner and family-related violence in all regions and countries. Indeed, in many of them, it is within the home where a woman is most likely to be killed. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2011. 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed october 7, 2011 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/Homicide/Globa_study_on_homicide_2011_web.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/Homicide/Globa_study_on_homicide_2011_web.pdf Shelf Number: 123002 Keywords: Crime StatisticsFirearms and CrimeGun ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Diaz, Tom Title: Target: Law Enforcement. Assault Weapons in the News, March 1, 2005 - February 29, 2007 Summary: Semiautomatic assault weapons are civilian versions of automatic military assault rifles like the AK-47 and the M-16. The civilian guns look the same as their military brethren because they are identical functionally, except for one feature: military assault rifles are machine guns. A machine gun fires continuously as long as its trigger is held back—until it runs out of ammunition. Civilian assault rifles, in contrast, are semi-automatic weapons. The trigger of a semiautomatic weapon must be pulled back separately for each round fired. Because federal law has banned the sale of new machine guns to civilians since 1986 and heavily regulates sales to civilians of older model machine guns, there is virtually no civilian market for military assault weapons. Nonetheless, civilian semiautomatic assault weapons have proven every bit as deadly as their military counterparts. This study is a snapshot of the effect of America’s laissez-faire policy toward assault weapons. Based on reports of assault weapons in the news over a two-year span, it makes clear that assault weapons are frequently used in crime and confiscated from criminals. Moreover, it demonstrates that the number of incidents in which law enforcement officers are reported to have been confronted with assault weapons rose dramatically in the two-year period monitored. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2011? 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 21, 2011 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/targetle.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/targetle.pdf Shelf Number: 123079 Keywords: Assault Weapons (U.S.)Gun ControlGun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Cook, Philip J. Title: Gun Control After Heller: Litigating Against Regulation Summary: The “core right” established in D.C. vs. Heller (2008) is to keep an operable handgun in the home for self-defense purposes. If the Court extends this right to cover state and local jurisdictions, the result is likely to include the elimination of the most stringent existing regulations – such as Chicago’s handgun ban – and could also possibly ban regulations that place substantial restrictions or costs on handgun ownership. We find evidence in support of four conclusions: The effect of Heller may be to increase the prevalence of handgun ownership in jurisdictions that currently have restrictive laws; Given the best evidence on the consequences of increased prevalence of gun ownership, these jurisdictions will experience a greater burden of crime due to more lethal violence and an increased burglary rate; Nonetheless, a regime with greater scope for gun rights is not necessarily inferior – whether restrictive regulations would pass a cost benefit test may depend on whether we accept the Heller viewpoint that there is a legal entitlement to possess a handgun; In any event, the core right defined by Heller leaves room for some regulation that would reduce the negative externalities of gun ownership. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2009. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper Series, Working Paper 15431: Accessed November 1, 2011 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w15431.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w15431.pdf Shelf Number: 123208 Keywords: Gun ControlGun OwnershipGun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Karch, Debra L. Title: Surveillance for Violent Deaths --- National Violent Death Reporting System, 16 States, 2008 Summary: Problem/Condition: An estimated 50,000 persons die annually in the United States as a result of violence-related injuries. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) regarding violent deaths from 16 U.S. states for 2008. Results are reported by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, marital status, location of injury, method of injury, circumstances of injury, and other selected characteristics. Reporting Period Covered: 2008. Description of System: NVDRS collects data regarding violent deaths obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, and law enforcement reports. NVDRS data collection began in 2003 with seven states (Alaska, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Oregon, South Carolina, and Virginia) participating; six states (Colorado, Georgia, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin) joined in 2004, four (California, Kentucky, New Mexico, and Utah) in 2005, and two in 2010 (Ohio and Michigan) for a total of 19 states. This report includes data from 16 states that collected statewide data in 2008; data from California are not included in this report because NVDRS was implemented only in a limited number of California cities and counties rather than statewide. Ohio and Michigan are excluded because they did not begin data collection until 2010. Results: For 2008, a total of 15,755 fatal incidents involving 16,138 deaths were captured by NVDRS in the 16 states included in this report. The majority (58.7%) of deaths were suicides, followed by homicides and deaths involving legal intervention (i.e. deaths caused by police and other persons with legal authority to use deadly force, excluding legal executions) (26.4%), deaths of undetermined intent (14.5%), and unintentional firearm deaths (0.4%). Suicides occurred at higher rates among males, American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs), non-Hispanic whites, and persons aged 45--54 years. Suicides occurred most often in a house or apartment (70.6%) and involved the use of firearms (51.5%). Suicides were precipitated primarily by mental health (45.4%), intimate partner (30.9%), or physical health problems (22.6%), or by a crisis during the preceding 2 weeks (27.9%). Homicides occurred at higher rates among males and persons aged 20--24 years; rates were highest among non-Hispanic black males. The majority of homicides involved the use of a firearm (65.8%) and occurred in a house or apartment (52.5%) or on a street/highway (21.3%). Homicides were precipitated primarily by arguments (41.4%) and interpersonal conflicts (18.4%) or in conjunction with another crime (30.2%). Other manners of death and special situations or populations also are highlighted in this report. Interpretation: This report provides a detailed summary of data from NVDRS for 2008. The results indicate that violent deaths resulting from self-inflicted or interpersonal violence disproportionately affected adults aged <55 years, males, and certain minority populations. For homicides and suicides, relationship problems, interpersonal conflicts, mental health problems, and recent crises were among the primary precipitating factors. Because additional information might be reported subsequently as participating states update their findings, the data provided in this report are preliminary. Details: Atlanta, GA: Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2011. Source: Internet Resource: MMWR Vol. 60, No. 10: Accessed November 7, 2011 at: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ss6010a1.htm Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ss6010a1.htm Shelf Number: 123256 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesViolence (U.S.) |
Author: Geneva Declaration Title: Global Burden of Armed Violence 2011 Summary: Drawing on comprehensive country-level data, including both conflict-related and criminal violence, it estimates that at least 526,000 people die violently every year, more than three-quarters of them in non-conflict settings. It highlights that the 58 countries with high rates of lethal violence account for two-thirds of all violent deaths, and shows that one-quarter of all violent deaths occur in just 14 countries, seven of which are in the Americas. New research on femicide also reveals that about 66,000 women and girls are violently killed around the world each year. This volume also assesses the linkages between violent death rates and socio-economic development, demonstrating that homicide rates are higher wherever income disparity, extreme poverty, and hunger are high. It challenges the use of simple analytical classifications and policy responses, and offers researchers and policy-makers new tools for studying and tackling different forms of violence. Details: Geneva: Geneva Declaration, 2012. 175p. (Also available from Cambridge University Press) Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 1, 2012 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/measurability/global-burden-of-armed-violence/global-burden-of-armed-violence-2011.html Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/measurability/global-burden-of-armed-violence/global-burden-of-armed-violence-2011.html Shelf Number: 123918 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolent Crimes |
Author: Cramer, Clayton E. Title: Tough Targets: When Criminals Face Armed Resistance from Citizens Summary: The ostensible purpose of gun control legislation is to reduce firearm deaths and injuries. The restriction of access to firearms will make criminals unable to use guns to shoot people. Gun control laws will also reduce the number of accidental shootings. Those are the desired effects, at least in theory. It is important, however, for conscientious policymakers to consider not only the stated goals of gun control regulations, but the actual results that they produce. What would be the effect of depriving ordinary, law-abiding citizens from keeping arms for self-defense? One result seems certain: the law-abiding would be at a distinct disadvantage should criminals acquire guns from underground markets. After all, it is simply not possible for police officers to get to every scene where they are urgently needed. Outside of criminology circles, relatively few people can reasonably estimate how often people use guns to fend off criminal attacks. If policymakers are truly interested in harm reduction, they should pause to consider how many crimes—murders, rapes, assaults, robberies—are thwarted each year by ordinary persons with guns. The estimates of defensive gun use range between the tens of thousands to as high as two million each year. This paper uses a collection of news reports of self-defense with guns over an eight-year period to survey the circumstances and outcomes of defensive gun uses in America. Federal and state lawmakers often oppose repealing or amending laws governing the ownership or carrying of guns. That opposition is typically based on assumptions that the average citizen is incapable of successfully employing a gun in self-defense or that possession of a gun in public will tempt people to violence in “road rage” or other contentious situations. Those assumptions are false. The vast majority of gun owners are ethical and competent. That means tens of thousands of crimes are prevented each year by ordinary citizens with guns. Details: Washington, DC: CATO Institute, 2012. 58p. Source: White Paper: Internet Resource: Accessed on February 3, 2012 at http://www.cato.org/pubs/wtpapers/WP-Tough-Targets.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.cato.org/pubs/wtpapers/WP-Tough-Targets.pdf Shelf Number: 123938 Keywords: Armed ViolenceFirearmsGun ControlGun ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Ozdemir, Habib Title: Zero Tolerance in Implementation of Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1995 in the USA Summary: The Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1995 aimed to provide a safe environment to children in building their and nation's future. However, the harsh discipline suggested by this act may cause severe negative outcomes for kids‟ psychologies and judgment skills, especially by mandatory expulsions. Since the act decreased the illegal gun possession at schools and outlying areas, this paper proposes to continue the implementation of the act with some amendments. A suggested network comprised of educators, police, families, peer/youth organizations is assumed to improve the results of the act while promoting the role of teachers in the eyes of students and sharing their responsibilities with the courts in expelling students through court verdicts. In this project, police is the major institution in dealing with delinquency within schools and surroundings with specialized units. Families and peer/youth organizations are silent but more constructive units of this network. It is projected that there will a strong commitment and information sharing within the network components. Details: International Police Executive Symposium (IPES) and the Geneva Center for the Democratic Control of the Armed Forces (DCAF) and COGINTA., 2011. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: IPES/DCAF Working Paper No 32; Accessed February 6, 2012 at: http://www.ipes.info/WPS/WPS_No_32.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.ipes.info/WPS/WPS_No_32.pdf Shelf Number: 123993 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Free School ZonesSchool CrimeSchool SafetyZero Tolerance |
Author: Bellis, Mark A. Title: Preventing and Reducing Armed Violence. What Works? Summary: The paper brings together promising and emerging evidence of what works to prevent interpersonal armed violence (through firearms), primarily in non-conflict situations. The paper provides an overview of the scale of armed violence, its impacts and the risk factors associated with it. It examines both direct approaches to preventing and reducing armed violence, and indirect approaches that do not address armed violence as their primary aim, but target risk factors for violence. Most scientific evidence currently comes from developed countries which generally have greater capacity and resources for designing, implementing and reporting the results of rigorous evaluations. However, the evidence-base from low- and middle-income countries is increasing, and this paper also provides examples of emerging evidence from around the world. Details: New York: United Nations Development Programme; Oslo: Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Background Paper: Oslo Conference on Armed Violence Achieving the Millennium Development Goals 20-22 April 2010: Accessed April 2, 2012 at: http://www.osloconferencearmedviolence.no/pop.cfm?FuseAction=Doc&pAction=View&pDocumentId=24291 Year: 2010 Country: International URL: http://www.osloconferencearmedviolence.no/pop.cfm?FuseAction=Doc&pAction=View&pDocumentId=24291 Shelf Number: 124797 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun ViolenceViolence PreventionWeapons |
Author: Shifter, Michael Title: Countering Criminal Violence in Central America Summary: Violent crime in Central America—particularly in the "northern triangle" of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala—is reaching breathtaking levels. Murder rates in the region are among the highest in the world. To a certain extent, Central America's predicament is one of geography—it is sandwiched between some of the world's largest drug producers in South America and the world's largest consumer of illegal drugs, the United States. The region is awash in weapons and gunmen, and high rates of poverty ensure substantial numbers of willing recruits for organized crime syndicates. Weak, underfunded, and sometimes corrupt governments struggle to keep up with the challenge. Though the United States has offered substantial aid to Central American efforts to address criminal violence, it also contributes to the problem through its high levels of drug consumption, relatively relaxed gun control laws, and deportation policies that have sent home more than a million illegal migrants with violent records. In this Council Special Report, sponsored by the Center for Preventive Action, Michael Shifter assesses the causes and consequences of the violence faced by several Central American countries and examines the national, regional, and international efforts intended to curb its worst effects. Guatemala, for example, is still healing from a thirty-six-year civil war; guns and armed groups remain common. El Salvador's ironfisted response to widespread gang violence has transformed its prisons into overcrowded gang-recruiting centers while doing little to reduce crime. Even relatively wealthy countries like Costa Rica and Panama are threatened by poor police capacity and significant problems with smuggling and money laundering. Virtually all countries are further plagued by at least some level of public corruption. While hard-hitting or even militarized responses to criminal violence often enjoy broad public support, Shifter writes, Nicaragua's experience with crime prevention programs like community policing and job training for youth suggests that other approaches can be more effective at curbing crime. Shortages of local funding and expertise remain problematic, however, and only large-scale, national programs can effectively address national-level problems with corruption or the quality of the legal system. Moreover, many of the root causes of the region's violence are transnational—the international trade in drugs, guns, and other contraband being only the most obvious example. Multilateral organizations have stepped in to support national-level responses, as have Central America's neighbors. The UN's flagship effort, the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, supports domestic prosecutions of organized criminal gangs and their allies in Guatemala's government. In recent years, the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to efforts to improve regional collaboration on anticrime initiatives; last year they pledged $1.5 billion more over the next few years. Colombia and Mexico have both provided advice and training for Central America's police services and judiciary. The United States is also contributing significant resources. Washington now provides about $100 million annually, targeted mainly at drug interdiction and law enforcement, though some funding also goes toward institutional capacity building and violence protection. Still, much more remains to be done, and Shifter offers several recommendations for U.S. policymakers. Strengthening the judiciary and law enforcement services should, he says, be a central goal; the region's ineffective and corrupt legal systems are severely hampering efforts to curb the violence. He also advocates rethinking U.S. policies that contribute to violence in Central America, including drug laws, gun control policies, and immigration rules regarding violent offenders. Countering Criminal Violence in Central America provides important insights into the varied causes of criminal violence in the region. Its authoritative and nuanced analysis acknowledges the strengths and weaknesses of ongoing efforts to address the problem, and it offers thoughtful recommendations on how those efforts might be built on and improved. Despite the daunting complexity of the challenges underpinning the region's growing violence, this report successfully argues that this trend can—and should—be reversed. Details: Washington, DC: Council on Foreign Relations, 2012. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Council Special Report No. 64: Accessed April 4, 2012 at: http://www.cfr.org/central-america/countering-criminal-violence-central-america/p27740 Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.cfr.org/central-america/countering-criminal-violence-central-america/p27740 Shelf Number: 124814 Keywords: Drug TraffickingGangsGun ViolenceHomicidesPolice CorruptionViolence (Central America)Violent Crime |
Author: Green, Anthony Title: Auditing the Cost of the Virginia Tech Massacre: How Much We Pay When Killers Kill Summary: Five years ago, on April 16, 2007, an English major at Virginia Tech University named Seung-Hui Cho gunned down and killed 32 people, wounded another 17, and then committed suicide as the police closed in on him on that cold, bloody Monday. Since then, 12 more spree killings have claimed the lives of another 90 random victims and wounded another 92 people who were in the wrong place at the wrong time when deranged and well-armed killers suddenly burst upon their daily lives. This carnage includes the very recent killing by Ohio high school student T.J. Lane of three of his fellow students with a gun he took out of his grandfather’s barn, which also wounded two others. Lane’s revolver held 10 bullets, and he fired all 10. As we went to press, still another spree killing took place on a university campus where at least seven were killed and three wounded. This most recent spree killing— the 13th, including Cho’s rampage at Virginia Tech five years ago—occurred at a small religious college near Oakland, California, called Oikos University. What links these tragedies? It’s simple: histories indicating dangerousness combined with the lack of adequate gun control. Cho had a history of mental illness but was able to bypass the national gun purchase background check system and buy two weapons to accomplish his meticulously planned spree killing. He also bought a number of high-capacity magazines, which supersized his weapons. Well-armed, he was able to commit his carnage in no more than 15 minutes, pausing in between his two attacks. The human toll of this, the worst spree killing in recent American history, is incalculable, but there are financial costs that can be calculated. In March 2012 a state court jury in Montgomery County, Virginia, found that Virginia Tech was negligent and awarded $4 million each to two families of victims. The lawsuit was based on the families’ allegations that the lives of the students could have been saved if the university warned the campus community more quickly after the first of the two killings, which took place on the same morning. The damage award may be reduced to $100,000 for each family due to the state’s cap on damages. But as we go to press, the issue of the damages is being argued by the parties before the trial court judge. Further, whether the university appeals the verdict is still an open question. In a completely different legal action, the U.S. Department of Education fined the university $55,000 under the Clery Act, which requires universities to give notice of dangers affecting students. The university appealed, the U.S. Department of Education rejected the appeal, and subsequently a federal administrative court judge in April 2012 ruled in favor of Virginia Tech. These possible courtroom costs, however, pale in comparison to the cost of negligence due to the failure of ambiguous gun control laws alongside the lack of any genuine effort by federal or state officials to clarify the laws so that state police and courts can enforce them to the fullest extent of the law. This lack of enforcement of poorly written laws enables mentally ill people to pass background checks and purchase guns legally even if they have a history indicating dangerousness, including those found by courts to be mentally ill or subject to orders of confinement to a mental health facility. This breakdown in our legal system results in the inestimable loss of life and its horror and consequence. Sadly, we can calculate this cost another way. Another outcome of the lack of gun control is the taxpayer’s bill for a spree killing. In this report we share the findings of our survey of the monetary costs incurred as a result of this murderous rampage at Virginia Tech five years ago. This paper assesses this cost at $48.2 million for the taxpayers of the United States and the commonwealth of Virginia, and for Virginia Tech, a public university. This report also demonstrates how the background-check system, still rife with loopholes, failed to protect American citizens from an armed and dangerous Seung-Hui Cho, costing innocent lives—many of them young ones. The loss of one innocent life to a mentally disturbed shooter should be reason enough to close the gaping holes in the system that permit gun purchases and access to high-capacity magazines that can cause such mayhem. The Virginia Tech tragedy drives this point home in the most dramatic of ways because of the sheer number of deaths and extraordinary financial costs. For this reason, we recommend several commonsense measures designed to curb gun violence without taking a single gun away from the great majority of Americans who have the right to own a weapon. These measures are detailed in main pages of our report, but briefly we recommend: Completing state compliance with requirements to post appropriate mental health records in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System; Establishing clear reporting guidelines for when and how mental health records are required to be posted in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System so that states can be held accountable for compliance; Requiring a full background check in all gun transactions, including private sales at gun shows and those online, so that dangerous people cannot purchase guns legally in these nontraditional venues; Fully funding state technology efforts to comply with the federal background check system requirements; Requiring states to comply fully with the protocols of the National Instant Criminal Background Check System or taking away their federal funding if they do not; and Mandating federal compliance with a proposed presidential executive order directing all agencies to submit records to this instant background check system and certifying that they have done so twice yearly to the U.S. attorney general. In addition we offer two other recommendations for Congress to enact arising from the lessons of Virginia Tech: Outlawing high-capacity bullet magazines; and Requiring campuses to establish a threat assessment process. Taking these commonsense steps would go a long way toward ending the spree killing rampages that continue to haunt our nation. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2012. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2012 at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/04/pdf/vt_gun_control.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/04/pdf/vt_gun_control.pdf Shelf Number: 124968 Keywords: Background ChecksCampus CrimeCosts of Criminal JusticeGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass ShootingsSchool ShootingsViolent Crime |
Author: Butts, Jeffrey Title: Youth, Guns, and the Juvenile Justice System Summary: The falling rate of violent crime in the United States is not likely to reduce the need for effective policies and programs to address youth gun violence. The rate of firearm deaths among American youth is still one of the highest in the world. In the coming years, all levels of government, the private sector, and communities will require sound information and practical guidance as they try to reduce gun violence among young people. Funded by the Joyce Foundation, this report reviews recent trends in youth gun violence, policy responses to gun violence, and the growing variety of data resources for research on the effects of gun laws. The report is designed to inform discussions about these issues and to aid in the development of future research efforts. Details: Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2002. 30p. Source: Research Report: Internet Resource: Accessed April 28, 2012 at http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/410417_youth_guns.pdf Year: 2002 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/410417_youth_guns.pdf Shelf Number: 125095 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsJuvenile Justice SystemJuvenile OffendersViolent Crime |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Drive-By America, Second Edition Summary: Drive-by shootings are commonly defined as an incident in which the shooter fires a firearm from a motor vehicle at another person, vehicle, building, or another stationary object. This study is a follow-up to the July 2007 Violence Policy Center (VPC) report Drive-By America, which, using a limited sample of information, offered for the first time a nationwide overview of drive-by shootings. Three years after the publication of the original VPC study, there remains no national data on the prevalence of drive-by shootings, those who commit them, those who are killed and injured as a result of them, the firearms used, where they take place, or at what times they most often occur. The goal of this new edition of Drive-By America is to continue the VPC’s efforts to fill the information gap surrounding drive-by shootings while illustrating the need for improved data collection regarding this specific category of firearms violence. From July 1, 2008, through December 31, 2008, the Violence Policy Center used the Google news search engine to collect every reported news article that contained the term “drive by.” From these results, the VPC removed all results not related to a drive-by shooting incident (for example, extraneous results included news reports of football games detailing a “drive by” one team against another, etc.). Recognizing the limitations of the survey tools used, and taking into account prior studies looking at the number of drive-by shootings in specific jurisdictions, it is likely that the number of shootings is dramatically underreported. The number of reported instances may also be influenced by local media focus. During the six-month period covered in this report, 733 drive-by shooting incidents were reported in the news media as identified by Google, claiming 154 lives and injuring 631 individuals. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2010. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at http://www.vpc.org/studies/driveby2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/driveby2010.pdf Shelf Number: 125215 Keywords: Crime StatisticsCrime TrendsDrive-By Shootings (U.S.)GangsGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Cukier, Wendy Title: The Feasibility of Increased Restrictions on the Civilian Possession of Military Assault Weapons at the Global Level Summary: The purpose of this paper is to explore the potential of the feasibility of increased restrictions on the civilian possession of military assault weapons at the global level. Many states and non-governmental organizations pushed for such measures at the 2001 United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects but were not successful in getting language included in the final Programme of Action. However, this remains a priority for many. The proliferation and misuse of small arms has been increasingly seen as an epidemic, affecting countries ostensibly “at peace” as well as in conflict zones. Although they do not account for the majority of small arms deaths worldwide, military assault weapons pose a particular threat because of their lethality. These weapons are very efficient – they are designed to allow users with limited skill to kill as many people as possible. They are typically fully automatic or semi-automatic and accept large capacity magazines capable of firing 30-50 bullets without reloading. Victims often die of multiple gunshot wounds. Because they require little skill to use, military assault weapons also make it easy for children to become killers and in some cases, members of armed criminal gangs and informal “child soldiers.” The evidence is clear that the circulation of weapons following the cessation of conflict has a high cost. Interpersonal violence often substitutes for the violence between warring factions and leads to levels of violence comparable to those experienced during conflict.1 For the purposes of this paper, military assault weapon will be defined as fully automatic and selective-fire weapons along with selected semi-automatic rifles designed for military purposes and possessing military features such as use of a large capacity magazine. This definition is consistent with the definition used in the 1994 ban on military assault weapons in the US2 and is consistent with the approach used in Canada and many other countries. Restricting the definition to only fully automatic firearms limits the potential impact of global action. At the same time it is critical that the definition be sufficiently precise to allay the concerns of those who believe that the discussion on civilian possession of military weapons is actually aimed at all firearms. The importance of effective firearms regulation in post-conflict situations has been well-established and a number of UN expert groups have called for a prohibition on the civilian possession of military assault weapons, but there has been limited discussion on the feasibility of proceeding with such a prohibition. This paper draws heavily on the experience of industrialized countries where there have been extensive and complex initiatives undertaken to define and restrict civilian access to military assault weapons in an effort to shed light on issues that affect the feasibility of global action. This paper reviews 1) The impact of the misuse and proliferation of military assault weapons in civilian hands 2) Sources of these weapons in civilian hands, including both legal and illegal markets 3) Definitions of military assault weapons 4) Current approaches to regulating military assault weapons 5) Limitations of current approaches to prohibiting civilian possession of military assault weapons 6) Potential measures that might be taken at the global level 7) Potential roles for Canada 8) Conclusions. Details: Waterloo, ONT: Project Ploushares, 2005. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Ploushares Working Paper 05-2: Accessed July 5, 2012 at: http://www.guncontrol.ca/English/Home/Releases/wpMAW.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Canada URL: http://www.guncontrol.ca/English/Home/Releases/wpMAW.pdf Shelf Number: 125478 Keywords: GangsGun Control (Canada)Gun ViolenceMilitary Assault Weapons |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Iron River: Gun Violence and Illegal Firearms Trafficking on the U.S.-Mexico Border Summary: Mexico is under siege, its democratic governance is at risk. This report examines the role of the U.S. civilian gun market in the drug-related violence in Mexico that is creeping northward into the United States. Part One provides an overview of the conflict and its links with the United States. These links include the “drug war,” the U.S. civilian firearms market, and transnational street gangs involved in drug and firearms trafficking. Part Two outlines in more detail the role of the U.S. civilian gun market in fueling the war in Mexico. It focuses on weak regulation and the deliberate introduction of military-style firearms that today define the civilian market. Part Three suggests ways to control the firearms traffic. It emphasizes “upstream” measures to inhibit the movement of firearms from legal commerce into illegal trade, as opposed to only law enforcement efforts, which are aimed “downstream” and focus on apprehending and prosecuting smugglers after the damage is done. Some steps can be taken immediately by strong presidential leadership without the need for new legislation. Others require legislation or rule-making procedures. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2009. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2012 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/ironriver.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/ironriver.pdf Shelf Number: 116390 Keywords: Firearms TraffickingGun Trafficking (U.S., Mexico)Gun ViolenceTrafficking in WeaponsViolent Crime |
Author: Santos, Rita Title: Women and Gun Violence: Key Findings from Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), San Salvador (El Salvador) and Maputo (Mozambique) Summary: Since men constitute the majority of those who use and are victimised by guns worldwide, prevention and combat policies and programmes have been aimed almost exclusively at men and boys, paying scant attention to the roles and impacts of gun violence on women and girls. However, the continuum of violence experienced by women and girls in these contexts is a synthesis of the main social ingredients of violence and its cultural basis. Thus, alongside sound knowledge of men’s and boys’ involvement in gun violence, a clear understanding of women’s and girls’ needs, rights and vulnerabilities is essential to reduce gun violence in general. This report aims to contribute to fill this gap. This report will concentrate on the analysis of the typologies and motivations for the involvement of women and girls in armed violence (as direct agents who actively participate, or indirect agents who play supporting roles such as in the transportation of firearms, drugs or information), and identify the importance and symbolism which they attribute to firearms; the examination of the direct consequences (death and injuries) and some of the indirect effects of armed violence on the lives of women (guns as instruments of intimidation and sources of insecurity in situations of domestic violence as well as determinants for the condition of survivors or relatives of lethal victims of gun violence); the initiatives, formal and informal, led by women in these contexts in response to gun violence, namely efforts to improve arms control regulations. Details: Brussels: Peace Studies Group, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed july 10, 2012 at: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/IfPEW20110501WomenAndGunViolence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/IfPEW20110501WomenAndGunViolence.pdf Shelf Number: 125532 Keywords: Arms ControlGun ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Blomberg, Thomas G. Title: An Analysis of Violent Crime in Palm Beach County and Strategies of Violence Reduction Initiatives in U.S. Cities Summary: The first section of this report provides a comprehensive overview of the crime problem in Palm Beach County with emphasis on violent crimes involving a firearm and murder offenses. In particular, Palm Beach County experienced a significant increase in the number of gun-related crimes of violence and homicide in 2004, especially amongst younger citizens. The second section of the report examines the violence reduction initiatives in other U.S. cities with a focus on their strategies and outcomes. Details: Tallahassee: Florida State University, College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Center for Criminology and Public Policy Research, 2006. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 17, 2012 at: http://www.criminologycenter.fsu.edu/p/pdf/Palm%20Beach%20Report.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.criminologycenter.fsu.edu/p/pdf/Palm%20Beach%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 125654 Keywords: Crime RatesGun ViolenceViolence (Florida)Violent Crime |
Author: Blomberg, Thomas Title: An Evaluation of the Youth Violence Prevention Program in Palm Beach County Summary: Since the early 1990s, Palm Beach County has employed research in its efforts to successfully confront crime and improve its criminal justice system. Through the efforts of its Criminal Justice Commission (CJC), Palm Beach County has implemented such research-based initiatives as Weed and Seed, and drug courts. What is particularly noteworthy about Palm Beach County’s research-driven orientation to confront crime and improve its criminal justice system has been its concerted effort to not only implement research validated initiatives but to evaluate these initiatives in order to conclusively determine their actual effectiveness. This commitment to research and validated crime and criminal justice initiatives has been exemplified once again as Palm Beach County has mobilized against the problem of youth violence. Beginning in 2004, a series of media stories detailed frequent violent and often fatal crimes with firearms in the county. The perception was that the County was in the midst of a violent crime epidemic. In response, the Criminal Justice Commission initiated a study to determine if the perception of a crime epidemic was, in fact, correct. The study assessed the County’s historical trends in the levels of violent crime, gun-related crime, and murder. The study found that while the County’s overall crime rate had declined from 1990-2005, violent crime including those involving firearms, had increased with the murder rate having experienced particularly substantial increases from 2000 to 2005. Of additional importance was the study’s finding that violent criminal offenders in Palm Beach County were most often adolescents or young adults between the ages of 15 and 24. These findings led the Criminal Justice Commission to assess what other communities across the country were doing to combat youth violence. After reviewing the federally sponsored youth violence reduction efforts of Boston, Massachusetts; Oakland, California; Kansas City, Missouri; Detroit, Michigan; Richmond, Virginia; Birmingham, Alabama; Buffalo, New York; Riverside, California; Minneapolis/St. Paul, Minnesota; and Seattle, Washington, it became evident that there were promising youth violence reduction program strategies that might be useful in Palm Beach County. Specifically, the most promising programs would need to be comprehensive and include law enforcement, prevention, intervention, and offender reintegration services. Moreover, it was clear that to maximize the program’s potential for youth violence reduction success, it would be essential to involve the community in the planning and implementation stages of these programs. Ultimately, it was decided that while Palm Beach County’s youth violence problem mirrored those of other communities, it was critical that a tailored community-wide program be implemented that explicitly addressed the specifics of Palm Beach County’s high violent crime communities. In recognition of the findings and conclusions of the study of violent crime in Palm Beach County, it was concluded that the county would implement a comprehensive approach that employed key elements of the national model established by the U.S. Department of Justice for Youth Violence Prevention. The county invited cities to participate and agree to the following conditions: • Abide by the requirement that all city-related projects and efforts will service the residents within the identified geographic areas as outlined by Criminal Justice maps • The city will make a commitment of building space for services within the identified geographical areas • Design a phase-in plan, including timeline, for the creation of a Youth Empowerment Center • Design a phase-in plan, including timeline, for a Justice Service Center • Participate in the multi-agency task force law enforcement component of the Youth Violence Prevention Project • Utilize the findings of the Project’s 500 youth surveys to develop and prioritize youth empowerment programs • Pay the city’s portion of all goods, services, and personnel used in connection with this project • Develop separate community advisory boards for youth and young adults • Participate in all aspects of evaluation including data collection, data sharing, site monitoring, and visits The county’s comprehensive approach for confronting youth violence involved an integration of the national model for Youth Violence Prevention with the findings and conclusions of the research study of violent crime in Palm Beach County. Further, county professionals from the criminal justice system, education, human services, and local youth contributed to the planning for the County’s comprehensive approach to youth violence reduction. Four subcommittees were formed, namely, crime prevention, law enforcement, courts, and corrections, and charged with developing a strategic plan. Additionally, a youth workgroup of 25 youth from around the county was established and began its efforts with a survey of over 500 youth throughout the county. The recommendations from the youth workgroup and the four subcommittees were examined and used to support the county’s implementation of a multi-agency comprehensive program model. Ultimately, Palm Beach County’s Youth Violence Prevention Program Model included four components, namely, (1) Crime Prevention; (2) Law Enforcement; (3) Courts; and (4) Corrections, and involved a joint county/city effort. Based on the findings from the study of violent crime in the county, five program sites or violent crime “hot spots” were identified and these cities agreed to implement the Youth Violence Prevention Project. Moreover, in order to conclusively determine the effectiveness of the program in the five program sites, five matching control sites (did not implement the YVPP) were identified by the FSU Evaluation Team. The method used to select appropriate matching control sites included the use of U.S. Census data and Uniform Crime Report (UCR) data. On the basis of implementation, results, and outcomes reported in this Report, Palm Beach County’s first year experiences in implementing the violent crime reduction program model appear successful. The County has demonstrated an ability to mobilize different agencies, services, youth, and other citizens in a common collaborative mission to reduce violent crime. The County’s violence reduction efforts have been facilitated by its now several decade old collaborative history that has involved multiple agencies and citizen involvement in confronting crime. Beginning with Weed and Seed in the early 1990s and continuing with drug courts and the current violence reduction programs, the County has established infrastructures that include productive relationships between the Criminal Justice Commission, Board of Supervisors, Sheriff’s Office, various police departments, State Attorney’s Office, Courts, Corrections, County businesses, various County citizens groups, and others. This collaborative history and set of established multiple relationships has directly and positively impacted the County’s current violent crime reduction efforts. Details: Tallahassee: Center for Criminology and Public Policy, College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida State University, 2008. 133p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2012 at: http://www.criminologycenter.fsu.edu/p/pdf/Palm%20Beach%20County%20YVPP%20Year%201%20Report.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.criminologycenter.fsu.edu/p/pdf/Palm%20Beach%20County%20YVPP%20Year%201%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 125674 Keywords: Crime Prevention (Florida)Delinquency Prevention Programs - GangsGun ViolenceJuvenile OffendersViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Dangerous and Deadly Arms Trade Summary: Hundreds of thousands of people are killed, injured, raped, repressed and forced to flee their homes every year as a result of the international arms trade. Families are torn apart. Livelihoods and lives are destroyed. Armed conflicts destroy social and economic infrastructure, breed corruption and divert public finances, denying the poor access to health care, water, food, shelter and education, increasing poverty and causing yet more deaths. For decades there has been a global treaty on the import, export and transfer of dinosaur bones yet there is no global treaty to strictly control the deadly trade in conventional arms. Revolvers, rifles, machine guns, bullets, hand grenades, missiles, rockets, armoured vehicles and other weapons and arms can be traded between governments, arms dealers and armed groups with few restrictions. Unscrupulous governments allow almost unlimited amounts of arms to be supplied to those flagrantly violating human rights and destroying lives. Regulation at the country level has failed to adapt to an increasingly globalized trade – components are sourced from across the world, and production and assembly take place in different countries. It’s time for all governments to commit to securing an international Arms Trade Treaty. amnesty.org/control-arms Under international law, states can only sell, acquire and possess arms for legitimate security, law-enforcement and self-defence needs. An Arms Trade Treaty must require that governments refuse arms transfers when those arms are likely to facilitate human rights violations or be diverted in breach of a UN arms embargo. Those violating such embargoes should be held accountable. An Arms Trade Treaty must also prohibit governments from transferring weapons, munitions or related equipment when they are likely to be used to commit or facilitate war crimes or crimes against humanity, including acts of genocide. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2012. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed july 30, 2012 at: http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ACT30/032/2012/en/2590b8de-5e88-4f78-b337-677eb642962d/act300322012en.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ACT30/032/2012/en/2590b8de-5e88-4f78-b337-677eb642962d/act300322012en.pdf Shelf Number: 125807 Keywords: Arms TradeGun ViolenceIllegal TradeWeapons and Violence |
Author: Chadwick-Parkes, Sandra Title: Youth Armed Violence Interventions: The Caribbean and its Toronto Diaspora Summary: With 66 per cent of all homicides occurring in countries not experiencing major violent conflict, armed violence is now a global social problem. Even more alarming is that much of this violence is perpetrated by young people, who are also over-represented among the victims. Youth armed violence is now a grave concern at every level of society and initiatives to deal with this issue have been increasing. More recently, steps have been undertaken to map those initiatives, especially at the community level, and document and disseminate good practice in addressing the problem. In furtherance of the goal of the Small Arms Working Group and Project Ploughshares to reduce violence and build peace, this study presents case studies of two specific programs that are enjoying some measure of success: The Peace Management Initiative (PMI) in Kingston, Jamaica and the Breaking the Cycle (BTC) Project in Toronto. Both programs were selected because of their success with gang-associated, violent youth in Jamaica’s inner city and in Toronto’s Caribbean diaspora communities respectively. Both are linked by the study’s Caribbean youth focus. The link goes even deeper: the perception is that much of the violence in Toronto is perpetrated by youth of Caribbean, particularly Jamaican, heritage. The research highlights several models for addressing youth armed violence. While both programs adopt variations of these approaches, the Armed Violence Reduction and Development (AVR) approach, which aims at reducing the risks and impacts of armed violence, is particularly relevant. PMI intervenes first to quell violence and then offers livelihood opportunities to address poverty. Also acknowledging the direct link between low socio-economic status and violence, BTC offers the opportunity to exit gangs and lead more productive lives through education and by building leadership skills. Both programs also address the psychological issues typical of violence, such as anger management, conflict resolution and the need for life-coping skills. However, because of the complex and interrelated causes of such violence, the models associated with youth armed violence agree on the need for multi-sector, multi-level interventions. Details: Waterloo, ONT: Project Ploughshares, 2012(?). 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 10, 2012 at: http://www.ploughshares.ca/sites/default/files/youth%20violence%20manual%20web%20pdf.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.ploughshares.ca/sites/default/files/youth%20violence%20manual%20web%20pdf.pdf Shelf Number: 125954 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceHomicidesViolent CrimeYouth Violence (Jamaica, Toronto) |
Author: U.S. House. Committee on Oversight and Government Reform Title: The Department of Justice’s Operation Fast and Furious: Fueling Cartel Violence Summary: The previous joint staff report entitled The Department of Justice’s Operation Fast and Furious: Accounts of ATF Agents chronicled Operation Fast and Furious, a reckless program conducted by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF), and the courageous ATF agents who came forward to expose it. Operation Fast and Furious made unprecedented use of a dangerous investigative technique known as “gunwalking.” Rather than intervene and seize the illegally purchased firearms, ATF’s Phoenix Field Division allowed known straw purchasers to walk away with the guns, over and over again. As a result, the weapons were transferred to criminals and Mexican Drug Cartels. This report explores the effect of Operation Fast and Furious on Mexico. Its lethal drug cartels obtained AK-47 variants, Barrett .50 caliber sniper rifles, .38 caliber revolvers, and FN Five-seveNs from Arizona gun dealers who were cooperating with the ATF by continuing to sell to straw purchasers identified in Operation Fast and Furious. In late 2009, ATF officials stationed in Mexico began to notice a large volume of guns appearing there that were traced to the ATF’s Phoenix Field Division. These weapons were increasingly recovered in great numbers from violent crime scenes. ATF intelligence analysts alerted Darren Gil, Attaché to Mexico, and Carlos Canino, Deputy Attaché, about the abnormal number of weapons. Gil and Canino communicated their worries to leadership in Phoenix and Washington, D.C., only to be brushed aside. Furthermore, ATF personnel in Arizona denied ATF personnel in Mexico access to crucial information about the case, even though the operation directly involved their job duties and affected their host country. Rather than share information, senior leadership within both ATF and the Department of Justice (DOJ) assured their representatives in Mexico that everything was “under control.” The growing number of weapons recovered in Mexico, however, indicated otherwise. Two recoveries of large numbers of weapons in November and December 2009 definitively demonstrated that Operation Fast and Furious weapons were heading to Mexico. In fact, to date, there have been 48 different recoveries of weapons in Mexico linked to Operation Fast and Furious. ATF officials in Mexico continued to raise the alarm over the burgeoning number of weapons. By October 2010, the amount of seized and recovered weapons had “maxed out” space in the Phoenix Field Division evidence vault.1 Nevertheless, ATF and DOJ failed to share crucial details of Operation Fast and Furious with either their own employees stationed in Mexico or representatives of the Government of Mexico. ATF senior leadership allegedly feared that any such disclosure would compromise their investigation. Instead, ATF and DOJ leadership’s reluctance to share information may have only prolonged the flow of weapons from this straw purchasing ring into Mexico. ATF leadership finally informed the Mexican office that the investigation would be shut down as early as July 2010. Operation Fast and Furious, however, continued through the rest of 2010. It ended only after U.S. Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry was murdered in December 2010 with weapons linked to this investigation. Only then did the ATF officials in Mexico discover the true nature of Operation Fast and Furious. Unfortunately, Mexico and the United States will have to live with the consequences of this program for years to come. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Congress, 2011. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Joint Staff Report: Accessed August 11, 2012 at: http://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/FINAL_FINAL.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/FINAL_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 125969 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsMexican CartelsOperation Fast and Furious (U.S.; Mexico)Organized CrimeWeapons |
Author: U.S. House. Committee on Oversight and Government Reform Title: The Department of Justice’s Operation Fast and Furious: Accounts of ATF Agents Summary: This report is the first in a series regarding Operation Fast and Furious. Possible future reports and hearings will likely focus on the actions of the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona, the decisions faced by gun shop owners (FFLs) as a result of ATF’s actions, and the remarkably ill-fated decisions made by Justice Department officials in Washington, especially within the Criminal Division and the Office of the Deputy Attorney General. This first installment focuses on ATF’s misguided approach of letting guns walk. The report describes the agents’ outrage about the use of gunwalking as an investigative technique and the continued denials and stonewalling by DOJ and ATF leadership. It provides some answers as to what went wrong with Operation Fast and Furious. Further questions for key ATF and DOJ decision makers remain unanswered. For example, what leadership failures within the Department of Justice allowed this program to thrive? Who will be held accountable and when? Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Congress, 2011. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 13, 2012 at: http://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/ATF_Report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/ATF_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 126010 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsMexican CartelsOperation Fast and Furious (U.S.; Mexico)Organized CrimeWeapons |
Author: Issa, Darrell Title: Memorandum: Update of Operation Fast and Furious Summary: Since February 2011, the House Oversight and Government and Government Reform Committee has been conducting a joint investigation with Senate Judiciary Committee Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-IA) of reckless conduct in the Justice Department’s Operation Fast and Furious. The committee has held three hearings, conducted twenty-four transcribed interviews with fact witnesses, sent the Department of Justice over fifty letters, and issued the Department of Justice two subpoenas for documents. The Justice Department, however, continues to withhold documents critical to understanding decision making and responsibility in Operation Fast and Furious. This memo explains key events and facts in Operation Fast and Furious that have been uncovered during the congressional investigation; remaining questions that the Justice Department refused to cooperate in helping the Committee answer; the ongoing relevance of these questions; and the extent of the harm created by both Operation Fast and Furious and the Department’s refusal to fully cooperate. The memo also explains issues for Committee Members to consider in making a decision about holding Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt of Congress for his Department’s refusal to provide subpoenaed documents. Attached to this memo for review and discussion is a draft version of a contempt report that the Committee may consider at an upcoming business meeting. Details: Washington, DC: United States Congress, 2012. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 21, 2012 at http://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Update-on-Fast-and-Furious-with-attachment-FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Update-on-Fast-and-Furious-with-attachment-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 126084 Keywords: Border SecurityDrug CartelsGun ControlGun ViolenceGuns (U.S.)Illegal GunsOrganized CrimeTrafficking in Weaspons |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Gun Control Legislation Summary: Congress has debated the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. In the wake of the July 20, 2012, Aurora, CO, theater mass shooting, in which 12 people were shot to death and 58 wounded (7 of them critically) by a lone gunman, it is likely that there will be calls in the 112th Congress to reconsider a 1994 ban on semiautomatic assault weapons and large capacity ammunition feeding devices that expired in September 2004. There were similar calls to ban such feeding devices (see S. 436/H.R. 1781) following the January 8, 2011, Tucson, AZ, mass shooting, in which 6 people were killed and 14 wounded, including Representative Gabrielle Giffords, who was grievously wounded. The 112th Congress continues to consider the implications of Operation Fast and Furious and allegations that the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) mishandled that Phoenix, AZ-based gun trafficking investigation. On June 28, 2012, the House passed a resolution (H.Res. 711) citing Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt of Congress for his failure to produce additional, subpoenaed documents related to Operation Fast and Furious to the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. On May 18, 2012, the House passed the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for Fiscal Year 2013 (H.R. 4310), which amends a provision that limits the Secretary of Defense’s authority to regulate firearms privately held by members of the Armed Forces off-base. On May 10, 2012, the House passed a Commerce-Justice-State appropriations bill (H.R. 5326) that would fund ATF for FY2013 and, on April 19, 2012, the Senate Committee on Appropriations reported a similar bill (S. 2323). On April 17, 2012, the House passed the Sportsmen’s Heritage Act of 2012 (H.R. 4089), a bill that would require agencies that manage federal public lands to facilitate access to and use of those lands for the purposes of recreational fishing, hunting, and shooting with certain exceptions set out in statute. Language to a similar effect was included in the FY2013 Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies Appropriations bill (H.R. 6091), which the House Committee on Appropriations reported on July 10, 2012. On November 16, 2011, the House passed a bill (H.R. 822) that would establish a greater degree of reciprocity between states that issue concealed carry permits for handguns. On October 11, 2011, the House passed a Veterans’ Benefits Act (H.R. 2349) that would prohibit the Department of Veterans Affairs from determining a beneficiary to be mentally incompetent for the purposes of gun control, unless such a determination were made by a judicial authority based upon a finding that the beneficiary posed a danger to himself or others. In May 2011, firearms-related amendments to bills reauthorizing the USA PATRIOT Act were considered (H.R. 1800, S. 1038, and S. 990), but they were not passed. This report also includes discussion of other salient and recurring gun control issues that have generated past or current congressional interest. Those issues include (1) screening firearms background check applicants against terrorist watch lists, (2) combating gun trafficking and straw purchases, (3) reforming the regulation of federally licensed gun dealers, (4) requiring background checks for private firearms transfers at gun shows, (5) more-strictly regulating certain firearms previously defined in statute as “semiautomatic assault weapons,” and (6) banning or requiring the registration of certain long-range .50 caliber rifles, which are commonly referred to as “sniper” rifles. To set these and other emerging issues in context, this report provides basic firearms-related statistics, an overview of federal firearms law, and a summary of legislative action in the 111th and 112th Congresses. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2012. 112p. Source: Internet Resource: RL32842: Accessed August 27, 2012 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32842.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32842.pdf Shelf Number: 126119 Keywords: Gun Control (U.S.)Gun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Nobles, Matthew Robin Title: Evaluating Philadelphia's Gun Court: Implications for Crime Reduction and Specialized Jurisprudence Summary: We evaluated the City of Philadelphia's specialized problem-solving gun court. The gun court program began in 2005, and features mandatory treatment elements in addition to enhanced processing celerity and intensive supervision protocols, with the ultimate goal of impacting aggregate levels of gun violence in Philadelphia. Although gun policy research from criminology and other fields has examined a variety of gun violence interventions with different levels of success, to date there are no peer-reviewed evaluations of a gun court program in the literature. Meanwhile, gun courts continue their expansion into jurisdictions of all sizes with varying levels of social problems, from Providence, Rhode Island (home to the nation's first gun court in 1994) to relatively newer programs including New York City (2003) and Boston (2006). This study first describes Philadelphia’s Gun Court program, reviews deterrence theory broadly implicated in anti-crime programs, and recounts what works and what’s promising in anti-gun interventions. It then presents an interrupted time series analysis to determine whether there are statistically significant treatment effects observed in Philadelphia after the intervention. The analysis includes a comparison site (Pittsburgh) and non-gun crime series while implementing the proper controls for autocorrelation, seasonality, and non-stationarity. Results indicate that there are no statistically significant declines in the aggregate rates of four gun-related crime categories in Philadelphia in the 24 months after the introduction of the court program, although this finding does not necessarily preclude individual-level effects for offenders processed through gun court. Implications for gun policy and problem-solving courts are discussed. Details: Tallahassee, FL: University of Florica, 2008. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed September 13, 2012 at: http://etd.fcla.edu/UF/UFE0022084/nobles_m.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://etd.fcla.edu/UF/UFE0022084/nobles_m.pdf Shelf Number: 126326 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun Courts (Philadelphia)Gun ViolenceGunsProblem-Solving Courts |
Author: Koper, Christopher S. Title: Police Strategies to Reduce Illegal Possession and Carrying of Firearms: Effects on Gun Crime Summary: Criminal misuse of firearms is among the world’s most serious crime problems. Strategies to reduce gun violence include efforts to restrict the manufacture and sale of firearms, interrupt the illegal supply of guns, deter gun possession, reduce gun carrying in public places, toughen responses to illegal gun use, reduce demand for firearms, promote responsible ownership of guns, and address community conditions that foster gun crime. In this review, we examine research on the effectiveness of selected law enforcement strategies for reducing gun crime and gun violence. This review examines the impacts of police strategies to reduce illegal possession and carrying of firearms on gun crime. Examples include gun detection patrols in high-crime areas, enhanced surveillance of probationers and parolees, weapon reporting hotlines, consent searches, and other similar tactics. Details: Oslo, Norway: Campbell Collaboration, 2012. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Campbell Systematic Reviews 2012:11: Accessed September 13, 2012 at: www.campbellcollaboration.org Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 126329 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceIllegal GunsPolicing |
Author: Lynch, Joseph J. Title: An Examination of Philadelphia Murder: A Quest to Understand the 2004-2006 Surge in Violent Crime Summary: This paper examines the 2004-2006 surge in violent crime, specifically murder in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Interviews were conducted with local prominent criminal justice professionals. Interviewees were asked what they believe is wrong with the local criminal justice system, and how the system can be enhanced. Crime predictors were identified and suggestions for mitigating them were offered. The findings suggest that reduced funding, lack of collaboration amongst component agencies rank as leading causes for ineffectiveness. One person stated that due to the war in Iraq and Afghanistan, funding streams for juvenile justice programs have been reduced, resulting in fewer programs designed to provide these youth with needed resources to steer them away from crime. It was suggested that restructuring these agencies will improve their operational goals, and create better accountability and improved relationships with the community. It is also recommended that the agencies working within the criminal justice system pool their resources and collaborate regularly to enhance their effectiveness. Details: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2007. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Master of Science in Organizational Dynamics Thesis: Accessed September 17, 2012 at: http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1007&context=od_theses_msod&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%2522an%2520examination%2520of%2520philadelphia%2520murder%2522%26source%3Dweb%26cd%3D2%26ved%3D0CCcQFjAB%26url%3Dhttp%253A%252F%252Frepository.upenn.edu%252Fcgi%252Fviewcontent.cgi%253Farticle%253D1007%2526context%253Dod_theses_msod%26ei%3DuBlXUM3tIefy0gH4qoHAAQ%26usg%3DAFQjCNGhm7hMicrO__BANOjfohgyYf0BCA#search=%22an%20examination%20philadelphia%20murder%22 Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1007&context=od_theses_msod&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%2522an%2520examination%2520of%2520philadelphia%2520murder%252 Shelf Number: 126358 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime (Philadelphia) |
Author: Finegan, Sharon Title: Watching the Watchers: The Growing Privatization of Criminal Law and the Need for Limits on Neighborhood Watch Associations Summary: On the night of February 26, 2012, George Zimmerman, a member of a neighborhood watch program, was patrolling his community in Sanford, Florida when he spotted Trayvon Martin, a 17-year-old African-American high school student, walking through the neighborhood. Zimmerman called 911 and indicated that he was following "a real suspicious guy." Zimmerman then disregarded the police dispatcher's request that he discontinue following Martin and approached the teenager. In the resulting confrontation, Zimmerman used his legally-owned semi-automatic handgun to shoot and kill Martin. Martin had been returning from a local convenience store to his father's fiancée's house, where he was spending the night. He was unarmed. George Zimmerman is currently being charged with second-degree murder. It is unclear whether Zimmerman will be proven guilty of the offense, but what is certain is that despite the fact that Zimmerman was engaged in law enforcement activities, Zimmerman's conduct in approaching and confronting Martin is not governed by the same constitutional restrictions that limit the actions of police. The Fourth and Fifth Amendments that restrict police in detaining, searching, and interrogating suspects do not apply to neighborhood watch organizations. At the same time, in many states neighborhood watch members can carry firearms and are protected under Stand Your Ground laws from having to retreat when confronted by a suspect. Thus, neighborhood watch members wield significant authority, but with neither the training that police officers receive nor the restrictions that govern their conduct. While neighborhood watch groups, just like police, perform a valuable service to the community, they are also in need of statutory oversight and restrictions, just like the police. This Article proposes statutory provisions that could effectively address the problems posed by the growing privatization of criminal law enforcement as it relates to neighborhood watch associations. By enacting statutes that limit the abilities of neighborhood watch members to confront suspects, mandate training for those engaged in law enforcement activities, and expand the exclusionary rule to bar evidence seized illegally by private citizens engaged in law enforcement functions, legislatures would better ensure that due process guarantees are not abandoned when private actors participate in law enforcement activities. Details: Houston: South Texas College of Law, 2012. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 21, 2012 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2139591 Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2139591 Shelf Number: 126396 Keywords: Gun ViolenceNeighborhood Watch (Florida, U.S.)PrivatizationStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Alderden, Megan A. Title: Gang Hot Spots Policing in Chicago: An Evaluation of the Deployment Operations Center Process Summary: From 2000 to 2007, Chicago experienced a significant decline in violent crime (murder, criminal sexual assault, robbery, and aggravated assault/battery), particularly gun-related public violence. In public discourse, this decline was attributed to the Chicago Police Department (CPO) and, in particular, to a process spearheaded by the Deployment Operations Center (DOC). The primary mission of the DOC was to analyze crime and intelligence data, identifying areas of the city believed to have a high probability for violent crime (i.e., violent crime "hot spots"). Areas identified by DOC analysts, termed Level II deployment areas, were used to guide deployment decisions for specialized units, whose responsibility was to enter designated hot spots and suppress gang, drug, and gun crime. The primary purpose of this study, funded by the National Institute of Justice, was to evaluate whether the aforementioned crime reductions could be attributed to the DOC process. To accomplish this, researchers used both qualitative and quantitative research methods, collecting data on various elements of the DOC logic model - analysis of crime and intelligence data, identification of hot spots, communication of designated hot spots to CPO personnel, redeployment of officers to hot spots, and engagement in suppression activities. CPO administrators believed that, through this process, gang, drug, and gun-related crime would be reduced. Details: Final Report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2011. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 25, 2012 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239207.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239207.pdf Shelf Number: 126452 Keywords: Crime Hot SpotsGangs (Chicago)Gun ViolenceHomicidesPolicingViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Brash, Rachel Title: Youth Violence Prevention and Reduction: Strategies for a Safer Baltimore Summary: A wide spectrum of strategies has been developed to combat youth violence across the country. Some interventions focus on preventing violent behavior in the first place, while others focus on reducing such behavior after it has developed. Interventions fall into three broad categories: individual-level interventions, neighborhood-level interventions, and gun and police strategies. Individual-level interventions include parent training, prenatal and early childhood interventions, and social-cognitive and behavioral training. Each of these types of intervention has been associated with reductions in antisocial behavior or violence. Neighborhood interventions include comprehensive strategies and school-based programs. Comprehensive strategies—which provide extensive services to youth and their families and aim to improve social and economic conditions within neighborhoods—have gained popularity over the past decade. Because of their complexity, these types of strategies are difficult to implement and evaluate. School-based interventions are widespread and research suggests that they can help reduce risk factors associated with violence and violence itself. Lastly, many cities have implemented strategies involving gun and police policies. Some of these, including intensive patrols targeting gun possession and gun crimes, have been shown to be very promising. The research reviewed has several important implications for Baltimore and cities like it. Because of the wide range of programs that have been found to help reduce violence, cities do not need to focus all their resources on any one type of intervention. City leaders should keep in mind that not all popular programs have been found effective. For example, evidence suggests that mentoring programs help reduce substance abuse, but they have not been shown to reduce violence. As for gun buyback programs, evidence suggests they do not reduce violence either. Public resources might be better spent on other types of interventions. Additionally, policy makers and service providers should keep in mind that evidence suggests that parent training may not benefit families if parents have limited economic resources, mental health problems, little social support, or serious marital conflict. Given that these conditions are prevalent in Baltimore, parenting training may not be a successful strategy. The evidence from Baltimore and the rest of the country suggests that a successful violence prevention strategy for Baltimore should include at least five components: Wrap-around services for youth most at risk of violence; Targeted handgun patrols in high-violence areas; Home visitation by nurses and paraprofessionals; Evidence-based prevention instruction in schools; and, Intensive family therapy. Evidence from Baltimore also suggests that attention needs to be paid to continuity of programming over time, communication and collaboration among agencies and organizations, monitoring of programs, and sharing of information from past and current efforts. If Baltimore addressed these communication and programming issues and implemented, with integrity, the five strategies described above, the city could greatly improve its chances of significantly reducing the number of young people killed in its neighborhoods. Details: Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Institute for Policy Studies, 2004. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 30, 2012: http://ips.jhu.edu/elements/pdf/ips/abell/brash.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://ips.jhu.edu/elements/pdf/ips/abell/brash.pdf Shelf Number: 126518 Keywords: Crime Prevention ProgramsDelinquency Prevention ProgramsGun ViolenceIntervention ProgramsYouth Violence (Baltimore, Maryland)Youth Violence Prevention |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Lost Youth: A County-by-County Analysis of 2010 California Homicide Victims Ages 10 to 24 Summary: Homicide is the second leading cause of death for California youth and young adults ages 10 to 24 years old. In 2008, the most recent year for which complete data is available from the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), homicides in California were outpaced only by unintentional injuries" the majority of which were motor vehicle fatalities" as the leading cause of death for this age group. Of the more than 800 homicides reported, 84 percent were committed with firearms. Nationally in 2008, California had the ninth highest homicide rate for youth and young adults ages 10 to 24.1 Broken out by gender, homicide retains its number two ranking for males and drops to number four for females for this age group in California. For males, of the 741 homicides reported, firearms were the weapon used in 86 percent of the killings. For females, of the 87 homicides reported, firearms were the weapon used in 66 percent of the killings. When analyzed by race and ethnicity, however, the rankings become less uniform and the severe effects of homicide on specific segments of this age group more stark. For blacks ages 10 to 24 in California in 2008, homicide was the leading cause of death. For Hispanics, American Indian and Alaska Natives, and Asian/Pacific Islanders it was the second leading cause of death. For whites it was the fourth leading cause of death. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2012. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 24, 2012 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cayouth2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cayouth2012.pdf Shelf Number: 126987 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicides (California)Violent CrimeYouth and Violence |
Author: Egesdal, Mike Title: Statistical Modeling of Gang Violence in Los Angeles Summary: Gang violence has plagued the Los Angeles policing district of Hollenbeck for over half a century. With sophisticated models, police may better understand and predict the region's frequent gang crimes. The purpose of this paper is to model Hollenbeck's gang rivalries. A self-exciting point process called a Hawkes process is used to model rivalries over time. While this is shown to fit the data well, an agent based model is presented which is able to accurately simulate gang crimes not only temporally but also spatially. Finally, we compare random graphs generated by the agent model to existing models developed to incorporate geography into random graphs. Details: Los Angeles, CA: University of California, 2012. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2012 at: http://www.math.ucla.edu/~bertozzi/RTG/SIURO_revised.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.math.ucla.edu/~bertozzi/RTG/SIURO_revised.pdf Shelf Number: 127034 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangs (California, U.S.)Gun Violence |
Author: Willits, Dale Title: Predictors of Firearm Usage in Violent Crimes: Assessing the Importance of Individual, Situational, and Contextual Factors Summary: The New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center (NM SAC) received funding from the Justice Research and Statistics Association (JRSA) to complete a study examining the degree to which person, incident, and structural characteristics predict firearm usage in violent crimes. Given the significant threat to public safety that firearm crimes pose, a better understanding of the dynamics of firearm crimes is relevant not just to researchers, but to law enforcement and to the community at large. Recognizing this, Federal, State, local and private funds have been allocated in support of a range of law enforcement initiatives aimed at reducing gun violence in communities across the country. Project Safe Neighborhoods, initiated in 2001, and its predecessor, the Strategic Approaches to Community Safety Initiative (SACSI) are notable examples of federal initiatives aimed at reducing gun violence by funding multi-agency intervention, prevention and enforcement strategies. Other interventions include the creation of gun courts and mandatory sentencing laws designed to increase penalties for firearm use and the unlawful carrying of firearms (Committee on Law and Justice, 2004). The rationale for these and other initiatives builds on the importance of reducing firearm violence in the broad interest of public safety. A large body of research on firearms has addressed the consequences of firearm usage in crimes, and reinforces the public safety rationale that guides firearm crime reduction initiatives. These studies suggest that firearm usage increases crime-related injury severity and mortality (Brennan and Moore, 2009; Hemenway, 2004; May et al., 1995; McGonigal et al., 1993). For example, Brennan and Moore (2009: 218) note that “firearms increase the likelihood of death by 40 times” compared to incidents not involving any weapon. Conversely, knives increase the likelihood of death by 4 times, highlighting the particularly serious nature of firearm violence (Brennan and Moore, 2009). Law enforcement and the courts clearly take gun crimes seriously. Studies have shown that crime clearance rates are higher for firearm crimes compared to those for crimes that do not involve firearms (Roberts, 2008). Additionally, sentences are generally longer for crimes that involve firearms compared to those that do not (Bushway and Piehl, 2011; Lizotte and Zatz, 1986). Though it is important to study the consequences of and systemic responses to firearm usage, we argue that it is also important to study the predictors of firearm usage in crimes. In fact, a better understanding of the characteristics that predict firearm use can help frame effective intervention. Most firearm crime reduction interventions are reactive—e.g., firearm enhancements to criminal sentences, targeted policing in areas with high rates of firearm violence, gun buy-back programs, etc. However, if we can identify some of the incident-level characteristics that increase the odds of firearm violence, criminal justice professionals might be able to craft preventative policies that aim to stop firearm violence before it happens. Details: Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico, Institute for Social Research, 2012. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 17, 2013 at: http://www.jrsa.org/ibrrc/background-status/New_Mexico/NM_FirearmUsage.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.jrsa.org/ibrrc/background-status/New_Mexico/NM_FirearmUsage.pdf Shelf Number: 127343 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGun ViolenceGunsViolent Crime |
Author: Nowak, Matthias Title: Urban Armed Violence Summary: Currently the majority of the world’s population lives in urban settlements. Cities are important sites of opportunities and contribute to economic growth and development, yet they also face many challenges; e.g. increasing numbers of urban residents live in poverty, lack basic services, and suffer high levels of armed violence and insecurity. With the growth of the urban population, urban armed violence is increasingly recognized as a major issue confronting efforts to safeguard urban human security and safety. But urban settlements also provide space for innovation and creativity in dealing with human security needs. A starting point for addressing the delicate balance between urban security needs and the opportunities that cities offer is to understand the scope and intensity of and trends in urban armed violence in order to inform context-specific and evidence-based policies and interventions. This Research Note addresses the state of research into and some of the main debates around urban armed violence. It draws on relevant literature and research and in particular on work done by the Small Arms Survey and the Geneva Declaration Secretariat in this area. Firstly, it briefly introduces data and research findings on sub-national and city-level armed violence, with a particular focus on lethal violence. The second section examines the use of firearms in urban violence. The following section summarizes some of the main debates and questions around researching, preventing, and reducing urban armed violence. The Research Note concludes with some recommendations for policy and further research. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2012. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes, Number 23: Accessed January 24, 2013 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-23.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-23.pdf Shelf Number: 127376 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun ViolenceUrban AreasUrban ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Bhalla, Kavi Title: Tracking National Homicide Rates: Generating Estimates Using Vital Registration Data Summary: Violent deaths make up a substantial proportion of global mortality and morbidity. While reliable data is not available from much of the world, estimates from international studies suggest that between 526,000 and 600,000 violent deaths are committed annually, accounting for around one per cent of global deaths. Among young adult males, deaths from intentional interpersonal violence (hereafter referred to as ‘homicides’) account for over ten per cent of all deaths globally. In addition to deaths, interpersonal violence leads to substantial disability resulting from nonfatal injuries. Together, these deaths and injuries account for 1.3 per cent of the total global burden of disease and injury. This Issue Brief analyses the regional availability and quality of death registration data for estimating the national incidence of homicides. Key findings include: While death registration data is available for most high-income countries, its availability is erratic in other regions. Data is available for many countries from the Caribbean, Latin America, Eastern Europe, and Central Europe. However, little or no death registration data is available from countries in Africa, South Asia, and South-east Asia; Death registration-based homicide estimates provide useful insight into the global distribution of violence: Homicide rates are substantially higher in Eastern Europe, the Caribbean and the four Latin American regions, as compared with other regions of the world; Homicide rates are relatively low in high-income countries, the notable exception being the United States; Homicide rates are relatively stable in many regions and declining in Central and Eastern Europe; Homicide rates are lowest among the youngest and oldest age groups in most countries. However, homicide rates peak among young adults (15–29 years) in some regions and among older adults (45–59 years) in others; Firearms and sharp objects are the two most common mechanisms of homicide. Firearms are the most common mechanism of homicides in the most violent countries (those with the highest total homicide rates). The following section describes how death registration data is collected and presents a method with which to test certain aspects of its quality. The results of applying such quality tests to global death registration data are outlined. Finally, this Issue Brief discusses the implications of these findings for future research on improving estimates of national and regional homicide rates using data from the health sector. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2012. 12p., app. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief, No. 1: Accessed January 24, 2013 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AVD-IB1-tracking-homicide.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AVD-IB1-tracking-homicide.pdf Shelf Number: 127377 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceHomicideInterpersonal ViolenceViolence (International)Violent Crime |
Author: Berman, Greg Title: From Chicago to Brooklyn: A Case Study in Program Replication Summary: The last 25 years have seen the emergence of a remarkable number of new criminal justice innovations in the United States. Drug courts, family justice centers, HOPE Probation, community policing programs… these and other initiatives have spread from coast to coast. Most of these projects began life as one-of-a-kind experiments before being broadly replicated. Replication sounds easy, but experience tells us that it is anything but. Just because a program works in one location doesn’t mean it will automatically be effective in another. Balancing the demands of model fidelity with the need to adapt to local conditions on the ground is one of the most pressing challenges of replication, but it is far from the only one. In an effort to highlight some of the issues that replication efforts inevitably face, this paper tells the story of Save Our Streets (S.O.S.) Crown Heights, an effort to bring CeaseFire, a violence reduction project that originated in Chicago, to Brooklyn. The goal is to provide a ground-level view of the replication process from the perspectives of those charged with implementing the model. Along the way, this essay attempts to tease out lessons that will be relevant not just to those interested in the CeaseFire model, but to anyone charged with replicating a model originally created somewhere else. Details: New York: Center for Court Innovation, 2011. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 29, 2013 at: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/Chicago_Brooklyn.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/Chicago_Brooklyn.pdf Shelf Number: 127410 Keywords: Ceasefire ProgramGangsGun ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Picard-Fritsche, Sarah Title: Testing a Public Health Approach to Gun Violence. An Evaluation of Crown Heights Save Our Streets, a Replication of the Cure Violence Model Summary: Save Our Streets (SOS) is a community-based project established to address the problem of gun violence in Crown Heights, a neighborhood in central Brooklyn, New York. SOS is a replication of Chicago Ceasefire, a public health model for gun violence prevention founded in Chicago in 1999. The primary components of the Chicago Ceasefire model are outreach and conflict mediation directed towards individuals at high risk for future gun violence, as well as broader community mobilization and public education efforts throughout the target community. In 2008, using a quasi-experimental comparison neighborhood design, researchers with Northwestern University found that the original Chicago Ceasefire project had a statistically significant impact on the incidence and density of gun violence in three of five intervention neighborhoods (Skogan et al. 2008). A subsequent evaluation of a replication effort in Baltimore found that it too reduced gun violence in three of four intervention neighborhoods (Webster et al. 2009). However, an evaluation of a Pittsburgh replication that opted to omit several of the original program elements did not detect positive results (Wilson et al., 2010). The SOS project sought to implement the original Chicago model with high fidelity--with the help of technical assistance from the Chicago-based founders. Accordingly, this process and impact evaluation provides an important opportunity to determine whether Chicago Ceasefire can be effectively exported to other communities (the City of New York, for example, currently has Ceasefire replications in the works in several neighborhoods including Harlem, Jamaica, East New York, and the South Bronx). Details: New York: Center for Court Innovation, 2012? 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 29, 2013 at: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/SOS_Evaluation.pdf. Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/SOS_Evaluation.pdf. Shelf Number: 127411 Keywords: Ceasefire ProgramGangs (New York City)Gun ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Wepundi, Manasseh Title: Availability of Small Arms and Perceptions of Security in Kenya: An Assessment Summary: Kenya has experienced the effects of small arms availability and misuse for many years, but the unprecedented violence that erupted after the December 2007 general elections placed the issue of small arms reduction higher on the national agenda. The government of Kenya started a number of important initiatives, such as the establishment of the Kenya National Focal Point on Small Arms and Light Weapons (KNFP) as an interagency directorate within the Office of the President, Ministry of State for Provincial Administration and Internal Security. Despite significant progress, law enforcement efforts to control the proliferation of small arms still face significant challenges. The extent of illicit firearms and their distribution over the Kenyan territory were the object of the 2003 National Mapping for Illicit SALW, carried out by the KNFP, which informed the development of the Kenya National Action Plan for Arms Control and Management (KNFP, 2006). However, for the eight subsequent years there has been no study with national coverage, with most research on small arms in Kenya focusing on the northern parts of the country (North Rift, Upper Eastern, and North Eastern Province). This joint study by the Government of Kenya and the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey aims to assess small arms proliferation in Kenya (mapping their location, sources, and movements) and the capacity of various actors involved in small arms control and peace-building efforts in the country. For this purpose, the study adopted a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods involving approximately 2,500 interviews with households, representatives of civil society organizations, law enforcement agents, and other key informants from 31 out of the 47 counties of Kenya. The geographical coverage of the sample specifically included all counties perceived as highly volatile (those where small arms are endemic, those with significant pastoralist communities who have propensity for small arms ownership to protect their livestock, emerging areas, and high-density urban areas with high crime levels), as well as representatives from areas considered to be of medium and low volatility. The major findings of the study are the following: • Between 530,000 and 680,000 firearms may be in civilian hands nationally. • Despite an overall perception of a reduction in the number of firearms nationally, some zones, including areas such as Mt Elgon and Rift Valley, where important disarmament initiatives have been carried out, have recorded a significant increase in gun possession since 2003. • The period of violence around the December 2007 elections has left its mark on the population, with the majority of household respondents stating that they feel the most insecure during election periods. • Approximately 20 per cent of household respondents were victims of a crime or an act of violence over the year preceding the interviews, but twice as many felt that there is a likelihood of their being a victim of violence and/or crime in the next year. • More than one-third of those who were victims of crimes were confronted with a firearm. • There is a discrepancy between the views of law enforcement agencies and civil society organizations as regards the effectiveness of current efforts to reduce firearm proliferation and increase security, with the former being more optimistic than the latter. Based on main findings above, the study provides a number of recommendations on monitoring and understanding the nature of the problem, changes to the institutional environment, measures to reduce access to small arms and light weapons and to deal with victims, and steps to address development using a more systemic approach. This study is composed of five chapters. The first covers the background and introduces the study. The second and the third discuss findings based on surveys of households, law enforcement agents, and members of civil society organizations, as well as qualitative information based on statements from focus group discussions and key informant interviews on arms trends, sources, and movements, and ongoing efforts made by the government to limit the proliferation of firearms. The fourth chapter contains conclusions and recommendations, and the fifth describes in detail the methodology used in several of the study’s components. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2012. 130p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 31, 2013 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/C-Special-reports/SAS-SR16-Kenya.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Kenya URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/C-Special-reports/SAS-SR16-Kenya.pdf Shelf Number: 127460 Keywords: Gun ViolenceIllicit FirearmsViolent CrimeWeapons (Kenya) |
Author: Fox, Andrew M. Title: Final Evaluation of the Phoenix TRUCE Project: A Replication of Chicago Ceasefire Summary: The Phoenix TRUCE Project is modeled after the Chicago CeaseFire program, and as such has adopted a public health approach in responding to violence in the community. TRUCE emphasizes the use of outreach staff embedded in the community who identify community members who are at imminent risk of being either a victim or perpetrator of violence, particularly gun violence. The project is a data-driven, and its core components include, community mobilization and youth outreach. Each of its components addresses a different facet of the violence problem with the goal of preventing shootings. Both in the short term and the long term, CeaseFire’s purpose is to reduce the number of violent shootings in a community. The Phoenix TRUCE project was led by Chicanos Por La Causa, Inc. in partnership with Arizonans for Gun Safety, St. Joseph’s Hospital and Medical Center, the Phoenix Police Department, and Arizona State University’s Center for Violence Prevention and Community Safety. The CeaseFire model was implemented in Hermoso Park, a 1.5 square mile neighborhood located in South Phoenix. This report evaluates the implementation and impact of the TRUCE project from June 2010 to December 2011. Major findings are outlined below. PROGRAM IMPLEMENTATION Outreach staff engaged in a substantial number (n=58) of conflict mediations. The disputants were typically gang-involved (70.7%), historically violent (63.8%), and young (91.4%), which are three criteria the model uses to define individuals as high-risk for gun violence involvement. All of the clients who were recruited for Phoenix TRUCE (n=118) met at least four of the seven client selection criteria, indicating that the project abided by selection criteria established by national experts. Using eleven different forms of media and more than 11,000 individual items, TRUCE saturated the community with educational materials. Additionally, more than 25% of respondents who knew a shooting victim were knowledgeable about TRUCE. Advisory Board meetings were not held consistently, and the Board did not play a major role in establishing a strategic direction for the project. TRUCE did not establish a coordinated and collaborative relationship with the faithbased community. A Risk Reduction Plan was not completed for about two-thirds of program youth. Police regularly attended stakeholder meetings and provided liaisons to the project; however, a routinized process for information sharing was not developed. PROGRAM IMPACT Time-series analysis indicated that program implementation corresponded to a decrease of more than 16 assaults on average per month, controlling for the comparison areas and the trends in the data. Time-series analysis indicated that program implementation corresponded to an increase of 3.2 shootings on average per month, controlling for the comparison areas and the trends in the data. The time-series analysis indicated that the more conflicts mediated and the more people involved in mediated conflicts, the greater the decreases in assaults in the target area. A number of the dosage effects were related to slight increases in shootings in the timeseries analysis, including number of clients, number of contacts (both home and on the street), and hours spent with clients. Details: Phoenix, AZ: Center for Violence Prevention and Community Safety, Arizona State University, 2012. 161p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2013 at: https://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/products/TRUCE-Report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/products/TRUCE-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 127512 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangs (Phoenix, Arizona)Gun Violence |
Author: Jaynes, Natalie Title: Flying Below the Radar? The Armed Private Security Sector in South Africa Summary: This paper examines the South African private security sector, with particular focus on the firearms holdings of South African private security companies (PSCs). The central question that this paper seeks to answer is whether PSCs in South Africa are a source of illicit firearms and ammunition, and contribute to levels of firearm death and injury. This key question is addressed in six parts, commencing with a scene-setting discussion on international benchmarks for PSC firearms and ammunition controls. Against this backdrop, the paper then investigates the current state of South African legislation and regulations on firearms and ammunition controls for PSCs, and the extent to which these relate to and comply with international standards. The paper focuses on the South African private security sector and explores to what extent this sector utilises firearms/ammunition. The following section then attempts to gauge the extent to which relevant legislation and regulatory frameworks are being implemented, enforced and adhered to within the private security sector. The paper then examines the extent and dynamics of firearms and ammunition diversion and misuse from/by the private security sector. Details: Pinelands, South Africa: Open Society Foundation for South Africa, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2013 at: http://osf.org.za/wp/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/CJI-Occasional-Paper-11.pdf Year: 2012 Country: South Africa URL: http://osf.org.za/wp/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/CJI-Occasional-Paper-11.pdf Shelf Number: 127538 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsIllicit FirearmsPrivate Security (South Africa) |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Black Homicide Victimization in the United States. An Analysis of 2010 Homicide Data Summary: America faces a continuing epidemic of homicide among young black males. The devastation homicide inflicts on black teens and adults is a national crisis, yet it is all too often ignored outside of affected communities. This study examines the problem of black homicide victimization at the state level by analyzing unpublished Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) data for black homicide victimization submitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The information used for this report is for the year 2010 and is the most recent data available. This is the first analysis of the 2010 data on black homicide victims to offer breakdowns of cases in the 10 states with the highest black homicide victimization rates and the first to rank the states by the rate of black homicides. It is important to note that the SHR data used in this report comes from law enforcement reporting at the local level. While there are coding guidelines followed by the law enforcement agencies, the amount of information submitted to the SHR system, and the interpretation that results in the information submitted (for example, gang involvement) will vary from agency to agency. While this study utilizes the best and most recent data available, it is limited by the quantity and degree of detail in the information submitted. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/blackhomicide13.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/blackhomicide13.pdf Shelf Number: 127575 Keywords: African AmericansGun ViolenceHomicides (U.S.)ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Sugarmann, Josh Title: Assault Pistols: The Next Wave Summary: Not since the late 1980s and early 1990s has there been such a wide variety of assault pistols available for sale on the U.S. civilian market warns the new Violence Policy Center (VPC) study Assault Pistols: The Next Wave (http://www.vpc.org/studies/awpistols.pdf). The study contains more than 20 examples of assault pistols currently marketed in the United States, led by AK-47 and AR-15 pistols that offer assault rifle power in a compact pistol format. Each of the assault pistols detailed in the study would be banned by legislation introduced last week by Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA). The study notes that in addition to next-generation AK-47 and AR-15 assault pistols, assault pistols that were banned by name under the now-expired federal assault weapons ban, such as the UZI pistol, MAC, and Calico, are also being marketed. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2013. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/awpistols.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/awpistols.pdf Shelf Number: 127576 Keywords: Assault WeaponsFirearmsGun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Bullet Buttons The Gun Industry’s Attack on California’s Assault Weapons Ban Summary: California’s assault weapons ban—the toughest in the nation—is under attack by America’s gun industry. Following a series of high-profile mass shootings in the 1980s and 1990s, California led the nation in protecting its citizens from the proliferation of military-style assault weapons. Assault weapons are a discrete class of firearm that incorporate specific design characteristics to enhance lethality. Civilian assault weapons are derived from their full-auto military counterparts developed by the Nazis during World War II to allow German soldiers to spray a wide geographic area with bullets to combat advancing troops. Chief among the characteristics that make assault weapons so lethal compared to other firearms is their ability to accept a detachable, high-capacity ammunition magazine, which, after being emptied, can be replaced with a new fully-loaded ammunition magazine in seconds. In 1989, California passed the Roberti-Roos Act, the first statewide law in the nation designed to ban assault weapons. Soon after its passage however, the firearms industry made minor cosmetic changes to many banned assault weapons—evading the intent of the law and allowing their continued sale. In 1999, after intense media attention, California legislators moved to update the law to address the industry’s actions. Now, the gun industry is once again working to undermine California’s assault weapons ban. And if no action is taken by California policymakers to address this newest attack, the state’s longstanding ban on assault weapons will be eviscerated. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2012. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/bulletbuttons.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/bulletbuttons.pdf Shelf Number: 127581 Keywords: Assault WeaponsFirearmsGun ControlGun ViolenceGuns (California) |
Author: Pierce, Glenn Title: New Approaches to Understanding and Regulating Primary and Secondary Illegal Firearms Summary: The major objective of this study is to enhance understanding of the characteristics and regulation of primary and secondary illegal firearms markets. The study has two major components: 1) a national study of illegal firearm markets based on ATF firearm trace data for all firearms recovered by law enforcement between 2003 and 2006, and 2) a California focused study based ATF traced firearms recovered in California between 2003 and 2006 that were crossed referenced with California Dealer Record of Sale (DROS) data to yield information on the last-known purchaser of a firearm. The national study was designed to: - Develop an enhanced understanding of illegal firearms markets using ATF trace data - Assess the potential impact of State firearm laws on firearms trafficking using ATF trace data The California analysis was designed to: • Enhance the tactical and strategic value of firearms trace data by tracing crime-related guns to last-known dealers/purchasers - Improve our overall understanding of illegal secondary markets The national study found that the stringency of state level firearms laws and regulations on time-to-crime and, in the case of California, the regular enforcement of state regulations lead to consistently longer time-to-crime for firearms recovered within their jurisdictions. These patterns persist for whether firearms were purchased within the recovery jurisdiction or in another state. With the addition, of other potential indicators of time-to-crime into the analysis, the effect of firearm laws is mediated in a manner that conforms to the expectations of how firearms regulations can operate to control the illegal distribution guns. Specifically, when dealer related variables are entered into the overall model of time-to-crime the effects of states with more stringent laws and regulations are reduced more than states without such laws, as would be expected given that state firearms laws and regulations should work through their regulation on dealers. In addition, a number of other potential determinants of time-to-crime have effects on time-to-crime that indicate they are potentially useful indicators of illegal firearms trafficking. The California analysis compared illegal firearm market characteristics using information from ATF trace data (based primarily on first-time, retail-sourced information) with illegal firearms market characteristics based on ATF trace data updated with California DROS information. This comparison revealed that including information on the last known purchaser of 2 a firearm significantly reduced the median time-to-crime of California-sourced crime guns relative to time-to-crime calculations based on standard ATF trace data. This finding indicates that guns sometimes move very rapidly from subsequent market transactions to use in crime. These finding suggest that enhanced firearm trace data can be very useful in guiding law enforcement actions against gun traffickers and criminals directly acquiring firearms through secondary market sources. Details: Report to the U.S. Department of Justice, 2013. 177p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2013 at: New Approaches to Understanding and Regulating Primary and Secondary Illegal Firearms Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 127610 Keywords: Firearms TraffickingGun ViolenceIllegal Firearms Markets (U.S.)Illegal GunsTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: McGarrell, Edmund F. Title: An Assessment of the Comprehensive Anti-Gang Initiative: Final Project Report Summary: The U.S. Department of Justice developed the Comprehensive Anti-Gang Initiative (CAGI) to support local communities in their efforts to prevent and control gang crime. The cities involved include Cleveland, Dallas/Fort Worth, Los Angeles, Milwaukee, Tampa, Indianapolis, Oklahoma City, Rochester, Raleigh/Durham, Chicago, Detroit, and a seven-city region in Eastern Pennsylvania. Multiple methods were used to evaluate the process and impact of CAGI. These included site visits, phone interviews, mail surveys, video conference calls with project staff, and review of progress reports submitted to the Department of Justice. Local crime data were gathered from five of the CAGI cities and city level crime data were collected from all the jurisdictions as well as from comparable cities nationwide. In terms of the implementation several key findings emerged. There was consensus across the sites that CAGI had allowed for the development of a variety of new partnerships. These relationships were most readily established among criminal justice agencies. The four most common enforcement strategies included increased federal prosecution, increased state and local prosecution, joint case prosecution screening, and directed police patrols. The most common prevention strategies included education and outreach, school-based prevention, ex-offender outreach, and substance abuse treatment. Re-entry interventions proved to be the most challenging to implement with most of the sites struggling to meet target numbers of clients. Unfortunately, the majority of sites could not provide consistent and reliable measures of gang crime. Thus, for most of the impact analyses the focus was on violent crime. CAGI cities were compared to all other comparable U.S. cities and to a matched comparison group of cities. Additionally, within city analyses were conducted in five of the sites. Overall, the CAGI cities experienced a larger decline in violent crime than the comparison cities but the difference was not statistically significant when controlling for concentrated disadvantage and population density. When level of implementation of enforcement was included, the high enforcement CAGI cities experienced a 15 percent decline in violent crime that was statistically significant. The comparison based on a propensity matching approach yielded similar findings. Looking only at the CAGI cities, higher levels of federal prosecution for gun crime were negatively related to violent crime. The final analyses involved within city time series analyses of target areas compared either to other comparison areas or the remainder of the city. These results were inconclusive. Although the CAGI sites all experienced declines in violent crime, in many cases they were not statistically significant or they were similar to declines in the rest of the city or comparison area. The findings of difficulty in implementing all components of the comprehensive strategy in a well-timed and coordinated fashion, as well as the mixed, and at best modest, impact on violent crime, are largely consistent with prior studies of large-scale, comprehensive anti-gang programs. At a minimum, much greater attention needs to be given to effective implementation. Local CAGI officials recognized these challenges and recommended a planning period to allow for the establishment of necessary partnerships before fully funding programs like CAGI. Finally, much greater attention needs to be given to developing reliable measures of gang crime at the local level. Federal funding agencies may wish to make gang crime data availability a prerequisite for the investment of federal funding for anti-gang programs. Details: East Lansing, MI: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2012. 197p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/240757.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/240757.pdf Shelf Number: 127689 Keywords: Gang PreventionGang ViolenceGangs (U.S.)Gun Violence |
Author: Azrael, Deborah Title: Developing the Capacity to Understand and Prevent Homicide: An Evaluation of the Milwaukee Homicide Review Commission Summary: The Milwaukee Homicide Review Commission (MHRC) was established in May 2004 to address the city’s persistent lethal violence problem. The MHRC is a multi-tiered intervention with four levels, each of which involves participation by a different set of agencies and stakeholders. A key assumption underlying the four levels of MHRC review, and driving its decision to include stakeholders outside of the traditional criminal justice arena, was that the development and implementation of homicide prevention strategies is a complex and multi-faceted process that can be strengthened by input and buy-in from stakeholders throughout the community. The goal of the MHRC was to foster and support innovative homicide prevention and intervention strategies using the emerging tool of strategic problem analysis. In February 2005, the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) funded the Harvard School of Public Health to evaluate the MHRC. The evaluation, which utilized a randomized matched pair design, consisted of three principal components: 1) a formative evaluation, 2) a process evaluation, and 3) an impact evaluation. More specifically, through semi-structured interviews and analysis of homicide data collected as part of the project, the evaluation examined whether homicide reviews provide additional insights into the nature of homicide problems relative to traditional methods; whether these insights lead to the development of new strategic responses to homicide problems; whether law enforcement agencies, social service providers, and the community feel that sharing information improves their ability to work together; and whether these responses seem to have short-term homicide reduction impacts. The NIJ-sponsored evaluation closely examined MHRC work from January 2005 through December 2007. During this time period, the MHRC conducted thirty criminal justice reviews, fifteen community service provider reviews and two community reviews, covering cases from January 2005 through November 2007. Overall, the homicide review process revealed that homicides in the City’s intervention districts were largely clustered in very specific places, such as in and around taverns, and among active offenders who were very well known to the criminal justice system. Homicides were often the outcome of an ongoing dispute between individuals and/or groups (usually gangs) and involved respect, status, and retribution as motives. The MHRC process yielded a comprehensive set of actionable policy and program development recommendations. These recommendations were ratified by and the implementation was continuously monitored by the MHRC Working and Executive Committees. In general, the MHRC recommendations better positioned criminal justice, social service, and community-based organizations to address high-risk places and high-risk people central to recurring homicide problems. MHRC participants credited the implementation of the recommendations with improving both criminal justice and community provider capacity to prevent violence. A key to this increased capacity was the improved communication, information sharing and cooperation both within and between criminal justice agencies, community service providers and community members. The impact evaluation used statistical models to analyze a time series of monthly counts of homicides in the control and treatment districts (January 1999 – December 2006). The impact evaluation revealed that the implementation of the MHRC iv interventions was associated with a statistically significant 52% decrease in the monthly count of homicide in the treatment districts. The control districts experienced a non-significant 9.2% decrease in homicide, controlling for the other covariates. While these analyses can’t be used to specify the exact effect of the MHRC interventions, the empirical evidence suggests that the MHRC interventions were associated with a noteworthy decrease in homicide. As such, the MHRC homicide review process seems to add considerable value to understanding the nature of urban homicide problems, crafting appropriate interventions to address underlying risks associated with homicides, implementing innovative strategies to address these risks, and assessing the impacts of these strategies. Details: Unpublished report to the U.S. Department of Justice, 2013. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/240814.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/240814.pdf Shelf Number: 127695 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun ViolenceHomicide PreventionHomicides (Milwaukee, U.S.)ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Children's Defense Fund Title: Protect Children, Not Guns 2012 Summary: CDF's Protect Children, Not Guns 2012 is a compilation of the most recent and reliable national and state data on gun violence in America. This report provides the latest statistics on firearm deaths by race, age and manner; highlights state gun violence trends and efforts to prevent child access to guns; dispels common myths about guns; and explains the significance of recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions on gun ownership. In 2008, 2,947 children and teens died from guns in the United States and 2,793 died in 2009 for a total of 5,740—one child or teen every three hours, eight every day, 55 every week for two years. Six times as many children and teens—34,387—suffered nonfatal gun injuries as gun deaths in 2008 and 2009. This is equal to one child or teen every 31 minutes, 47 every day, and 331 children and teens every week. Details: Washington, DC: Children's Defense Fund, 2012. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 12, 2013 at: http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-data-publications/data/protect-children-not-guns-2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.childrensdefense.org/child-research-data-publications/data/protect-children-not-guns-2012.pdf Shelf Number: 127912 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Chauhan, Preeti Title: Homicide by Neighborhood: Mapping New York City’s Violent Crime Drop Summary: The United States, and New York City (NYC) in particular, experienced falling rates of violent crime beginning in the 1990s. For two decades, researchers, scholars, and policymakers interested in the NYC crime decline have attempted to pinpoint causes of the downward trend. Discovering the causes of the city’s crime drop may lead to important lessons for the city itself and may influence policy and practice throughout the state, nation, and perhaps other countries. Researchers have suggested a host of mechanisms that may explain the dramatic decline in violence, but two factors—misdemeanor policing and the transformation of drug markets—continue to receive the most attention. This report focuses on these factors in relation to gun-related homicide rates. Specifically, it describes and maps precinct-level relationships between misdemeanor policing, drug markets, and gun-related homicide rates from 1990 to 1999 in NYC. While some precincts demonstrate theoretically expected patterns, others do not. An increase in misdemeanor policing is related to a decrease in homicide in some, but not all, precincts. Similarly, a decrease in drug use (measured by accidental deaths with toxicology reports positive for cocaine and drug arrest rates) is not consistently related to homicide decline. Notably, cocaine consumption demonstrates more theoretically consistent relationships relative to drug arrest rates. Overall, there is substantial heterogeneity in the social processes associated with the decline in violent crime. A few select precincts may be responsible for driving aggregate level trends. Future investigations may be able to develop a more nuanced understanding of the complex systems of crime reduction if they consider micro level, geospatial analyses, in addition to multivariate analyses. Details: New York: Research and Evaluation Center, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, 2012. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2013 at: http://johnjayresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/rec20122.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://johnjayresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/rec20122.pdf Shelf Number: 127932 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceHomicidesNeighborhoods and CrimeViolent Crime (New York City, U.S.) |
Author: Bjelopera, Jerome P. Title: Public Mass Shootings in the United States: Selected Implications for Federal Public Health and Safety Policy Summary: This report focuses on mass shootings and selected implications they have for federal policy in the areas of public health and safety. While such crimes most directly impact particular citizens in very specific communities, addressing these violent episodes involves officials at all levels of government and professionals from numerous disciplines. This report does not discuss gun control and does not systematically address the broader issue of gun violence. Also, it is not intended as an exhaustive review of federal programs addressing the issue of mass shootings. Policy makers may confront numerous questions about shootings such as the December 2012 incident at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, CT, that claimed 27 lives (not including the shooter). Foremost, what are the parameters of this threat? How should it be defined? There is no broadly agreed-to, specific conceptualization of this issue, so this report uses its own definition for public mass shootings. These are incidents occurring in relatively public places, involving four or more deaths—not including the shooter(s)—and gunmen who select victims somewhat indiscriminately. The violence in these cases is not a means to an end—the gunmen do not pursue criminal profit or kill in the name of terrorist ideologies, for example. One Measure of the Death Toll Exacted by Public Mass Shootings. Applying this understanding of the issue, the Congressional Research Service (CRS) has identified 78 public mass shootings that have occurred in the United States since 1983. This suggests the scale of this threat and is intended as a thorough review of the phenomenon but should not be characterized as exhaustive or definitive. According to CRS estimates, over the last three decades public mass shootings have claimed 547 lives and led to an additional 476 injured victims. Significantly, while tragic and shocking, public mass shootings account for few of the murders or non-negligent homicides related to firearms that occur annually in the United States. Policymaking Challenges in Public Health and Safety Aside from trying to develop a sense of this phenomenon’s scope, policy makers may face other challenges when addressing this topic. To help describe some of the health and safety issues public mass shootings pose, this report discusses selected policy in three areas: law enforcement, public health, and education. While mass shootings may occur in a number of settings, the education realm is one that has received particular attention from policy makers, officials, and the public alike—at least since the 1999 shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, CO. The tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary has renewed such concerns for many. In the areas of law enforcement, public health, and education, this report discusses some key efforts to prevent mass shootings as well as efforts geared toward preparedness and response. Policy measures that deal with recovery are also discussed within the context of education and public health initiatives. Policy Effectiveness and Outlay of Resources. Many of the policymaking challenges regarding public mass shootings boil down to two interrelated matters: (1) a need to determine the effectiveness of existing programs and (2) figuring out where to disburse limited resources. Finally, baseline metrics related to this problem are often unclear or unavailable. This lack of clarity starts with identifying the number of shootings themselves, since no broadly agreed-to definition exists. Several questions flow from this issue. How many people have such incidents victimized? How much does prevention of, preparedness for, and response to such incidents cost the federal government? What measurements can be used to determine the effectiveness of such programs? Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Services, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: R43004: Accessed March 21, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43004.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43004.pdf Shelf Number: 128065 Keywords: Gun ViolenceMass Homicides (U.S.)Mass ShootingsViolent Crime |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Communities Shattered by Arms Proliferation and Abuse in Côte d’Ivoire Summary: The irresponsible and illegal supply of weaponry and munitions to the warring parties in Côte d’ivoire has continued for over a decade, despite the 2004 un arms embargo. these arms have contributed to an escalation of hostilities that fuelled a pattern of serious violations of human rights and violent crime, in particular during the 2011 postelectoral crisis. the violence that followed the disputed presidential election in november 2011 caused the most serious humanitarian and human rights crisis in Côte d’ivoire since the de facto partition of the country in 2002. all sides to the conflict committed international crimes, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. hundreds of people were unlawfully killed, women and children were subjected to rape and sexual violence, and people were forced to flee their homes. yet the weapons kept flowing. the dire situation in Côte d’ivoire underscores the urgency for un member states to finalize an effective arms trade treaty at the march 2013 un conference. such a treaty could protect and save lives by containing strong measures requiring all states parties to stop any international transfer of arms which carry a substantial risk of being used to facilitate atrocities or grave abuses of human rights. preventing the international arms trade from repeatedly shattering such societies requires the application of a global treaty with robust rules based upon respect for international human rights and humanitarian law. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2013. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 22, 2013 at: http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Communities%20shattered%20by%20arms%20proliferation%20and%20abuse%20in%20Cote_d_Ivoire.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Cote d'Ivoire URL: http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Communities%20shattered%20by%20arms%20proliferation%20and%20abuse%20in%20Cote_d_Ivoire.pdf Shelf Number: 128077 Keywords: Gun ViolenceIllegal Guns (Cote d'lvoire)ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Stachelberg, Winnie Title: Blindfolded, and with One Hand Tied Behind the Back How the Gun Lobby Has Debilitated Federal Action on Firearms and What President Obama Can Do About It Summary: It is no secret that annual appropriations bills are often used as a vehicle for moving through discrete legislative measures unrelated to funding the government. Because appropriations bills are often considered to be “must pass” pieces of legislation, packaging nonfunding policy provisions into these bills can be an effective way to ensure passage of measures that might not pass if submitted through the regular legislative process in the House and Senate. The use of appropriations riders to enact policy changes, however, has reached new heights in the area of firearms. Beginning in the late 1970s and accelerating over the past decade, Congress, at the behest of the National Rifle Association, or NRA, and others in the gun lobby, began incrementally chipping away at the federal government’s ability to enforce the gun laws and protect the public from gun crime. The NRA freely admits its role in ensuring that firearms-related legislation is tacked onto budget bills, explaining that doing so is “the legislative version of catching a ride on the only train out of town.” Inserting policy directives in spending bills bypasses the traditional process, which allows for more careful review and scrutiny of proposed legislation. Appropriations bills are intended to allocate funding to government agencies to ensure that they are capable of fulfilling their missions and performing essential functions. But the gun riders directed at the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, or ATF, do exactly the opposite and instead impede the agency’s ability to function and interfere with law-enforcement efforts to curb gun-related crime by creating policy roadblocks in service to the gun lobby. As a group, the riders have limited how ATF can collect and share information to detect illegal gun trafficking, how it can regulate firearms sellers, and how it partners with federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 25, 2013 at: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/GunRidersBrief-7.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/GunRidersBrief-7.pdf Shelf Number: 128119 Keywords: Firearms (U.S.)Gun Control PolicyGun Violence |
Author: Hinton, Rachael Title: Armed Violence Monitoring Systems Summary: There is increasing global awareness that accurate and reliable data on the scope, scale, and causes of all forms of armed violence is vital for shaping policy, developing programmatic responses, and monitoring progress. Armed violence is strongly associated with negative development outcomes and slow progress towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011, p. 145).1 Over the past few years the realization that the development and security of a wide range of countries, cities, and citizens were threatened by armed violence led to a global agenda for the prevention and reduction of such violence (OECD, 2011, p. 11). This agenda identified a number of entry points and resulted in the engagement of an increasingly diverse spectrum of actors and players, including, for example, in the areas of conflict prevention, peacebuilding, crime prevention, and public health. In the context of their own agendas, various stakeholders acknowledge the importance of applying evidence-based policy-making through the improved measurement and monitoring of armed violence. Some have established mechanisms and tools for monitoring and research, such as observatories (on crime and violence) or armed violence monitoring systems (AVMSs) to better understand the extent and distribution of armed violence in a variety of geographic settings in low-, middle-, and high-income countries (Gilgen and Tracey, 2011). Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2013. 4 p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes • Number 27: Accessed April 5, 2013 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-27.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-27.pdf Shelf Number: 128283 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun ControlGun ViolenceGunsViolent Crimes |
Author: National Rifle Association. National School Shield Task Force Title: Report of the National School Shield Task Force Summary: This report presents the NRA position and suggestions for preventing school violence. Details: Washington, DC: National Rifle Association, 2013. 225p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2013 at: http://www.nraschoolshield.com/NSS_Final_FULL.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.nraschoolshield.com/NSS_Final_FULL.pdf Shelf Number: 128306 Keywords: Gun ViolenceSchool SafetySchool Violence (U.S.) |
Author: Denman, Kristine Title: Evaluation of Dlo’ayazhi Project Safe Neighborhoods Summary: Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) is a nationwide crime reduction initiative sponsored by the Department of Justice (DOJ). It has been in operation for over a decade. It began with a focus on firearm crimes, and in 2006, expanded to include gang crimes. This initiative is typically implemented in urban areas; however, in 2008 the DOJ invited the Navajo Nation Department of Public Safety to apply for the program. The successful application outlined a plan for implementing PSN in and around the Crownpoint area of the Navajo Nation. In 2011, DOJ provided supplemental funding to continue PSN efforts in Crownpoint and expand into the Shiprock area, which is in the northwestern part of New Mexico. This report summarizes a process evaluation of these expansion efforts, as well as ongoing PSN efforts in the Crownpoint area. There are three primary principles that guide the PSN model: it is meant to be community based, coordinated and comprehensive. PSN is designed to be centered on the community in which it is being implemented, recognizing and reacting to community needs and the local resources available to address those needs (http://www.psn.gov/about/index.html). For example, while PSN focuses on gun and gang crime, the Navajo Nation PSN program has been expanded to include a domestic violence component. This addition represents a Task Force response to concerns about domestic violence voiced by representatives of the Navajo Nation. Across the country, United States Attorney’s Offices (USAO) coordinate PSN efforts in their respective districts. The USAO designates a Task Force Coordinator whose charge is to convene a PSN Task Force that brings together representatives from law enforcement and prosecution at all jurisdictional levels (local, tribal, state and federal), as well as community leaders, research partners, and others. This Task Force then meets regularly to develop collaborative strategies to address PSN program goals. The Task Force meetings are a venue for planning, reporting on and refining PSN activities and initiatives. In addition to managing these efforts, the PSN Task Force Coordinator reports back to the Department of Justice regarding local PSN efforts. Finally, PSN is meant to be comprehensive. The Navajo Nation PSN focuses on intervention, prevention, and prosecution of gun crimes, gang related/motivated offenses, juvenile violence and domestic violence offenses occurring on the Navajo Nation. Intervention involves violence suppression through targeted law enforcement operations. Prevention includes educational programming, outreach and support services. For example, the educational component involves a program called Project Sentry which targets at-risk youth, and is designed to prevent their involvement in gun and gang crime. Other prevention efforts occur as well. Outreach includes family advocacy and support for domestic violence issues and related problems, such as substance abuse. Finally, prosecution of targeted crimes occurs at the tribal and federal levels. The Navajo Nation PSN program is unique among PSN programs. It is among the first to be implemented on tribal lands, and must address challenges that differ from those typically seen in urban areas. First, the geography of the area differs from that of a typical urban PSN site. It is a very large geographical area, with many undeveloped roads and many areas that are sparsely populated. Second, there are fewer law enforcement officers per square mile relative to that seen in an urban area. In addition, this PSN initiative must take into account tribal law, and be able to work with tribal government in addition to negotiating municipal, state and federal laws. Finally, there are cultural differences and sovereignty issues that PSN must be sensitive to and take into account when implementing the initiative. However, the area is also similar to other PSN sites in that the community leaders have identified violence and gangs as a problem. They note that these problems are associated with substance abuse and poverty issues, like other PSN locales. Further, there is concern that particular housing structures on the Navajo Nation have become crime magnets, similar to urban dwellings. The USAO for the District of New Mexico (USAO NM) requested evaluation services in support of the Navajo PSN initiative from the New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center at the University of New Mexico’s Institute for Social Research. The USAO NM outlined two primary evaluation goals. First, the USAO NM expressed particular interest in determining how well the Task Force was coordinating activities and forging connections between disparate groups. Second, they were interested in better understanding the challenges to PSN implementation on the Navajo Nation so that they could best meet these challenges. There are five questions guiding this evaluation: 1. What portions of PSN are being implemented? 2. How well are PSN Task Force partners coordinating activities to implement the program goals? 3. What are Task Force members’ perceptions of PSN’s impact and success? 4. What are the facilitators to PSN implementation in the target areas? 5. What are the barriers to PSN implementation in the target areas? The purpose of this evaluation, then, is to determine whether the initiative is being implemented in the way that it is intended, to understand the perceived success of the initiative, and to pinpoint facilitators and barriers to implementation, focusing especially on coordination of activities. The results are meant to be used to make decisions about whether and how to refine the program activities and to provide feedback to the funders regarding program compliance. Details: Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico, Institute for Social Research; New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center, 2013. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2013 at: http://nmsac.unm.edu/psn-process-evaluation-final-report.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://nmsac.unm.edu/psn-process-evaluation-final-report.pdf Shelf Number: 0 Keywords: Crime Prevention ProgramsDomestic ViolenceGang ViolenceGun ViolenceNavajo NationProject Safe Neighborhoods (New Mexico, U.S.)Violent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Cramer, Clayton E. Title: Background Checks and Murder Rates Summary: What is the statistical evidence of the effects of state mandatory firearms background check laws on murder rates? For states that adopted or repealed such laws after 1960 (which consistent and high quality murder rate data becomes available), an interrupted time series analysis shows that five out of nine states have statistically significant changes in murder rates, which three having higher murder rates during the background check period, and two having lower murder rates. Of the four states with statistically insignificant changes in murder rates, two had higher murder rates during the background check period, and two had lower murder rates during the background check period. Details: Unpublished paper, 2013. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2249317 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2249317 Shelf Number: 12361 Keywords: Background Checks (U.S.)Firearms and CrimeGun Control PoliciesGun ViolenceHomicides |
Author: Hipple, Natalie Kroovand Title: Project Safe Neighborhoods Case Study Report: Southern District of Alabama Summary: In 2001 the Bush Administration made the reduction of gun crime one of the two major priorities of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), along with defeating terrorism and enhancing homeland security. The vehicle tor translating this goal into action is Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN). PSN represents a commitment to gun crime reduction through a network of local partnerships coordinated through the nation's 94 United States Attorneys Offices. These local partnerships are supported by a strategy to provide them with the resources that they need to be successful. The PSN initiative integrates five essential elements from successful gun crime reduction programs such as Richmond's Project Exile, the Boston Ceasefire Program and DOJ's Strategic Approaches to Community Safety Initiative (SACSJ). Those elements are: partnerships, strategic problem solving, outreach, training and accountability.' The strategic problem-solving component of PSN was enhanced through grants to local researchers to work in partnership with the PSN task force to analyze local gun crime patterns, to inform strategic interventions, and to provide feedback to the task force about program implementation and impact. At the national level, PSN included a grant to a research team at the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State University (MSU) to provide support to the strategic problem-solving component as well as to conduct research on PSN implementation and impact. As part of its research role, MSU has produced a series of strategic case studies ofPSN interventions that have emerged in a number of jurisdictions across the country." The current report is part of a second series of studies focused on implementation of PSN in particular districts. The current study, focused on the Southern District of Alabama, is similar to the situation in the Middle District of Alabama. The PSN effort was initially focused on the major city within the district and relied on a strong partnership between the local police department and the U.S. Attorney's Oftice. The task force implemented a strategy that drew heavily on Project Exile and the core principles ofPSN. Once sites were identified, the MSU research team conducted site visits to learn more about PSN structure, implementation, and impact. Cooperative relationships between the local research partners and the MSU research team were established for the purpose of generating the case studies. This provided the benefit of the "deep knowledge" of the local research partners with the "independent eyes" of the national research team. This approach will continue to be employed through an ongoing series of case studies in additional PSN sites. Given this strategy, in effect a purposive sampling approach, the case studies cannot be considered representative of PSN in all 94 judicial districts. Rather, these are studies of PSN within specific sites. Through these studies, particularly as more and more case studies arc completed, complemented by evaluations conducted by local research partners, we hope to generate new knowledge about the adaptation of the national PSN program to local contexts as well as about the impact ofPSN on levels of gun crime in specific jurisdictions. Details: East Lansing, MI: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2007. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: PSN Case Study Report #10: Accessed April 18, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/241728.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/241728.pdf Shelf Number: 128418 Keywords: Community PolicingCrime PreventionGang ViolenceGun ViolenceNeighborhoods and Crime (U.S.)Problem-Oriented Policing |
Author: Fitzgerald, Jacqueline Title: Non-fatal Shootings in NSW Summary: This paper analyses the pattern of non-fatal shootings in NSW, covering trends, spatial distribution and other characteristics. Method: This study considers the incidence of non-fatal shooting incidents recorded by NSW Police, in particular shoot with intent, discharge firearm into premises and unlawfully discharge firearm. Analysis is limited to the information recorded about these incidents by NSW Police on the Computerised Operational Policing System. Results: Between 1995 and 2012 there have been frequent fluctuations in the recorded number of non-fatal shootings but no sustained increase over the period. The most notable results in 2012 were in April and July which showed record incidence of discharge firearm into premises. There was still, however, no discernible upward trend in offending even for this sub-offence. Shooting incidents are most common in Canterbury-Bankstown, Fairfield- Liverpool and Central Western Sydney. At least a third of shoot with intent and discharge firearm into premises incidents are gang, drug or organised crime related and about one in four shootings result in an offender being legally proceeded against. Conclusion: Despite a high number of incidents of discharge firearm into premises recorded in some months of 2012, shooting offences are not trending upwards, nor are they historically higher than at previous times. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2013. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue paper no. 85: Accessed April 25, 2013 at: http://apo.org.au/research/non-fatal-shootings-nsw Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/research/non-fatal-shootings-nsw Shelf Number: 128437 Keywords: Drive-By ShootingsGun ViolenceViolence (Australia)Violent Crime |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Time Bomb: How the NRA Blocked the Regulation of Black and Smokeless Powder to the Benefit of Its Gun Industry “Corporate Partners” Today Summary: Since the 1970s, the National Rifle Association (NRA) has worked to block federal regulation--including background checks on transfers--of black and smokeless powder. The NRA’s decades-long campaign against regulating these two common explosives today benefits the gun industry “corporate partners” that help fund the organization according to the new Violence Policy Center (VPC) report, Time Bomb: How the NRA Blocked the Regulation of Black and Smokeless Powder to the Benefit of Its Gun Industry “Corporate Partners” Today. The VPC study details how in 1970, in response to a wave of bombings throughout the country, Congress, with the support of the Nixon Administration, moved to consolidate and increase federal regulatory oversight of the explosives industry and its products, including black and smokeless powder. Despite the clear threat posed by black and smokeless powder, the NRA--joined by other pro-gun organizations such as the National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF)--worked to ensure that resulting legislation contained an exemption for “small arms ammunition and components thereof” which applied to most smokeless powder as well as to “black powder in quantities not to exceed five pounds.” In 1974, over the protestations of the Department of Justice and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), the NRA successfully lobbied to increase the amount of black powder exempted from federal regulation from five pounds to 50 pounds. The continuing danger posed by the exemptions for smokeless and black powder has been noted by experts. In a review of the implementation of the “Safe Explosives Act” (SEA) passed in the wake of the September 11th attacks, the Office of the Inspector General of the Department of Justice identified “several issues related to the regulation and safeguarding of explosives in the United States that while not addressed in the SEA nonetheless are relevant to public safety.” Among the issues identified was ATF’s limited authority over smokeless and black powder. The report noted, “Because black powder is relatively inexpensive (between $5 and $15 per pound), it is the most common explosive used in pipe bombs. Additionally, the ATF does not regulate smokeless powder, a more expensive explosive used in the manufacturing of firearms ammunition.” ATF acknowledges the threat to public safety posed by the unregulated sale of black powder and smokeless powder. In a letter sent to Federal Firearms Licensees in July 2004, the agency wrote: “As you may know, explosives are frequently used by terrorists to cause destruction. Some of the products you may carry in your inventory, such as black powder and smokeless powder, could be used in acts of violence. While smokeless powder and black powder generally are exempt from the Federal explosives laws, these products are often used to make illegal or ‘improvised explosives devices’ and pipe bombs.” The letter included a flyer headlined “BE AWARE FOR AMERICA.....” and set out tips to help dealers identify suspicious buyers. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2013. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 25, 2013 at: Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 128441 Keywords: Background ChecksExplosivesGun ViolenceNational Rifle AssociationViolence (U.S.) |
Author: Racovita, Mihaela Title: In Search of Lasting Security: An Assessment of Armed Violence in Nepal Summary: This study, conducted together with its Kathmandu-based partner, Interdisciplinary Analysts, presents original research based on a national household survey covering more than 3,000 respondents as well as focus group discussions and key informant interviews in Nepal’s Hill and Terai regions, as well as data collected from official, non-governmental, and international sources. Since the end of the conflict Nepal has seen fluctuation in the incidence and severity of violence, with relative calm punctuated by bouts of violence in response to political events. While data shows several improvements in the security landscape, Nepal continues to be plagued by high volatility and uncertainty related to political and ethnic crises. The Special Report finds that: Despite persistent volatility, a majority of survey respondents were confident that security situation had recently improved in their area. Property crime was identified as the most common concern, across surveyed areas. Those with a steady source of income, or those carrying money or valuables were more likely to fall victims. Urban spaces and the Kathmandu Valley display higher concentrations of insecurity. Armed violence in Nepal is generally low-tech, using crude or makeshift weapons, such as bicycle chains or sticks, as well as traditional bladed weapons, improvised explosive devices, and home-made firearms. Based on self-reported and perceived ownership, between 41,000 and 84,000 households in the surveyed districts are estimated to own firearms. Overall police performance, accountability, and responsiveness were rated fairly high, with more than 80 per cent of respondents stating that they would seek help from the police in the event of an attack. However, many interviewees expressed concerns about police efficiency, citing lack of training, political interference, and a lack of standardized service as key issues. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2013. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Special Report May 2013: Accessed May 15, 2013 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/C-Special-reports/SAS-SR20-In-Search-of-Lasting-Security-NAVA.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Nepal URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/C-Special-reports/SAS-SR20-In-Search-of-Lasting-Security-NAVA.pdf Shelf Number: 128731 Keywords: Armed ViolenceGun ViolenceGuns and CrimeProperty CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Hipple, Natalie Kroovand Title: Project Safe Neighborhoods Case Study Report: Middle District of North Carolina (Case Study 11) Summary: In 2001 the Bush Administration made the reduction of gun crime one of the two major priorities of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), along with defeating terrorism and enhancing homeland security. The vehicle for translating this goal into action is Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN). PSN represents a commitment to gun crime reduction through a network of local partnerships coordinated through the nation's 94 United States Attorney's Offices. These local partnerships are supported by a strategy to provide them with the resources that they need to be successful. These site-specific case studies are intended to provide information about how PSN has been structured and implemented in different jurisdictions. PSN is a national program tailored to address varying gun crime pattems in localjurisdictions. One of the key roles of the research partner is to analyze these patterns to help inform the PSN task force. The local nature of PSN, however, makes it important to examine implementation and impact at the local level. Consequently, this series of site-specific cases studies addresses these issues. Details: East Lansing, MI: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2007. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 1, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/241729.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/241729.pdf Shelf Number: 128917 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGun ViolenceProject Safe Neighborhoods (North Carolina, U.S.)Violence PreventionViolent Crimes |
Author: McGarrell, Edmund Title: Promising Strategies for Violence Reduction: Lessons from Two Decades of Innovation Summary: Since reaching peak levels in the early 1990s, the United States has witnessed a significant decline in levels of homicide and gun-related crime. Indeed, whereas in 1991 there were more than 24,000 homicides in the United States (9.8 per 100,000 population), this number declined to less than 15,000 in 2010 (4.8 per 100,000 population) (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011). Similarly, the number of violent victimizations declined from more than 16 million in 1993 to less than six million in 2011 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013). Although the decline is certainly welcome, violent crime and homicide continue to exact a heavy toll in terms of the impact on victims, families, offenders, and neighborhoods. Indeed, some estimates put the cost of a homicide at more than $17 million per incident (DeLisi et al., 2010). Given these human and fiscal costs, it becomes critical to identify evidence-based practices that local, state, tribal, and federal law enforcement agencies, criminal justice partners, community-based organizations, social service providers, governmental officials, and citizens can consider for possible implementation in their communities. Fortunately, since the mid-1990s several promising interventions have emerged with varying degrees of empirical support for their ability to prevent and reduce levels of crime and violence at the local level. These interventions share some common elements, although they vary in other respects. Different communities also make adaptations to these interventions when they implement them. This situation can make it difficult to specify the key dimensions of each intervention when transferring to other settings. To add to the confusion, two of the initiatives discussed below are commonly referred to as “Ceasefire” and some cities participating in the Project Safe Neighborhoods initiative have also used the “Ceasefire” terminology. The following attempts to briefly describe the key elements of each intervention, their commonalities and their differences, and to summarize the existing research. Citations to the many reports that exist on these initiatives are provided so that interested readers can learn more about these efforts. Details: East Lansing, MI: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2013. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Project Safe Neighborhoods Case Study Report #13; Accessed June 3, 2013 at: https://www.bja.gov/Publications/MSU_PromisingViolenceReductionInitiatives.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.bja.gov/Publications/MSU_PromisingViolenceReductionInitiatives.pdf Shelf Number: 128927 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (U.S.)HomicideProgram CeasefireProject Safe Neighborhoods - Program Ceasefire |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Gun Control Proposals in the 113th Congress: Universal Background Checks, Gun Trafficking, and Military Style Firearms Summary: Congress has debated the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. The mass shooting in Newtown, CT, along with other mass shootings in Aurora, CO, and Tucson, AZ, has restarted the national gun control debate. Members of the 113th Congress could consider a range of legislative proposals, including several that President Barack Obama has announced his support for as part of his national gun violence reduction plan. The most salient of the President’s legislative proposals would (1) require background checks for intrastate firearms transfers between unlicensed persons at gun shows and nearly any other venue, otherwise known as the “universal background checks” proposal; (2) increase penalties for gun trafficking; and (3) reinstate and strengthen an expired federal ban on detachable ammunition magazines of over 10- round capacity and certain “military style” firearms commonly described as “semiautomatic assault weapons,” which are designed to accept such magazines. On March 21, 2013, Senator Harry Reid introduced the Safe Communities, Safe Schools Act of 2013 (S. 649). As introduced, this bill included the language of several bills previously reported by the Senate Committee on the Judiciary. Those bills included the Stop Illegal Trafficking in Firearms Act of 2013 (S. 54), the Fix Gun Checks Act of 2013 (S. 374), and the School Safety Enhancements Act of 2013 (S. 146). However, the Assault Weapons Ban of 2013 (S. 150) was not included in S. 649. From April 17-18, 2013, the Senate considered S. 649 and nine amendments that addressed a wide array of gun control issues, ranging from universal background checks to assault weapons. By unanimous consent, the Senate agreed that adoption of these amendments would require a 60-vote threshold. All but two of these amendments were rejected. However, a final vote was not taken on S. 649. This report provides an overview of federal firearms law and examines these gun control proposals and related amendments. While the House has not considered any of the gun control proposals debated in the Senate, on May 8, 2013, the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs approved a bill, the Veterans 2nd Amendment Protection Act (H.R. 602), that addresses veterans, mental incompetency, and firearms eligibility. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2013. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: R42987: Accessed July 8, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42987.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42987.pdf Shelf Number: 129270 Keywords: Gun Control (U.S.)Gun TraffickingGun ViolenceTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Greene, Mark Title: A Review of Gun Safety Technologies Summary: When such an issue with deep and powerful cultural resonance as firearms is given the full attention of the nation, the challenges involved with confronting the complex interconnectedness of law, public safety, Constitutional rights, policy, technology, market forces, and other concerns seem only amplified. With careful consideration, however, untangling the various components of the issue is possible, and an investigation of technology can be accomplished with minimal diversion into the other realms. This report examines existing and emerging gun safety technologies and their availability and use to provide a comprehensive perspective on firearms with integrated advanced safety technologies. These firearms are known by various terms such as smart guns, user-authorized handguns, childproof guns, and personalized firearms. A “personalized firearm” can be understood to utilize integrated components that exclusively permit an authorized user or set of users to operate or fire the gun and automatically deactivate it under a set of specific circumstances, reducing the chances of accidental or purposeful use by an unauthorized user. A report published in 2005 entitled Technological Options for User- Authorized Handguns: A Technology-Readiness Assessment discussed this in the context of two defined types of handgun owner: (1) people responsible for public safety (i.e., law-enforcement personnel) and (2) people concerned with personal safety and handgun misuse, particularly by children, in the home (i.e., homeowners).1 The National Academy of Engineering (NAE) Committee on User-Authorized Handguns published this report seeking to clarify the technical challenges of developing a reliable user-authorized handgun (UAHG) to reduce certain types of handgun misuse. The goal of this work is to provide an objective, neutral perspective on existing and emerging gun safety technologies and their availability and use today. In assessing what technologies and products exist or may exist in the near future, it is important to clarify what the technologies can and cannot do, to distinguish the difference between fact and fiction, and to manage expectations about how these firearms could reasonably be expected to perform. The material presented here should be considered in a sober manner with the understanding that the use or misuse of any firearm regardless of what technology may or may not be integrated could lead to injury or death. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, 2013. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 8, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/242500.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/242500.pdf Shelf Number: 129278 Keywords: Gun Safety (U.S.)Gun ViolenceGuns |
Author: del Frate, Anna Alvazzi Title: Non-lethal Firearm Violence Summary: When a gun is fired the result is not always fatal: many victims survive. This may sound like good news, but the consequences of firearm injuries can be extremely severe, and treatment and recovery place a heavy burden on survivors, their families, communities, and society. Non-lethal firearm violence is far more widespread than deaths from firearms worldwide. A better knowledge of the incidence and patterns of non-lethal firearm violence would clarify the overall burden of armed violence on society and underpin the development of effective responses. Yet current information about non-lethal firearm injuries is limited, and is hampered by a lack of data. This Research Note summarizes findings published in the Small Arms Survey 2012: Moving Targets,1 focusing especially on the impact of intentional injuries committed with a firearm (firearm assaults), but also considering the consequences of self-inflicted and unintentional firearm injuries. The first section explains how the type of firearm and ammunition, as well as the availability of medical care, influence the ‘survivability’ of firearm injuries; the second reviews existing data sources; the third section presents available data on the incidence of non-fatal injuries; while the last one examines direct and indirect costs of firearm injuries. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2013. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes, No. 32: Accessed August 6, 2013 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-32.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-32.pdf Shelf Number: 129549 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGuns (U.S.)Injuries |
Author: Roman, John K. Title: Race, Justifiable Homicide, and Stand Your Ground Laws: Analysis of FBI Supplementary Homicide Report Data Summary: There are racial disparities throughout the criminal justice system. From stop and frisk, to motor vehicle searches at traffic stops, to sentencing and the application of the death penalty, African Americans disproportionately are contacted by the criminal justice system in myriad ways. Notably, finding a racial disparity is not synonymous with finding racial animus. African Americans are more likely to live in dense, impoverished places, and poverty and segregation are clearly linked to criminal incidence and prevalence. Distinguishing racial animus within racial disparities is exceedingly difficult with existing datasets that do not include such key measures as setting and context. However, it is possible to compare the rates of racial disparity across points of criminal justice system contact. Such an effort could help highlight comparatively disproportionate laws and procedures. One area of possible racial disparity—differences in findings that a homicide was ruled justified—has received little attention and could measurably improve that comparison. This paper addresses three research hypotheses to test for racial disparities in justifiable homicide findings: Do the rates of justifiable homicides differ by the race of the victim and offender? If there are racial disparities in the rates homicides are found justified, how does that disparity compare to other racial disparities in criminal justice system processing? and Are there fact patterns of homicides that increase racial disparities? The purpose of this analysis is to analyze objective national data that could measure the presence of racial disparities in rulings of justifiable homicides. In this analysis, the phrase “racial disparity” is value free: the presence of a racial disparity is a necessary but insufficient condition to identify racial animus in criminal case processing. Racial animus can only be causally identified if all other competing explanations for the existence of a racial disparity can be rejected. Without a prospective, randomized controlled trial—obviously impossible—such causal claims must have caveats. However, a well-designed retrospective study of observational data can identify important correlations between homicide case attributes and the presence of racial disparities. Other research can compare these rates of racial disparities to other racial disparities in the criminal justice system to determine how the rates of racial disparity in self-defense cases differ. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2013. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412873-stand-your-ground.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412873-stand-your-ground.pdf Shelf Number: 129589 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsHomicides (U.S.)Racial DisparitiesStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: America Under the Gun: A 50-State Analysis of Gun Violence and Its Link to Weak State Gun Laws Summary: In the aftermath of mass shootings and other gun-related tragedies, there is often a surge of interest on the part of community leaders, social-science researchers, and elected officials to root out the causes of gun violence in an effort to prevent such tragedies from occurring again. Any study into the causes of gun violence is necessarily complicated, however, as there are innumerable factors that contribute to the nature and prevalence of gun-related violence in any community. Despite this complex web of factors that influence the rate of gun violence, this report finds a clear link between high levels of gun violence and weak state gun laws. Across the key indicators of gun violence that we analyzed, the 10 states with the weakest gun laws collectively have an aggregate level of gun violence that is more than twice as high—104 percent higher, in fact—than the 10 states with the strongest gun laws. The data analyzed in this report relate to the following 10 indicators of gun violence: 1. Overall firearm deaths in 2010 2. Overall firearm deaths from 2001 through 2010 3. Firearm homicides in 2010 4. Firearm suicides in 2010 5. Firearm homicides among women from 2001 through 2010 6. Firearm deaths among children ages 0 to 17, from 2001 through 2010 7. Law-enforcement agents feloniously killed with a firearm from 2002 through 2011 8. Aggravated assaults with a firearm in 2011 9. Crime-gun export rates in 2009 10. Percentage of crime guns with a short “time to crime” in 2009. Using these data, we rank each state according to the rate of each indicator of gun violence and create an overall ranking of the states across all 10 indicators, resulting in an overall state ranking for the prevalence of gun violence. Finally, we compare this overall state gun-violence ranking with a Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence ranking of states based on the strength of their gun laws. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 19, 2013 at: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/AmericaUnderTheGun-3.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/AmericaUnderTheGun-3.pdf Shelf Number: 129633 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGuns |
Author: Stachelberg, Winnie Title: Preventing Domestic Abusers and Stalkers from Accessing Guns Summary: While opinions may differ as to the scope of the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms, almost all Americans agree that criminals should not have access to guns. Congress recognized the need to keep guns out of the hands of dangerous people more than 40 years ago when it passed the Gun Control Act of 1968, which prohibited felons and other dangerous individuals from owning guns. The Supreme Court has also sanctioned restrictions on gun ownership by such individuals, repeatedly holding in recent decisions that such federal and state laws to prohibit gun ownership by criminals and other dangerous individuals are well within the bounds of the Constitution. One group of people who are at a heightened risk of gun attacks is women who are targets of domestic violence and stalking. We know that intimate-partner violence is a pernicious crime that affects millions of women across the country. Women are more than three-and-a-half times as likely to be killed by an intimate partner than men. In 2005, 40 percent of female homicide victims nationwide were killed by a current or former intimate partner, and guns were used in more than half of those murders. The lethality of domestic-violence incidents—and therefore the risk to women—increases exponentially when a firearm is present in the home: Having a gun in the home increases the risk of homicide of an intimate partner by eight times compared to households without guns. This risk of homicide increases by 20 times compared to households without guns when there is a history of domestic violence in the family. Congress has previously recognized the unique dangers posed by domestic abusers with guns. In the mid-1990s it enacted legislation to ban domestic-violence misdemeanants and individuals subject to some domestic-violence restraining orders from buying or possessing guns. But the current laws do not go far enough to protect women from the dangers presented by batterers and stalkers with guns. Federal law that is currently designed to protect women from gun violence suffers from four key weaknesses: ◾Background checks are not required on all gun sales, so domestic abusers prohibited from gun ownership can easily circumvent the gun-ownership ban by buying a gun from a private seller. ◾The federal limits on domestic abusers are too narrow because they omit abusers in dating relationships and abusers subject to some emergency restraining orders. ◾There is no federal ban on gun ownership for stalkers convicted of misdemeanor crimes and who are subject to restraining orders. ◾Federal, state, and local authorities do not adequately enforce the laws already in place by disarming and prosecuting domestic abusers who violate the current laws and maintain possession of firearms. This report examines all of these gaps in current law and law enforcement, and cites case examples of how each gap enabled domestic abusers and stalkers to obtain the guns they used to murder women. These weaknesses in federal law and law enforcement leave untold numbers of women vulnerable to gun violence committed by men who have harassed, stalked, threatened, and terrorized them, often for years. Congress must act to close these loopholes in the law and ensure that victims of stalking and domestic violence are not further victimized, looking at the end of a gun. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 19, 2013 at: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/GunsStalkersBrief-3.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/GunsStalkersBrief-3.pdf Shelf Number: 129636 Keywords: Abusive MenDomestic AbuseGun Control (U.S.)Gun PolicyGun ViolenceStalking |
Author: Welch, Edward Title: Preventing School Shootings: A Public Health approach to Gun Violence Summary: Gun violence in America must be addressed at the highest levels of society. Newtown, Aurora, and Virginia Tech were attacks on the very fabric of America. School shootings represent attacks on our nations' future. A public health approach to gun violence focuses on prevention. Public safety professionals, educators and community leaders are squandering opportunities to prevent horrific acts of extreme violence. Preparedness is derived by planning, which is critical to mobilizing resources when needed. Rational public policy can work. Sensible gun legislation, which is accessible through a public health approach to gun violence, neither marginalizes nor stigmatizes any one group. University administrators must fully engage the entire arsenal of resources available to confront this pernicious threat. The academic community can create powerful networks for research, collaboration and information sharing. These collective learning environments are investments in the knowledge economy. In order for the police to remain relevant, they must actively engage the community they serve by developing the operational art necessary to cultivate knowledge, relationships and expertise. Police departments must emphasize strategies that improve performance. Police officers must understand the mission and meaning of "To Protect and Serve" and the consequences of public safety, which often comes at their personal peril. Gun violence in America is a public health epidemic and preventing it requires a collective responsibility Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. 171p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 28, 2013 at: Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=736339 Shelf Number: 131398 Keywords: Colleges and UniversitiesGun ControlGun ViolenceSchool CrimeSchool SafetySchool ShootingsSchool Violence |
Author: New South Wales. Ombudsman Title: Consorting issues paper: review of the use of the consorting provisions by the NSW Police Force Summary: Consorting with criminals has been an offence in NSW since the late 1920s; however over the years the offence has fallen into disuse. On 9 April 2012 a 'modernised' version of the offence of consorting commenced in NSW. The new consorting provisions are contained in Division 7, Part 3A of the Crimes Act 1900. It is now a criminal offence to continue to associate with two people who have both previously been convicted of an indictable offence if you have been warned by police about their convictions and advised that to continue to associate with them is an offence. Consorting now includes associating in person and communicating by telephone, email or by other electronic means. The offence attracts a possible three year prison sentence and/or a $16,500 fine (150 penalty units). The consorting provisions have been widely used across NSW, although the majority of uses have occurred in the Sydney metropolitan area. The first 12 months of police data indicates in excess of 1,000 official police warnings have been issued, although only 16 charges have been laid. The constitutionality of the provisions is currently subject to challenge in the NSW Court of Appeal with a hearing date of 5 November 2013. Between late 2011 and early 2012 there was a spate of shootings across Sydney. Media coverage of these incidents was extensive and heightened public concern about escalating gun violence and its suspected connection to the activities of criminal gangs. While most categories of crime involving firearms have significantly decreased or remained stable since 1995, the number of incidents of drive-by shootings more than doubled from 41 in 1995 to 100 in 2011. According to recent analysis by the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research: ... the trends in discharge firearm into premises, shoot with intent and unlawfully discharge firearm, individually and in total, have not shown statistically significant increases in the 2 years, 5 years, 10 years or 15 years up to December 2012. Generally speaking the pattern has been one of surges in the frequency of such incidence followed by periods of relative quiescence; ... On 14 and 15 of February 2012, the government introduced a package of reforms designed to 'combat organised crime in further support of police in their war on drive-by shootings'. The reforms included the Crimes Amendment (Consorting and Organised Crime) Bill 2012; the Crimes (Criminal Organisations Control) Bill 2012; and the Firearms Amendment (Ammunition Control) Bill 2012. Details: Sydney: NSW Ombudsman, 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2013 at: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Shelf Number: 131711 Keywords: Drive-By ShootingsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesOrganized Crime (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Cash and Carry: How Concealed Carry Laws Drive Gun Industry Profits Summary: In the wake of the July 13, 2013 jury verdict finding George Zimmerman not guilty in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, much of the focus has been on Florida's 2005 "Stand Your Ground" law. Regardless of the law's effect in Florida and other states that have adopted it, the stark reality is that it is Florida's lax concealed weapons law that allowed George Zimmerman to carry a black seven-shot Kel-Tec PF-9 9mm pistol in public and shoot Trayvon Martin. If Florida did not have this dangerous National Rifle Association-promoted law, Trayvon Martin would be alive today. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center,2013. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 11, 2014 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cashandcarry.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cashandcarry.pdf Shelf Number: 131852 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed WeaponsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceStand Your Ground Law |
Author: Braga, Anthony A. Title: SMART Approaches to Reducing Gun Violence Summary: Despite significant decreases in crime nationwide, America continues to experience criminal gun violence at extraordinarily high levels - more than 11,000 individuals are murdered by firearms and 75,000 are treated for nonfatal gunshot wounds at hospitals annually, and these incidents are certainly undercounted in our statistics. Beyond the devastating toll measured in injuries and loss of life, gun violence also imposes a heavy burden on our standard of living, from increased fear and reduced quality of life to depressed property values. While the public tends to focus its attention on mass shootings, the most common forms of gun violence occur on a daily basis involving gang members, violent youth, and others involved in crime. As a result, local police departments are in a strategic position on the front lines poised to curb or even prevent gun crime, injuries, and deaths. In response, a number of departments are experimenting with new, evidence-based strategies and tactics aimed at addressing the chronic and pervasive gun violence problem. Yet, the question remains: Can the police effectively reduce and prevent gun crimes and associated violence? The Smart Policing Initiative (SPI) emerged on the law enforcement landscape in 2009. With SPI, the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) sought to identify effective and efficient solutions to chronic local crime problems, including gun violence. This program provides a valuable opportunity for local police agencies to partner with academic researchers and rigorously assess whether gun violence reduction strategies have the intended effects on crime, violence, and communities. Indeed, nine of thirty-five SPI-funded police agencies nationwide have targeted gun violence as part of their Smart Policing Initiatives (Boston, MA; Los Angeles, CA; Baltimore, MD; Joliet, IL; Las Vegas, NV; Cambridge/Somerville/Everett, MA; Kansas City, MO; Rochester, NY; and East Palo Alto, CA). This Spotlight report reviews the common strategies that police have employed across those nine sites. These evidence-based strategies, which reflect core tenets of the SPI, are grounded in a risk-focused framework that recognizes the importance of targeting efforts on the places, people, and times at greatest threat of violence. The common strategies identified for implementation in the nine SPI sites include: - Targeting persistent gun violence hot spots - Targeting prolific offenders in persistent hot spots - Employing new technologies and advanced crime analysis - Engaging a wide range of collaborative partners - Conducting advanced problem analysis We prepared the Gun Violence Spotlight to further the national conversation on the gun violence problem and to provide a resource for local officials seeking to make informed, evidence-based decisions regarding their prevention, intervention, and suppression efforts. Though many of the SPI projects are ongoing, several sites have produced important findings, derived through rigorous research methodologies, which indicate that their interventions have effectively reduced gun violence: - Boston's problem-oriented strategy focusing on micro-level hot spots reduced aggravated assaults by more than 15 percent, violent crime by more than 17 percent, and robberies by more than 19 percent. - Baltimore's strategy of targeted enforcement within selected crime hot spots reduced homicides by 27 percent; and a related focused deterrence intervention reduced non-fatal shootings in one neighborhood by 40 percent. - Baltimore's Gun Offender Registry reduced gun-related re-offending risks among participants by 92 percent. - Los Angeles' LASER initiative, which combined place and offender strategies with the use of criminal intelligence data, reduced homicides by more than 22 percent per month in the target division (Newton), and gun crimes by 5 percent in each reporting district of the target division. The Boston, Baltimore, and Los Angeles findings are certainly encouraging, and they strongly suggest that the SPI has generated significant declines in gun crime and related violence. Results for other SPI sites will be forthcoming in the near future. This Spotlight identifies a number of next steps for addressing gun violence, most notably the development of supply-side approaches that disrupt illicit gun supply lines and combat illegal gun sales. Details: Washington, DC: CNA Analysis & Solutions, 2014. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Smart Policing Initiative Spotlight Report: Accessed April 21, 2014 at: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/research/SPIGunViolenceSpotlight.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/research/SPIGunViolenceSpotlight.pdf Shelf Number: 132098 Keywords: CollaborationCrime Prevention ProgramsGun ControlGun ViolenceHot SpotsIllegal MarketsPartnershipsViolent Crime |
Author: Consortium for Risk-Based Firearm Policy Title: Guns, Public Health, and Mental Illness: An Evidence-Based Approach for State Policy Summary: This report calls for strengthening current policies banning access to firearms for people with histories of involuntary treatment for mental illness. But the recommendations also offer a new "risk-based" paradigm to supercede the long-established model of gun rights restrictions focused on mental health. The report calls for temporary restrictions of up to five years on the purchase and possession of firearms by individuals convicted of violent misdemeanors, domestic violence, or more than one drug or alcohol conviction within a certain period - all of which are behaviors that demonstrate an elevated risk of violence, even when not accompanied by a record of mental illness, according to research cited in the report. Details: Consortium for Risk-Based Firearm Policy, 2013. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2014 at: http://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/GPHMI-State.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/GPHMI-State.pdf Shelf Number: 132146 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceMentally Ill |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Innocents Lost: A Year of Unintentional Child Gun Deaths Summary: Federal data from the Centers for Disease Control indicate that between 2007 and 2011, an average of 62 children age 14 and under were accidentally shot and killed each year. But our analysis of publicly reported gun deaths, highlighted in "Innocents Lost: A Year of Unintentional Child Gun Deaths," shows that the federal data substantially undercount these deaths: - From December 2012 to December 2013, at least 100 children were killed in unintentional shootings - almost two each week, 61 percent higher than federal data reflect. - About two-thirds of these unintended deaths - 65 percent - took place in a home or vehicle that belonged to the victim's family, most often with guns that were legally owned but not secured. - More than two-thirds of these tragedies could be avoided if gun owners stored their guns responsibly and prevented children from accessing them. Details: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2014. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2014 at: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Innocents_Lost.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Innocents_Lost.pdf Shelf Number: 132550 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsHomicides |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) Title: The Police Response to Active Shooter Incidents Summary: "The Police Response to Active Shooter Incidents," which describes changes in police departments' practices in responding to mass shootings, such as the ones that occurred at the Sandy Hook Elementary School and the Washington, DC Navy Yard. Today's policies and practices are focused on reducing the number of victims when an active shooter incident happens. There is an emphasis on engaging the shooter as quickly as possible and not necessarily waiting for SWAT or other special units to arrive. In addition, police, fire, and emergency medical services are conducting joint training designed to get medical assistance to gunshot victims as quickly as possible. Sometimes this involves allowing EMS workers to enter "warm zones" before it is certain that the shooter or shooters have been apprehended. And police officers can be trained to give life-saving medical care. The report also describes efforts by police to work with other governmental and private organizations to prevent active shooter incidents, by identifying persons who may pose a threat and helping them to get treatment for mental illness or other needs. Finally, the report discusses ways in which police can educate community members about what to do if they are confronted with an active shooting situation. Details: Washington, DC: PERF, 2014. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Critical Issues in Policing Series: Accessed July 1, 2014 at: http://www.policeforum.org/assets/docs/Critical_Issues_Series/the%20police%20response%20to%20active%20shooter%20incidents%202014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.policeforum.org/assets/docs/Critical_Issues_Series/the%20police%20response%20to%20active%20shooter%20incidents%202014.pdf Shelf Number: 132585 Keywords: Active Shooter IncidentsCrisis InterventionGun ViolenceMass MurdersMass ShootingsPolice ProceduresPolice TrainingThreat Assessment |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: Women Under the Gun: How Gun Violence Affects Women and 4 Policy Solutions to Better Protect Them Summary: Violence against women looks very different than violence against men. Whether in the context of sexual assault on college campuses or in the military, violence by an intimate partner, or other types of violent victimization, women's experiences of violence in this country are unique from those of men. One key difference in the violence committed against women in the United States is who commits it: Women are much more likely to be victimized by people they know, while men are more likely to be victims of violent crime at the hands of strangers. Between 2003 and 2012, 65 percent of female violent crime victims were targeted by someone they knew; only 34 percent of male violent crime victims knew their attackers. Intimate partners make up the majority of known assailants: During the same time period, 34 percent of all women murdered were killed by a male intimate partner, compared to the only 2.5 percent of male murder victims killed by a female intimate partner. A staggering portion of violence against women is fatal, and a key driver of these homicides is access to guns. From 2001 through 2012, 6,410 women were murdered in the United States by an intimate partner using a gun - more than the total number of U.S. troops killed in action during the entirety of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars combined. Guns are used in fatal intimate partner violence more than any other weapon: Of all the women killed by intimate partners during this period, 55 percent were killed with guns. Women in the United States are 11 times more likely to be murdered with a gun than are women in other high income countries. Limiting abusers and stalkers' access to firearms is therefore critical to reduce the number of women murdered in this country every year. This idea is not new: Congress first acted 20 years ago to strengthen our gun laws to prevent some domestic abusers from buying guns. But we are still a long way from having a comprehensive system of laws in place at both the federal and state levels that protect women - and children and men - from fatal violence in the context of intimate and domestic relationships. This report provides an overview of the data regarding the intersection of intimate partner violence and gun violence, describing four policies that states and the federal government should enact to reduce dangerous abusers' access to guns and prevent murders of women: - Bar all convicted abusers, stalkers, and people subject to related restraining orders from possessing guns. - Provide all records of prohibited abusers to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, or NICS. - Require a background check for all gun sales. - Ensure that abusers surrender any firearms they own once they become prohibited. Some states have already adopted some of these policies, and in the past 12 months, there has been a growing movement across the country to enact laws closing some gaps related to domestic abusers' gun access in several states, including Wisconsin, Washington, Louisiana, New Hampshire, and Minnesota. This report collected and analyzed data from a variety of sources, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or FBI; the Centers for Disease Control, or CDC; the Office of Violence Against Women; state criminal justice agencies; state domestic violence fatality review boards; and academic research. These data provide a snapshot of women's experiences of violence in this country and show the glaring gaps in state and federal laws that leave victims of domestic violence and stalking vulnerable to gun violence. Many of these data have not been made public prior to the publication of this report and were collected through Freedom of Information Act requests. Among our findings: - In 15 states, more than 40 percent of all homicides of women in each state involved intimate partner violence. In 36 states, more than 50 percent of intimate partner-related homicides of women in each state involved a gun. - A review of conviction records in 20 states showed that there are at least 11,986 individuals across the country who have been convicted of misdemeanor-level stalking but are still permitted to possess guns under federal law. It is likely that there are tens of thousands of additional convicted stalkers who are able to buy guns. - While submission of records regarding convicted misdemeanant domestic abusers to the FBI's NICS Index has increased 132 percent over the past five-and-a-half years, only three states appear to be submitting reasonably complete records - Connecticut, New Hampshire, and New Mexico. Records from these three states account for 79 percent of the total records submitted to the FBI. Every day in the United States, five women are murdered with guns. Many of these fatal shootings occur in the context of a domestic or intimate partner relationship. However, women are not the only victims. Shooters have often made children, police officers, and their broader communities additional targets of what begins as an intimate partner shooting. In fact, one study found that more than half of the mass shootings in recent years have started with or involved the shooting of an intimate partner or a family member. Enacting a comprehensive set of laws and enforcement strategies to disarm domestic abusers and stalkers will reduce the number of women who are murdered by abusers with guns-and it will make all Americans safer. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2014 at: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/GunsDomesticViolence2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/GunsDomesticViolence2.pdf Shelf Number: 132588 Keywords: Family ViolenceGun ControlGun ViolenceHomicidesIntimate Partner ViolenceViolence Against Women |
Author: Cannon, Ashley Title: Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters & Large-Capacity Magazines Summary: Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, large-capacity ammunition magazines-which hold more than 10 rounds-have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. As the following analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans. As part of our non-partisan mission to prevent violence at the Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, we track mass shootings. Our Mass Shooting Incidents in America database catalogs shootings in which four or more victims were killed in a public place unrelated to another crime since 1984. Between 1984 and 2012, there were 64 such incidents-33 of which involved a perpetrator armed with a large-capacity magazine. Large-capacity ammunition magazines were outlawed for 10 years between 1994 and 2004 as part of the federal Assault Weapons Ban, providing us with periods for comparison in order to determine the ban's impact on mass shooting casualties. The results are startling. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission on New York City, 2014. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2014 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Shelf Number: 132636 Keywords: Assault WeaponsGun ViolenceHomicidesMass MurderViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Analysis of Recent Mass Shootings Summary: Using FBI data and media reports, Everytown for Gun Safety developed an analysis of mass shootings that took place between January 2009 and July 2014. The analysis found that there have been at least 110 mass shootings in this five and a half-year period. The FBI defines a "mass shooting" as any incident where at least four people were murdered with a gun. Below are some of the report's more surprising findings: - Mass shootings represent a small share of total US firearm homicides. - There is a strong connection between mass shooting incidents and domestic or family violence: at least 57% of mass shootings surveyed were related to domestic or family violence. - Perpetrators of mass shootings are generally older than perpetrators of gun violence in the US as a whole. While the median age of known overall gun murderers in the U.S. is 26, the median age of perpetrators of mass shootings was 34. Details: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2014. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 21, 2014 at: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/analysis-of-recent-mass-shootings.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/analysis-of-recent-mass-shootings.pdf Shelf Number: 132722 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceHomicidesMass Shootings (U.S.)Violent Crime |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Gun Control Legislation in the 113th Congress Summary: Congress has debated the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. The mass shooting in Newtown, CT, along with other mass shootings in Aurora, CO, and Tucson, AZ, restarted the national gun control debate. The Senate had considered a range of legislative proposals, including several that President Barack Obama supports as part of his national gun violence reduction plan. The most salient of these proposals would (1) require background checks for intrastate firearms transfers between unlicensed persons at gun shows and nearly any other venue, otherwise known as the "universal background checks" proposal; (2) increase penalties for gun trafficking; and (3) reinstate and strengthen an expired federal ban on detachable ammunition magazines of over 10-round capacity and certain "military style" firearms commonly described as "semiautomatic assault weapons," which are designed to accept such magazines. On March 21, 2013, Senator Harry Reid introduced the Safe Communities, Safe Schools Act of 2013 (S. 649). As introduced, this bill included the language of several bills previously reported by the Senate Committee on the Judiciary: (1) the Stop Illegal Trafficking in Firearms Act of 2013 (S. 54), (2) the Fix Gun Checks Act of 2013 (S. 374), and (3) the School Safety Enhancements Act of 2013 (S. 146). However, the Assault Weapons Ban of 2013 (S. 150) was not included in S. 649. From April 17-18, 2013, the Senate considered S. 649 and nine amendments that addressed a wide array of gun control issues, ranging from restricting assault weapons to mandating interstate recognition (reciprocity) of state handgun concealed carry laws. By unanimous consent, the Senate agreed that adoption of these amendments would require a 60-vote threshold. However, all but two of these amendments were rejected. But, a final vote was not taken on S. 649. While the House has yet to consider any of the gun control proposals debated in the Senate, on May 8, 2013, the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs approved a bill, the Veterans 2nd Amendment Protection Act (H.R. 602), that addresses veterans, mental incompetency, and firearms eligibility. This bill would narrow the grounds by which beneficiaries of veterans' disability compensation or pensions are determined to be ineligible to receive, possess, ship, or transfer a firearm or ammunition because a fiduciary has been appointed on their behalf. The Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs approved a nearly identical bill (S. 572) on September 4, 2013. In addition, in December 2013, Congress approved a 10-year extension of the Undetectable Firearms Act of 1988 (H.R. 3626; P.L. 113-57). In July 2014, the Senate considered the Bipartisan Sportsmen's Act of 2014 (S. 2363) that included several provisions intended to promote hunting, fishing, and recreational shooting. Supporters of gun rights or gun control filed a score of amendments. When a cloture motion was defeated on July 10, 2014, the Senate leadership postponed further consideration of S. 2363. The House Committee on Appropriations approved an FY2015 Interior appropriations measure (yet to be filed) on July 9, 2014, that includes provisions which are similar, but not identical, to those included in S. 2363. The House passed an FY2015 Energy and Water Development Appropriations bill (H.R. 4923) on July 10, 2014, that includes a provision that addresses civilian carry of firearms on public properties managed by the Army Corps of Engineers. The Senate has passed a companion bill (S. 1245), but it does not include a similar provision. In addition, the House amended and passed an FY2015 District of Columbia appropriations bill (H.R. 5016) on July 16, 2014, with a provision that would prohibit the use of any funding provided under that bill from being used to enforce certain District gun control statutes. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2014. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: R42987: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42987.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42987.pdf Shelf Number: 133078 Keywords: FirearmsGun Control (U.S.)Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: American Bar Association. National Task Force on Stand Your Ground Laws Title: A Review of the Preliminary Report & Recommendations Summary: In 2013, the National Task Force on Stand Your Ground Laws was convened by the American Bar Association entities identified below, to review and analyze the recently enacted Stand Your Ground laws in multiple states and their impact on public safety and the criminal justice system. The ABA sponsors of the Task Force include the Coalition on Racial & Ethnic Justice, the Center for Racial and Ethnic Diversity, the Commission of Racial and Ethnic Diversity in the Profession, Council for Racial and Ethnic Diversity in the Educational Pipeline, the Section on Individual Rights & Responsibilities, the Criminal Justice Section, the Young Lawyer's Division, the Standing Committee on Gun Violence, and the Commission on Youth at Risk. The Task Force members are a diverse array of leaders from law enforcement, government, public and private criminal attorneys, public and private health, academic experts, and other legal and social science experts. Further, the Task Force's membership includes appointees from the above co-sponsoring ABA entities and strategic partners, including the Association of Prosecuting Attorneys, the Urban Institute, the International Association of Chiefs of Police and the National Organization of Parents of Murdered Children. Additionally, the Task Force has an Advisory Committee of leading academic and other legal and social science experts as well as victims' rights advocates. The Task Force has conducted a comprehensive legal and multidisciplinary analysis of the impact of the Stand Your Ground laws, which have substantially expanded the bounds of self-defense law in over half of the jurisdictions in the United States. The study detailed herein is national in its scope and assess the utility of previous, current, and future laws in the area of self-defense across the United States. In examining and reporting on the potential effects Stand Your Ground laws may have on public safety, individual liberties, and the criminal justice system, the Task Force has: 1. Examined the provisions of Stand Your Ground statutes and analyzed the potential for their misapplication and their risk of injustice from multiple perspectives, e.g. the individual's right to exercise self-defense, the victim's rights, and of the rights of the criminally accused. 2. Analyzed the degree to which racial or ethnic bias impacts Stand Your Ground laws. Particular attention was paid to the role implicit bias. First, the analysis focuses on how implicit bias may impact the perception of a deadly threat as well as the ultimate use of deadly force. Second, it looks at how implicit bias impacts the investigation, prosecution, immunity, and final determination of which homicides are justified. 3. Examined the effect that the surge of new Stand Your Ground laws had on crime control objectives and public safety. 4. Reviewed law enforcement policy, administrative guidelines, statutes, and judicial rulings regarding the investigation and prosecution of Stand Your Ground cases. 5. Conducted a series of regional public hearings to learn about community awareness, perceptions of equality in enforcement and application, opinions concerning the utility of the laws, and reactions to individualized experiences involving interactions with Stand Your Ground laws. 6. Prepared a final report and recommendations. Details: American Bar Association, 2014. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 9, 2014 at: http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/racial_ethnic_justice/aba_natl_task_force_on_syg_laws_preliminary_report_program_book.authcheckdam.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/racial_ethnic_justice/aba_natl_task_force_on_syg_laws_preliminary_report_program_book.authcheckdam.pdf Shelf Number: 133195 Keywords: Crime ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGuns (U.S.)HomicidePublic SafetySelf-DefenseStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Blair, J. Pete Title: A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013 Summary: "A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013" contains a full list of the 160 incidents used in study, including those that occurred at Virginia Tech, Sandy Hook Elementary School, the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, Fort Hood, the Aurora (Colorado) Cinemark Century 16 movie theater, the Sikh Temple of Wisconsin, and the Washington Navy Yard, as well as numerous other tragic shootings. Here are some of the study's findings: - Active shooter incidents are becoming more frequent - the first seven years of the study show an average of 6.4 incidents annually, while the last seven years show 16.4 incidents annually. - These incidents resulted in a total of 1,043 casualties (486 killed, 557 wounded - excluding the shooters). - All but six of the 160 incidents involved male shooters (and only two involved more than one shooter). - More than half of the incidents - 90 shootings - ended on the shooter's initiative (i.e., suicide, fleeing), while 21 incidents ended after unarmed citizens successfully restrained the shooter. - In 21 of the 45 incidents where law enforcement had to engage the shooter to end the threat, nine officers were killed and 28 were wounded. - The largest percentage of incidents - 45.6 percent - took place in a commercial environment (73 incidents), followed by 24.3 percent that took place in an educational environment (39 incidents). The remaining incidents occurred at the other location types specified in the study - open spaces, military and other government properties, residential properties, houses of worship, and health care facilities Details: Washington, DC: Texas State University; Washington, DC: Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department of Justice, 2014. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2014 at: http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/september/fbi-releases-study-on-active-shooter-incidents/pdfs/a-study-of-active-shooter-incidents-in-the-u.s.-between-2000-and-2013 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/september/fbi-releases-study-on-active-shooter-incidents/pdfs/a-study-of-active-shooter-incidents-in-the-u.s.-between-2000-and-2013 Shelf Number: 133454 Keywords: Active Shooter IncidentsGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (U.S.)HomicidesSchool ViolenceViolent CrimeWorkplace Violence |
Author: Schildkraut, Jaclyn V. Title: Mass Murder and the Mass Media: An Examination of the Media Discourse on U.S. Rampage Shootings, 2000-2012 Summary: Nearly as soon as the first shot is fired, the news media already are rushing to break coverage of rampage shooting events, the likes of which typically last days or, in the more extreme cases, weeks. Though rampage shootings are rare in occurrence, the disproportionate amount of coverage they receive in the media leads the public to believe that they occur at a much more regular frequency than they do. Further, within this group of specialized events, there is a greater tendency to focus on those that are the most newsworthy, which is categorized most often by those with the highest body counts. This biased presentation can lead to a number of outcomes, including fear of crime, behavioral changes, and even copycat attacks from other, like-minded perpetrators. Following the 1999 shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, the news media have compartmentalized different types of mass shootings. This fracturing has led to differential understanding of school shootings, workplace shootings, shootings at religious centers, and other mass shootings taking place in public forums (e.g., malls, movie theaters). In reality, there are few differences between these events, yet for some reason, they are covered differently. The result is not only a vast public misconception about them, but ineffective and redundant policies and legislation related to gun control and mental health, among other issues. In order to understand how the public comes to understand rampage shooting events, one must first understand how the stories are constructed by the media. This project seeks to undertake such a task by examining the social construction of rampage shootings that occurred between 2000 and 2012. In addition to understanding how these events are constructed both individually and as the phenomenon of rampage shootings, it enables the researcher to examine how this construction changes over time. As the media are by no means static, one could predict that the framing of these events would be equally as dynamic. There are a number of benefits to uniting different types of mass shootings under a single definition. First, topical research can be approached from multiple disciplines, which will allow for a more robust body of research. This can, in turn, lead to more streamlined and effective legislation and policies. Finally, understanding rampage shootings as episodic violent crime is beneficial because it allows for these events to be understood in the greater context of violent crime. This understanding ultimately can lead to more responsible journalistic practices, which can help to reduce the outcomes of fear and crime and moral panics over events that are both rare and isolated. This dissertation takes an important first step in understanding rampage shootings by examining them as a product of the news media. Berger and Luckmann's social construction theory provides a theoretical orientation through which to understand how these stories are constructed in the media, and Altheide and Schneider's (2013) qualitative media analysis provides a framework in which the content can be analyzed. A total of 91 cases were examined, representing rampage shootings that occurred in the first 12 years following Columbine. The overall findings of the study indicate that the coverage of these shootings consistently relied on Columbine as a cultural referent, that the media are used as a tool by claims makers pushing their personal agendas, and that the disproportionality of coverage in the media and its related content is highly problematic when considering public perceptions of these events. Limitations of the study, as well as avenues for future research, also are discussed. Details: San Marcos, TX: Texas State University, 2014. 247p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed September 29, 2014 at: https://digital.library.txstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10877/4947/SCHILDKRAUT-DISSERTATION-2014.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://digital.library.txstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10877/4947/SCHILDKRAUT-DISSERTATION-2014.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 133477 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass MediaMass Murders (U.S.)Violent Crimes |
Author: American Psychological Association Title: Gun Violence: Prediction, Prevention, and Policy Summary: This report summarizes the psychological research that has helped develop evidence-based programs that can prevent violence through both primary and secondary interventions. Primary prevention programs can reduce risk factors for violence in the general population. Secondary prevention programs can help individuals who are experiencing emotional difficulties or interpersonal conflicts before they escalate into violence. Details: Washington, DC: APA, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2014 at: http://www.apa.org/pubs/info/reports/gun-violence-report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.apa.org/pubs/info/reports/gun-violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 134223 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (U.S.)HomicidesViolence Prevention |
Author: Donges, Hannah Title: Women and Gun Ownership Summary: Policy and research on the role of firearms in women's lives usually stress women as victims of gun violence. Around the world, firearms are used in roughly 40 per cent of the estimated 66,000 annual homicides with female victims. Guns are even more commonly used to injure, intimidate, and coerce women (Alvazzi del Frate, 2011, pp. 117, 131-32). Although women own and use guns, or live in households where firearms are present, firearms policy and research tend to focus on the role of and effects on men, who are the majority of firearm owners worldwide (Alvazzi del Frate and McDonald, 2014, p. 2). While relevant data is scarce, it reveals a substantial gap between male and female civilian firearm owners and users. As shown in this Research Note, women account for a smaller proportion of gun owners than men, and they are not as aware of or not as willing to acknowledge the presence of firearms in homes and communities. Bridging this gender gap will help shed light on perceptions of and attitudes towards firearms, which could help to inform the agenda for women, peace, and security as well as the development of comprehensive and efficient safety policies. By showing what can be said with relative certainty, this Research Note establishes a baseline for systematic analysis and careful policy-making. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes, No. 45: Accessed October 22, 2014 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-45.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-45.pdf Shelf Number: 133788 Keywords: Gun ControlGun OwnersehipGun PoliciesGun ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Alexander, Jemma Title: A Place-Based Approach to Understanding Gun Violence: Exploring the Physical Characteristics of Sites where Youth-Related Gun Violence Occurred in the Halifax Regional Municipality Summary: This research examines whether a greater understanding of the causes of gun violence can be gleaned by examining the characteristics of the physical and built environment where shootings take place. This study seeks to fill a void in the extant literature by exploring the characteristics of sites where youth gun violence occurred in Halifax Regional Municipality. Drawing from the literature on the relationship between crime, crime prevention and the physical environment, 36 shooting sites were examined to identify common design features. A standardized questionnaire gathered data that measured four physical and built environmental attributes that the literature suggests can influence the opportunity for criminal and violent acts to occur in a particular time and place: (1) location/surrounding environment, (2) site permeability, (3) surveillance opportunities, and (4) image. The findings indicate that the following are common characteristics of sites where shootings took place: a high level of accessibility to targets via through streets and intersections, locations close to crime generators (bus stops, public housing, and fast food restaurants), design features that limit surveillance opportunities, and poorly maintained properties. These findings are limited by this study's lack of analysis that could draw a causal relationship between the physical and built environment, on the one hand, and human behavior (including that of offenders and the legitimate users of these sites), on the other. Details: Halifax, Nova Scotia: Saint Mary's University, 2014. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed November 10, 2014 at: http://library2.smu.ca/bitstream/handle/01/25791/alexander_jemma_masters_2014.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://library2.smu.ca/bitstream/handle/01/25791/alexander_jemma_masters_2014.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 134012 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolencePhysical EnvironmentSituational Crime PreventionViolent Crimes |
Author: Ruggles, Kelly V. Title: Gun Possession among American Youth: A Discovery-Based Approach to Understand Gun Violence Summary: To apply discovery-based computational methods to nationally representative data from the Centers for Disease Control and Preventions' Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System to better understand and visualize the behavioral factors associated with gun possession among adolescent youth. Results Our study uncovered the multidimensional nature of gun possession across nearly five million unique data points over a ten year period (2001-2011). Specifically, we automated odds ratio calculations for 55 risk behaviors to assemble a comprehensive table of associations for every behavior combination. Downstream analyses included the hierarchical clustering of risk behaviors based on their association "fingerprint" to 1) visualize and assess which behaviors frequently co-occur and 2) evaluate which risk behaviors are consistently found to be associated with gun possession. From these analyses, we identified more than 40 behavioral factors, including heroin use, using snuff on school property, having been injured in a fight, and having been a victim of sexual violence, that have and continue to be strongly associated with gun possession. Additionally, we identified six behavioral clusters based on association similarities: 1) physical activity and nutrition; 2) disordered eating, suicide and sexual violence; 3) weapon carrying and physical safety; 4) alcohol, marijuana and cigarette use; 5) drug use on school property and 6) overall drug use. Conclusions Use of computational methodologies identified multiple risk behaviors, beyond more commonly discussed indicators of poor mental health, that are associated with gun possession among youth. Implications for prevention efforts and future interdisciplinary work applying computational methods to behavioral science data are described. Details: PLoS ONE 9(11): e111893. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 12, 2014 at: http://www.plosone.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0111893&representation=PDF Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.plosone.org/article/fetchObject.action?uri=info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0111893&representation=PDF Shelf Number: 134053 Keywords: Gun PossessionGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (U.S.)Juvenile Offenders |
Author: Sedensky, Stephen J., III Title: Report of the State's Attorney of the Judicial District of Danbury on the shootings at Sandy Hook Elementary School and 36 Yogananda Street, Newtown, Connecticut on December 14, 2012 Summary: The purpose of this report is to identify the person or persons criminally responsible for the twenty-seven homicides that occurred in Newtown, Connecticut, on the morning of December 14, 2012, to determine what crimes were committed, and to indicate if there will be any state prosecutions as a result of the incident. The State's Attorney for the Judicial District of Danbury is charged, pursuant to Article IV, Section 27 of the Constitution of the State of Connecticut and Connecticut General Statutes (C.G.S.) Sec. 51-276 et seq., with the investigation and prosecution of all criminal offenses occurring within the Judicial District of Danbury. The Connecticut State Police have the responsibility to prevent and detect violations of the law and this State's Attorney has worked with and relied upon the Connecticut State Police since the incident occurred. Since December 14, 2012, the Connecticut State Police and the State's Attorney's Office have worked with the federal authorities sharing responsibilities for various aspects of this investigation. Numerous other municipal, state and federal agencies assisted in the investigation. The investigation materials reflect thousands of law enforcement and prosecutor hours. Apart from physical evidence, the materials consist of more than seven-hundred individual files that include reports, statements, interviews, videos, laboratory tests and results, photographs, diagrams, search warrants and returns, as well as evaluations of those items. In the course of the investigation, both state and federal law enforcement personnel received a large number of contacts purporting to provide information on the shootings and the shooter. Although many times these "leads" would go nowhere, each one was evaluated and often required substantial law enforcement time to pursue. An abundance of caution was used during the investigation to ensure that all leads were looked into, despite the fact that more than 40 such "leads" proved, after investigation, to be unsubstantiated. Information that was substantiated and relevant was made part of the investigation. It is not the intent of this report to convey every piece of information contained in the voluminous investigation materials developed by the Connecticut State Police and other law enforcement agencies, but to provide information relevant to the purposes of this report. While no report is statutorily required of the State's Attorney once an investigation is complete, it has been the practice of State's Attorneys to issue reports on criminal investigations where there is no arrest and prosecution if the State's Attorney determines that some type of public statement is necessary. Given the gravity of the crimes committed on December 14, 2012, a report is in order. On the morning of December 14, 2012, the shooter, age 20, heavily armed, went to Sandy Hook Elementary School (SHES) in Newtown, where he shot his way into the locked school building with a Bushmaster Model XM15-E2S rifle. He then shot and killed the principal and school psychologist as they were in the north hallway of the school responding to the noise of the shooter coming into the school. The shooter also shot and injured two other staff members who were also in the hallway. Details: Hartford, CT: State of Connecticut, Division of Criminal Justice, 2013. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 25, 2014 at: http://www.ct.gov/csao/lib/csao/Sandy_Hook_Final_Report.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ct.gov/csao/lib/csao/Sandy_Hook_Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 134233 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesMass MurdersSandy Hook Elementary SchoolSchool Shootings (Connecticut)School Violence |
Author: Haider-Markel, Donald P. Title: Attributing Blame in Tragedy: Understanding Attitudes About the Causes of Three Mass Shootings Summary: Individuals develop causal stories about the world around them that explain events, behaviors, and conditions. These stories may attribute causes to controllable components, such as individual choice, or uncontrollable components, such as systematic forces in the environment. Here we employ motivated reasoning and attribution theory to understand causal attributions the 2007 Virginia Tech shootings, the 2009 Fort Hood shootings, and the 2011 Tucson, Arizona shootings. We argue that causal attributions stem from individual reasoning that is primarily motivated by existing dispositions and accuracy motives. Both motivations are present for attributions about these mass shootings and we seek to understand their significance and whether dispositional motives condition accuracy drives. We are able to test several hypotheses using individual level survey data from several national surveys to explain attributions about the shootings. Our findings suggest a substantial partisan divide on the causes of the tragedies and considerable differences between the least and most educated respondents. However, our analyses also reveal that while education has virtually no influence on the attributions made by Republicans, it heightens the differences among Democrats. We discuss these findings for the public's understanding of these tragedies and more broadly for attribution research. Details: Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas, Department of Political Science, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: APSA 2011 Annual Meeting Paper: Accessed November 25, 2014 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1901759 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1901759 Shelf Number: 134235 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesMass HomicidesMass Shootings (U.S.)Violent Crimes |
Author: Connecticut. Office of the Child Advocate Title: Shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School Summary: On Friday, December 14, 2012, our state and nation were stunned by the overwhelming tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School where twenty children and six educators were shot in their school. AL, who had already shot his mother in their home, also shot himself. In the immediate aftermath of this terrible event, state and federal law enforcement agencies began investigating the circumstances leading up to the shooting. On January 30, 2013, the State Child Fatality Review Panel (CFRP)--charged with reviewing the sudden and unexpected death of children-directed the state Office of the Child Advocate (OCA) to investigate the circumstances leading to the death of the children at Sandy Hook, with a focus on any public health recommendations that may emanate from a review of the shooter's personal history. The Office of the Child Advocate, with the assistance of co-authors and consultants, reviewed numerous subjects pertinent to the charge from the CFRP, including: - The mental health, developmental and social history of AL from his birth to the days before the shootings at Sandy Hook Elementary School. - The educational record of AL, including documentation of needs and services provided. - The medical history of AL from childhood to adulthood. - Relevant laws regarding special education and confidentiality of records and how these laws implicate professional obligations and practices. OCA began a comprehensive collection and review of records related to the life of AL-including his medical, mental health and education records, as well as un-redacted state police and law enforcement records. OCA reviewed thousands of pages of documents, consulted with law enforcement and members of the Child Fatality Review Panel, conducted interviews, and incorporated extensive research to develop the report's findings and recommendations. Details: Hartford, CT: Office of the Child Advocate, 2014. 114p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 8, 2014 at: http://www.ct.gov/oca/lib/oca/sandyhook11212014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.ct.gov/oca/lib/oca/sandyhook11212014.pdf Shelf Number: 134281 Keywords: Gun Violence Mass Homicides (Connecticut)Mass MurdersSchool CrimeSchool SafetySchool ShootingsSchool Violence |
Author: Petrosino, Anthony Title: The Impact of the Safe and Successful Youth Initiative (SSYI) on City-Level Youth Crime Victimization Rates. An Interrupted Time Series Analysis with Comparison Groups Summary: The physical, emotional and financial costs on individuals and neighborhoods resulting from youth violence are well documented. According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control (2013), the third leading cause of death for young people between the ages of 10-24 is homicide; for black males, it is the leading cause of death. To address serious youth violence, particularly that involving guns, Massachusetts initiated the Safe and Successful Youth Initiative (SSYI) in 2011, providing a comprehensive public health approach to addressing young men, between the ages of 14-24, believed to be at "proven risk" for being involved in firearms. Eleven cities with the highest violent offenses reported to the police in 2010 were selected for SSYI funding in 2011 and started implementing the program. Although there are variations across sites, there are some components that are mandatory and must be included in each SSYI program at the city level: - Specific identification of young men, 14-24, at highest risk for being involved in firearms violence - Use of street outreach workers to find these young men, assess their current needs, and act as brokers for services to address unmet needs - The provision of a continuum of comprehensive services including education, employment, and intensive supervision Details: Boston: Massachusetts Executive Office of Health and Human Services, 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2015 at: http://www.air.org/sites/default/files/downloads/report/SSYI%20-%20Interrupted%20Time%20Series%20Study%20of%20Community%20Victimization%20Outcomes%202011-2013_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.air.org/sites/default/files/downloads/report/SSYI%20-%20Interrupted%20Time%20Series%20Study%20of%20Community%20Victimization%20Outcomes%202011-2013_0.pdf Shelf Number: 134553 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun Violence (Massachusetts)Juvenile Offenders Street Outreach Workers Treatment Programs Violent CrimesYouth ViolenceYouthful Offenders |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: The Gun Debate 1 Year After Newtown: Assessing Six Key Claims About Gun Background Checks Summary: The tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, on December 14, 2012, reignited the debate on whether to strengthen federal and state gun laws. Soon after the massacre, the top priority for advocates for stronger gun laws became broadening background checks to apply to all gun sales. Under current federal law, vendors in the business of selling guns must get a license, conduct background checks, and keep records. But unlicensed "private" sellers-persons who maintain they sell only occasionally at gun shows, online, or anywhere else-are able to sell guns with no questions asked. In some ways, the debate's emphasis on the universal background checks proposal was surprising-after all, the Newtown shooter would not have been subject to federal prohibitions, other than the one that blocks handgun sales to persons under 21, and background checks were only tangentially related to the shooting. The ascendance of background checks as the primary policy proposal to combat gun violence reflects a shift in gun-reform advocates' strategy from tightening regulations on guns themselves to strengthening laws that keep guns away from dangerous people. The shift had already begun before Newtown; after, it only accelerated. Both policy research and political realities informed this shift in priorities. As a policy matter, most research suggests that making it more difficult for dangerous people to acquire guns will have a significant impact in reducing the more than 30,000 gun deaths that happen every year in America. As a political matter, polling conducted before and after Newtown show that 80 percent to 90 percent of Americans support expanding background checks, including most gun owners. As the debate over the universal background checks proposal heated up before the Senate voted on the matter in April, discussion of the substantive benefits of this policy proposal was mostly lost in the fray. The background checks debate far too often devolved into sound bites, which gave rise to a number of widespread misunderstandings about the universal background checks proposal and its potential effects on gun violence in the United States. In this issue brief, we assess six key claims that have been made about background checks in the past year: 1.40 percent of gun sales occur without a background check. 2.Few criminals visit gun shows to acquire guns illegally. 3.Universal background checks will not work because criminals will not submit to them. 4.Efforts to prevent gun violence should focus on straw purchasing from gun dealers, not gun transfers among unlicensed buyers and sellers. 5.We should not enact new laws on background checks until the federal government starts prosecuting violations of the current laws. 6.Universal background checks would harm gun dealers. Some of the claims are true, some are false, and some fall in the middle. But all of these common talking points, whether for or against background checks, have become divorced from their context, making them difficult to understand. Our goal in the pages that follow is to assess each of these six key claims regarding the proposal to require background checks for all gun sales in order to provide a deeper analysis and contextualize the claims. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/BackgroundChecks.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/BackgroundChecks.pdf Shelf Number: 134963 Keywords: Gun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Comack, Elizabeth Title: Summary: There is growing concern about the level of violence in Winnipeg's North End. The media regularly feature headline reports about gun violence, and street gang activity has become a focus of attention in the effort to "get tough on crime." Against this backdrop, the authors met with six members of a North End street gang, who wanted to convey their experiences of living in the North End, their thoughts on the recent events that have occurred there, and their insights into what it will take to make meaningful change. Too often the voices of such men are not heard. Yet they have an intimate knowledge of, and are an integral part of, these pressing problems. If meaningful change is to occur their voices need to be made part of the public discussion. These men had important things to say about 'getting tough on crime.' They agree that if they commit crimes, they have to do the time. But they are adamant that this strategy will not solve the problem of violence in the North End and broader inner city. We discussed several other options. Policing in the North End has recently been intensified to the point where "its like the military in the North End now" and anyone who "fits the description" is being targeted. This strategy, they explained, is likely to aggravate the problem, not solve it. Similarly, they offered reasons why other quick-fix solutions - a gun amnesty, a truce or ceasefire agreed to by street gangs, the Winnipeg Auto Theft Suppression Strategy applied to street gangs - will not work. The central viewpoint, expressed repeatedly over our two days of meetings, is that street gangs and gun violence are a product of the poverty and systemic racism of the North End, and all their consequences - addictions, violence, family disintegration, neglect, abuse. These men grew up in the midst of these conditions, and were exposed to the associated gang life from a very early age. As one told us, "When you're young, and see that, it's all normal." This is the soil in which street gangs and gun violence have grown. What emerged most strongly during our meeting was that these men do not want youngsters in the North End - "the next me" - to go through what they have gone through. Meaningful change will therefore require long term solutions aimed at addressing the poverty and systemic racism that are the root causes of street gangs and violence. Building pride and self-esteem through the provision of the right kinds of jobs and investing in more community recreation and drop-in centres for kids and families in the North End would be important steps in that direction. We know that this strategy will work because there are successful, small-scale examples such as OPK and BUILD - now operating in Winnipeg's North End. If we want to change the violence in the 'hood, we would do well to heed the wise advice of these hard-headed men who know the 'hood all too well. We have to change the 'hood. Details: Winnipeg, MB: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2009. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2015 at: https://mbresearchalliance.files.wordpress.com/2012/11/3-opkfinal.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Canada URL: https://mbresearchalliance.files.wordpress.com/2012/11/3-opkfinal.pdf Shelf Number: 135174 Keywords: Gang-Related ViolenceGangs (Canada)Gun ViolenceSocio-Economic Conditions and Crime |
Author: ShotSpotter Title: National Gunfire Index Summary: The 2014 Gunfire Summary is based on gunfire data aggregated from 47 cities across the U.S. that had ShotSpotter Flex deployed for more than 4/5 of the year. SST reviewed, classified and published 33,975 separate incidents. Most intense day: October 25: 226 incidents in total, 49 in one city. Single busiest hour for an individual community: November 14: at 1:00 AM (15 incidents of gunfire) Most dangerous hour of the week in aggregate: Friday 2:00 AM 3:00 AM (803 incidents) Worst month for any individual community: January, 60.6 incidents/sq mi (726.7 annualized) Details: Newark, CA: ShotSpotter, 2015. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2015 at: http://www.shotspotter.com/system/content-uploads/2015NGI-eBook.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.shotspotter.com/system/content-uploads/2015NGI-eBook.pdf Shelf Number: 135251 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides |
Author: Yocco, Victor Title: Gun Violence in Ohio Summary: Gun violence is an issue that touches communities across the United States. Ohio's communities are no exception. Capturing data on the nature, extent, and frequency of gun violence is a vital first step to conducting research and developing strategies and policies aimed at gun violence prevention. Data on gun violence are collected by a number of criminal justice and non-criminal justice sources. Some of the data are specific to Ohio or regions within Ohio and some are representative of the U.S. as a whole. This report pulls together statistics from numerous sources to present a snapshot of gun violence in Ohio and the United States. Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio Office of Criminal Justice Services, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://www.ocjs.ohio.gov/GunViolence_Ohio_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ocjs.ohio.gov/GunViolence_Ohio_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 135412 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (Ohio)HomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Carvalho, Ilona Szabo de Title: Citizen security rising: new approaches to addressing drugs, guns and violence in Latin America Summary: Many Latin American states are facing epidemic levels of organised and interpersonal violence. This violence is attributed to a number of risk factors, even if the illegal drugs trade and punitive responses to trafficking are widely credited with being the principle drivers. Yet while trafficking in narcotics is commonly associated with insecurity, weakening governance and underdevelopment, drugs as such are not the central problem. Rather, it is competition between criminal factions for control over the trade and a protracted "war" declared against drugs that have ratcheted up insecurity from Mexico to Brazil. The outcomes of this four-decade-long war are at best uneven, with gains in one country overshadowed by severe declines in others. More optimistically, a regional debate is under way that is challenging the status quo with a more concerted focus on prevention and demand reduction. Latin American societies are beginning to explore alternative approaches to drug control tailored to regional and national needs and priorities. There is a visible shift toward a discourse that emphasises prevention and treats consumption as a public health issue, focuses repression on the most violent criminal organisations and redirects law enforcement toward harm reduction. The hope is that this may presage a turn toward investment in policies that are animated more by evidence than ideology. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF): 2013. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/061bc30adffa795e6a5e43bf664c8666.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Latin America URL: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/061bc30adffa795e6a5e43bf664c8666.pdf Shelf Number: 129717 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug TraffickingDrug-Related ViolenceDrugs and CrimeGun ViolenceWar on Drugs |
Author: Engel, Robin S. Title: Evaluation of the Cincinnati Initiative to Reduce Violence (CIRV) Summary: From 1991 to 2000, Cincinnati averaged 41.3 homicides per year, a relatively low per capita rate compared to other large Ohio and regional cities. From 2001 to 2006, however, the city averaged 73.3 homicides per year, representing a 300% increase in homicides and culminating in a modern-day high of 89 homicides in 2006 (Engel et al., 2008). Through systematic research with front-line law enforcement officers, a vivid picture of a hyperactive offender population in Cincinnati was revealed: Approximately 0.3% of the city's population, with prior records averaging 35 charges apiece, were members of violent groups in 2007. Further analyses revealed that these violent groups were associated with three-quarters of the city's homicides during a one year period (Engel et al., 2009). Historically, there have been very few highly organized, intergenerational gangs with national affiliations in Cincinnati. Rather, the violent crime problem in Cincinnati is associated with loosely-knit social networks of individuals that hang together on the street and promote violence as a means of handling conflict (Engel et al., 2008; Engel and Dunham, 2009). These are the type of episodic groups and gangs that are typical in most mid-sized urban centers, and are quickly spreading to suburban and rural areas (Howell, 2007). This report provides a brief overview of the Cincinnati Initiative to Reduce Violence (CIRV), and an empirical evaluation of its impact on group/gang-related violence in Cincinnati. This evaluation provides an overall assessment, and relies on quantitative data provided by the Cincinnati Police Department (CPD), Community Police Partnering Center (CPPC), Cincinnati Human Relations Commission (CHRC), Talbert House, and Cincinnati Works. The research presented in this report provides an initial evaluation of the initiative as a whole. Previous reports (Engel et al. 2008, 2009) more thoroughly document the detailed processes of the initiative, while future reports will examine the individual contributions of various strategies in more depth. The initial findings documented within this report demonstrate a statistically significant 35% reduction in group/gang-related homicides, and a 21.3% decline in fatal and non-fatal shootings in Cincinnati that corresponds directly with the implementation of CIRV. Details: Cincinnati: University of Cincinnati, Policing Institute, 2010. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 3, 2015 at: http://nnscommunities.org/old-site-files/CIRV__Evaluation_Report_2010_FINAL.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://nnscommunities.org/old-site-files/CIRV__Evaluation_Report_2010_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 135854 Keywords: Focused Deterrence (Cincinnati)GangsGun ViolenceHomicideViolence Prevention |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum Title: Gun Violence: Regional Problems, Partnerships, and Solutions. Findings and Recommendations from Four Regional Summits and a Survey of Police Executives Summary: To better understand regional issues and perspectives about gun crime and violence, the Police Executive Research Forum, with support from the Joyce Foundation, held four regional summits and surveyed law enforcement leaders on gun violence reduction strategies. The summits were held in Minneapolis, MN; Portland, OR; Las Vegas, NV; and Milwaukee, WI in 2013 and 2014. The survey of PERF's member police executives from around the nation was conducted from December 2014 to February 2015. Throughout the four summits, one message came through especially clearly: We must find a way to "de-politicize" gun crime issues and generate a national conversation about gun crime as a public health issue, not an issue of violating anyone's Second Amendment rights. Some of the information offered by the summit participants is shocking - such as a neighborhood in Milwaukee where residents were not even calling police to report hearing shots fired 86 percent of the time, because it was such a common occurrence. Even more frustrating, as Milwaukee Police Chief Edward Flynn noted, misdemeanor gun crimes in Wisconsin never result in an individual being prohibited from buying or owning a gun. So even a criminal with 20 or more misdemeanor firearms convictions could legally purchase and own a gun in Wisconsin. Some of the information is illuminating, such as the Minneapolis Police Department's successful efforts, recounted by former Chief Tim Dolan, to reduce bank robberies and street robberies by deploying surveillance cameras and gunshot detection technology in downtown areas. The discussions also provided hope by demonstrating that criminal justice professionals, working with elected officials, can bring about reasonable changes in gun laws that do reduce gun crime in their jurisdictions. All of the presentations and conversations were of value - helping us clarify what works, what could work, and what legislators, elected officials, criminal justice professionals, and community leaders can do to reduce gun crimes, make neighborhoods and regions safer, and provide opportunity and hope to the next generation of community members. Details: Washington, DC: PERF, 2015. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.policeforum.org/assets/gunpolicyreport2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.policeforum.org/assets/gunpolicyreport2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137448 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsViolent Crime |
Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: Murder and Extremism in the United States in 2015 Summary: When it came to domestic terrorism and extremism, the year 2015 was a grisly one for the United States. In the past twelve months, the names of a number of American cities became unwelcome shorthand for the carnage that extremist killers wreaked in them: Charleston, Chattanooga, Colorado Springs, San Bernardino. Each of these cities became scenes of tragedy and death, thanks to the cold-hearted ideological motivations of angry killers. It is thus no surprise that these and other domestic extremist killers have collectively amassed a higher number of victims in 2015 than in any previous year since 1995, the year of the Oklahoma City bombing. Preliminary tallies by the Anti-Defamation League's Center on Extremism indicate that a minimum of 52 people in the United States were killed by adherents of domestic extremist movement in the past 12 months. This number is bound to grow further still, as extremist connections to some murders often take years to be revealed - and there are likely still other murders whose extremist connections may never see the light of day. Still, the 52 people known to have died at the hands of domestic extremists are disturbing enough, more than the numbers killed in 2013 and 2014 put together. The victims included police officers, government workers, service members, and civilians from all walks of life. Key Findings of Report - In 2015, the 52 deaths came at the hands of adherents of four domestic extremist movements: white supremacists, anti-government extremists, domestic Islamic extremists, and anti-abortion extremists. - As has been the case every year since 1995, white supremacists have been responsible for the largest number of deaths, at 20. One incident, the June 17 mass shooting at the Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, which killed nine, was responsible for almost half of these deaths. - Usually, right-wing anti-government extremists account for the next highest number of murders each year, but in 2015, in a disturbing development, domestic Islamic extremists were responsible for 19 deaths, virtually the same as white supremacists. All of these deaths stemmed from two shooting rampages: the July 16 attacks by Muhammad Youssef Abdulazeez on military targets in Chattanooga and the December 2 rampage by Syed Rizwan Farook and his wife Tashfeen Malik at the Inland Regional Center in San Bernardino, California. - The 52 murders occurred in 17 separate incidents, with nine of the incidents involving multiple murders. This is unusual, in that most extremist-related examples of murder involve a single victim. - Ideology played a primary or substantial role in 10 of the 17 incidents in 2015, accounting for 34 of the 52 victims. Non-ideological killings by extremists, which accounted for the remainder, tend to involve group-related killings (such as killing a suspected informant or a rival gang member) or traditional criminal violent activity (in which extremists also often engage). - Overwhelmingly the extremist weapon of choice in 2015 - as in virtually every year - was firearms. In fact, 48 of the 52 victims were killed by firearms. The other four victims were killed by a variety of means, including two stabbings, a blunt instrument killing, and a motor vehicle incident. All of the multiple murder incidents involved the use of one or more firearms. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2015. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/Murder-and-Extremism-in-the-United-States-in-2015-web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/Murder-and-Extremism-in-the-United-States-in-2015-web.pdf Shelf Number: 137452 Keywords: Domestic TerrorismExtremist GroupsGun ViolenceHomicidesRadical GroupsTerrorismTerroristsViolent Crime |
Author: Njuguna, Esther Title: Matching needs with resources: National Police Reserve and community security in Kenya's frontiers Summary: One of the key challenges faced by communities in Kenya's arid and semi-arid lands (ASAL), such as those in Isiolo and West Pokot counties, is the lack of proper management of the National Police Reserve (NPR) involved in providing security to communities. This has significantly contributed to the misuse of firearms - identified by locals as a significant security concern. Saferworld has been working with local communities in West Pokot and Isiolo counties to improve people's access to security services and their ability to hold local government institutions to account, especially in the use of firearms. This report analyses the needs of the NPR to determine what level of investment would be appropriate to make the NPR a more effective outfit for community security in the ASAL. The report focuses on the problems faced by the NPR, particularly in relation to their ability to respond to public demand for effective security provision. It highlights the challenges faced by the NPR and identifies lessons and opportunities for improving the professionalism and accountability of the NPR as a key security agency in the ASAL. Details: London: Saferworld, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 12, 2016: http://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/view-resource/1018-matching-needs-with-resources-national-police-reserve-and-community-security-in-kenyas-frontiers Year: 2015 Country: Kenya URL: http://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/view-resource/1018-matching-needs-with-resources-national-police-reserve-and-community-security-in-kenyas-frontiers Shelf Number: 137470 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGunsPolicingPublic Safety |
Author: American Bar Association Title: National Task Force on Stand Your Ground Laws: Report and Recommendations Summary: In examining and reporting on the potential effects Stand Your Ground laws may have on public safety, individual liberties, and the criminal justice system, the Task Force has: 1. Examined the provisions of Stand Your Ground statutes and analyzed the potential for their misapplication and the risk of injustice from multiple perspectives, e.g., the individual's right to exercise self-defense, the victim's rights, and the rights of the criminally accused. 2. Analyzed the degree to which racial or ethnic bias impacts Stand Your Ground laws. Particular attention was paid to the role of implicit bias. First, the analysis focuses on how implicit bias may impact the perception of a deadly threat as well as the ultimate use of deadly force. Second, it looks at how implicit bias impacts the investigation, prosecution, immunity, and final determination of which homicides are justified. 3. Examined the effect that the surge of new Stand Your Ground laws has on crime control objectives and public safety. 4. Reviewed law enforcement policy, administrative guidelines, statutes, and judicial rulings regarding the investigation and prosecution of Stand Your Ground cases. 5. Conducted a series of regional public hearings to learn about community awareness, perceptions of equality in enforcement and application, opinions concerning the utility of the laws, and reactions to individualized experiences involving interactions with Stand Your Ground laws. 6. Prepared a final report and recommendations. Details: Chicago: ABA, 2015. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2016 at: http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/images/diversity/SYG_Report_Book.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/images/diversity/SYG_Report_Book.pdf Shelf Number: 137651 Keywords: Gun PolicyGun ViolenceHomicidesPublic SafetyRacial DisparitiesSelf DefenseStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 1: Defining the Problem Summary: The success or failure of community strategies to address the youth gun violence crisis is often attributed in part to how well the problem is understood and diagnosed. With support from The New York Community Trust, the Crime Commission has undertaken an analysis of youth gun violence and crew activity - violent turf rivalries among less-organized, smaller and normally younger groups than traditional gangs - in select New York City communities. Our initial findings from available data, existing research, and interviews with stakeholders are presented in a series of papers titled, "Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews". This research and fieldwork demonstrated that crews - and not traditional, hierarchical gangs - are a major part of violent crime statistics and analysis. Crews actually account for a great deal of youth criminal activity, especially violent crime - and without proper interventions for this type of activity, we will not be able to adequately address what has been a persistent public safety and criminal justice issue for New York City. In order to develop more effective responses to crews it is essential for stakeholders to acknowledge the victimization of those involved, understand their underlying needs, and identify the neighborhood conditions that impact them. New York City has famously experienced unprecedented, sustained reductions in crime over the last 25 years. Areas once so dangerous that they resembled foreign war zones now are home to some of the most desirable real estate in the country. We proudly and rightfully point to our success, calling ourselves the "safest big city in America". But there are places and people that have been left behind. There are areas which have not seen violent crime rates drop to nearly zero - as others have - or anywhere close. Certain races and age groups are also still far more likely to become victims and be responsible for violent crime than others. The root causes of violent crime have not changed either - and the circumstances under which crime is committed sound eerily familiar to the high-crime New York of 25 years ago that we now refer to as the "bad old days". Therefore, in order to make real strides in improving the quality of life amongst these persistently hardest-hit groups, we must address the root causes of why youth become involved in gun violence and crews. The NYPD publically acknowledged that youth "gangs" are becoming more organized and more violent, finding that more than a third of all shootings in New York City now involve what the NYPD calls "crews". In order to truly identify how youth are involved in organized activity (gangs, crews, etc.) and gun violence, the Crime Commission researched legal and intelligence definitions and conducted fieldwork with community residents, service providers, and policymakers which revealed three broad categories of organization: traditional gangs, crews, and groups. This research and fieldwork demonstrated that crews - (Fluid groups formed based on where members live, such as a building or block, creating violent turf rivalries. Crews generally do not have clear hierarchy, structure, or rules, and are usually not profit-motivated)- and not traditional, hierarchical gangs - are a major part of violent crime statistics and analysis. Crews actually account for a great deal of youth criminal activity, especially violent crime - and without proper interventions for this type of activity, we will not be able to adequately address what has been a persistent public safety and criminal justice issue for New York City. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol1-DefiningTheProblem.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol1-DefiningTheProblem.pdf Shelf Number: 137681 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 2: CompStat for Violence Prevention Programs Summary: Although there have been significant recent investments by policymakers and funders - ranging from organizing task forces and work groups, to deploying new law enforcement strategies, to implementing programmatic interventions - New York City's ability to fully understand and diagnose its crew problem is hindered by a lack of data and coordination. While the NYPD collects data on crew members and related criminal activity, law enforcement data are typically insufficient to inform comprehensive responses because it is collected for the purpose of informing suppression and investigation strategies. At the same time, community-based organizations collect a range of data about the underlying needs of the individuals involved, but often lack the capacity to analyze and communicate these data to inform policy and programming decisions. Further, the City lacks a collaborative effort among stakeholders dedicated to addressing this problem. Preventing crew violence cannot be accomplished by a single agency or organization. Effective solutions require the combination of insight, hard work, and dedication from a wide variety of organizations and stakeholders. New York City should immediately mobilize stakeholders to take steps toward developing a comprehensive strategy to address the city's crew violence problem. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol2-Compstat.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol2-Compstat.pdf Shelf Number: 137682 Keywords: CompstatCrime AnalysisGang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Violence CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 3: Responding to the Problem Summary: The success or failure of community strategies to address the youth gun violence crisis is often attributed in part to how well the problem is understood and diagnosed. With support from The New York Community Trust, the Crime Commission has undertaken an analysis of youth gun violence and crew activity - violent turf rivalries among less-organized, smaller and normally younger groups than traditional gangs - in select New York City communities. Our initial findings from available data, existing research, and interviews with stakeholders are presented in a series of papers titled, "Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews". This research and fieldwork demonstrated that crews - and not traditional, hierarchical gangs - are a major part of violent crime statistics and analysis. Crews actually account for a great deal of youth criminal activity, especially violent crime - and without proper interventions for this type of activity, we will not be able to adequately address what has been a persistent public safety and criminal justice issue for New York City. In order to develop more effective responses to crews it is essential for stakeholders to acknowledge the victimization of those involved, understand their underlying needs, and identify the neighborhood conditions that impact them. Executive Summary New York City has famously experienced unprecedented, sustained reductions in crime over the last 25 years. Areas once so dangerous that they resembled foreign war zones now are home to some of the most desirable real estate in the country. We proudly and rightfully point to our success, calling ourselves the "safest big city in America". But there are places and people that have been left behind. There are areas which have not seen violent crime rates drop to nearly zero - as others have - or anywhere close. Certain races and age groups are also still far more likely to become victims and be responsible for violent crime than others. The root causes of violent crime have not changed either - and the circumstances under which crime is committed sound eerily familiar to the high-crime New York of 25 years ago that we now refer to as the "bad old days". Therefore, in order to make real strides in improving the quality of life amongst these persistently hardest-hit groups, we must address the root causes of why youth become involved in gun violence and crews. The NYPD publically acknowledged that youth "gangs" are becoming more organized and more violent, finding that more than a third of all shootings in New York City now involve what the NYPD calls "crews". In order to truly identify how youth are involved in organized activity (gangs, crews, etc.) and gun violence, the Crime Commission researched legal and intelligence definitions and conducted fieldwork with community residents, service providers, and policymakers. Although there have been significant recent investments by policymakers and funders - ranging from organizing task forces and work groups, to deploying new law enforcement strategies, to implementing programmatic interventions - New York City's ability to fully understand and diagnose its crew problem is hindered by a lack of data and coordination. While the NYPD collects data on crew members and related criminal activity, law enforcement data are typically insufficient to inform comprehensive responses because it is collected for the purpose of informing suppression and investigation strategies. At the same time, community-based organizations collect a range of data about the underlying needs of the individuals involved, but often lack the capacity to analyze and communicate these data to inform policy and programming decisions. Further, the City lacks a collaborative effort among stakeholders dedicated to addressing this problem. Preventing crew violence cannot be accomplished by a single agency or organization. Effective solutions require the combination of insight, hard work, and dedication from a wide variety of organizations and stakeholders. New York City should immediately mobilize stakeholders to take steps toward developing a comprehensive strategy to address the city's crew violence problem. The Crime Commission's Assessment offers the following recommendation: 1. Implement a cooperative approach 2. Better collect and share data 3. Coordinate a continuum of interventions Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol3-RespondingToTheProblem.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol3-RespondingToTheProblem.pdf Shelf Number: 137683 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Neighborhoods and CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Cannon, Ashley Title: Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters and Large-Capacity Magazines Summary: Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, large-capacity ammunition magazines-which hold more than 10 rounds-have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. A Crime Commission analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Shelf Number: 137684 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass ShootingsWeapons |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Gun Deaths Outpace Motor Vwehicle Deaths in 21 States and the District of Columbia in 2014 Summary: Gun deaths outpaced motor vehicle deaths in 21 states and the District of Columbia in 2014, the most recent year for which data is available, a new analysis from the Violence Policy Center (VPC) finds. This is the fifth edition of the VPC report comparing gun deaths to motor vehicle deaths by state. The number of states where gun deaths exceed motor vehicle deaths has increased from just 10 states in 2009 - the first year of data analyzed by the VPC - to 21 states in 2014. In 2014, there were more gun deaths than motor vehicle deaths in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, and the District of Columbia, the analysis finds. Data is from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Gun deaths include gun suicides, homicides, and fatal unintentional shootings; motor vehicle deaths include both occupants and pedestrians. "Firearms are the only consumer product the federal government does not regulate for health and safety," states VPC Legislative Director Kristen Rand. "Meanwhile, science-based regulations have dramatically reduced deaths from motor vehicles in recent decades. It's well past time that we regulate firearms for health and safety just like all other consumer products." Nine out of ten American households have access to a motor vehicle while fewer than a third of American households have a gun. Yet nationwide in 2014, there were 33,599 gun deaths compared to 35,647 motor vehicle deaths. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2016. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.vpc.org/press/gun-deaths-surpass-motor-vehicle-deaths-in-21-states-and-the-district-of-columbia/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/press/gun-deaths-surpass-motor-vehicle-deaths-in-21-states-and-the-district-of-columbia/ Shelf Number: 137692 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicides |
Author: Squires, Peter Title: Police Perceptions of Gang and Gun Related Offending: A Key Informant Survey Summary: This survey of Police officers (and civilian intelligence analyst staff) within one police force (GMP) offers an important and unusual insight into the problem of urban gun crime. Our findings reflect the perceptions of the problem of gun crime shared by a group of uniquely experienced police officers whose daily work involves dealing with, responding to and forward planning in respect of the problems of gun crime in one major British city with a particular reputation for gun crime. The particular survey itself comprises responses from 55 police personnel, ranking from detective constable to chief superintendent, (including a number of civilian intelligence analysts). Those GMP staff included in sample shared 835 years within policing, suggesting a mean duration of police service of some 15.8 years. Respondents were drawn from all of the force's separate geographical divisions. As suggested, the sample also included 20 GMP intelligence analysts, five of these working on attachment with the GMP Firearms Desk and operational gang response units. The intelligence analysts alone had a mean duration of service within GMP of between 8-9 years. Taken together, therefore, these lengths of service in the GMP suggest that our sample is appropriately drawn from an experienced and uniquely well qualified section of the police workforce, and a group we would expect to be able to speak knowledgeably, informatively and constructively about the gun crime and gang crime problems that they work with on a regular basis. There was a threefold purpose in reviewing 'key informant' perceptions of the gun crime problem within the project. First, in a wider sense it is part of our effort to get a clear perspective on how the problem is understood or constructed - this is, in a simple sense, what the 'experts' dealing with the problem think about it, the forms it takes and the means by which it might usefully be tackled. Second, in a more critical sense the survey is also very much about how these same 'experts' (or 'primary definers' (Hall et al, 1978)) help to construct the issue for the rest of us. A third issue relevant here concerns how the constructions of these 'experts' represent and yet may also 'misrepresent' aspects of the problems represented by 'gun' and 'gang' crime. For example, the particular professional preoccupations of police officers may tend to distort their perceptions of both the offence and of the offenders (or it may dwell upon some aspects of these matters at the expense of others). Or, to put it another way and recognising the "political" nature of problem definition in public policy-making, our respondents might perpetuate a perception of the gun crime problem which does not necessarily correspond with views shared by others, or they may hold views uncorroborated, for example, by research findings. All of this is, perhaps, only to be expected. Our group of respondents were selected precisely for their specialist knowledge and experience, and this knowledge and experience may lead them to see the matter in a different way. Details: Brighton, UK: University of Brighton, 2007. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2016 at: http://about.brighton.ac.uk/staff/profiles/pas1-magnet.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://about.brighton.ac.uk/staff/profiles/pas1-magnet.pdf Shelf Number: 137807 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsInformants |
Author: Abt, Thomas Title: What Works in Reducing Community Violence: A Meta-Review and Field Study for the Northern Triangle Summary: This report was commissioned by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) for the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), a United States government effort primarily executed by both USAID and the U.S. Department of State Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL). In preparation for this report, we performed a systematic meta-review of 43 reviews, including over 1,400 studies, to identify what works in reducing community violence. In addition, we supplemented our findings with fieldwork in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and the United States, visiting over 20 sites and conducting over 50 semi-structured interviews. We found that a few interventions, such as focused deterrence and cognitive behavioral therapy, exhibited moderate to strong effects on crime and violence and were supported by substantial evidence. A few others, such as scared straight and gun buyback programs, clearly demonstrated no or negative effects. The vast majority of programmatic interventions, however, exhibited weak or modest effects. We identified six "elements of effectiveness" shared by the most impactful interventions, including maintaining a specific focus on those most at risk for violence; proactive efforts to prevent violence before it occurs whenever possible; increasing the perceived and actual legitimacy of strategies and institutions; careful attention to program implementation and fidelity; a well-defined and understood theory of change; and active engagement and partnership with critical stakeholders. Given the modest effects of most interventions, that violence generally clusters around a small number of places, people, and behaviors, and that violence is not displaced from those clusters when they are targeted, we reach the simple yet powerful conclusion that it is advisable to concentrate and coordinate anti-violence efforts where they matter most. We further conclude that increased attention to program implementation and evaluation is necessary. We close with four recommendations to governmental and non-governmental funders with regard to community violence in the Northern Triangle and globally. Details: Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development, 2016. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 29, 2016 at: https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/USAID-2016-What-Works-in-Reducing-Community-Violence-Final-Report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Latin America URL: https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/USAID-2016-What-Works-in-Reducing-Community-Violence-Final-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 137993 Keywords: Cognitive Behavioral TherapyFocused DeterrenceGang ViolenceGun ViolenceViolenceViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Kuhns, Joseph B. Title: Understanding Firearms Assaults against Law Enforcement Officers in the United States Summary: This publication attempts to answer important questions regarding firearm assaults against law enforcement officers. Initially prepared as a framework for discussion in the 2014 Officer Safety and Wellness (OSW) Group roundtable dedicated to identifying best practices for reducing firearm assaults and ambushes, this publication reviews the group's findings on law enforcement policies, procedures, training, and agency characteristics that can reduce officer deaths and injuries. It is divided into three sections: the meeting's findings and recommendations, a review of 50 years of literature written about situational factors that could lead to assaults, and data identified through a current study. Details: Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2016. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 16, 2016 at: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0797-pub.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0797-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 138258 Keywords: Assaults Assaults on Police Firearms Gun Violence |
Author: Children's Defense Fund Title: Protect Children, Not Guns 2013 Summary: CDF's Protect Children Not Guns 2013 is a compilation of the most recent and reliable national and state data on gun violence in America. This report provides the latest statistics on firearm deaths by race, age and manner; highlights state gun violence trends and efforts to prevent child access to guns; dispels common myths about guns; and outlines progress at the federal and state level since the massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School. In 2010, 2,694 children and teens died from guns in the United States - one child or teen every three hours and 15 minutes, seven every day, 51 every week for a year. More than six times as many children and teens - 18,270 - suffered nonfatal gun injuries as gun deaths in 2010. This is equal to one child or teen every 30 minutes, 50 every day, and 351 children and teens every week. Details: Washington, DC: Children's Defense Fund, 2013. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2016 at: http://www.childrensdefense.org/library/protect-children-not-guns/protect-children-not-guns-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.childrensdefense.org/library/protect-children-not-guns/protect-children-not-guns-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 138316 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Barnhizer, David Title: Gun Control Hysteria Summary: The call to ban guns does not make sense from an effective regulatory perspective. Nor do gun control proposals representing an irrational fear of weapons satisfy Constitutional analysis whether that analysis proceeds under either a strict interpretation or "evolving document" analysis. The irony is that the "living and evolving document" approach to Constitutional interpretation, under current real-world threats and conditions, actually requires affirmative protections of Second Amendment rights. A key determinant of how rights and duties should be adapted to the "new normal" of serious and escalating risks of decentralized and distributed violence pursuant to the "living" US Constitution is that it must now be adjusted to the higher and "threat levels" we are experiencing. This means that the fundamental right to bear arms for defense of self and family must be given greater weight and deference under either a strict interpretation or evolving document approach. In terms of effective regulation, every gun control measure proposed or enacted since the Clinton administration has either failed or must fail when tested against the real world. Regulatory flops such as the Clinton "assault weapons" ban target firearms only rarely used in crime. Proposals or actual programs for firearms registries tug at the heartstrings of those who believe in the ability of the state to properly manage and control social interactions, but in practice fail to solve crimes, do not deter criminal conduct, nor make law-abiding citizens safer in any meaningful respect. Over and over, proposed firearm-restrictive "solutions" are only words on paper, inevitable and expensive regulatory "flops" with no hope of working and typical expressions of cynical politicians' public relations strategies aimed at garnering votes from the uninformed. Anti-gun advocates - at least those acting in good faith and not from purely cynical political motives - are convinced that any views contrary to their own are products of "barbarism", ignorance or some form of malicious social "psychosis". Whether a gun owner possesses weapons for reasons of self-defense, from a desire to defend local and national community if needed, or simply because the individual enjoys target shooting, hunting or being part of a "gun culture" such motivations are entirely incompatible with the belief systems of anti-gun activists who exist in secure "cocoons". Moreover, and remarkably, such regulations fail to conform to good faith Constitutional analysis under either an "originalist" or a "living constitution" type of analysis. While the Court itself has resolved the question of individual rights to firearm ownership in Heller and MacDonald, an honestly-applied "living constitution" analysis also requires the state to recognize and promote individual rights to firearm ownership and defense of self and others. Specifically, "living constitutionalists" claim that the text of the Constitution adopts different meanings depending upon perceived needs, morals, or other socio-political-contextual factors. In analyzing the perceived needs, morals, or other socio-political-contextual factors that define modern culture, an inescapably dominant reality is that the "threat climate" of the US has escalated significantly. This includes increasing sectarian strife, inadequate "after the fact" law enforcement, and the burgeoning rise in terroristic threats. Repeated ominous warnings from governmental actors charged with defending us indicate the risks we face are significant and becoming worse. We are being inundated with warnings from our officials that terrorist organizations are guaranteed to launch attacks in the United States. Some of the attackers will be long-time residents or newly radicalized citizens who seem to spring out of nowhere - as in the San Bernardino murders. We will be living with "lone wolf" attacks for several decades and must be prepared to deal with them. Unlike Supreme Court justices and presidents, the vast majority of Americans do not have personal guards or the resources needed to live in a secure suburban environment or gated community. Those who live in America's cities and in scattered rural areas with little police presence legitimately feel a greater need to be able to defend self, family and property from human predators. In such a context no one should disagree that the first obligation of a political community - local and national - is to provide security against crime and military assaults. Recognition that local and national communities are at a steadily increasing risk of violent attacks - whether from criminals or terrorists - has led a number of law enforcement officials to urge those who are legally eligible to do so to carry weapons and be prepared to react to violent assaults, ironically an urging to prepare to be able to act as a sort of "militia". The fact that experienced law enforcement officials see the need for defense of self, others and community against terrorist threats or to counter emotionally disturbed people intent on killing helpless people in "soft target" situations indicates strongly that our culture has changed in a fundamental way. The "new normal" of American culture involves the increased risk of violent attacks from foreign and homegrown sources - virtually none of which is comprised of actors who are legal owners of guns. Details: Cleveland, OH: Cleveland-Marshall College of Law, Cleveland State University, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Cleveland-Marshall Legal Studies Paper No. 295 : Accessed March 26, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2744879 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2744879 Shelf Number: 138425 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control policyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceRight to Bear ArmsSecond AmendmentSelf Defense |
Author: Quinet, Kenna Title: External Causes of Death in Indiana: Firearm Deaths Summary: Recent national headlines focused on the high firearm suicide rates in Indiana's own Vanderburgh County. In the first few weeks of 2007, suicides in the Evansville area were three times the number expected. Although the pace of suicides slowed during the rest of the year, by the end of 2007, the number of suicides reached 40, exceeding the previous high of 32 in 2005. Of these suicides, the method in 26 of the 40, or 65 percent, was a firearm. Also receiving national attention were the brutal firearm homicides of two Indianapolis women and their two small children. In addition to these recent southern and central Indiana firearm suicides and homicides, there was a tragic firearm injury in northern Indiana in February 2008 when teenagers were out of school due to weather. An 18-year-old boy was unintentionally shot by another teen who was playing with a firearm. From 1990-2005, 11,809 Hoosiers died from firearm-related suicides, homicides, unintentional shootings, and undetermined means. Of those deaths, 6,904 were firearm suicides, 4,297 were firearm homicides, and 432 Indiana residents died in unintentional shootings. Clearly the most significant toll of firearm deaths is from suicide (59 percent), to a lesser extent homicide (37 percent), and the least likely firearm death in Indiana is an unintentional firearm death (4 percent). These unintentional shootings are often the most tragic because children are involved. Newspapers, magazines, television, and radio are filled with stories of firearm homicides, suicides, and unintentional deaths. But how common are these firearm deaths? Are they increasing or decreasing? Which age, race, and gender groups are most vulnerable? How do firearm deaths in Indiana rank compared to the other major external causes of death such as unintentional motor vehicle deaths? This report begins to address these questions using data primarily from the Centers for Disease Control, National Center of Injury Prevention and Control Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS). Details: Indianapolis: Center for Urban Policy and the Environment, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University, 2008. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2016 at: http://policyinstitute.iu.edu/Uploads/PublicationFiles/CauseOfDeath4.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://policyinstitute.iu.edu/Uploads/PublicationFiles/CauseOfDeath4.pdf Shelf Number: 138440 Keywords: FirearmsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicides |
Author: Smithson, Hannah Title: Young People's Involvement in Gangs and Guns in Liverpool Summary: There has been growing concern among policy makers and the wider public regarding high profile murders involving firearms, along with a perception that these events are a result of youth gang violence. These incidents have been taking place in major cities across the UK, including Liverpool. This perception of escalating violence among young people, frequently involving weapons, has prompted the government to make confronting what it has termed 'gun, knife and gang crime' a priority. However, relatively little information exists on 'gang involvement and 'gun crime', who is committing it, for what reasons and what might be the best ways of reducing it. Other commentators have connected gun crime to criminal gangs and a growing 'gang culture.', nevertheless, important gaps remain in our knowledge about violent crime fuelled by gangs and weapons. This research study draws upon an extensive literature review of the national and international research examining gangs and gun crime, coupled with a series of in-depth interviews with senior practitioners, senior specialist police officers, front line youth workers, and gang and gun involved young people from across Liverpool. Research Questions The research aimed to answer the following research questions: 1. What is the extent and nature of young people's involvement with gangs and guns in Liverpool? 2. What are the likely causal processes generating and sustaining the problem? a. What factors contribute increased risk of gang and gun involvement? b. What motivates young people to become involved with gangs and guns? 3. Which interventions look promising? a. What factors influence implementation? Details: Huddersfield, UK: University of Huddersfield, Applied Criminology Centre, 2009. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2016 at: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/24788/1/acc-guns-and-gangs-report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/24788/1/acc-guns-and-gangs-report.pdf Shelf Number: 131483 Keywords: Gang-Related ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesYouth Gangs |
Author: New Jersey. Commission on Violence Title: Report of the Study Commission on Violence Summary: The Study Commission on Violence discharged its duty to examine trends and sources of violence, the impact of violence on the community, identified funding opportunities that address violence, and the mental health system through the receipt of subject matter expert briefings, public hearings, and its own independent research. This report summarizes the Study Commission's findings and its recommendations to the Legislature and the Governor. Violence in our communities is a concern we heard expressed time and again in our public hearings and in examining data related to the frequency of violence in New Jersey. There is no one source of violence or a single impact on the communities where it occurs. Rather, violence is brought on by a host of socio-economic factors and individual decisions made by people who choose to perpetrate violent acts against others or themselves. While "violence" is an all-encompassing term, it can also be imprecise. Deaths due to violence are at a generational low; yet, violence remains stubbornly high in certain areas - in New Jersey, roughly 80 percent of all violent crime occurs in just 21 cities. It is not coincidental that these cities also have lower rates of high school graduation, higher rates of unemployment, lower rates of household income, and higher rates of school truancy. Violence does not occur in a vacuum; rather, it thrives in poor and disadvantaged communities where educational and economic opportunities are limited and residents have become accustomed to a certain level of lawlessness. In recent years, the challenges facing these communities have been compounded by economic turmoil that has resulted in reductions in law enforcement. Violence, however, is not confined to urban settings and occurs in suburban and rural communities as well. The issue of violence should be a concern to all New Jersey residents, to one degree or another. And while violent "street" crime is found disproportionately in a small number of places in New Jersey, certain crimes like domestic violence are more widespread. Still others, like elder abuse, are emerging as concerns in the community. At the same time, a consensus has begun to form around the manner in which those who are drug addicted, particularly those suffering from heroin addiction, are treated when they are arrested. Whereas public policy once focused exclusively on incarcerating individuals, even for low-level offenses, for significant periods of time, current policy has shifted toward diverting non-violent offenders away from incarceration and into treatment. Moreover, this trend has extended into how law enforcement treats juvenile delinquents. Through diversion programs that offer community-based oversight, some county youth detention facilities have closed because too few juveniles are being remanded to custody and the number of juveniles in Juvenile Justice Commission facilities has dropped by roughly half. Of course, violence is not limited to acts by one person against another. Self-directed violence in the form of suicide and attempted suicide is also prevalent in our country. Indeed, the number of suicides that occur nationally each year is more than twice the number of homicides that occur in our nation. The Study Commission took seriously its charge to examine the trends, sources, and impact of violence in the community, the availability of grant funding to combat violence, the implementation of expanded involuntary outpatient commitments, and whether and how defendants with identified mental health disabilities but who are charged with crimes, can be offered an alternative to incarceration in the form of a structured, case managed program of treatment and counseling. The Commission learned that there are a wide range of programs and services available to those with a diagnosed mental health disability or illness. Indeed, coverage for mental health treatment is now available to more individuals through the expansion of Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. That said, issues still remain regarding access to that treatment due to limited resources and reimbursement for practitioners who treat these patients. With respect to at least one specific charge of the Commission - examining the involuntary outpatient commitment program and whether it should be extended statewide - the Commission determined that this has been mooted by legislation passed by the Legislature and signed by the Governor. Details: s.l.: The Commission, 2015. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2016 at: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2455899/study-commission-on-violence-report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2455899/study-commission-on-violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 138801 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMental Health ServicesSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeSuicidesUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Beyond Gridlock: How White House Action on Gun Violence Can Save Lives Summary: In the wake of the horrific shooting at Umpqua Community College in Roseburg, Oregon - the 18th mass shooting of 20151 - President Obama spoke to the nation, lamenting that gun violence has grown so routine in America and deploring Congressional inaction. But the President also issued a powerful call to action, and recommitted his administration to exploring its authority to take executive action and enforce the laws already in place. He asked whether there were steps his administration could take to prevent these "tragic deaths from taking place." This report answers the President's call, and offers five life-saving measures that the Administration could advance - today - to keep guns out of the hands of dangerous people. These five critical - and simple - steps would: keep dangerous people with guns out of our schools; crack down on gun trafficking and curb the sale of guns without background checks; ensure that law enforcement identifies and prosecutes the most dangerous criminals who try to illegally obtain guns; help states to enforce their own background check laws; and ensure that all convicted domestic abusers are prohibited from possessing guns. A comprehensive list of these and other recommended executive actions is set forth in the appendix to this report. Details: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2015. 18p. Source: Internet Resource Accessed May 13, 2016 at: https://everytownresearch.org/documents/2015/10/beyond-gridlock-white-house-action-gun-violence-can-save-lives.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://everytownresearch.org/documents/2015/10/beyond-gridlock-white-house-action-gun-violence-can-save-lives.pdf Shelf Number: 139016 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicideViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Healing Communities in Crisis: Lifesaving Solutions to the Urban Gun Violence Epidemic Summary: Healing Communities in Crisis outlines two categories of solutions: intervention programs and policy reforms. These approaches are grounded in the insight that, in most communities, an incredibly small and identifiable population is responsible for the vast majority of gun violence. Our report highlights the following programs: - Group Violence Intervention (GVI)- In this approach to gun violence prevention, a partnership of law enforcement, community members, and service providers is assembled to meet with small groups of the most at-risk individuals in order to send a message that the shooting must stop. The program has now been replicated in a wide array of American cities, with consistently impressive results. - Cure Violence (CV) - This promising strategy treats violence like a communicable disease. The spread of violence is interrupted by employing Outreach Workers and Violence Interrupters to work directly with individuals most likely to commit or become the victims of gun violence. A community campaign is also conducted to change norms surrounding the use of violence. - Hospital-Based Violence Intervention Programs (HVIP) - Victims of violent injury are very likely to end up back in the hospital. This model takes advantage of a unique teachable moment by connecting violently injured youths with culturally competent case managers who are able to shepherd their clients to badly-needed social services that enable change. Our report also lays out the policy reforms most likely to decrease the supply of crime guns in impacted communities. These policies include: universal background checks, permit to purchase laws, gun trafficking regulations, and prohibitions on large capacity ammunition magazines. Details: San Francisco: Law Center to Prevention Gun Violence, 2016. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://smartgunlaws.org/healing-communities/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://smartgunlaws.org/healing-communities/ Shelf Number: 139019 Keywords: Gun PolicyGun TraffickingGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesTrafficking in WeaponsViolence Prevention |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: License to Kill: How Lax Concealed Carry Laws Can Combine with Stand Your Groud Laws to Produce Deadly Summary: The shooting death of Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman's subsequent acquittal have focused the nation's attention on expansive self-defense laws - so-called Stand Your Ground laws - that enable an individual to use deadly force even in situations in which lesser force would suffice or in which the individual could safely retreat to avoid further danger. Leaders from around the country, including President Barack Obama and U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, have questioned how Florida's law - which is similar to laws enacted in 21 other states-may have contributed to the circumstances that led to Martin's death. Yet the Martin case also implicates another set of laws: the state laws governing who may carry concealed firearms - the laws that put a gun in Zimmerman's hands in the first place. Under Florida law, even individuals such as Zimmerman, who have a criminal history and a record of domestic abuse, are generally entitled to a concealed carry permit, as long as they are not barred from gun possession under federal law and as long as their offense does not meet a very narrow range of additional exclusions under state law. If Zimmerman had applied for a permit in one of the many states with stronger permit requirements, his history of violence and domestic abuse would likely have disqualified him from obtaining a concealed carry permit. This case might then have had a very different outcome. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 19, 2016 at: https://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/StandYrGround.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/StandYrGround.pdf Shelf Number: 130127 Keywords: Concealed Carry LawsDeadly ForceGun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Carr, Jillian B. Title: The Geography, Incidence, and Underreporting of Gun Violence: New Evidence using ShotSpotter Data Summary: This paper provides new evidence on the extent of underreporting of gun violence. Criminal activity is often selectively underreported - that is, underreported in a non-random manner. This can make it difficult to understand public safety problems and devise effective policy strategies to address them. However, new surveillance technologies are facilitating the collection of more accurate data on crime. In this paper, we describe data on gunfire incidents, recorded using a tool called ShotSpotter. We compare those data with previously-available data on gun violence (reported crime and 911 calls) to estimate baseline correlations between these measures as well as the causal effect of gunfire incidents on reporting. Using data from Washington, DC, and Oakland, CA, we find that only 12% of gunfire incidents result in a 911 call to report gunshots, and only 2-7% of incidents result in a reported assault with a dangerous weapon. These extremely low reporting rates have important implications for research on gun violence. The characteristics and research potential of ShotSpotter data are relevant to surveillance data more broadly; while such data have not yet been exploited by social scientists, they could be extremely valuable for crime research and policy. Details: Washington, DC: Brookings, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2016 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2016/04/27-gun-violence-underreporting/carr_doleac_gunfire_underreporting.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2016/04/27-gun-violence-underreporting/carr_doleac_gunfire_underreporting.pdf Shelf Number: 139138 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Sorg, Evan T. Title: An Ex Post Facto Evaluation of the Philadelphia GunStat Model Summary: In January of 2012, Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter outlined the crime fighting measures that his administration would pursue during his second term as mayor. Included was a plan to introduce a multi-agency crime reduction program, which Philadelphia Police Commissioner Charles Ramsey and District Attorney Seth Williams would co-chair, called GunStat. GunStat was described as a collaborative effort to reduce gun violence through (1) identifying locations with a high incidence of violent crime, (2) pinpointing violent offenders responsible for these crimes, (3) focusing on arresting and prosecuting these offenders for crimes committed at these places, and (4) enhanced monitoring of offenders on probation and parole who are living and/or offending within these locations. In effect, GunStat was designed to target the right people (prolific, violent known offenders) at the right places (hot spots of violent crime). This dissertation is an in-depth, ex post facto evaluation of Philadelphia's GunStat model as implemented over two phases and two years. It involved both a quasi-experimental research design which employed propensity score matching methods to generate comparisons, and a process-evaluation where several themes, including program implementation, were explored. The results here suggest that GunStat did not reduce crime relative to comparison locations. However, the qualitative data highlighted the importance of informal inter-agency networks that were developed during the course of the intervention, and suggested that GunStat put future collaborations on a solid footing. The implications for criminal justice policy, theory and evaluation design are discussed. Details: Philadelphia: Temple University, 2015. 258p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: http://cdm2458-01.cdmhost.com/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/349592 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://cdm2458-01.cdmhost.com/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/349592 Shelf Number: 139323 Keywords: Crime AnalysisGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHot Spots PolicingViolent Offenders |
Author: Carr, Jillian B. Title: Keep the Kids Inside? Juvenile Curfews and Urban Gun Violence Summary: Gun violence is an important problem across the United States. However, the impact of government policies on the frequency and location of gunfire has been difficult to test due to limited data. The data that do exist suffer from broad and non-random under-reporting. This paper uses a new, more accurate source of data on gunfire incidents to measure the effects of juvenile curfews in Washington, DC. Juvenile curfews are a common, but extremely controversial, policy used in cities across the United States. Their goal is to reduce violent crime by keeping would-be offenders and victims indoors, but removing bystanders and witnesses from the streets could reduce their deterrent effect on street crime. The net effect on public safety is therefore ambiguous. We use exogenous variation in the hours of the DC curfew to identify the policy's causal effect on gun violence. We find that, contrary to its goal of improving public safety, DC's juvenile curfew increases the number of gunfire incidents by 150% during marginal hours. Details: Unpublished paper, 2015. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2486903 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2486903 Shelf Number: 139977 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceJuvenile CrimeJuvenile CurfewsUrban AreasViolent Crime |
Author: McGarrell, Edmund F. Title: Detroit Project Safe Neighborhoods: Final Project Report Summary: Detroit Project S afe Neighborhoods (PSN), known as the Comprehensive Violence Reduction Partnership, involved a multi - agency collaboration of local, state, and federal criminal justice agencies, community partners, and a research partner following a data - driven strategic effor t to reduce gun and gang violence. The strategy combined focused enforcement with youth outreach and intervention. Detroit PSN focused on two high violent crime precincts on the westside of Detroit (6 th and 8 th precincts). Participants in the PSN/CVRP expressed consensus that the initiative resulted in enhanced communication and coordination among partnering agencies resulting in enhanced capacity to proactively address gun - and gang - related violence. There was clear evidence of significant activities as a result of PSN including long - term investigations and prosecution of violent street groups; prosecution of chronic violent offenders; probation and parole compliance checks; directed police patrols in gun hotspots; school - based prevention; and communit y engagement. Gun crime trends suggested declines in overall gun crime with the most apparent effect on armed robbery. The bottom line is that the level of gun crime victimization declined in the target area, particularly in 2014 after PSN was fully operational ( - 17%) . The difficulty is in interpreting the extent to which these declines in gun violence were attributable to PSN. The citywide data showed similar declines in gun violence that began earlier than the declines observed in the PSN target a rea. Thus, it is an open question of whether various initiatives such as COMPSTAT, Detroit One, MSP directed patrols, MDOC utilization of field agents and joint compliance checks, Ceasefire, improved economic conditions, or other factors were affecting ci tywide gun crime trends. It is impossible to clarify whether PSN contrib uted to the City's overall decline or whether the PSN target area benefitted from these broader forces. The most persuasive evidence of a PSN gun crime reduction impact came from a c omparison with "synthetic control areas". The synthetic controls were constructed by identifying police scout car areas most similar to the 6 th and 8 th precincts. This comparison indicated that in 2014 the PSN target area experienced a 9 percent decline in gun crime when compared to the most similar areas of Detroit. When coupled with the very positive reports from PSN/CVRP team members, this suggests that PSN had a positive impact on the capacity of the partnering agencies and on gun crime in the 6 th and 8 th precincts. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, Michigan Justice Statistics Center, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 26, 2016 at: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/Detroit_PSN-Final_Report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/Detroit_PSN-Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 140044 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceProject Safe NeighborhoodsViolent Crime |
Author: Cohen, Cathy J. Title: Gun Violence, Policing, and Young Communities of Color Summary: The recent police shootings of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile and the mass shooting at Pulse nightclub in Orlando have received international attention and prompted national discussion on the issue of gun violence. Young people - and particularly young people of color - have been at the center of this conversation. Most of the Pulse victims were Latino/a, and #BlackLivesMatter activists have organized around the country in response to police killings of people of color with Sterling and Castile as only the most recent examples in a long list that includes Tanisha Anderson, Tamir Rice, and Michael Brown. It should come as no surprise that young people of color are leading the response to recent instances of gun violence. Young people do not all experience gun violence at the same rate nor do they feel its consequences evenly. Our research on young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 years old highlights the very different experiences young people have with guns, gun violence, and policing across racial and ethnic groups. Details: Chicago: Black Youth Project, University of Chicago Center for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture, 2016. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 20, 2016 at: http://raceandpolicing.issuelab.org/resources/25201/25201.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://raceandpolicing.issuelab.org/resources/25201/25201.pdf Shelf Number: 145622 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsRacial Disparities |
Author: Luca, Michael Title: The Impact of Mass Shootings on Gun Policy Summary: There have been dozens of high-profile mass shootings in recent decades. This paper presents three main findings about the impact of mass shootings on gun policy. First, mass shootings evoke large policy responses. A single mass shooting leads to a 15% increase in the number of firearm bills introduced within a state in the year after a mass shooting. This effect increases with the number of fatalities. Second, mass shootings account for only 0.3% of all gun deaths, but have an outsized influence relative to other homicides. Our estimates suggest that the per-death impact of mass shootings on bills introduced is about 66 times as large as the impact of individual gun homicides in non-mass shooting incidents. Third, when looking at enacted laws, the impact of mass shootings depends on the party in power. A mass shooting increases the number of enacted laws that loosen gun restrictions by 75% in states with Republican-controlled legislatures. We find no significant effect of mass shootings on laws enacted when there is a Democrat-controlled legislature. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, Business School, 2016. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 16-126: http://www.hbs.edu/faculty/Publication%20Files/16-126_2f0bfe60-e0c7-4008-8783-9a3853f94e68.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.hbs.edu/faculty/Publication%20Files/16-126_2f0bfe60-e0c7-4008-8783-9a3853f94e68.pdf Shelf Number: 140378 Keywords: Gun Policy Gun ViolenceMass Shootings |
Author: Illinois Sentencing Policy Advisory Council Title: Trends Analysis: Unlawful Use of a Weapon Summary: Has increasing the sentencing penalties for unlawful use of a weapon offenses had a positive effect on public safety over the last 10 years? This report uses basic trend analysis to examine whether the increased penalties for unlawful use of a weapon (UUW) offenses preceded any change in measurable public safety outcomes. In this report, measurable public safety outcomes are the number of reported violent gun crime offenses and the rate that UUW offenders are reconvicted of crime within three years of release (i.e., recidivism). If the UUW penalty enhancements were effective deterrents, fewer violent gun crimes would be committed. This analysis finds minimal effects on the public safety outcomes: - The 10-year trends for UUW crimes and overall violent crime, represented by incidents reported in Chicago, matched national downward trends in violent crime - Arrest data indicate that Cook County accounted for 65% of all UUW arrests in 2012 - Recidivism rates for UUW offenders are similar immediately before and after the sentencing enhancements This analysis finds an increase in the number of prisoners held by the state: - The Illinois Department of Corrections (IDOC) prisoner population increased after each penalty enhancement This analysis concludes that the increase in UUW prisoners is likely caused by the cumulative effect of (1) a decrease in the use of probation and (2) an increase in technical violations of UUW offenders on supervised release . Details: Springfield, IL: SPAC, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 20, 2016 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/spac/pdf/SPAC_Trends_Analysis_Report_09_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/spac/pdf/SPAC_Trends_Analysis_Report_09_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 140381 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolencePunishmentSentencingViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Henry, David B. Title: The Effect of Intensive CeaseFire Intervention on Crime in Four Chicago Police Beats: Quantitative Assessment Summary: This quantitative evaluation project analyzed two years of publicly-available data on violent crimes for the two districts targeted by City of Chicago Contract #2013-00303-00- 00 to determine (1) whether the goals of the contract were accomplished and (2) whether the effects exceeded what could have been expected without CeaseFire. The results are summarized as follows: o Raw crime counts show a 31% reduction in homicide, a 7% reduction in total violent crime, and a 19% reduction in shootings in the targeted districts. o These effects are significantly greater than the effects expected given the declining trends in crime in the city as a whole. o Reduced levels of total violent crime, shootings, and homicides were maintained throughout the intervention year in the targeted districts. o Some effects, including the rate of growth in violence, differed by district, possibly due to different strategies employed by CeaseFire. o The effects of the intervention were immediate, appearing within the first month, when CeaseFire workers arrived in the community, and were maintained throughout the intervention year. o It is not likely that effects were due to increased police activity, although this cannot be confirmed because the contract called for cooperation between CeaseFire and police. o The extent to which the effects will be maintained in the year after the end of the city contract will be the subject of further study. Details: Chicago, IL: Cure Violence.org, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2016 at: http://cureviolence.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/McCormick-CeaseFire-Evaluation-Quantitative.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cureviolence.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/McCormick-CeaseFire-Evaluation-Quantitative.pdf Shelf Number: 140473 Keywords: CeaseFireCrime PreventionGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHealth PolicyViolence Prevention |
Author: Greenberg, Mark Title: Rethinking Gun Violence Summary: This working paper develops the argument of "Gun Violence and Gun Control" (also posted on SSRN), a short piece commissioned by the London Review of Books. We decided not to publish either paper, in part because we felt there were empirical issues that we were not in a position to assess. We welcome comments on either paper. In this Article, we propose a new way of approaching the problem of gun violence, synthesizing features of a number of successful initiatives. We begin, in Part I of this Article, by examining the gun debate. We argue that it is focused on the wrong question. Once attention is focused on the right question, it becomes clear how to develop a gun violence reduction strategy that is not subject to the standard objections to gun control. As an illustration of the wrong turn the debate has taken, we take as a case study Joyce Malcolm's recent Guns and Violence. The book attempts to use a historical study of guns and violence in England, as well as a brief comparison with the U.S., to develop policy prescriptions for the U.K. Malcolm is a respected academic historian, and her work, both in this book and in the past, has helped give wide currency to the view that increasing the number of guns in private hands is an effective way of reducing violent crime. Although the book has been widely praised by those on the same side of the debate, it has glaring defects in reasoning and scholarship. Malcolm fails even to notice that there is an option other than more guns or fewer guns. In Part II of the Article, we proffer a broad strategy for reducing gun violence. The essence of the strategy is to focus on keeping guns out of the wrong hands, rather than on reducing or increasing the number of guns generally. Although most writers (to the extent they consider the matter at all) assume otherwise, there is strong reason to conclude keeping guns out of the wrong hands - and doing so without reducing the number of guns in circulation - is a tractable problem, which is not to say that it is an easy or completely soluble one. The strategy has two parts, a demand side and a supply side. On the demand side, the strategy begins from the fact that a disproportionate amount of violent crime is committed by a very small number of identifiable persons. Moreover, although it is not generally appreciated, the criminal justice system has tremendous leverage over these recidivist offenders, for example, because most of them are subject to parole supervision. On the supply side, the crucial starting point is that the black market that supplies criminals with guns depends substantially on the legitimate market, and in particular on purchases of guns from licensed firearms dealers (as opposed to, for example, haphazard thefts). Powerful tools are available for cutting off the flow of guns from licensed dealers into the black market. The widely held view that there are simply too many guns already in circulation for supply-side policies to work is unjustifiably dismissive of suppositions about human behavior that are fundamental to the law, as well as of the admittedly tentative empirical evidence of recent gun-violence reduction initiatives. Details: Los Angeles: University of California at Los Angeles, School of Law, 2010. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: UCLA School of Law Research Paper No. 10-02 : Accessed October 20, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1531371 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1531371 Shelf Number: 145887 Keywords: Background ChecksGun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Chicago. Office of the Mayor Title: Tracing the Guns: The Impact of Illegal Guns on Violence in Chicago Summary: Gun violence is Chicago's most urgent problem. Since assuming office in 2011, Mayor Emanuel's top priority has been reducing crime so that all Chicagoans, in every neighborhood, feel safe in our City. The Mayor's comprehensive violence reduction strategy has attacked the problem from every angle, including increasing police resources, fostering economic opportunity, improving education outcomes, empowering youth through prevention programs, and creating opportunities for individuals returning from incarceration. The City's approach is showing signs of progress. Chicago closed 2013 with historic lows in crime and violence. Last year, Chicago had the fewest murders since 1965, the lowest murder rate since 1966, and the lowest overall crime rate since 1972. But violence in Chicago remains unacceptably high. Too many families, from generation to generation, have lived with the heartbreak and devastation of gun violence. And while the City continues to invest in smarter police strategies and high quality prevention programs, it also must tackle the problem at one of its root causes: the flow of illegal guns into the City. This report is composed of data and analysis compiled by the Chicago Mayor's Office and the Chicago Police Department examining the impact of illegal guns on violent crime in Chicago and the scope of the City's illegal gun market. This report updates an analysis previously released in 20123 and confirms: (1) Chicago's violence problem is directly linked to the number of illegal guns available in the City; (2) Sixty percent of guns recovered in crimes in Chicago were first sold in other states, many with weaker gun laws; and (3) A small handful of gun stores, three from Cook Country and one from Gary, Indiana, continue to be responsible for a disproportionate number of crime guns recovered on Chicago's streets. Recognizing that there must be a multifaceted approach to reducing gun violence, the Mayor's Office and the Chicago Police Department will take every step to hold accountable the straw purchasers, retail stores, and irresponsible gun owners who arm criminals and young people. Details: Chicago: Office of the Mayor, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 8, 2016 at: http://www.chicagobusiness.com/Assets/downloads/20151102-Tracing-Guns.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.chicagobusiness.com/Assets/downloads/20151102-Tracing-Guns.pdf Shelf Number: 146278 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal Guns |
Author: Carapic, Jovana Title: Handgun Ownership and Armed Violence in the Western Balkans Summary: In the 1990s, the countries and territories of the Western Balkans1 experienced several transformations: a transition from socialism to liberal democracy, widespread economic decline, and episodes of violent conflict in Bosnia and Croatia (1991–95) and in Kosovo (1999) (see Map). Since the turn of the 21st century, the region has witnessed increasing political stability and socioeconomic adjustment. Yet while the threat of armed conflict in the region has decreased, levels of handgun ownership and armed violence remain high. Throughout the region, which has an overall population of about 25 million (UNDESA, n.d.), an estimated 3.6–6.2 million firearms are in civilian possession. The high prevalence of civilian-held firearms has been linked to the rate of violent crime, with the homicide rate in the Western Balkans being higher than in the other countries of Southern Europe as well as in Western Europe (Alvazzi del Frate and Mugellini, 2012; Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011, p. 60). In addition, the high prevalence of firearms and violent crime in the region is linked to the activities of organized crime, which is largely perceived by both the international and the local population as one of the primary sources of insecurity in the Western Balkans. These findings call for an analysis of the dynamics of firearms possession and armed violence in the Western Balkans. This Issue Brief examines the historical aspects of firearms proliferation in the region in order to frame the issue. It also presents the results of a nationwide household survey conducted by Gallup Europe in the countries and territories of the Western Balkans in 2012. The Small Arms Survey had the opportunity to insert three questions relating to firearms possession and armed victimization into the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor (see Box 1). Where necessary, the data from the survey has been supplemented by information from other sources, such as international and national data, special reports, and policy and academic research. The main findings are as follows: The Western Balkans is home to an estimated 3.6–6.2 million registered and unregistered firearms. At least 500,000 and up to 1.6 million households own firearms in the Western Balkans. Since 1995, the average homicide rate in the region has decreased drastically, stabilizing at around 2.0 per 100,000 between 2007 and 2010. Nevertheless, the homicide rate is still significantly higher than in other European regions, and homicides are more frequently committed with firearms. About 1.2 per cent of all survey respondents reported that a household member was held at gunpoint in the 12 months prior to the administration of the survey. This Issue Brief is divided into three sections. The first section outlines the cultural and historical factors that have facilitated the spread of firearms among the population. The second section examines the post-conflict security dynamics, the role of organized crime in the proliferation of firearms, and the prevalence of registered and unregistered firearms in the region. The section ends with a focus on longitudinal trends in the homicide rate, as disaggregated by sex and firearms. Section three, which comprises the bulk of the analysis, presents region-wide household survey data obtained from the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor to generate an evidence-based understanding of armed violence in the Western Balkans. Specifically, the section unpacks issues relating to self-reported and perceived levels of handgun ownership, provides estimates of household firearms possession, and reflects on experiences of armed violence. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief, no. 4: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf Shelf Number: 146983 Keywords: FirearmsGun OwnershipGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicides |
Author: Mayors Against Illegal Guns Title: Inside Straw Purchasing: How Criminals Get Guns Illegally Summary: This report presents findings from an investigation into one of the main ways criminals get guns: Straw purchases (when one person poses as the buyer of a gun that is actually for someone else). The report was prepared by the Mayors Against Illegal Guns based on investigative work by the James Mintz Group. It presents 12 specific findings showing how some licensed gun dealers sell handguns to illegal traffickers through straw purchases - which could and should be prevented. Details: s.l.: Mayors Against Illegal Guns, 2008. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2015/12/inside-straw-purchasing-criminals-get-guns-illegally.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2015/12/inside-straw-purchasing-criminals-get-guns-illegally.pdf Shelf Number: 146986 Keywords: Gun ControlGun TraffickingGun ViolenceIllegal GunsTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Strategies for Reducing Gun Violence in American Cities Summary: Urban gun violence touches on issues central to American life: safety, equality, opportunity, and community. As thousands of city residents are killed or injured with guns each year, mayors and other community leaders face an urgent challenge: finding effective solutions and implementing them to make a difference now and into the future. This report, a collaboration between Everytown for Gun Safety, Mayors Against Illegal Guns, and the National Urban League, is a tool for all city leaders who want to reduce gun violence. First, the report summarizes much of what is known about urban gun violence: its causes, the ways it differs from violence in other settings, and the ways it undercuts many other aspects of city life. It is not the intent of this report to explain all the variation in gun violence across cities; instead, it is a primer for cities that want to act today, in spite of uncertainty. Far from presenting novel ideas, it brings together the knowledge of academic researchers, community activists, nonprofit leaders, and civil servants who have been addressing gun violence in cities for decades. Second, the report describes seven strategies that dozens of cities have taken to reduce gun violence in their communities, drawing on specific case studies. The identified interventions address factors known to contribute to urban gun violence, are supported by a growing body of evidence, and can each be a part of any city's larger strategy for reducing gun violence. This is not a comprehensive account of the hard work taking place in communities across the country, the volume of which is impossible to capture, but these case studies demonstrate that cities can learn from one another, building on successes, and informed by a growing body of evidence. Details: New York: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2016. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2016/06/strategies-reducing-gun-violence-american-cities.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2016/06/strategies-reducing-gun-violence-american-cities.pdf Shelf Number: 148906 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesUrban Areas and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Cramer, Clayton E. Title: Texas' Stand Your Ground Law: An Historical Perspective Summary: In the aftermath of the Treyvon Martin shooting in Florida, Stand Your Ground laws have acquired an unsavory reputation. These laws and their close cousin, castle doctrine, have an interesting history, especially with respect to protecting victims of domestic violence. Texas' Stand Your Ground law differs substantially from that of Florida, with much greater restraints on use of deadly force. Details: Presenting at Texas Bar Association CLE, Austin, September 2016 , 2016. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2781099 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2781099 Shelf Number: 146678 Keywords: Gun Policy Gun Violence Homicides Public SafetySelf Defense Stand Your Ground Law |
Author: New York (State). Office of the Attorney General Title: Target on Trafficking: New York Crime Gun Analysis Summary: There are about 11,000 homicides by gun in America annually,[1] and each represents a multifold tragedy: a life-lost, a family destroyed, a community scarred. Beyond the yellow-tape of the crime scene, the bereaved ask "Who did this?" For those committed to stopping gun violence, the next question must be: “Where did they get the gun?” This report begins to provide an answer for guns recovered in New York. The New York State Office of the Attorney General (NYAG) is committed to preventing gun violence across New York State. It does so through its statewide gun buyback programs, defense and enforcement of New York’s gun safety laws, and aggressive disruption of violent gangs and gun trafficking rings by its Organized Crime Task Force (OCTF), which has recovered hundreds of crime guns in recent years.[2] Crime Gun Any gun connected to a crime that is recovered by law enforcement. A “crime gun” is any gun connected to a crime that is recovered by law enforcement. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) can “trace” these guns which, when successful, can begin to answer the question of “where did they get the gun?” While review of a single trace may reveal data that help solve a crime, comprehensive analysis of trace data can detect regional patterns of crime gun movement into and within a state. These patterns can be used to create sound policies and targeted interdiction strategies aimed at combatting trafficking of dangerous firearms. The NYAG created this first-of-its-kind report and interactive Tracing Analytics Platform to better understand gun trafficking patterns and to assess the efficacy of laws in combatting illegal guns in New York State. The Platform further allows local law enforcement to reach their own conclusions about how to address crime guns in their area. While federal appropriations riders known as the Tiahrt Amendments dramatically restrict ATF’s ability to use and distribute trace data, ATF can share such information with local law enforcement and prosecutors. Like ATF, these groups can publish aggregate statistical data regarding firearms trafficking patterns.[3] By collecting and analyzing New York aggregate gun trace data for 2010-2015, NYAG identified regional differences in trafficking patterns while discovering a commonality among crime guns recovered across New York State: New York’s gun laws have curbed access to the guns most associated with violent crimes, handguns. But the ready availability of these guns in states without these protections thwarts New York’s effort to keep its citizens safe. Our analysis has led us to several recommendations, including calling on the federal government to close the so-called “gun show loophole” which allows private sales of firearms without a background check, and urging states to require permits for handguns, which has worked effectively in New York to keep these dangerous guns out of the hands of criminals. Details: Albany: Office of the Attorney General, 2016. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 5, 2016 at: https://targettrafficking.ag.ny.gov/#part1 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://targettrafficking.ag.ny.gov/#part1 Shelf Number: 147886 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related Crime, ViolenceTrafficking in GunsTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Loeffler, Charles Title: Is Gun Violence Contagious? Summary: Existing theories of gun violence predict stable spatial concentrations and contagious diffusion of gun violence into surrounding areas. Recent empirical studies have reported confirmatory evidence of such spatiotemporal diffusion of gun violence. However, existing tests cannot readily distinguish spatiotemporal clustering from spatiotemporal diffusion. This leaves as an open question whether gun violence actually is contagious or merely clusters in space and time. Compounding this problem, gun violence is subject to considerable measurement error with many nonfatal shootings going unreported to police. Using point process data from an acoustical gunshot locator system and a combination of Bayesian spatiotemporal point process modeling and space/time interaction tests, this paper demonstrates that contemporary urban gun violence does diffuse, but only slightly, suggesting that a disease model for infectious spread of gun violence is a poor fit for the geographically stable and temporally stochastic process observed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 23, 2016 at: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.06713v1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.06713v1.pdf Shelf Number: 144812 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Bringing Human Rights Home. Chicago and Illinois: Gun Violence Summary: Gun violence is a widespread problem across the United States. Each year, more than 11,000 people are killed as a result of someone pulling a trigger. Gun violence impacts a range of human rights from the right to life; security of the person; to the rights to education; freedom of movement and freedom from discrimination. The reasons for gun violence in Chicago are complex. Poverty, unemployment, lack of access to education, and the fragmentation of gangs across the city are some of the factors that play a role in the violence. Also, the recent decision to close nearly 50 public schools has put thousands of children going to school at risk of violence or death. All states have an obligation to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the right to life and security of the person, and have a duty to take positive measures to prevent acts of violence and unlawful killings. Gun Violence in Chicago In 2013, 414 people were killed in Chicago; with more than 80 percent of those deaths attributed to gun violence. While amounting to an 18 percent decrease from 2012, which saw a total of 506 homicides that year, Chicago had the highest number of homicides across the country in 2013. Chicago's homicide rate is alarmingly elevated, especially compared with other big cities like Los Angeles and New York. For instance, New York City has three times the population of Chicago, and had 333 murders in 2013. Los Angeles, with over a million more people than Chicago, had 255 murders in 2013. Seventy-five percent of Chicago's gun-death victims in 2012 were African- American or Latino. Violence affects everyone in Chicago, but it is particularly devastating for the City's youth who are so often the perpetrators and victims of violence. From 2008-2012, almost half of Chicago's 2,389 homicide victims were killed before their 25th birthdays. While an alarming number of young people in Chicago have been killed in gun attacks, many more are exposed to gun violence on a regular basis. While 414 people were killed in 2013, there were a total of 1,864 shootings in the city which resulted in 2,328 gunshot survivors. There were an additional 10,343 crimes committed with a handgun or firearm in Chicago during 2013. Studies have shown that children who are exposed to violence suffer increased rates of depression, aggression, delinquency, and poor school performance. Chicago's homicides have taken place mostly in neighborhoods in the west and south of the city. Gun crime in Chicago is most prevalent in communities with high rates of poverty and unemployment. The City of Chicago as a whole has an extreme poverty rate of nearly 10 percent, with more than 260,000 households living in extreme poverty (i.e. $10,000 or less for a family of three in 2012). The high school graduation rate for black males in Chicago is 39 per cent and a staggering 92 per cent of all black males aged 16-19 were unemployed in 2012. These issues are also human rights issues: the right to a living wage; affordable housing; equal access to education and health care, including mental health care, are human rights. Details: New York: Amnesty International USA, 2014. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 28, 2017 at: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/bringinghumanrightshome_gunviolence.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/bringinghumanrightshome_gunviolence.pdf Shelf Number: 144882 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Kelly, Robin L. Title: Kelly Report 2014: Gun Violence in America Summary: Whether you live in America's inner cities, in a suburban neighborhood or in the heartland, your community is vulnerable to gun violence. It could be a gang crime, a gun accident or a suicide. Regardless of the cause, all acts of gun violence are abhorrent and demand policy solutions and community action to stop them. Gun violence has killed more Americans in the past 50 years than in every single American - from George Washington's Colonial Army defeat of the British in 1781 to Operation Enduring Freedom in 2014. Every year, more than 100,000 people are shot in America -more than 30,000 of them fatally. Over half of these fatal shootings are of young people under the age of 30. Since the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, there have been more than 50 school shootings across the country - almost three a month. With an average of one young American under the age of 25 being killed by a gun every hour, the very security of our next generation is at risk. Likewise, economic research suggests that gun violence threatens our nation's fiscal well-being. In violent communities, economic opportunities wither, stable families relocate and children often fail to realize their true academic and economic potential. Each homicide in a city is estimated to reduce that city's population by 70 residents. A ten-year study of the city of Chicago found that each gun homicide equates to $2,500 in lost annual income for Chicago families. For example, each child who is a fatal victim of gun violence is one less person who will become a wage earner and taxpayer. Additionally, every criminal poses a direct cost to taxpayers. For example, a 20-year-old serving a life sentence costs taxpayers $2 million over the course of their incarceration. Given this context, communities undeniably stand to gain from a comprehensive examination of the gun violence issue. This report promotes a common sense approach to reducing gun deaths in America. As you consider the following content, you should keep in mind: Details: Washington, DC: Office of Congresswoman Robin L. Kelly, 2014. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: https://robinkelly.house.gov/sites/robinkelly.house.gov/files/wysiwyg_uploaded/KellyReport_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://robinkelly.house.gov/sites/robinkelly.house.gov/files/wysiwyg_uploaded/KellyReport_1.pdf Shelf Number: 145126 Keywords: Crime Prevention Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Urban Areas and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Duquet, Nils Title: Firearms and Violent Deaths in Europe: An Exploratory Analysis of the Linkages Between Gun Ownership, Firearms Legislation and Violent Death Summary: On a regular basis, news stories appear in the media about public shootings where shooters use their guns to open fire and kill people in shopping malls or on school campuses. Mostly these stories deal with incidents in the United States. Over the last years, however, a number of European countries have experienced similar public shooting incidents. Notable cases were the shootings at Tuusula and Kauhajoki in Finland (2007 and 2008), the killings in Cumbria in the UK (2010), the Utøya attacks by Anders Breivik in Norway (2011), and the shootings at Alphen aan den Rijn in the Netherlands and Liège in Belgium in 2011. Public shootings draw a high level of media attention. Less striking in the public eye, but not less significant – not least in quantitative terms –, are the numbers of people in Europe killed by firearms in the context of gun-related crime or in domestic shootings. It is estimated that between 2000 and 2010, over 10,000 victims of murder or manslaughter were killed by firearms in the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). Every year, over 4000 suicides by firearm are registered in the EU. This means that, on average, there are 0.24 homicides and 0.9 suicides by firearm per 100,000 population in Europe every year. Compared with the US or other countries around the globe, the rates of gun-related violent death in Europe are rather low, certainly where the homicide rates are concerned. This does not mean, however, that the problem of gun violence has not appeared on the European policy radar in recent years. On the contrary, the attention devoted to the problem by law enforcement agencies and policy-makers has been growing. Reacting not only to shooting incidents such as those mentioned above, but also to warnings by police and law enforcement agencies that criminals are increasingly willing to use (heavy) firearms and that illegal trafficking in firearms is on the rise, a number of European countries have announced policy interventions targeted at reducing levels of gun-related violence and crime. The European Commission has also become an active actor in firearms policy. In October 2013 it announced a plan to reduce gun violence in Europe, in which it defined the misuse of firearms, whether legally-owned or illicitly manufactured or acquired, as "a serious threat to the EU's security from both an internal and an external perspective". One of the major problems the Commission identified in its initial policy papers was the problem of a lack of sound and adequate knowledge about firearms in Europe. The commission noted that "a lack of solid EU-wide statistics and intelligence hampers effective policy and operational responses". One of the ambitions of the EU’s firearms policy is, therefore, to address the gaps in knowledge concerning gun violence. An additional problem is that the lack of reliable and comprehensive information on firearms in Europe is not limited to the sphere of law enforcement and policy-making. European scholarly research focusing specifically on firearms availability, gun control and gun-related violence is scarce. There is a research community in Europe focusing on small arms and light weapons (SALW), but it is predominantly concerned with the export of firearms and the connections between these arms flows and violence in developing, transitional or fragile states outside Europe. Scientific research on firearms and gun-related violence in the domestic European context is much less advanced. The scanty research efforts made in this field by epidemiologists, criminologists and legal scholars remain fragmented, and suffer from the fact that there is no integrated scholarly community dealing with gun-related issues. Language barriers, moreover, often prevent the wider dissemination of research results. Given this relative lack of European firearms research, American studies are still clearly dominant at present in research on the links between the availability of firearms and gun-related violence. Greene and Marsh have calculated that out of the 665 studies on firearms and violence that they reviewed, 64% were about the USA. Of the remaining studies not on the USA, 13% concerned cross-national comparisons or articles in which the geographical focus was unspecified (such as reviews), while 8% were about developing countries. Only 15% concerned other developed countries such as Canada, Australia, the UK and Germany. Given the particularities of the American context, and more specifically the fact that the US has one of the highest rates of gun-related deaths and crime among industrialized democracies, simply transposing the results of American research to the European context is problematic. What are the levels of firearms availability in Europe? Are there links between the levels of gun ownership in European countries and these countries’ rates of violence and violent death? And what is the impact of European gun laws on public safety and health? The absence of evidence specifically for the European context makes it difficult for policy-makers and researchers to find impartial and unbiased answers to these questions. Hence the pressing need for research that specifically focuses on gun-related violence in the European context: and with the present report, we would like to make a contribution to that effort. As we are moving into largely uncharted territory, our analysis of the European situation will necessarily be exploratory. Our primary ambition is to collect and take stock of the fragmented evidence that is available on gun-related violence in Europe. Our geographical coverage will be broader than the EU and encompasses a group of approximately 40 European countries, although in some instances we will limit our analyses to the EU28. Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2015. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2017 at: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf Shelf Number: 141048 Keywords: Gun ControlGun OwnershipGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Stewart, Peter A. Title: Middle Ground on Gun Control Summary: Each tragic shooting incident that the American news media covers highlights the problem of gun violence in the United States. However, the focus of this reporting is rarely on the largest component of total gun deaths: suicides. Suicides make up two-thirds of all gun deaths. Limiting access to firearms for individuals with suicidal tendencies could cause a significant reduction in the total number of casualties included in gun violence statics. This thesis examines the efficacy of adding more mental health information to the FBI's database of persons who are prohibited from gun purchases, and also compares U.S. gun laws to the National Firearms Agreement in Australia, which is widely accepted as an effective gun control measure. This research finds that mental health information on clinical depression and schizophrenia can be a strong predictor of suicidal tendencies, and reporting of this information could be improved in order to reduce overall gun violence. Improved mental health reporting must be a matter of federal law, because current state laws on guns vary widely and have limited effectiveness Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2016. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 4, 2017 at: https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=798872 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=798872 Shelf Number: 141333 Keywords: Background ChecksCriminal Background ChecksGun ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMental Health |
Author: Zimmer, Jacqueline Nicole Title: The New Orleans murder epidemic: Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida on the irresponsibility of violence Summary: I live on Jeannette Street in New Orleans, about fifty yards from where Joseph Massenburg's body was found on the night of April first. On a fence close to where Massenburg lost his life, I recently noticed a sign depicting the Biblical imperative "Thou shall not kill". I have come across these signs around New Orleans since the end of 2012 – they can be found plastered to the façade of churches or displayed as yard signs in front lawns – but this was the first time I considered the irreverent tone of the commandment for the people of New Orleans. What exactly is achieved by posting this message across various public buildings around the city? Does it convey to the city's most dangerous criminals that the community is fed up with the killing? In theory, the placards are intended to evoke a moral response from those individuals who are most likely to engage in activities associated with gun violence. More often than not, these individuals are young, black, and male, and are in some way affiliated with the "narcoeconomy" of New Orleans. Even if the commandment "thou shall not kill" does give some people momentary pause, ultimately its message is devoid of the logical connection between murder and the imperative to not murder. If nothing else, the signs serve as ironic reminders that the slaughter of so many of New Orleans' black citizens is a phenomenon that consistently crowns New Orleans the most deadly city in the United States. On the surface, the murder of eighteen-year old Joseph Massenburg, who was shot in cold blood on the corner of Eagle and Birch Streets, appeared to be anything but unusual considering his victim profile. Massenburg looked like the typical victim of gun violence: black, young, and male. However, information detailing Massenburg's other attributes – a Chicago-born recent New Orleans transplant, an Americorps volunteer, a high school graduate, the son of a highly educated public servant – was not released to the public until a few days after Massenburg had succumbed to his gunshot wounds. Massenburg had gone for a walk in the same area where a bitter feud was underway between two local gangs, the "Hot Glocks" and the "Mid-City Killers". Several months later, the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) charged eighteen-year old Glen Emerson with shooting Joseph Massenburg. Police concluded that Emerson, a member of the Mid-City Killers, had mistakenly identified Massenburg as a member of the Hot Glocks in a drive-by shooting. Massenburg's death symbolizes the endemic gun violence problem that has plagued the city of New Orleans for several decades. The drug and gang-related violence that affects many impoverished black neighborhoods in New Orleans is the modern-day product of a composite of factors, including racial inequity, an untrustworthy police force that is rife with corruption, the prevalence of guns and the ease of gun accessibility, and the successive generations of young men who have grown up in broken, impoverished families with few legitimate economic opportunities. While the problems that characterize New Orleans’s impoverished neighborhoods are comparable to other American urban communities, the murder epidemic of New Orleans is unique to cities of its size. While gang-related gun violence is responsible for a significant number of the city's murders each year, a significant number of the city's homicides result from interpersonal conflicts. In order to combat the conditions that lead to deadly gun violence, the city must be willing to reinstate the legitimacy of the police force, whose corruption and inefficiency has led some New Orleans’ citizens to resort to alternative means of attaining "justice". This essay investigates the conditions that created the "street code" that governs drug-related activity among New Orleans' criminal groups and gangs, and why New Orleans' murder rate is directly linked to the manifestation of the street code. The street code is formulated by a variety of factors and sentiments, including poverty, race, hopelessness, fear, anger, boredom, and a distrust in the police. I argue that people resort to extreme forms of violence when environmental and contextual factors corrupt Emmanuel Lévinas' conception of the face-to-face encounter by priming people automatically to reduce the other to the same as a means of self-protection when the absence of a reliable protective state corrupts the ethical decision to regard the other peacefully. Furthermore, I refer to Jacques Derrida's theoretical approach on hospitality to examine how such collective norms foster a culture of violence. Details: Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2014. 115p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1965&context=gradschool_theses Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1965&context=gradschool_theses Shelf Number: 141351 Keywords: Drug-Related ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurdersSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Buitrago, Katie Title: Cycle of Risk: The Intersection of Poverty, Violence and Trauma Summary: People living in poverty are more likely to become victims of violent crime than higher income earners whether they live in cities, suburbs or rural areas, but the rural poor experience crime at higher rates, according to a Wednesday report by a Chicago research group. Chicago is currently facing a devastating surge in lethal violence in addition to staggering rates of poverty across Illinois. Policymakers and community leaders are struggling with finding short- and long-term solutions to stem the violence and allow neighborhoods to heal. In the meantime, communities are fearing for their own safety and grieving over lost parents, children, friends, and leaders every day. The stakes for getting the solutions right could not be higher. Poverty and violence often intersect, feed one another, and share root causes. Neighborhoods with high levels of violence are also characterized by high levels of poverty, lack of adequate public services and educational opportunity, poorer health outcomes, asset and income inequality, and more. The underlying socioeconomic conditions in these neighborhoods perpetuate both violence and poverty. Furthermore, trauma can result from both violence and poverty. Unaddressed trauma worsens quality of life, makes it hard to rise out of poverty by posing barriers to success at school and work, and raises the likelihood of aggressive behavior. In this way, untreated trauma - coupled with easy gun availability and other factors - feeds the cycle of poverty and violence. In last year's Report on Illinois Poverty: Racism's Toll (2016), we explored the persistent inequity caused by racially discriminatory policies and practices. Many of those themes are critically important to this discussion as well, especially given how the American justice system has been used to systemically deny opportunities and rights to people of color. A past and living legacy of segregation and the perpetuation of racial inequity today have led people and communities of color to experience poverty at higher rates than whites. The harmful policies and practices explored in last year's report have stripped resources and opportunities from many of the communities that are grappling with violence today. Through this report we make the case that, in addition to rapid responses, we must also take a long-term approach to reducing violence. The causes of violence are complex, systemic, and long-standing - and we must take a comprehensive approach to address them effectively. Importantly, we must be cautious that efforts at short- or long-term reform do not perpetuate the very inequities and conditions that have led to violence in our communities. Details: Chicago: Heartland Alliance, 2017. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2017 at: https://www.heartlandalliance.org/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/CycleofRisk2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.heartlandalliance.org/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/CycleofRisk2017.pdf Shelf Number: 144724 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesNeighborhoods and CrimePovertyRacial DiscriminationSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeVictims of CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Jamaica. Ministry of National Security Title: National Crime & Victimization Survey 2015: Final Report Summary: The purpose-built Citizen Security Programme (CSP) is an initiative of the Ministry of National Security, co-funded by the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB). Created in 2007, the CSP's mandate is to reduce violent crime and increase collective efficacy and perceptions of safety in high needs communities throughout Trinidad and Tobago. At onset, twentytwo (22) communities were chosen for participation in CSP programming based on the higher crime rates of crime experienced therein. In 2007, a Crime and Violence Perception Survey (CVS 2007) was conducted in nineteen (19) of these communities, i.e. all, save those in Tobago. This survey determined not only baseline values for crime victimization, but also community perceptions on a range of social attitudes, cultural norms and feelings and practices regarding safety. Subsequently, CSP has conducted programming in all 22 communities, based in part on the intelligence gleaned from the results of the CVS 2007. In 2015, a second round of the CVS survey was commissioned to establish if and by how much victimization rates and various perceptions about crime, safety and social behaviour in these communities had changed in comparison to the 2007 baseline. There were adjustments in methodology for the Crime and Victimization Survey in 2015 (CVS 2015), including expanded survey coverage and a revised instrument. In 2015, the sample included respondents from the: - 19 original Trinidad CSP communities - for comparative purposes - 3 Tobago CSP communities - to capture mid-stream data - 10 new East Port of Spain CSP communities - to determine a baseline - the nationwide distribution of non-CSP communities - to provide national context The expanded coverage allows analysis of the current survey to determine changes since 2007 and to present national statistics as an additional reference point. In addition, the CVS 2015 will also establish baseline values for the ten East Port of Spain communities earmarked for inclusion in CSP programming. While the CVS 2015 retains the core of the original survey instrument, it has been streamlined to make it more amenable to the public and also includes a new section on Gun and Gang Violence. Details: Port-of-Spain: Citizen Security Programme, Ministry of National Security, 2015. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 5, 2017 at: cso.gov.tt/ Year: 2015 Country: Jamaica URL: cso.gov.tt/ Shelf Number: 145928 Keywords: Crime RatesCrime StatisticsCrime SurveyGangsGun ViolenceVictimization Survey |
Author: Smith, Tom W. Title: Gun Ownership in the United States: Measurement Issues and Trends Summary: Gun violence is a serious problem in the United States. In 2011, 478,400 violent crimes were committed with a firearm (Planty and Truman, 2013). While down dramatically since the 1990s, the rate of non-fatal firearm victimizations rose from 2008 to 2011. Firearms deaths from all causes (homicides, suicides, accidental, and undetermined) averaged over 31,000 annually in 2005-2011 (CDC WISQARS, 2013; Hoyert and Xu, 2012). Non-fatal gunshot injuries totaled 81,396 in 2012; a rise in the injury rate per 100,000 from 20.5 in 2002 to 25.9 in 2012 (CDC, 2013). Given the magnitude and seriousness of gun violence, it is important to have accurate and reliable information on the possession and use of firearms in the United States. This report examines one crucial element, the level of and trends in household and personal gun ownership. First, the report considers methodological issues concerning the measurement of gun ownership. Second, it examines trends in gun ownership. Third, it evaluates the nexus of these two factors, the impact of methodological issues on the measurement of trends gun ownership. Finally, it considers what ancillary trend data on crime, hunting, household size, and number of guns available suggest about trends in gun ownership. Details: Chicago: NORC at the University of Chicago, 2014. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: GSS Methodological Report No. 123: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/methodological-reports/MR123%20Gun%20Ownership.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/methodological-reports/MR123%20Gun%20Ownership.pdf Shelf Number: 146197 Keywords: Gun OwnersehipGun violenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Smith, Tom W. Title: Trends in Gun Ownership in the United States, 1972-2014 Summary: The household ownership of firearms has declined in recent decades. Table 1 shows that the 31.0% of households reported having a firearm in 2014, essentially tying with 2010 for the lowest level of gun ownership in the last 40-some years. This is a decline of about 17 percentage points from the peak ownership years in 1977-1980. Similarly, Table 1 indicates that in 2010 and 2014 about 32% of adults lived households having firearms. This was a decline almost 19 percentage points from an average of 51.2% in 1976-1982. Based on an earlier analysis of those who refused to say whether or not there was a firearm in their household, the refusers were reallocated as probably living in a household with a firearm or not living in such a household. This allocation indicates that just under 35% of adults lived in a household with a firearm in both 2014 and 2010. This represents a decline of over 16 percentage point from the peak average of 51.1% in 1976-1982. Table 2 shows that in 2014 22.4% of adults personally owned a firearm. This is up slightly from a record low of 20.6% in 2010. There has been little change from 2006 to 2014. Personal ownership in 2014 is down 8.1 percentage points from a high of 30.5% in 1985. One of the main reasons for the decline in household firearm ownership is the decrease in the popularity of hunting (Table 3). In 2014, only 15.4% of adults lived in households in which they, their spouse, or both were hunters. This is the lowest level of hunters since the highest level of 31.6% adults being hunters or married to a hunter in 1977. In 2010-14, household firearms ownership was higher among households with white respondents (39.0%) than among those with black respondents (18.1%) (Table 4). Similarly, it was greater among non-Hispanics (36.0%) than among Hispanics (15.2%). Household gun ownership was greater for among respondents in household with higher incomes. As Table 4 indicates, it rose from 18.2% for households with income below $25,000 to 44.0% for those with ($90,000+). It was also low for households that refused to report income (243.5). This was because households that refused to supply income information were more likely to also refuse to report on firearm ownership. Adults living on households with firearms are concentrated in rural areas and in regions with more residents living in rural areas. As Table 4 shows, household firearms ownership was greatest in the East South Central region and smallest in the Pacific region and Northeast regions. Likewise, it was highest in counties with no town over 10,000 (55.9%) and lowest in the central cities of the largest 12 metropolitan areas (14.8%). Personal ownership of firearms has not appreciably change for women from 1980 through 2014. Between 9% and 14% of women personally owned a firearm during those years and there is no meaningful trend in the level of personal ownership. In 1980, 10.1% personally owned a firearm and in 2014 11.7% did. Men are much more likely to personally own a firearm than women are, but the gender gap has narrowed due to a decline in personal firearm ownership among men. In 1980, 50.3% of men and 10.1% of women reported personal firearm ownership for a gender gap to +40.2 percentage points (Table 5). In 2014, it was 35.1% for men and 11.7% for women for a gender gap of +23.4 points. This is the second smallest gender gap just above the 23.1 point difference in 2010. Personal firearms ownership used to vary very little across age cohorts. In 1980, 23.5% of those under 35 owned a firearm as did 27.4% of those 65+ for an age gap of + 3.9 points. Age differences increased over time, averaging about + 20 points in recent years. In 2014, personal firearms ownership was 14.0% for those under 35 and 30.4 % for those 65+ for an age gap of 16.4 points. Support for a law requiring a police permit before purchasing a firearm was between 69-75% in 1972- 1988 with no clear trend before moving up from 73.5% in 1988 to a peak of 81.9% in 1998 (Table 6). Support remained at 78-81% during 1989-2008 before slipping to a low of 71.7% in 2014, the lowest level since 1987. Thus, the gains in support in the late 1980s and 1990s have disappeared in recent years. Details: Chicago: NORC at the University of Chicago, 2015. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://www.norc.org/PDFs/GSS%20Reports/GSS_Trends%20in%20Gun%20Ownership_US_1972-2014.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.norc.org/PDFs/GSS%20Reports/GSS_Trends%20in%20Gun%20Ownership_US_1972-2014.pdf Shelf Number: 146196 Keywords: Gun OwnershipGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: The Truth About Suicide and Guns Summary: Nearly two-thirds of the 32,000 gun deaths in the United States are suicides, according to the latest data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Firearm suicides outnumber firearm homicides nearly two to one. Indeed, far more Americans die by turning a gun on themselves than at the hands of others. Firearms are the leading method of suicide, accounting for half of all suicide deaths. The reason is that guns are more lethal than other suicide methods. About 85 percent of suicide attempts with a gun are fatal, whereas only 2 percent of overdoses, the most widely used method in suicide attempts, end in death. Clearly, suicide method is a crucial factor in determining whether a suicide attempt will be fatal. Suicide attempts are often impulsive and triggered by an immediate crisis, such as the loss of a job or the breakup of a relationship. While most suicidal impulses are intense, they typically last only a short period of time. Intervention during this time of acute risk is critical. The vast majority-90 percent-of people who attempt suicide and survive do not go on to die by suicide. Suicide attempts with a gun, however, rarely afford a second chance. In addition to being highly lethal, firearms leave little opportunity for rescue or to halt mid-attempt. Limiting access to firearms increases the amount of time between a crisis and an individual's suicide attempt, giving the impulse an opportunity to pass. Research shows there is a clear connection between firearms in the home and an increased risk of suicide. People who live in a home with a gun are three times more likely to die by suicide than those without access. Within the United States, suicide rates, both overall and by firearm, are higher in places where household firearm ownership is more common. Firearms and suicide are inextricably linked, yet the two are rarely discussed in relation to each other. This report is an attempt to bridge that gap. It includes a synthesis of data and research from the CDC, academic journals, and a variety of other sources. A brief overview of the problem is given, followed by an examination of the relationship between firearm availability and suicide, a look at lethal means reduction as a strategy for suicide prevention, and finally, a discussion of several opportunities for prevention and promising practices. The goals of the report are the following: - Focusing much-needed attention on the problem of firearm suicide in the United States - Increasing understanding of the strong link between firearms and suicide - Heightening awareness of the increased risk for suicide associated with having a firearm in the home - Raising awareness that suicide can be prevented - Increasing awareness that limiting access to lethal suicide means, such as firearms and medications, can save lives We hope our report provides an important first step forward in bringing these two issues together and improving understanding of how we can work together to solve them. Details: Washington, DC: Brady Center, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2017 at: https://www.bradycampaign.org/sites/default/files/TruthAboutSuicideGuns.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.bradycampaign.org/sites/default/files/TruthAboutSuicideGuns.pdf Shelf Number: 146230 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Guns Suicides |
Author: Irvin-Erickson, Yasemin Title: A Neighborhood-Level Analysis of the Economic Impact of Gun Violence Summary: National conversations on the economic costs of gun violence tend to focus on the health care costs faced by victims, lost productivity, and the financial burden of gun-related health care, enforcement, and correctional supervision costs on taxpayers. Despite broad interest in estimating the economic costs of gun violence at the national and individual levels, these conversations rarely address the impact of gun violence on the health of local economies. We know little about how local economies respond to increased gun violence, especially sharp and sudden increases (or surges) in gun violence. Do surges in gun violence slow business growth and lower home values, homeownership rates, and credit scores in communities? How do increases in gun violence shape local economic health over time? To answer these important questions, we assembled and analyzed newly available business establishment and credit score data, as well as gunshot and sociodemographic data by census tract, for six cities: Baton Rouge, LA; Minneapolis, MN; Oakland, CA; Rochester, NY; San Francisco, CA; and Washington, DC. Police departments in four of these cities (Minneapolis, Oakland, San Francisco, and Washington, DC) provided gun homicide data. Baton Rouge gun homicide data were retrieved from the Parish of East Baton Rouge Open Data Portal. Gun homicide data were not available for Rochester. Because the gun violence data and economic indicators did not cover the same time period in all six cities, we examined the relationship between gun violence and local economic health differently in different cities, considering the availability of data for each city. Our findings demonstrate that surges in gun violence can significantly reduce the growth of new retail and service businesses and slow home value appreciation. Further, higher levels of neighborhood gun violence can be associated with fewer retail and service establishments and fewer new jobs. Higher levels of gun violence were also associated with lower home values, credit scores, and homeownership rates. We interviewed homeowners, renters, business owners, and representatives of neighborhood associations and other nonprofit organizations in these six cities to see how they perceive and respond to gun violence. Business owners said they were determined to not allow hardships caused by gun violence to put them out of business, but they also detailed the significant costs they incur (in both security expenses and lost revenue) to stay open. Respondents of all types noted that gun violence has led to certain types of retail and service businesses moving out of the areas where they live and work. Across the board, they shared that gun violence hurts housing prices and drives people to relocate from or avoid moving to affected neighborhoods. Homeowners, like business owners, are also financially affected by gun violence and may be compelled to invest in security technologies to protect themselves, their homes, and their families. The data and research findings from this study can lend a new, economically driven lens to responses to gun violence. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2017. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2017 at: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/90671/eigv_final_report_1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/90671/eigv_final_report_1.pdf Shelf Number: 146237 Keywords: Economic AnalysisEconomics of CrimeGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceNeighborhoods and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Donohue, John J., III Title: Right-to-Carry Laws and Violent Crime: A Comprehensive Assessment Using Panel Data and a State-Level Synthetic Controls Analysis Summary: The 2004 report of the National Research Council (NRC) on Firearms and Violence recognized that violent crime was higher in the post-passage period (relative to national crime patterns) for states adopting right-to-carry (RTC) concealed handgun laws, but because of model dependence the panel was unable to identify the true causal effect of these laws from the then-existing panel data evidence. This study uses 14 additional years of panel data (through 2014) capturing an additional 11 RTC adoptions and new statistical techniques to see if more convincing and robust conclusions can emerge. Our preferred panel data regression specification (the "DAW model") and the Brennan Center (BC) model, as well as other statistical models by Lott and Mustard (LM) and Moody and Marvell (MM) that had previously been offered as evidence of crime-reducing RTC laws, now consistently generate estimates showing RTC laws increase overall violent crime and/or murder when run on the most complete data. We then use the synthetic control approach of Alberto Abadie and Javier Gardeazabal (2003) to generate state-specific estimates of the impact of RTC laws on crime. Our major finding is that under all four specifications (DAW, BC, LM, and MM), RTC laws are associated with higher aggregate violent crime rates, and the size of the deleterious effects that are associated with the passage of RTC laws climbs over time. We estimate that the adoption of RTC laws substantially elevates violent crime rates, but seems to have no impact on property crime and murder rates. Ten years after the adoption of RTC laws, violent crime is estimated to be 13-15% percent higher than it would have been without the RTC law. Unlike the panel data setting, these results are not sensitive to the covariates included as predictors. The magnitude of the estimated increase in violent crime from RTC laws is substantial in that, using a consensus estimate for the elasticity of crime with respect to incarceration of .15, the average RTC state would have to double its prison population to counteract the RTC-induced increase in violent crime. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2017. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper 23510: Accessed June 19, 2017 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w23510.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w23510.pdf Shelf Number: 146255 Keywords: Concealed Handguns Gun Control Gun Policy Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Violent Crime |
Author: Parker, Kim Title: America's Complex Relationship With Guns An in-depth look at the attitudes and experiences of U.S. adults Summary: As a nation, the U.S. has a deep and enduring connection to guns. Integrated into the fabric of American society since the country's earliest days, guns remain a point of pride for many Americans. Whether for hunting, sport shooting or personal protection, most gun owners count the right to bear arms as central to their freedom. At the same time, the results of gun-related violence have shaken the nation, and debates over gun policy remain sharply polarized. A new Pew Research Center survey attempts to better understand the complex relationship Americans have with guns and how that relationship intersects with their policy views. The survey finds that Americans have broad exposure to guns, whether they personally own one or not. At least two-thirds have lived in a household with a gun at some point in their lives. And roughly seven-in-ten - including 55% of those who have never personally owned a gun - say they have fired a gun at some point. Today, three-in-ten U.S. adults say they own a gun, and an additional 36% say that while they don't own one now, they might be open to owning a gun in the future. A third of adults say they don't currently own a gun and can't see themselves ever doing so. To be sure, experiences with guns aren't always positive: 44% of U.S. adults say they personally know someone who has been shot, either accidentally or intentionally, and about a quarter (23%) say they or someone in their family have been threatened or intimidated by someone using a gun. Half see gun violence as a very big problem in the U.S. today, although gun owners and non-owners offer divergent views on this. Gun owners and non-owners are also deeply divided on several gun policy proposals, but there is agreement on some restrictions, such as preventing those with mental illnesses and those on federal watch lists from buying guns. Among gun owners, there is a diversity of views on gun policy, driven in large part by party affiliation. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2017. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 23, 2017 at: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/06/22/americas-complex-relationship-with-guns/ Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/06/22/americas-complex-relationship-with-guns/ Shelf Number: 146352 Keywords: Gun OwnershipGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Edwards, Griffin Title: Looking Down the Barrel of a Loaded Gun: The Effect of Mandatory Handgun Purchase Delays on Homicide and Suicide Summary: The effects of policies aimed to restrict firearm ownership and usage is a heavily debated topic in modern social science research. While much of the debate has focused on right-to-carry laws, less research has focused on other policies which affect firearm ownership and use, in particular statutory delays between the purchase and delivery of a firearm. In addition to the 1994 Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, which placed a mandatory five-day wait period between the purchase and delivery of a handgun, many states enacted similar policies before and after Brady's effective years. We exploit within-state variation across time in both the existence of a purchase delay and length of the delay to examine the effect of purchase delays on firearm-related homicides and suicides. We find that the existence of a purchase delay reduces firearm related suicides by around 3 percent, with no statistical evidence of a substitution towards non-firearm suicides. We find no evidence that purchase delays are associated with statistically significant changes in homicide rates. Details: Birmingham, AL: University of Alabama, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Alabama Legal Studies Research Paper No. 2629397: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2629397 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2629397 Shelf Number: 146372 Keywords: Gun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSuicide |
Author: Campie, Patricia E. Title: Community-Based Violence Prevention Study of Safe and Successful Youth Initiative: An Intervention to Prevent Urban Gun Violence Summary: While the federal government has been steadily increasing support for funding violence prevention activities in urban centers and among older youth involved with guns and gangs, very few states have made this type of violence the focus of their crime prevention efforts. In 2010, Massachusetts invested in the Massachusetts Safe and Successful Youth Initiative (SSYI), an initiative launched in eleven cities with the highest per capita rates of violent crime. SSYI aims to reduce violence and promote healthy development and outcomes among young males, ages 14-24 who are at the greatest risk for violent offending and victimization. This report presents results from the Community-based Violence Prevention (CBVP) study of SSYI's impact on violent crime in Massachusetts. The overarching research question we examine is to what extent SSYI influenced changes in violent crime in SSYI communities and whether this influence is sustained over time. We also examine hypothesized factors related to SSYI effectiveness and resultant changes in violent crime. To explore our research questions we conducted: (1) analyses of changes in violent crime outcomes in SSYI communities in comparison with 30 other communities in Massachusetts; (2) examinations of community norms of violence and its relationship to police-community relations within each SSYI community; and, (3) investigations of the relationship between the myriad violence prevention and intervention efforts (including SSYI) and violent crime trends in Boston from 2007 to 2014. Details: Washington, DC: American Institutes for Research, 2017. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2017 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250771.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250771.pdf Shelf Number: 146385 Keywords: Community-Based ProgramsCrime TrendsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolencePolice-Community RelationsViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Leshner, Alan I. Title: Priorities for Research to Reduce the Threat of Firearm-Related Violence Summary: Individuals use firearms legally for a variety of activities, including recreation, self-protection, and work. However, firearms can also be used to intimidate, coerce, or carry out threats of violence. Fatal and nonfatal firearm violence poses a serious threat to the safety and welfare of the American public. Although violent crime rates have declined in recent years, the U.S. rate of firearm-related deaths is the highest among industrialized countries. In 2010, incidents in the United States involving firearms injured or killed more than 105,000 individuals; there were twice as many nonfatal firearm-related injuries (73,505) than deaths. Nonfatal violence often has significant physical and psychological impacts, including psychological outcomes for those in proximity to individuals who are injured or die from gun violence. The recent, highly publicized, tragic mass shootings in Newtown, Connecticut; Aurora, Colorado; Oak Creek, Wisconsin; and Tucson, Arizona, have sharpened the publics interest in protecting our children and communities from the effects of firearm violence. In January 2013, President Obama issued 23 executive orders directing federal agencies to improve knowledge of the causes of firearm violence, the interventions that might prevent it, and strategies to minimize its public health burden. One of these executive orders noted that "in addition to being a law enforcement challenge, firearm violence is also a serious public health issue that affects thousands of individuals, families, Control and Prevention (CDC), along with other relevant federal agencies, to immediately begin identifying the most pressing firearm-related violence research problems." The CDC and the CDC Foundation requested that the Institute of Medicine (IOM), in collaboration with the National Research Council (NRC), convene a committee of experts to develop a potential research agenda focusing on the public health aspects of firearm-related violence - its causes, approaches to interventions that could prevent it, and strategies to minimize its health burden. In accordance with the CDC's charge, the committee did not focus on public health surveillance and potentially related behavioral/mental health issues, as these will be addressed separately. The research program envisioned by the committee, which is designed to produce impacts in 3-5 years, focuses on - the characteristics of firearm violence, - risk and protective factors, - interventions and strategies, - gun safety technology, and - the influence of video games and other media. The committee identified potential research topics by conducting a survey of previous relevant research, considering input received during the workshop, and using its expert judgment. The committee was not asked to consider funding for the research agenda, and in addition to the CDC, it is likely that other agencies and private foundations will also implement the research agenda. Consequently, the committee identified a full range of high-priority topics that could be explored with significant progress made in 3-5 years. Research on these topics will improve current knowledge of the causes of firearm violence, the interventions that prevent firearm violence, and strategies to minimize the public health burden of firearm violence. To allow the research community flexibility in designing the research protocols, the report does not specify the methodologies that should be used to address the research topics. The evidence generated by implementing a public health research agenda can enable the development of sound policies that support both the rights and the responsibilities central to gun ownership in the United States. In the absence of this research, policy makers will be left to debate controversial policies without scientifically sound evidence about their potential effects. Details: Washington, DC: Institute of Medicine and National Research Council of the National Academies, 2013. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2017 at: http://www.ncdsv.org/images/IOM-NRC_Priorities-for-Research-to-reduce-the-threat-of-firearm-related-violence_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncdsv.org/images/IOM-NRC_Priorities-for-Research-to-reduce-the-threat-of-firearm-related-violence_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129667 Keywords: FirearmsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: University of Chicago Crime Lab Title: Gun Violence in Chicago, 2016 Summary: A total of 764 people were murdered in Chicago in 2016. They were sons, brothers, and fathers; sisters, daughters, and mothers; they were, as the title of The New York Times reporter Fox Butterfield's book on urban violence noted, All God's Children. This report represents a first step towards understanding what happened with the goal of helping the city of Chicago prevent another year like the one that just passed. We draw on data obtained from the Chicago Police Department (CPD) and other sources to provide a more complete picture of the change in our city's crime problem in 2016. Our analysis highlights a number of key facts that are important for understanding what happened, but also raises some new puzzles as well. While this report focuses on establishing basic facts and avoids delving too deeply into solutions, we will continue to partner with policymakers, the civic community, and local nonprofits to identify promising approaches for moving forward. We plan to share our thinking about how to reduce violence in Chicago, informed by the best available data and research, in other venues in the future. Between 2015 and 2016, Chicago experienced 58 percent more homicides and 43 percent more non-fatal shootings. Annual increases of this size are not unprecedented among American cities, particularly in recent years, but are rare for a city of Chicago's size. One striking feature of Chicago's increase in gun violence is how sudden it was: as of December 2015, there was no indication that gun violence was on the verge of rising sharply. But in January 2016, homicides and shootings surged relative to their 2015 levels and remained higher in almost every month that followed, threatening 20 years of progress on violent crime in Chicago. This increase was mostly in gun crimes; other crimes did not change by nearly as much. The characteristics of homicide were generally similar in 2016 and 2015; what changed in Chicago was not so much the nature of our violence problem, but rather its prevalence. Most murders involved guns, occurred in public places, and stemmed from what police believe was some sort of altercation. This violence continues to be very regressive in its impact, disproportionately affecting the city's most disadvantaged residents. Most gun violence victims and suspects were African American men, more often than not having had some prior encounter with the criminal justice system. Compared to other cities, a larger share of homicide suspects in Chicago consists of adolescents, although the majority of all homicide suspects are in their 20s or older. The increase in gun violence occurred disproportionately in several disadvantaged neighborhoods on the city's South and West sides, which now account for an even larger share of the city's homicides. Another change is that from 2015 to 2016, the share of homicides that CPD believes stemmed from an altercation, as well as the share of homicide offenders who were recorded by CPD as having a gang affiliation, seemed to decline. What caused Chicago's sudden surge in gun violence in 2016 remains a puzzle. Weather cannot explain the surge in homicides and shootings, since monthly temperatures in 2016 were close to their historical averages. City spending on social services and public education did not change much in 2016 compared to previous years, and while the state budget impasse disrupted funding for many community organizations, this did not seem to change sharply in December 2015. Most relevant measures of police activity did not change abruptly enough to explain the surge in gun violence. Overall arrests declined in 2016, driven by narcotics arrests, but arrests for violent crimes, including homicides and shootings, barely changed. One policing measure that declined was the chance of arrest for homicides and shootings (the "clearance rate"), which was a result of arrests for these crimes not keeping pace with the increase in gun violence. Another policing measure that declined was the number of investigatory street stops. However, for this to explain why shootings increased in Chicago would also require an explanation for why the previous dramatic decline in street stops in New York City did not lead to more gun violence there. We also cannot know the effect of factors not measurable in the available data, such as any change in street gangs or the use of social media. However, given the timing of the recent increase in gun violence, for any alternative explanation to make sense it would need to involve something that changed abruptly near the end of 2015 and disproportionately affected gun crimes. Not knowing the definitive cause of Chicago's sudden and substantial increase in gun violence does not mean the city should be paralyzed in crafting a response. The solution to a problem need not be the opposite of its cause. One key implication of these data is the importance of a policy response that is focused on the core problem: violence concentrated largely in a moderate number of our most disadvantaged neighborhoods, carried out by teens and young adults in public places with illegally owned, and perhaps increasingly lethal, firearms. Details: Chicago: The Crime Lab, 2017. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 14, 2017 at: https://urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/store/2435a5d4658e2ca19f4f225b810ce0dbdb9231cbdb8d702e784087469ee3/UChicagoCrimeLab+Gun+Violence+in+Chicago+2016.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/store/2435a5d4658e2ca19f4f225b810ce0dbdb9231cbdb8d702e784087469ee3/UChicagoCrimeLab+Gun+Violence+in+Chicago+2016.pdf Shelf Number: 147255 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal WeaponsMurders |
Author: Fleury, Megan M. Title: Process Evaluation of Call-in Meetings Conducted in Maryland under Project Safe Neighborhoods Summary: Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) is a program to combat gun violence that is coordinated by U.S. Attorney's Offices throughout the country. The University of Maryland's Institute for Governmental Service and Research (IGSR) is the research partner to the U.S. Attorney's Office, District of Maryland, on PSN through grant PSNM-2013-0001, administered by the Governor's Office of Crime Control and Prevention (GOCCP). One approach to implementing PSN nationally and in Maryland is the use of offender call-in meetings. High risk offenders are called in and notified of the consequences they could face, including federal prosecution, if they reoffend using a gun. In many jurisdictions, service providers attend the meetings to apprise offenders of programs available to help them succeed. Because there is only limited research concerning the effectiveness of call-in meetings, the U.S. Attorney's Office, GOCCP, and IGSR decided to focus research efforts on evaluating the Maryland call-in meetings. This report contains the results of the process evaluation of call-in meetings in five Maryland jurisdictions: the City of Annapolis, Anne Arundel County, Baltimore City, the City of Frederick, and Prince Georges County. Another report will be issued after an outcome evaluation of the meetings is completed. A review of existing literature found evaluations that attributed reductions in crime to PSN programs incorporating call-in meetings as well as programs employing call-in meetings that pre-dated creation of PSN. However, studies that focus specifically on the effectiveness of call-in meetings have yielded mixed results. Call-in meetings in Chicago reduced recidivism and the seriousness of subsequent crimes committed by meeting participants. Call-in meetings in Indianapolis increased participants' awareness of law enforcement efforts, but did not result in lower recidivism rates among participants. The meetings in Chicago and Indianapolis had similar formats. However, Chicago targeted the most violent offenders in the most crime-ridden neighborhoods, while Indianapolis invited a broader set of offenders to its meetings. Chicago also emphasized the legitimacy of law enforcement efforts to reduce violence. In Indianapolis, a failure of law enforcement to follow through with increased oversight and sanctions of targeted offenders may have weakened the meetings' effects. In Maryland, PSN has been implemented in conjunction with two other programs, Maryland Exile and the Safe Streets initiative. Maryland Exile focuses on federal prosecution of the most violent repeat offenders. Safe Streets uses a set of criteria to identify offenders who will receive increased attention from law enforcement. Both programs utilize call-in meetings to communicate with their respective target group. Through review of documents provided by PSN partners, interviews with meeting organizers, and observation of meetings, the IGSR researchers conducted a process evaluation of call-in meetings in Maryland. Offenders in the Violence Prevention Initiative (VPI) are the target population, with four of the five jurisdictions inviting the most violent VPI offenders to their call-in meetings. Anne Arundel County invites all VPI offenders and has call-in meetings with 80 to 100 offenders in attendance. The other jurisdictions typically limit meetings to 30 or 40 offenders. Targeting call-in meetings to the most violent offenders is consistent with the successful approach used in Chicago and in programs that led to creation of PSN. As is the case nationally, the meetings in Maryland jurisdictions generally combine a deterrent message and a message of support. Representatives of the local police department, the U.S. Attorney's Office, and the State's Attorney's Office speak at the meetings in every jurisdiction. Offenders are told that they risk federal prosecution and harsh sanctions if they are rearrested for a violent crime. The emphasis is on deterrence, although all the jurisdictions except Annapolis invite service providers to the meetings. The smaller jurisdictions provide offenders with personalized pamphlets describing the consequences of reoffending, given their individual criminal histories. The larger jurisdictions provide examples of offenders who have been prosecuted in the federal system. Meetings in Baltimore City have the broadest community involvement, including a member of the clergy, an ex-offender, and residents affected by violence. These participants help reinforce the anti-violence message and provide legitimacy to law enforcement efforts. The other Maryland jurisdictions should consider incorporating this feature into their call-in meetings. Meeting organizers in some of the Maryland jurisdictions expressed concern over whether meeting participants that reoffend are actually receiving federal prosecution and harsher sanctions. They worry that their credibility will be harmed if this is not happening. Some meeting organizers would like to have more service providers at the meeting and more programs available to help offenders succeed. The meeting organizers that were interviewed for the process evaluation generally believe that call-in meetings have contributed to reductions in violent crime. The extent to which this is the case will be addressed by the planned outcome evaluation. A caveat regarding the findings and conclusions presented in this report is that they are based on interviews with a limited number of individuals in only four of the five jurisdictions and observations of call-in meetings in only four of the five jurisdictions. Key staff in Baltimore City departed the program before they could be interviewed, and the City of Annapolis did not conduct a call-in meeting during the time-frame of the process evaluation. Details: College Park, MD: Institute for Governmental Service and Research, University of Maryland, 2016. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2017 at: http://www.igsr.umd.edu/applied_research/Pubs/ProcessEvaluationProjectSafeNeighborhoods_032416.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.igsr.umd.edu/applied_research/Pubs/ProcessEvaluationProjectSafeNeighborhoods_032416.pdf Shelf Number: 147453 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceProject Safe NeighborhoodsRecidivismViolence Prevention |
Author: B.C. Task Force on Illegal Firearms Title: Illegal Firearms Task Force: Final Report Summary: British Columbia continues to experience troubling and highly dangerous incidents of firearms violence that have resulted in numerous deaths and injuries. Highly public and brazen acts, often linked to organized crime and gangs, place innocent members of the public at risk, create fear, hardship and tragedy for the individuals and communities affected, and impose substantial burdens on public resources. The Government of B.C., in an enhanced provincial strategy to combat guns and gangs, convened an Illegal Firearms Task Force to make recommendations for action to the B.C. Minister of Public Safety & Solicitor General. The Task Force, consisting of provincial experts with a wide range of experience in managing illegal firearms and organized crime, reviewed and analyzed the existing published research, interviewed numerous individuals and organizations, and conducted community consultations around B.C. It reviewed the information presented and developed recommendations addressing both specific issues that had been identified and broad strategic approaches. Four themes - The recommendations fall into four themes: Theme #1: Strategic Approaches Coordinating and focussing the efforts of the diverse agencies that work to reduce crime and enhance public safety will ensure the most effective use of resources and the greatest impact in limiting the availability and use of illegal firearms. Action categories include: - An illegal firearms-focussed approach - Alignment of existing and enhanced resources in order to improve outcomes relative to illegal firearms trafficking, their availability to criminals and the manner in which they are used by organized crime - Road safety and illegal firearms - Road safety initiatives to reduce the incidence of illegal firearms possession in motor vehicles and the concurrent use of illegal firearms and motor vehicles to carry out organized crime violence - Provincial Tactical Enforcement Priority - Leveraging the innovative and unique capabilities of the Provincial Tactical Enforcement Priority model to maximize intelligence, disruption and enforcement of illegal firearms traffickers and the targeting of those who use firearms to support violent organized crime activity - Firearms tracing hub and labs - The enhanced and timely analysis of all recovered firearms and the determination of their potential association with crime to provide investigative information and strategic intelligence - Alignment of law enforcement policy - The alignment and modernization of law enforcement policy with the education of law enforcement officers and Crown prosecutors to realize strategic objectives related to illegal firearms trafficking and the use of illegal firearms in violent crimes - "Bar Watch" programs - Expansion of a successful Vancouver program to deter and mitigate gang and firearms violence within licenced liquor establishments throughout the province Theme #2: Legislative Initiatives Firearms possession and the criminal use of firearms are primarily governed by federal legislation. The Task Force has made several recommendations related to the enhancement of federal legislation and the creation of provincial legislation in order to reduce the risks of illegal firearms use. Action categories include: - Quebec's mass shooting and firearms violence mitigation: A model for provincial actions - Legislation that enhances the ability of law enforcement and partner agencies to identify and prevent firearms violence through the timely sharing of information - Imitation firearms - Legislation to control the access and use of readily available imitation firearms; to limit their risk to communities, first responders and those who possess them; and to disrupt early patterns of illegal firearms use by youth - Straw purchasers and point-of-sale record-keeping - Legislation requiring sellers to keep records of firearms sales (not a central registry), enhancing the ability of judicially authorized law enforcement to trace crime guns, collect firearms trafficking intelligence and deter firearms traffickers - Manufacture of untraceable firearms - Legislation to prohibit access to unmarked firearms parts and parts that can be assembled into illegal firearms Theme #3: Education and Prevention Focussed efforts by a wide range of stakeholders and agencies working with the public, industry and communities will create awareness, build resilience and reduce the acquisition, availability and use of illegal firearms in B.C. communities. Action categories include: - Safe schools, student and parent education - Leveraging existing school-based programs to disrupt potentially violent antisocial behaviour, including the use of firearms, and to ensure the understanding of educators and parents on the factors and indicators related to violence prevention - Community-based programs - Rural and First Nations communities - Tailored community-based strategies designed to recognize the specific risks associated with communities in which firearms are readily available and which experience violence and organized crime involving firearms - Canadian Firearms Program compliance strategies - Enhancing compliance efforts pursuant to the firearms regulations designed to prevent and deter illegal firearms trafficking - Registration issues from the former Restricted Weapons Registration System - Initiatives to reduce the large number of restricted and prohibited firearms that are not in compliance with current registration requirements and no longer under the oversight of the Canadian Firearms Program Theme #4: Data Collection and Information Sharing The purposeful collection of intelligence from a variety of sources will inform prevention, enforcement and disruption efforts by all stakeholders against the trafficking, possession and use of illegal firearms. The Task Force has made recommendations in two action categories, including: - Intelligence and data quality - Assigning a lead intelligence agency and data warehouse to coordinate all intelligence collection, assure data quality and facilitate analysis related to the trafficking, possession and use of illegal firearms - PRIME-BC access by all key stakeholders - Providing necessary access to B.C.'s own Police Record Information Management System (PRIME-BC) to key agencies engaged in illegal firearms prevention, enforcement and disruption Details: Victoria, BC: Minister of Public Safety and Solicitor General of British Columbia, 2017. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminal-justice/police/publications/government/iftf_final_report_pdf.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Canada URL: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminal-justice/police/publications/government/iftf_final_report_pdf.pdf Shelf Number: 148534 Keywords: GangsGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal FirearmsMurdersOrganized CrimeTrafficking in Firearms |
Author: Law, Tina Title: Age of Gunshot Wound Victims in New Haven, 2003-2015 Summary: Since the dramatic surge in violent crime among youth that swept the country during the 1980s and 1990s, gun violence in U.S. cities has largely been treated as a young person's problem. Research and resources, along with media coverage, is often directed towards addressing gun violence among teens and young adults. However, has the age distribution of gunshot wound victims remained the same over time? Using data on all gunshot wounds (GSW) treated at Yale New Haven Hospital between 2003 and 2015, we explore trends in the age distribution of GSW victims in New Haven, Connecticut. Contrary to the prevailing framing of age and gun violence, we found that GSW victims in New Haven are 27 years old on average and have become older over time. Over the past thirteen years, the average age of GSW victims in the city has increased steadily from 23.9 to 27.6 years old. The upward trend in average age is seen across all racial groups, as well as for both fatal and non-fatal GSW incidents. Moreover, we find that while the average age of black GSW victims increased about two years over the study period (from 24.4 to 26 years old), the average age of Hispanic and white GSW victims increased nearly eight (from 21 to 28.7 years old) and nine years (23 to 31.5 years old), respectively. The findings suggest a need to understand age and urban gun violence from a more nuanced perspective that takes into account longitudinal trends and racial disparities. Details: New Haven, CT: Institution for Social and Policy Studies, Yale University, 2017. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: ISPS Policy Lab Working Paper ISPS17-03: Accessed December 1, 2017 at: https://isps.yale.edu/sites/default/files/publication/2017/01/law-et-al_ageofgunshotvictimsinnewhaven_isps17-03_1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://isps.yale.edu/sites/default/files/publication/2017/01/law-et-al_ageofgunshotvictimsinnewhaven_isps17-03_1.pdf Shelf Number: 148663 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Victims of Violence Violent Crime |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Regulating Guns in America: A Comprehensive Analysis of Gun Laws Nationwide Summary: This one-of-a-kind report on federal, state, and local gun laws is an invaluable resource for lawmakers, activists, and others seeking in-depth information on firearms regulation in a single publication. In addition to summarizing existing law and providing background information on gun policy, Regulating Guns in America offers common-sense, actionable legislative recommendations to prevent gun violence and save lives. Topics covered include: Background Checks & Access to Firearms; Gun Dealer Sales & Other Transfers; Gun Owner Responsibilities; Classes of Weapons; Consumer and Child Safety; Guns in Public Places; Investigating Gun Crimes; Local Authority to Regulate Firearms; Dangerous Trends in State Legislation; The Second Amendment Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2014. 282p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 23, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/regulating-guns-in-america-2014-edition/ Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/regulating-guns-in-america-2014-edition/ Shelf Number: 148907 Keywords: Gun Policy Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Guns Second Amendment |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Keeping Illegal Guns Out of Dangerous Hands: America's Deadly Relinquishment Gap Summary: Americans overwhelmingly agree that it's common sense to prevent dangerous people from accessing deadly weapons-yet there's a dangerous gap in our laws that makes it easy for armed felons and violent criminals to illegally keep their guns after they're convicted. In our new report, Keeping Illegal Guns Out of Dangerous Hands: America's Deadly Relinquishment Gap, we researched relinquishment laws in all 50 states and identified a series of best practices lawmakers can adopt to save lives from gun violence and close this deadly loophole. An essential step to keeping Americans safe from gun violence is to ensure that armed individuals convicted of serious crimes simply turn in, sell, or otherwise rid themselves of their weapons after conviction. In California, law enforcement reported that in 2014 alone, more than 3,200 people illegally kept their guns after a new criminal conviction, many of whom went on to commit crimes with those guns. Relinquishment laws would help prevent this. California, which has the most progressive gun violence prevention laws in the nation, has acted to close this gap in one important way-the state has enacted a law that lays out clear, mandatory procedures for the relinquishment of guns by domestic abusers under a restraining order. Importantly, this law has teeth: it requires these abusers to provide receipts to a judge verifying that they sold or transferred their guns as required. But, the state hasn't extended this best practice to the criminal context, even for people convicted of domestic abuse crimes. Our research on gun relinquishment also revealed: States often rely on the honor system to manage the relinquishment process, trusting violent criminals and other prohibited people to voluntarily turn in their weapons. It costs taxpayers millions of dollars each year - $285 million in California alone-when prohibited people like violent felons are picked up on weapons charges and subsequently incarcerated, and many return to prison because they kept their guns illegally. Only five states provide any statutory process for disarming people prohibited from having guns-Connecticut, Hawaii, Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania The firearm relinquishment gap puts Americans in all 50 states at grave risk. Keeping Illegal Guns Out of Dangerous Hands aims to address the challenge of relinquishment and to encourage lawmakers to establish best practices and mandatory procedures to stem the tide of illegal weapons in our communities. We hope this report will help provide a path to effective gun violence prevention for lawmakers, so fewer Americans fall victim to heartbreaking, preventable shootings. Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2016. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 23, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Keeping-Guns-Out-of-Dangerous-Hands.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Keeping-Guns-Out-of-Dangerous-Hands.pdf Shelf Number: 148909 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsIllegal Guns |
Author: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Investing in Intervention: The Critical Role of State-Level Support in Breaking the Cycle of Urban Gun Violence Summary: Tens of thousands of people are shot each year on America's streets. These shootings are concentrated in cities and disproportionately impact underserved populations-but relief is within reach. A small handful of states are supporting affordable, proven solutions to address this epidemic, saving lives and millions in taxpayer dollars. States can do so much more to address the alarming rates of gun violence in our cities. Read the full report to learn how Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York are transforming communities with sustained investment in evidence-based violence reduction strategies. Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2017. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 23, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Investing-in-Intervention-12.19.17.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Investing-in-Intervention-12.19.17.pdf Shelf Number: 148910 Keywords: Evidence-Based PracticesGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceUrban Areas |
Author: Dedel, Kelly Title: Drive-By Shootings Summary: This guide begins by describing the problem of drive-by shootings and reviewing factors that increase its risks. It then identifies a series of questions to help you analyze your local drive-by shootings problem. Finally, it reviews responses to the problem and what is known about them from evaluative research and police practice. Drive-by shootings are but one aspect of the larger set of problems related to gang and gun violence. This guide is limited to addressing the particular harms drive-by shootings cause. Details: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, 2007. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Problem-Oriented Guides for Police Problem-Specific Guides Series No. 47: Accessed January 31, 2018 at: http://www.popcenter.org/problems/pdfs/drive_by_shootings.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.popcenter.org/problems/pdfs/drive_by_shootings.pdf Shelf Number: 106539 Keywords: Drive-By Shootings Gangs Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Federal Bureau of Investigation Title: Active Shooter Incidents in the United States from 2000-2016 Summary: This document contains a list of active shooter incidents in the United States that have been identified by the FBI from 2000 through the end of 2016. Details: Washington, DC: FBI, 2017. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 31, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/activeshooter_incidents_2001-2016.pdf/view Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/activeshooter_incidents_2001-2016.pdf/view Shelf Number: 148945 Keywords: Active Shooter IncidentsGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence (U.S.)HomicidesMass HomicidesSchool ViolenceViolent CrimeWorkplace Violence |
Author: Cook County Gun Violence Task Force (GVTF) Title: Final Report: Findings and Recommendations Summary: The City of Chicago and Cook County are both engulfed in a crisis of gun violence and the availability of illegal guns in Chicago and Cook County has continued to fuel this crisis. In recent years, Chicago's homicide rate has hovered around 500 homicides per year. However, the city has already seen more than 700 homicides by late November - a reversal of the progress the city has made toward reducing gun violence during the past two decades. As the crisis and growing rate of gun violence in the City of Chicago and across Cook County has intensified, however, the issue has become better-documented every year. As a result, the GVTF was convened to examine the current gun violence crisis, its underlying causes, and assess various evidence-based programs, policies, and practices as potential solutions for combatting the continued growth of gun crimes and violence across Chicago and Cook County. In the past decade, over 50,000 African-American men were victims of firearm homicides in the United States. Despite the City of Chicago having a population that is as much as three times smaller, the Chicago Police Department recovers more guns than New York and Los Angeles combined, as well as also recording a greater number of shooting victims each year. In 2015, according to the Chicago Tribune, there were 2,900 shooting victims in the City of Chicago alone. During the same period, the city of New York and its police department reported having only 1,300 shooting victims-less than half of what Chicago recorded. Thus far, in 2016, there have been more than 3,900 people shot in the City of Chicago, and more than 700 people have been killed as a result of gun violence. Three quarters of the victims of shootings in Chicago are African-Americans. They are heavily concentrated in 10-20 high-crime areas on the city's South and West sides. A disturbing number of these victims are innocent children who get in the way when criminals target rivals. Homicides that result from gun violence account for only one half of an otherwise incomplete picture, however. Too often forgotten during discussions about firearm violence are the many non-fatal shootings that comprise the other half of the picture. Each year, approximately 900 individual victims of gun violence are treated at Stroger Hospital by the physicians of the Cook County Health and Hospital System. The cost to taxpayers for treatment can typically range between $35,000 and $50,000 per victim, or in cases of serious debilitating nonfatal injuries, the costs can total up to $250,000 for the first year and $200,000 each year thereafter. These local statistics paint a stark picture for the City of Chicago and Cook County. Nationally, we have seen instances of firearm violence draw increased attention in the wake of tragic recent events. Despite this increased attention, however, there has been limited action by the federal government, to take concrete steps toward addressing the increase in firearm violence and its surrounding issues. Frustration with congressional gridlock over efforts to combat gun violence, however, should not stop local government and law enforcement from doing what it can to reduce this growing problem. It is imperative that local stakeholders begin to recognize and acknowledge that there are ways to combat community violence and save lives that have little or nothing to do with either regulating firearms and enacting expensive, grand solutions-both of which have proven to be equally unrealistic and unsuccessful endeavors in spite of an escalating number of incidents of violence across the country. An important part of this recognition process is coming to understand that discussions surrounding violence, criminal justice reforms, and community economic development are not separate and unrelated issues. Instead, these issues are each a critical component of intrinsically interconnected problems that all stakeholders must begin to address through comprehensive and coordinated programs, policies, and practices that focus on proven evidence-based solutions. Successful implementation of comprehensive and coordinated proven evidence-based solutions will not be easy, nor will it take place over night. Doing so will require greater public attention, as well as some funding. More importantly, focusing the energies of everyone involved on the evidence-based programs, policies, and practices that have been proven to succeed in addressing all aspects of community violence and its underlying causes will take strong commitment, discipline, compromise, and an unrelenting dedication from all stakeholders. Ultimately, however, through the adoption and implementation of successful evidence-based policy programs and practices the number of firearm crimes and associated incidents of violence could be significantly reduced and prevented across the City of Chicago and Cook County Details: Chicago: GVTF, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 2, 2018 at: http://richardrboykin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/The-Cook-County-Gun-Violence-Task-Force-Final-Report-2016-3.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://richardrboykin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/The-Cook-County-Gun-Violence-Task-Force-Final-Report-2016-3.pdf Shelf Number: 148965 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal GunsMurders |
Author: Oosterhoff, Pauline Title: Tackling Gun Violence in India Summary: This rapid response briefing covers topics such as emerging trends of growing gun-related violence in urban India, lessons from Latin America and the Caribbean, the relationship between gun violence and poverty and implications for policies and programmes dealing with gun-related crime in Indian cities. The briefing argues that gun-related violence has far-reaching adverse impacts on all levels of society. In addition to murder and injury, gun violence can exacerbate cycles of highly localised urban poverty, inequality and vulnerability. India has the second largest number of homicides in the world but the issue is little discussed. In contrast to well-known gun violence in the Americas and Africa, and is absent from public security and development agendas. With criminal violence generating at least ten times more deaths and injuries in India than terrorism and conflict, there is an urgent need to re-orient policies towards preventative frameworks and to focus efforts on rapidly growing mid-size cities suffering from under-resourced police forces and rising youth unemployment. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Rapid Response Briefing Issue 11: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Year: 2015 Country: India URL: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 148992 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesPoverty |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Beyond Our Borders: How Weak U.S. Gun Laws Contribute to Violent Crime Abroad Summary: From the earliest days of his presidential campaign, a constant refrain from Donald Trump has been the need to protect the United States from foreign threats, particularly violent crime that he falsely asserts is committed at high rates by immigrants to this country. The Trump administration's protectionist, isolationist, nativist, and racist immigration policy is founded on the scurrilous notion that the United States needs to close the borders and restrict immigration to the country as a way to protect against the entry of violent crime. However, often overlooked in this debate is the degree to which exportation of violence goes in the other direction-that is to say, from the United States to other countries-and, in particular, the substantial U.S. role in providing guns that are used in lethal violence in other nations. From 2014 to 2016, across 15 countries in North America, Central America, and the Caribbean, 50,133 guns that originated in the United States were recovered as part of criminal investigations. Put another way, during this span, U.S.-sourced guns were used to commit crimes in nearby countries approximately once every 31 minutes. Certainly, many of these U.S.-sourced crime guns were legally exported and were not diverted for criminal use until they crossed the border. The United States is a major manufacturer and a leading exporter of firearms, legally exporting an average of 298,000 guns each year. However, many of the same gaps and weaknesses in U.S. gun laws that contribute to illegal gun trafficking domestically likewise contribute to the illegal trafficking of guns from the United States to nearby nations. This report discusses the scope of the problem of U.S. guns being trafficked abroad and used in the commission of violent crimes in other nations. For example, in 2015, a trafficking ring bought more than 100 guns via straw purchases in the Rio Grande Valley of the United States and smuggled them to Mexico. At least 14 of these firearms were recovered in Mexico. In addition, this report identifies a number of policy solutions that would help to reduce the flow of crime guns abroad and begin to minimize the U.S. role in arming lethal violence in nearby countries. These recommendations include: Instituting universal background checks for gun purchases; Making gun trafficking and straw purchasing federal crimes; Requiring the reporting of multiple sales of long guns; Increasing access to international gun trafficking data; Rejecting efforts that weaken firearm export oversight. The United States has a moral obligation to mitigate its role in arming lethal violence abroad. While there are many factors unique to each nation that affect rates of violent crime, there is more the United States could do to reduce the risks posed by U.S.-sourced guns that cross the border and are used in crime in nearby countries. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2018. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2018/01/31115010/012918_BeyondOurBorders-report-51.pdf Year: 2018 Country: International URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2018/01/31115010/012918_BeyondOurBorders-report-51.pdf Shelf Number: 148995 Keywords: Gun ControlGun EnforcementGun PolicyGun TraffickingGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Estimating the Effects of Law Enforcement and Public Health Interventions Intended to Reduce Gun Violence in Baltimore Summary: Baltimore has long been plagued by high rates of homicides, with guns playing an important role. City and law enforcement officials in Baltimore have attributed much of the gun violence to the illegal drug economy and the availability of guns for criminal use. For many years, the most visible and direct approaches employed by the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) to curb gun violence have focused on enforcement of drug laws to reduce violent crime associated with the drug trade. In the most ambitious and resource-intensive efforts, the objective of law enforcement actions has been to "take down" or severely weaken organized groups selling illegal drugs through targeted arrests and prosecutions. Such efforts are intended to both remove violent criminals from communities and, ideally, deter violent crime. Most of these targeted drug law enforcement efforts have been placefocused, targeting "hot spots" for homicides and shootings. Within these hot spots, there is often some degree of targeting of individuals believed to be important drivers of gun violence, based on intelligence gathered, individuals' histories of criminal offending, and individuals' criminal associates. In the early 2000s, Baltimore City leadership encouraged aggressive enforcement of drug laws, resulting in the arrests of tens of thousands of individuals for drug possession and drug distribution. However, beginning mid-2007, the BPD shifted its focus to initiatives aimed at apprehending violent criminals and targeting illegal gun possession. We used data from January 1, 2003, through December 23, 2017, to estimate the effects of place-focused policing and prevention initiatives that were focused on criminal offending involving guns and/or drugs to estimate the effects of those interventions on homicides and nonfatal shootings. An overview of the specific interventions assessed in this study follows. Details: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research; Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2018 at: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/JHSPH-Gun-Violence-in-Baltimore.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/JHSPH-Gun-Violence-in-Baltimore.pdf Shelf Number: 149142 Keywords: Drug-Related ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesHotspots PolicingIllegal DrugsPublic Health Interventions |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: A Census of Domestic Violence: Gun Homicides in Arizona Summary: On December 20, 2012, after months of escalating harassment and violent threats, Joseph Leroy Francis approached his ex-girlfriend Ashley Hicks in the parking lot of her apartment building in Tucson, Arizona. He grabbed her arm and asked to talk to her. When she resisted, he shot her seven times, killing her. Afterwards he drove to Ashley's parents home, told them he had killed their daughter, and then went home and shot himself. The incident was tragic, and it also might have been prevented, since there was ample evidence that Joseph posed a danger to Ashley. On August 17, 2012, four months before the murder, Joseph assaulted Ashley in a grocery store. That same day, she obtained an order of protection against him. The court that issued the order had the power to require Joseph to turn in his firearms- but chose not to, even though it is well established that a gun in the hands of a batterer increases five-fold the risk of homicide for his partner. Fifteen states mandate that people subject to domestic violence protection orders turn in their firearms, but Arizona is not one of them. In the last months of Ashley's life, Joseph repeatedly violated the order of protection. He broke into her home by punching through a window. He threw a motorcycle helmet at her and smashed her phone after she called the police. He brandished a knife and threatened to kill her with it. He visited her workplace. Police received notification of the violations but Joseph was never charged. Ashley's story is devastating and, unfortunately, not unique. Domestic violence homicides in Arizona are, to a significant degree, a problem of gun violence. According to an Everytown for Gun Safety analysis of the last five years of FBI data, 62 percent of women killed by intimate partners in Arizona were shot to death. All told, the rate of intimate partner gun homicides in Arizona is 45 percent higher than the national average. To better assess the dynamics of domestic violence gun homicides in Arizona, Everytown collaborated with the Arizona Coalition to End Sexual and Domestic Violence (ACESDV) to closely examine intimate partner gun homicides in Arizona between 2009-2013. This research-the first and most comprehensive of its kind for the state-yielded the following findings: In total, Everytown identified 105 homicides in Arizona between 2009-2013 in which someone was murdered with a firearm by a current or former intimate partner. In 89 percent of the cases, the victim was a woman. Perpetrators also shot 32 other victims - neighbors, friends, family members, and children - killing 25 of them, 11 of whom were children. There were ample indications that the perpetrators posed a risk to their partners. One in seven shooters (13 percent) was prohibited from possessing firearms due to their criminal history or an active order of protection. Furthermore 41 percent of the shooters had a previous arrest or conviction or had been under an order of protection at one time. Offenders under an active order of protection were rarely required to turn in their firearms. A person under an active order of protection is prohibited from possessing firearms under federal law,11 but of the perpetrators identified in this census that were under an active order of protection, only one in six has been affirmatively required to turn in their firearms. The shootings occurred across the state but, controlling for population, the domestic violence gun homicide rate in Coconino, Mohave, and Yavapai counties is more than double that of the state as a whole. Firearms were used far more frequently to murder an intimate partner than to kill an abuser in self-defense. Out of 105 incidents, only one perpetrator claiming to have used the firearm in self-defense had that claim upheld by a court. In at least four additional incidents, the victim had purchased a gun for self-defense prior to the incident but was not able to use it or worse, had it used against them. The incidents documented in this report, and the data drawn from them, vividly illustrate that Arizona needs an improved approach to addressing the threat gun violence poses for victims of domestic violence. Details: New York: Everytown For Gun Safety, 2015. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: http://archive.azcentral.com/persistent/icimages/news/Everytown-AZDV%20Report_0504_vFINAL-web%20(4).pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://archive.azcentral.com/persistent/icimages/news/Everytown-AZDV%20Report_0504_vFINAL-web%20(4).pdf Shelf Number: 149295 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIntimate Partner ViolenceProtection Orders |
Author: Bilgel, Firat Title: State Gun Control Laws, Gun Prevalence and the Supply of Homicide Organ Donors Summary: The likelihood of being a potential deceased organ donor is higher for individuals who have been exposed to situations typically characterized by a severe head trauma or stroke that result in irreversible cessation of brain functions, known as brain-death. This paper assesses the causal effects of gun prevalence and the unintended consequences of enforcing stricter gun control laws on deceased organ donor supply using county data for the period 2009-2015. The findings show that stricter gun control laws reduce homicide and gun homicide rates and thereby reduce deceased organ donor supply. Taking into account the endogenous nature of gun prevalence, our results also indicate that more guns lead to less violence and thus a lower supply of organ donors from victims of homicide. Our results are robust to a number of measures of the strength of gun control laws, over-dispersion, excessive counts of zeros, spatial dependence and to the use of spurious outcome variables. Details: Bozeman, MT: Initiative for Regulation and Applied Economic Analysis, Department of Agricultural Economics and Economics, Montana State University, 2018. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3111071 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3111071 Shelf Number: 149299 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Homicides Organ Donations |
Author: Ramsey, Carolyn B. Title: Firearms in the Family Summary: This Article considers firearms prohibitions for domestic violence offenders, in light of recent Supreme Court decisions and the larger, national debate about gun control. Unlike other scholarship in the area, it confronts the costs of ratcheting up the scope and enforcement of such firearms bans and argues that the politicization of safety has come at the expense of a sound approach to gun control in the context of intimate-partner abuse. In doing so, it expands scholarly arguments against mandatory, one-size-fits-all criminal justice responses to domestic violence in a direction that other critics have been reluctant to go, perhaps because of a reflexive, cultural distaste for firearms. Both sides in the gun-control debate rely on starkly contrasting, gendered images: the helpless female victim in need of state protection, including strictly enforced gun laws, and the self-defending woman of the National Rifle Association's "Refuse to be a Victim" campaign. Neither of these images accurately describes the position of many domestic violence victims whose partners have guns, and neither image responds effectively to the heterogeneity of conduct leading to a protection order or a misdemeanor domestic violence conviction that triggers federal and state firearms bans. The emphasis the National Rifle Association and other pro-gun organizations place on a woman's right to carry a firearm in self-defense ignores the most common homicide risks women face, as well as structural inequalities that contribute to gender violence. Yet, significant problems afflict an uncritically anti-gun approach, too. First, gun-control advocates tend to ignore the reality of intimate-partner abuse-a reality in which some women fight back; some family livelihoods depend on jobs for which firearms are required; not all misdemeanants become murderers; and victims have valid reasons for wanting to keep their partners out of prison. Second, to the extent that proponents of strict gun regulation also exhibit distaste for racialized crime-control policies, they fail to acknowledge that zealously enforced gun laws aimed at preventing domestic violence would put more people-including more men and women from vulnerable communities of color-behind bars. The current framing of the argument for tougher firearms laws for abusers is derived from public health research on domestic violence that makes a reduction in intimate homicide rates its chief goal. Yet, since hundreds of thousands of domestic violence misdemeanants are thought to possess illegal guns, reformers should also consider the potential costs to victims and their families of a move to sweeping and rigorous enforcement. Changes in gun laws and their implementation in the context of intimate-partner abuse ought to cure over- and under-breadth problems; provide greater autonomy to abuse victims and protections for those who resist their batterers; reconsider the lack of an exemption to the misdemeanor ban for firearms required on-duty; and include a better mechanism for restoring gun rights to misdemeanants who have shown the capacity to avoid reoffending. Details: Boulder, CO: University of Colorado Law School, 2018. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Colorado Law Legal Studies Research Paper No. 18-5: Accessed March 9, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3117096 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3117096 Shelf Number: 149409 Keywords: Elder AbuseFamily ViolenceGun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceIntimate Partner ViolenceProtection OrderStalking |
Author: Americans for Responsible Solutions Title: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in Ohio: A Business Case for Action Summary: Ohio's business community is severely impacted by the negative economic consequences of gun violence. Shootings engender fear in the affected neighborhood that keeps potential customers away, forces businesses to relocate or limit their hours of operation, and decreases foreign and local tourism. In too many parts of the state, the number of shootings is moving in the wrong direction, trending toward violence and death. In 2016, the Cleveland area endured its deadliest year in more than a decade, with 139 gun homicides and more than 500 nonfatal shootings. Details: San Francisco: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2017. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-Ohio.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-Ohio.pdf Shelf Number: 149447 Keywords: Costs of CrimeEconomics of CrimeGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicides |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Protecting the Parkland Generation: Strategies to Keep America's Kids Safe from Gun Violence Summary: Since 2000, more than 150,000 Americans were killed or injured by a gun before their 18th birthday. These children deserved to grow up and grow old, free to live and learn, and free from fear. But our nation failed them. As complicated as gun policy can often seem, there are some very simple truths that help explain this uniquely American phenomenon. There is simply no other high-income nation on earth that has let gunmakers and gun extremists write its gun safety laws. No other high-income nation on earth makes weapons of war available-immediately, with no questions asked-to un-vetted buyers intent on mass murder. No other high-income nation on earth has to routinely bury children gunned down in their classrooms and movie theaters and churches and parks. It doesn't have to be this way. It's been tempting for some people to turn away from the pain and shame of these tragedies, or to give in to the cynical lie that this violence can't be prevented. But not anymore. This year, America's young people are demanding change and building a movement for gun safety reform. We have watched in awe as young students emerged from bullet-ridden classrooms in Parkland, Florida, and exclaimed Never again. We have witnessed their courage and eloquence as they stood up on national television to US Senators and NRA celebrities, demanding action, answers, and accountability. This generation-the future leaders of our country-understands that gun violence is not inevitable. And they know that the Second Amendment is not under threat. We are. Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence presents this report as a tool for this new generation of activists. It provides data about the scope of the gun violence problem facing America's youth and offers concrete recommendations for evidence-based policies that save lives. Our goal is to support the Parkland students and the thousands of young people they have inspired, as well as the lawmakers who hear their call for action and want to work together to make a change. Despite the brutal pain that follows each tragic shooting in our country, the courage of our nation's youth shines a brighter light on our future. Details: San Francisco: Gifford's Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2018. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Protecting-Parkland-Generation_3.9.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Protecting-Parkland-Generation_3.9.18.pdf Shelf Number: 149448 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolence Prevention |
Author: Van Meer, James X. Title: Under the Gun: Gun Violence in America - Graphic Design as a Reactive Catalyst of Thought Summary: This final project and thesis describe gun violence in America through a statistical lens, emphasizing the implementation of graphic design to evoke a response from the audience. Advanced typography, grid design, vector theory and application, 3-D and environmental graphics, color theory, lighting design, and video have been employed in an attempt to bring the statistics to life and to engage audiences in sane conversation on a particularly volatile subject. There are often visceral opposing views when the subject of guns, especially handguns, is brought up in modern American society. Studies are cited that show gun violence data, the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution is bandied about, and arguments ensue of whether guns kill people or people kill people. One side portends that the problem is exaggerated because responsible gun owners do not contribute to the problem while the opposing side believes that gun violence is a serious public health threat, and the only safe gun is no gun at all. Growing up in a family that owned guns (both handguns and rifles), my view of American gun violence was neither pro nor con for the longest time. I was raised in what I consider to be a normal, middle-class suburban environment. My father was a bluecollar worker, my mother worked as a legal secretary until the onset of health issues, and I attended elementary, middle, and high school in Rockville, Maryland. I grew up seeing President Kennedy assassinated, his brother Robert Kennedy slain, and Martin Luther King and Malcolm X gunned down. Never one to be involved in politics, I didn't pay much attention to the gun violence taking place in the 60s-I didn't live in that circle, so why should I care? Then May 4, 1970 changed my view of guns. May 4th was a Monday, and it was the day that twenty-eight of the more than seventy Ohio National Guardsmen called to Kent State University fired their rifles and pistols into a crowd of student protesters, killing nine and injuring thirteen. The debate over cause and blame continues to this day, but one fact remains-a 13-second fusillade of bullets ruined lives and altered my belief system in ways I still have yet to fully comprehend. Gun violence has touched me personally as well. I have a long-time friend who was shot in his workplace during an armed robbery. My friend almost died, and he changed in ways I could not comprehend. I couldn't bring myself to imagine what he felt seeing the barrel of a handgun pointed at him, the searing hot pain of the shot, or the aftermath of a psyche cleaved by gun violence. I still can't fathom what he's been through. For years I bounced back and forth on both sides of the gun debate fence. After my parents had retired to the foothills of the Great Smoky Mountains in North Carolina, the family gun tradition continued. My dad owned a hunting rifle, a shotgun, and three pistols. Two of the guns were Christmas gifts from me-I walked into a gun store, filled out some forms, and walked out with the guns. Piece of cake. My dad's guns were used for hunting and for self-protection. My folks lived in the country where just about everyone owned a gun, and the only time I can recall a handgun being fired was when a large, wild cat had come too close to the house. When my parents passed away I had the task of clearing out their possessions. Of course, I came across the guns, and after selling the handguns at a local gun shop, I brought the hunting rifle and shotgun back to my home in Virginia, eventually selling them to a friend, an avid hunter. I didn't think about keeping any of my father's guns. I didn't want to have anything to do with them. And I still don't. They scare me because I know the destructive power that can be unleashed from them. It's that inherent destructive power and the toll that gun violence takes I am hoping to portray. My final project and thesis are an attempt to allow people to see the cold-hard facts of gun violence in America and let them ponder the effects that guns have on this country. Through the use of interpretive graphics, storytelling, and experiential methods, it is my intent to further the dialogue about guns and gun violence through a thoughtful perspective. Guns have the power to injure, the power to kill, the power to ruin lives. Does graphic design, as a catalyst for thought, have the power to alter views, or at the very least, lead to different perspectives? We'll never know unless we seed the conversation. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University, 2017. 92p., 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://mars.gmu.edu/handle/1920/10710 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://mars.gmu.edu/handle/1920/10710 Shelf Number: 149450 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesVisual Arts |
Author: Griffin, Darrin J. Title: Werther Effect in Active Shooter Events Summary: If it bleeds it leads - this is an unfortunate but real mentality in the industry of news media. Reporting practices have led to what is perceived as sensationalism of negative events. The Werther effect establishes the connection between publicized suicide events and a spike in incidents of suicide that follow (see Kim et al., 2013). Given the established behavior of the Werther effect, investigations should seek to understand what impact, if any, media publicizing has on copycat behavior of other life-ending incidents. Recently, active shooter events have become heavily publicized in the media. This begets a logical question: Are there copycat active shooters that seem to be motivated by media? This study served to explore the possible presence of copycat phenomena of contemporary active shooters through media sensationalism. Through the analysis of shooters' written manifestos available through public record we examined references made within their writings to previous active shooters. This relational data was input into social network analysis software (i.e., UCINET) to construct a network visualization. Google Trend analytics were also used to explore whether media portrayals might be driving interest in past active shooters - especially Columbine and Virginia Tech (VT). Findings support the notion of an idolization effect in the context of active shooters with the focus being on the large shootings of the past. The need for journalist ethics in active shooting contexts is discussed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://djgriffin.people.ua.edu/uploads/6/3/6/5/63651523/submission_version_werther_effect_in_active_shooter_events_alabama_communication_conference__1_.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://djgriffin.people.ua.edu/uploads/6/3/6/5/63651523/submission_version_werther_effect_in_active_shooter_events_alabama_communication_conference__1_.pdf Shelf Number: 149459 Keywords: Active ShooterCopycat CrimesGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesJournalistsMass MediaMass ShootingsSocial Network AnalysisWerther Effect |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Virginia Under the Gun: 4 Measures of Gun Violence and Gun Crime in Virginia Summary: In some respects, gun violence in Virginia is typical of that in much of the nation. For example, Virginia ranked 28th of the 50 states for the overall rate of gun deaths from 2004 to 2013-right in the middle of the states. On the other hand, Virginia has been the scene of some of the most horrific, high-profile acts of gun violence in recent memory: the massacre at Virginia Tech in 2007 and the on-air execution of reporter Alison Parker and cameraman Adam Ward in August 2015. In fact, in the eight and a half years since the mass shooting at Virginia Tech, approximately 7,173 Virginians have died by gunfire. These appalling incidents; Virginia's proximity to the nation's capital; and the fact that the National Rifle Association, or NRA, is headquartered in Virginia have made the commonwealth a national bellwether for the debate over gun laws. In recent years, the gun issue has been vigorously contested in political races across the state. For example, during the 2013 statewide elections, the NRA and two gun violence prevention groups-Americans for Responsible Solutions, a group founded by former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D-AZ), and Independence USA, a political action committee created by former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg (I)-collectively spent close to $4 million attempting to influence the outcome. That year, all three of the winning candidates for statewide office-Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D), Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam (D), and Attorney General Mark Herring (D)-took strong positions in favor of strengthening gun laws, opposed the NRA, and explicitly campaigned on their support for common-sense gun laws. Despite the success that gun violence prevention groups enjoyed in the 2013 elections, efforts to strengthen gun laws in the state legislature have remained stalled. The Virginia legislature even failed to act on legislation to keep guns out of the hands of domestic abusers-a law that passed with broad bipartisan support in a number of other states-despite its successful passage in the state Senate in 2014 after a 29-6 vote. With elections for all seats in the state General Assembly and Senate scheduled for November 3, 2015, the issue of gun violence is once again on the minds of many Virginia voters. Gov. McAuliffe has continued to focus on this issue, recently announcing six new executive actions to address gun violence in the state, including creating a joint task force to prosecute gun crimes, implementing a crime gun tipline, and providing training for judges and prosecutors to encourage domestic abusers to surrender firearms. Gov. McAuliffe has also pledged to continue pushing the state legislature to enact common-sense gun laws in the upcoming legislative session. This issue brief provides additional context about what is at stake as Virginia voters consider which leaders they want to represent them in Richmond. It discusses four aspects of gun violence and gun-related crime in Virginia that are exceptional, unique, or above the national average: More Virginians are killed annually by gunfire than in car accidents. Virginia is one of the top exporters of crime guns. Women are killed with guns by intimate partners at a high rate in Virginia. Virginia has been disproportionately affected by mass shootings. The 2007 Virginia Tech massacre remains the deadliest mass shooting in American history. In its wake, then-Gov. Tim Kaine (D) acted to ensure that more mental health records were accessible to the gun background check system-after the gap led directly to the Virginia Tech shooting. Since then, the rate at which Virginia submits mental health records has grown substantially, and the state now ranks third in the nation: To date, 224,079 records have been submitted to the background check system. Yet efforts to continue building on that progress and strengthen Virginia's laws and policies to address gun violence have been largely stymied by the state legislature. With 86 percent of Virginians supportive of legislation that would require background checks for all gun sales, the issue of gun violence prevention is certainly on many voters' minds as they head to the polls. 1. More Virginians are killed annually by gunfire than in car accidents For decades, more Americans have been killed annually in motor vehicle accidents than by gunfire. In response to the tens of thousands of car accident deaths every year, elected officials, policymakers, and the car industry have taken a number of steps to improve motor vehicle safety, including gathering and analyzing car death data, enhancing car design, implementing better technology, and improving road safety. As a result of this comprehensive approach to this public safety issue, the number of deaths from car accidents across the country has significantly declined. While there were 40,965 car accident deaths nationwide in 1999, that number dropped to 33,804 by 2013, a 17 percent decrease. Virginia has followed a similar trend: From 1999 to 2013, car accident deaths in the state declined 15 percent. By contrast, few national resources have been devoted to understanding gun violence and developing a comprehensive, evidence-based approach to reducing gun deaths. The NRA has effectively blocked public health research into gun deaths through limiting amendments to annual appropriations bills for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or CDC, and the National Institutes of Health, or NIH, and many legislative bodies have lacked the political will to strengthen gun laws. During the same period that U.S. deaths due to car accidents were declining, deaths by gunfire were rising: While there were 28,874 gun deaths nationwide in 1999, that number increased to 33,636 by 2013, a 16 percent increase. As a result of the disparate approaches to these two serious public health issues, the gap between gun-related and vehicle-related deaths has shrunk significantly in recent years. While the number of U.S. motor vehicle accident deaths was 42 percent higher than gun-related deaths in 1999, this difference had decreased to less than 0.5 percent by 2013. A number of studies have concluded that these lines will cross sometime this year, when gun deaths outpace deaths due to car accidents. A 2014 report by Generation Progress and the Center for American Progress projected that 2015 will also be the year that guns become the leading cause of death of young people in the United States. Virginia is one of 17 states, along with the District of Columbia, where these lines have already crossed. In 2009, guns accounted for the deaths of more Virginians than car accidents for the first time. In 2013, the most recent year for which data are available, gun deaths were 17 percent higher than car accident deaths. If current trends continue, the number of gun deaths in Virginia will be 24 percent higher than the number of car accident deaths by the end of the next assembly's term in 2017 and 31 percent higher by the end of the next Senate's term in 2019. VAguns-brief-webfig1 2. Virginia is one of the top exporters of crime guns When a gun is recovered at a crime scene, one of the first challenges for investigators is determining from where the gun came. Restrictions on record keeping for gun purchases that are codified in federal law limit this inquiry to determining where the gun was first sold at retail and the identity of the first retail purchaser. To answer these questions, local law enforcement turns to the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, or ATF, which can trace guns from manufacturer through the first point of sale. Part of the tracing process involves identifying whether a gun crossed state lines before being used in a crime. A significant number of crime guns do move from state to state: From 2012 to 2014, 29 percent of guns recovered in crimes and traced were first purchased at retail in another state. Virginia is one of the top source states for guns recovered in crimes in other states. Due in part to the state's weak gun laws and the rise of Interstate 95 as a popular corridor for gun traffickers, Virginia exports a substantial number of crime guns. From 2012 to 2014, Virginia had the nation's ninth highest rate of crime guns exported to other states, with a rate 61 percent higher than the national average. Moreover, with more than 7,700 firearms purchased in Virginia and later recovered at crime scenes in other states, the state ranked third in terms of the absolute number of crime gun exports. Only Georgia and Texas exported a higher number of crime guns-9,134 and 8,103, respectively. VAguns-brief-webfig2 The movement of guns across state lines from states with weaker gun laws, such as Virginia, undermines other states' efforts to enact strong gun laws and curb gun violence. From 2012 to 2014, 60 percent of crime guns traced back to Virginia were either recovered in the District of Columbia or in one of the 10 states with the strongest gun laws, according to a ranking of state gun laws provided by the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. An analysis of crime guns recovered in New York City in 2011 revealed that 90 percent came from out of state, with more crime guns coming from Virginia than from any other state. 3. Women are killed with guns by intimate partners at a high rate in Virginia American women face unique challenges when it comes to gun violence. Studies show that while they are killed less frequently than men, they are much more likely to be murdered by someone they know. In the majority of these cases, the aggressor is an intimate partner. According to information from the FBI, 34 percent of women murdered in the United States from 2004 to 2013 were killed by an intimate partner; 55 percent of those murders were committed with a firearm. The risk of intimate partner gun homicides against women is even higher in Virginia. From 2004 to 2013, 37 percent of female murder victims in Virginia were killed by an intimate partner, and approximately 60 percent of those murders were carried out with a firearm. The state's rate of intimate partner gun homicides of women during this period was 21 percent higher than the national average. Additionally, Virginia ranks 16th worst in the nation for the rate of intimate partner gun murders of women. Many perpetrators of intimate partner homicide in Virginia have a history of domestic violence. A recent study by the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence found that more than one-third of perpetrators of intimate partner homicides in the state in 2014 had a history of violence or threats against the victim and that of those perpetrators, 74 percent used a gun to commit the murder. VAguns-brief-webfig3 4. Virginia has been disproportionately affected by mass shootings The FBI defines mass shootings as incidents in which four or more victims are killed with a firearm. While they constitute a small portion of overall gun violence in the United States, mass shootings receive the bulk of the media's attention and tend to have a profound impact on the population. Moreover, research from the Harvard School of Public Health shows that the rate of mass shootings in the United States has tripled since 2011. Virginia ranks ninth among all of the states for the highest rate of victims killed in mass shootings. This is driven in large part by the Virginia Tech massacre, in which 32 people were murdered-the worst mass shooting in American history to date. Virginia has also experienced a number of family-related mass shootings that contribute to this ranking. These include a 2014 incident in Culpeper, Virginia, in which a man fatally shot his wife and three daughters before taking his own life. In a 2011 case, a man involved in a custody dispute fatally shot his two children, their mother, and another man before killing himself. When considering the raw number of victims of fatal mass shootings, Virginia ranks fourth highest overall, with 56 people killed in these incidents from 2006 to October 2015. Overall, 1 in every 20 victims of fatal mass shootings in the United States from 2006 to 2015 were killed in Virginia. Conclusion Over the next four years, an estimated 3,540 people will be killed with guns in Virginia if current trends continue. Gun violence is an urgent public health issue that demands attention and action from the state's leadership. There is much more that can be done to both strengthen Virginia's laws to prevent gun deaths and reduce the illegal flow of guns across state lines into other communities being ravaged by gun violence. Upon beginning their term in January 2016, the newly elected members of the next Virginia legislature should take up legislation that would address key weaknesses in the state's gun laws, including requiring universal background checks, prohibiting domestic abusers and stalkers from buying and possessing guns, and ensuring surrender of guns by all prohibited individuals. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2015. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2018 at: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/guns-crime/reports/2015/10/27/124132/virginia-under-the-gun/ Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/guns-crime/reports/2015/10/27/124132/virginia-under-the-gun/ Shelf Number: 149602 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides |
Author: Cassell, Paul G. Title: What Caused the 2016 Homicide Spike? An Empirical Examination of the 'ACLU Effect' and the Role of Stop and Frisks in Preventing Gun Violence Summary: Homicides increased dramatically in Chicago in 2016. In 2015, 480 Chicago residents were killed. The next year, 754 were killed-274 more homicide victims, tragically producing an extraordinary 58% increase in a single year. This article attempts to unravel what happened. This article provides empirical evidence that the reduction in stop and frisks by the Chicago Police Department beginning around December 2015 was responsible for the homicide spike that started immediately thereafter. The sharp decline in the number of stop and frisks is a strong candidate for the causal factor, particularly since the timing of the homicide spike so perfectly coincides with the spike. Regression analysis of the homicide spike and related shooting crimes identifies the stop and frisk variable as the likely cause. The results are highly statistically significant and robust over a large number of alternative specifications. And a qualitative review for possible "omitted variables" in the regression equations fails to identify any other plausible candidates that fit the data as well as the decline in stop and frisks. Our regression equations permit quantification of the costs of the decline in stop and frisks. Because of fewer stop and frisks in 2016, it appears that (conservatively calculating) approximately 239 additional victims were killed and 1129 additional shootings occurred in that year alone. And these tremendous costs are not evenly distributed, but rather are concentrated among Chicago's African-American and Hispanic communities. The most likely explanation for the fall in stop and frisks that appears to have triggered the homicide spike is a consent decree entered into by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) with the Chicago Police Department (CPD). Accordingly, modifications to that consent decree may be appropriate. More broadly, these findings shed important light on the on-going national debate about stop and frisk policies. The fact that America's "Second City" suffered so badly from a decline in stop and frisks suggests that the arguably contrary experience in New York City may be an anomaly. The costs of crime - and particularly gun crimes - are too significant to avoid considering every possible measure for reducing the toll. The evidence gathered here suggests that stop and frisk policies may be truly lifesaving measures that have to be considered as part of any effective law enforcement response to gun violence. Details: Salt Lake City: University of Utah, S.J. Quinney College of Law, 2018. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 29, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3145287 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3145287 Shelf Number: 149607 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurdersStop and FriskViolent Crimes |
Author: National Threat Assessment Center Title: The Congressional Shooter: A Behavioral Review of James Hodgkinson Summary: On June 14, 2017, at 7:09 a.m., James Thomas Hodgkinson, 66, fired at least 70 rounds from a 9mm pistol and an SKS 7.62mm rifle at Republican Congressmen, their staffers, and others practicing at Eugene Simpson Stadium Park in Alexandria, VA for the Congressional Baseball Game for Charity. Five people were wounded during the attack, including the House Majority Whip and two U.S. Capitol Police special agents who were part of his security detail. Hodgkinson was shot by responding officers and later died of his injuries. Approximately three months prior to the attack, Hodgkinson told his wife that he was going to Washington, DC to work on reforming tax brackets. He drove from Belleville, IL to Alexandria, VA, where he was living out of his van prior to the attack. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Secret Services, 2017. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://www.secretservice.gov/data/protection/ntac/Hodgkinson.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.secretservice.gov/data/protection/ntac/Hodgkinson.pdf Shelf Number: 149671 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Secret Service Targeted Violence Threat Assessment Violence |
Author: National Threat Assessment Center Title: Mass Attacks in Public Spaces - 2017 Summary: Between January and December 2017, 28 incidents of mass attacks, during which three or more persons were harmed, were carried out in public places within the United States (see map for locations). These acts violated the safety of the places we work, learn, shop, relax, and otherwise conduct our day-to-day lives. The resulting loss of 147 lives and injury to nearly 700 others had a devastating impact on our nation as a whole. As the uncertainty they caused continues to ripple through our communities, those charged with ensuring public safety strive to identify methods to prevent these types of attacks. To aid in these efforts, the U.S. Secret Service National Threat Assessment Center (NTAC) examined these 28 incidents, to identify key themes for enhancing threat assessment and investigative practices. Regardless of whether these attacks were acts of workplace violence, domestic violence, school-based violence, or terrorism, similar themes were observed in the backgrounds of the perpetrators, including: Nearly half were motivated by a personal grievance related to a workplace, domestic, or other issue. Over half had histories of criminal charges, mental health symptoms, and/or illicit substance use or abuse. All had at least one significant stressor within the last five years, and over half had indications of financial instability in that timeframe. Over three-quarters made concerning communications and/or elicited concern from others prior to carrying out their attacks. On average, those who did elicit concern caused more harm than those who did not. These findings, and others in this report, support existing best practices that the U.S. Secret Service has established in the field of threat assessment. They highlight the importance of gathering information on a person's background, behaviors, and situational factors; corroborating the information from multiple sources; assessing the risk the individual poses for violence; and identifying intervention points to mitigate that risk. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Secret Service, 2017. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://www.secretservice.gov/data/protection/ntac/USSS_NTAC-Mass_Attacks_in_Public_Spaces-2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.secretservice.gov/data/protection/ntac/USSS_NTAC-Mass_Attacks_in_Public_Spaces-2017.pdf Shelf Number: 149673 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass ShootingsPublic SpacesSecret ServiceThreat AssessmentViolence |
Author: Williams, Morgan C., Jr. Title: Gun Violence in Black and White: Evidence from Policy Reform in Missouri Summary: The role of state-level background check requirements for private firearm sales in reducing gun violence remains controversial in both the empirical literature and gun control policy debate. On August 28, 2007 the Missouri General Assembly repealed an 86 year-old "permit-to-purchase" (PTP) law requiring that handgun purchasers possess a permit, and subsequently undergo a background check, for all sales. The vast racial disparities in firearm homicide within Missouri raises important questions concerning the disproportionate impact of the repeal on Black communities throughout the state. Using generalized synthetic control estimation, this paper finds that the PTP repeal led to a modest increase in county-level gun ownership in addition to substantial evidence of increased firearm homicide in the early years of the 2007-2013 post-repeal period. In particular, state-level effects suggests that overall Black firearm homicide increases on average by an additional five deaths per 100,000 while the same rates for Black victims ages 15-24 rise by 29 deaths per 100,000. County-level estimates also show considerable increases in firearm homicide in Black communities within the more urban regions of the state. Treatment effect estimates for state-level Black firearm homicide translate into approximately an additional 260 deaths attributable to the change in the law over the 2007-2013 period. Details: New York: CUNY Graduate Center, Department of Economics, 2018. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 19, 2018 at: http://morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/WilliamsJr_Morgan_WP_April_2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/WilliamsJr_Morgan_WP_April_2018.pdf Shelf Number: 149856 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesRace and Crime |
Author: brap Title: Stuck: Current approaches to the design and delivery of interventions to address gang-related violence in Birmingham Summary: brap has been actively involved in work to improve the impact of gang-related crime interventions for some years now. The Barrow Cadbury Trust is keen to learn more about the experiences of the kind of young people and practitioners brap engages with as part of its work. Funding provided by the Trust has enabled brap to conduct a short consultation and research exercise to understand how young people at risk of gun or knife related crime in Birmingham feel about interventions to support them. The report has three main aims: to help those involved in this field gain a better understanding of the experiences, views and needs of a small group of young people at risk of or involved in guns and gang related crime in Birmingham to provide an overview of statutory, private and voluntary sector responses to guns and gang related crime in Birmingham (and links to West Midlands-wide provision) to recommend options for future support and research in this field Details: Birmingham, UK: brap, 2012. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2018 at: https://www.barrowcadbury.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/stuck-brapresearchreport1.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.barrowcadbury.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/stuck-brapresearchreport1.pdf Shelf Number: 150058 Keywords: Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Gangs Gun ViolenceInterventions Knife Crime |
Author: Efrat, Asif Title: Governing Guns, Opposing Opium: A Theory of Internationally Regulated Goods Summary: The paper examines a significant phenomenon overlooked by the trade literature: internationally regulated goods. Contrary to the general trend of trade liberalization, specific goods, such as drugs, small arms, and antiquities, have come under increasing international control in recent decades through a set of global regulatory agreements. I argue that these goods are unique in that they involve transnational negative externalities. Whereas certain countries benefit from the trade in these goods, the trade inflicts negative effects on other countries. Examples of such negative externalities include fatalities and refugee flows resulting from rampant gun violence, high crime rates associated with widespread drug abuse, and archaeological destruction caused by antiquities looting. The paper develops a theory that first explains why national regulation is insufficient and why international regulation is necessary for curbing these negative externalities. The theory then analyzes why certain governments are strongly in favor of international regulation while others wish to maintain the trade uncontrolled. My analysis locates the sources of governments' conflicting preferences in the domestic political arena and considers how exporters, consumers, and civil society shape governments' views. The final part of the theory examines how the distribution of state power affects the establishment of the regulatory agreements. The paper makes several theoretical contributions by bridging rationalist and non-rationalist accounts of international law and by focusing on international cooperation in the absence of shared interest. Details: Ithaca, NY: Cornell Law School, 2008. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Cornell Law Faculty Working Papers: Accessed May 4, 2018 at: https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/41/ Year: 2008 Country: International URL: https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clsops_papers/41/ Shelf Number: 150060 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionGun ViolenceInternational TradeTrade Regulation |
Author: U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation Title: Active Shooter Incidents in the United States in 2016 and 2017 Summary: The FBI has designated 50 shootings in 2016 and 2017 as active shooter incidents. Twenty incidents occurred in 2016, while 30 incidents occurred in 2017. As with past FBI active shooter-related publications, this report does not encompass all gun-related situations. Rather, it focuses on a specific type of shooting situation. The FBI defines an active shooter as one or more individuals actively engaged in killing or attempting to kill people in a populated area. Implicit in this definition is the shooter's use of one or more firearms. The active aspect of the definition inherently implies that both law enforcement personnel and citizens have the potential to affect the outcome of the event based upon their responses to the situation. This report supplements two previous publications: A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 20132 and Active Shooter Incidents in the United States in 2014 and 2015.3 The methodology articulated in the 2000-2013 study was applied to the 2016 and 2017 incidents to ensure consistency. Excluded from this report are gang- and drug-related shootings and gun-related incidents that appeared not to have put other people in peril (e.g., the accidental discharge of a firearm in a bar). Analysts relied on official law enforcement investigative reports (when available), FBI holdings, and publicly available resources when gathering data for this report. Though limited in scope, this report was undertaken to provide clarity and data of value to federal, state, tribal, and campus law enforcement as well as other first responders, corporations, educators, and the general public as they seek to neutralize threats posed by active shooters and save lives during such incidents. Details: Washington, DC: FBI, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/active-shooter-incidents-us-2016-2017.pdf/view Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/active-shooter-incidents-us-2016-2017.pdf/view Shelf Number: 150072 Keywords: Active Shooter IncidentsGun Violence Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides Mass HomicidesSchool Violence Threat AssessmentViolent Crime Workplace Violence |
Author: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in New Jersey: A Business Case for Action Summary: In recent years, New Jersey has experienced an average of 280 gun-related homicides, 184 gun-related suicides, 764 non-fatal interpersonal shootings, and 599 unintentional shootings per year. New Jersey has the sixth-lowest number of gun deaths per capita among the states. Nevertheless, gun violence in the state exacts a high physical, emotional, and financial toll on families and communities. We often hear about the heartbreak and physical pain these shootings cause, but there is another aspect of the gun violence epidemic that doesn't receive as much attention: the overwhelming financial cost. TALLYING THE NUMBERS The 2,014 shootings that occur each year in New Jersey are a serious drain on the state's economy. Based on the expenses we can directly measure, including healthcare costs ($93 million per year), law enforcement and criminal justice expenses ($131 million per year), costs to employers ($8 million per year), and lost income ($918 million per year), the initial price tag of gun violence in New Jersey is over $1.2 billion per year. Much of this tab is picked up by the public. Up to 85% of gunshot victims, for example, are either uninsured or on some form of publicly funded insurance. Additionally, law enforcement efforts are funded entirely by taxpayer dollars. As a result, gun violence costs New Jersey taxpayers approximately $273 million each year. Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2018. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-New-Jersey_Full-Report_4.20.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-New-Jersey_Full-Report_4.20.18.pdf Shelf Number: 150079 Keywords: Costs of Crime Costs of Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: America's Youth Under Fire: The Devastating Impact of Gun Violence on Young People Summary: On February 14, 2018, 14 students and three staff members were murdered at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, by a single shooter armed with an assault rifle. This horrific massacre galvanized the nation's attention to the issue of gun violence, particularly as it affects young people in this country. However, the scope of gun violence as it affects America's youth is much vaster than this most recent mass shooting. Gunfire has officially overtaken car accidents as one of the leading killers of young people in the United States. As of publication time, since the beginning of 2018, 820 teens ages 12 to 17 have been killed or injured with a gun. As mass shootings become more common and more deadly, a staggering 57 percent of teenagers now fear a school shooting. The epidemic of gun violence against America's youth is more than just a disturbing data point. For each bullet fired, there are multiple stories of lives changed forever. When he was just 6 years old, Missouri State Rep. Bruce Franks Jr. saw his brother shot in front of their neighbor's home. Nevada activist Mariam El-Haj witnessed the shooting of her mother by her estranged father, who then turned the gun on Mariam. Oregon youth mentor Jes Phillip's siblings have all had close calls-she has three younger sisters who were present at the Reynolds High School shooting in Troutdale, Oregon, and two bullets landed next to her brother's bed when they came through her family's apartment wall during a neighborhood shooting. Nineteen- year-old student Eli Saldana, a member of the Native American community living in Chicago, was shot on his walk home from work. These stories of gun violence are all too common among young Americans. The United States' gun violence epidemic disproportionately ravages young people, particularly young people of color. In short, gun violence is shattering a generation. Young people are not simply victims of gun violence in this country, they are among the leading voices calling for change to the nation's weak gun laws and deadly gun culture. Organizers of the Black Lives Matter movement; survivors of the Parkland shooting; youth organizers working in cities hardest hit by gun violence, such as Chicago, Baltimore, and St. Louis, have all lent their voices to an increasingly loud call to action. These young people do not just want to reform gun laws-they are also demanding that the issue of gun violence be examined as part of a complex and intersectional web of issues that also include community disinvestment, criminal justice reform, and policing. They are advocating not only for solutions to make schools safer from mass shootings but also for holistic and intersectional solutions that will help make all communities safer. This report breaks down how gun violence is affecting young people, and how young activists are rising to build an intersectional movement working for solutions. It examines the specific impact of gun violence on young people and considers both how young people as a collective are disproportionately affected and how different communities of young people share different aspects of the burden of this violence. This report also highlights examples of young people leading the advocacy efforts around this issue and discusses a number of policy solutions that are crucial to reducing gun violence, reforming the criminal justice system, improving police-community relations, and encouraging reinvestment in impacted communities. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress; Generation Progress, 2018. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: http://genprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/03163735/2018-YouthUnderFire-report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://genprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/03163735/2018-YouthUnderFire-report.pdf Shelf Number: 150119 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass ShootingsViolent Crime |
Author: Weisser, Michael Title: Where are all the Guns? Summary: A detailed analysis of background check data correlated with gun-violence rates and gun laws for all 50 states. Paper shows that gun-violence rates may correlate more positively with gun ownership rates than with the strength of gun regulations. Paper also covers relevant bibliography. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3167983 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3167983 Shelf Number: 150124 Keywords: Crime RatesCriminal Background ChecksGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesRight to CarryViolent Crime |
Author: Doran, Selina Evelyn Margaret Title: News media constructions and policy implications of school shootings in the United States Summary: This thesis focuses on 'school shootings' in the United States. Examined here are the news media constructions and public reactions to such incidents, as they pertain to scholarly conceptualisations of fear, moral panics and vulnerability; as well policy responses relating to emergency management in educational institutions and gun-related legislative proposals and actions. Current literature in the field defines 'school shootings' as a particular type of 'spree' or 'mass' killing, involving the murder or attempted murder of students and staff at an education institution. This phenomenon is most prolific in the United States. Two case studies were selected from a list of possible incidents based on their high profile news media coverage, policy impact and infamous natures. The examples used are the school shootings at Columbine High School, Colorado (1999) and Virginia Polytechnic University, Virginia (2007); although the developments provoked by the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School, Connecticut shooting are noted throughout. The objectives of the research are: exploring the effect of my two case studies on reshaping or entrenching current moral panic and fear debates; whether the two shootings have transformed emergency management and communication practices; the role that fear plays in the concealed carry on campus movement which arose after the Virginia Tech incident; surmising about which gun-related legislative actions are possible in future. Employed here is a theoretical framework pertaining to moral panics, fear of crime risk management, and framing of news media and policy. My methodological approach was qualitative in nature. A total of 14 interviews were conducted with experts in gun violence prevention, and emergency management and communication. Ethnographic research was carried out in the form of participant observations at a school safety symposium and a gun reform activism event. Content and critical discourse analyses were employed to assess 728 news media articles, 286 letters to the editor, comments from 32 YouTube videos, 14 policy documents and 10 public opinion polls. My original contribution to knowledge is the examination of policies that have not received much scholarly attention to date: emergency management plans, training, operation and communications to deal with the possibility of a school shooting incident occurring; the 'concealed carry on campus' movement, where students lobby to carry firearms in higher education institutions as a way to negate potential threats. Relatively uncharted territory in fear of crime research was embarked upon with an examination of YouTube comments relating to: concerns about attending school; insecurities about the ability of law enforcement to offer protection in a school shooting scenario. To offer a predictive angle to the research, the current public sentiments, framing strategies being utilised by interest groups, and Supreme Court rulings shaping the future of gun reform were debated. Further avenues for school shooting research are provided. Details: Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 2014. 295p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 10, 2018 at: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5298/1/2014doranphd.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5298/1/2014doranphd.pdf Shelf Number: 150145 Keywords: Concealed CarryGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass MediaMass ShootingsSchool SecuritySchool Shootings |
Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Effects of Missouri's Repeal of Its Handgun Purchaser Licensing Law on Homicides Summary: In the United States, homicide is a leading cause of death for young males and a major cause of racial disparities in life expectancy for men. There is intense debate and little rigorous research on the effects of firearm sales regulation on homicides. This study estimates the impact of Missouri's 2007 repeal of its permit-to-purchase (PTP) handgun law on states' homicide rates and controls for changes in poverty, unemployment, crime, incarceration, policing levels, and other policies that could potentially affect homicides. Using death certificate data available through 2010, the repeal of Missouri's PTP law was associated with an increase in annual increase in firearm homicides rates of 1.09 per 100,000 (+23%), but was unrelated to changes in non-firearm homicide rates. Using Uniform Crime Reporting data from police through 2012, the law's repeal was associated with increased annual murders rates of 0.93 per 100,000 (+16%). These estimated effects translate to increases of between 55 and 63 homicides per year in Missouri. Details: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2013. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2018 at: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/_pdfs/effects-of-missouris-repeal-of-its-handgun-purchaser-licensing-law-on-homicides.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/_pdfs/effects-of-missouris-repeal-of-its-handgun-purchaser-licensing-law-on-homicides.pdf Shelf Number: 150179 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurders |
Author: Tita, George E. Title: Strategies for Reducing Gun Violence: The Role of Gangs, Drugs and Firearm Accessibility Summary: This report on strategies to reduce gun violence begins with a brief overview of recent trends in gun violence with a particular focus on emerging trends and changes in Canada. A review of literature covers the linkages between gangs, drug markets and firearm accessibility and firearm violence. When possible, the impacts of these factors on patterns of violence are explored at both the individual and community levels. Overall, the report highlights the prevalence and patterns of homicide and gun violence in North America, Britain, Mexico, Canada and other countries. Particular attention is paid to the role of gangs and drug markets in facilitating violence. In addition, research findings and program evaluations aimed at reducing gun violence are also included. Given the exceptionally high rates of interpersonal violence (especially gun violence) within the United States, and its long history of gang violence, it is not surprising that much of the literature is centered on programs and interventions in America. If the current trends of gun violence involving youth continue in Canada, it is important that Canadian policies learn from the successes and failures of recent gun violence reduction strategies elsewhere. Drawing from the literature review as well as the first author's experiences in the design, implementation and evaluation of violence reduction strategies, this report includes a broad set of policy recommendations that might prove useful in the effort to control gun violence within the larger census metropolitan areas (CMAs) in Canada. The case is made that before any policies aimed at reducing gun violence are implemented, it is extremely important to conduct basic research into the nature of local gun and gang violence. One must first understand who is involved, and why they are involved in violence, before one can design and implement an effective gun violence strategy. Finally, the report includes an Annotated Bibliography of the most current and useful gun and gang violence prevention and intervention resources. Details: Ottawa: National Crime Prevention Centre, 2007. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report: 2007-3: Accessed May 16, 2018 at: https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/rdcng-gn-vlnc/rdcng-gn-vlnc-eng.pdf Year: 2007 Country: International URL: https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/rdcng-gn-vlnc/rdcng-gn-vlnc-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 150241 Keywords: Crime PreventionDrug-Related ViolenceGang ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Morgan, Anthony Title: Impact of ballistic evidence on criminal investigations Summary: The challenges associated with investigating serious crime, particularly organised crime, are well known. Increasingly, police are turning to new information technologies to support traditional investigative techniques. Automated ballistic information technology allows police to link cases that would otherwise not be known to be related. By linking investigations, police can identify new leads and suspects. The current study used interviews with investigators in two states to understand what impact ballistic evidence has on criminal investigations into firearm crime. The results revealed a significant number of cases benefited from linked investigations- including cold cases and cases involving organized crime groups. This research helps to demonstrate the potential value of technology to law enforcement, and the circumstances in which it is most effective. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 548: Accessed May 23, 2018 at: https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi548 Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi548 Shelf Number: 150330 Keywords: Criminal InvestigationsFirearmsForensic EvidenceGun ViolenceGuns-Related ViolenceHomicidesOrganized Crime |
Author: Kleck, Gary Title: How the Hemenway Surveys Distorted Estimates of Defensive Gun Use Frequency Summary: David Hemenway and his colleagues have claimed that two national surveys that they conducted indicated there were few defensive gun uses (DGUs) in the U.S., and that the number of gun crimes committed with firearms greatly is far larger than the number of DGUs. This paper explains how these authors produced extreme underestimates of DGU frequency and gross overstatements of the number of gun crimes. Underestimating DGUs was accomplished by (1) using an eccentric and biased wording of the DGU question, (2) using a trap question that misled Rs with a DGU into thinking they had already reported the DGU, (3) employing a long recall period that increased memory loss, and the (4) selecting a biased sample that systematically underrepresented people likely to have a DGU. Overstating the number of gun crimes was accomplished by (1) mischaracterizing incidents falling into a largely meaningless "hostile display" category as gun crimes, when the authors' own evidence indicated that most of the "victims" of these displays did not regard them as a part of gun crime, and (2) ignoring the far more sophisticated National Crime Victimization Survey estimates of gun crime. Details: Tallahassee, FL: College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida State University, 2018. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 30, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3134859 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3134859 Shelf Number: 150403 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsNational Crime Victimization Survey |
Author: Silver, James Title: A Study of the Pre-Attack Behaviors of Active Shooters in the United States Between 2000 and 2013 Summary: In 2017 there were 30 separate active shootings in the United States, the largest number ever recorded by the FBI during a one-year period. With so many attacks occurring, it can become easy to believe that nothing can stop an active shooter determined to commit violence. "The offender just snapped" and "There's no way that anyone could have seen this coming" are common reactions that can fuel a collective sense of a "new normal," one punctuated by a sense of hopelessness and helplessness. Faced with so many tragedies, society routinely wrestles with a fundamental question: can anything be done to prevent attacks on our loved ones, our children, our schools, our churches, concerts, and communities? There is cause for hope because there is something that can be done. In the weeks and months before an attack, many active shooters engage in behaviors that may signal impending violence. While some of these behaviors are intentionally concealed, others are observable and - if recognized and reported - may lead to a disruption prior to an attack. Unfortunately, well-meaning bystanders (often friends and family members of the active shooter) may struggle to appropriately categorize the observed behavior as malevolent. They may even resist taking action to report for fear of erroneously labeling a friend or family member as a potential killer. Once reported to law enforcement, those in authority may also struggle to decide how best to assess and intervene, particularly if no crime has yet been committed. By articulating the concrete, observable pre-attack behaviors of many active shooters, the FBI hopes to make these warning signs more visible and easily identifiable. This information is intended to be used not only by law enforcement officials, mental health care practitioners, and threat assessment professionals, but also by parents, friends, teachers, employers and anyone who suspects that a person is moving towards violence. In 2014, the FBI published a report titled A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013. One hundred and sixty active shooter incidents in the United States occurring between 2000 and 2013 were included in the sample. In this first report, the FBI focused on the circumstances of the active shooting events (e.g., location, duration, and resolution) but did not attempt to identify the motive driving the offender, nor did it highlight observable pre-attack behaviors demonstrated by the offender. The 2014 report will be referred to as the "Phase I" study. The present study ("Phase II") is the natural second phase of that initiative, moving from an examination of the parameters of the shooting events to assessing the pre-attack behaviors of the shooters themselves. This second phase, then, turns from the vitally important inquiry of "what happened during and after the shooting" to the pressing questions of "how do the active shooters behave before the attack?" and, if it can be determined, "why did they attack?" The FBI's objective here was to examine specific behaviors that may precede an attack and which might be useful in identifying, assessing, and managing those who may be on a pathway to deadly violence. Details: Washington, DC; U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2018. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 21, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/pre-attack-behaviors-of-active-shooters-in-us-2000-2013.pdf/view Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/pre-attack-behaviors-of-active-shooters-in-us-2000-2013.pdf/view Shelf Number: 150624 Keywords: Active ShootersGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass ShootingsThreat AssessmentViolent OffendersWeapons |
Author: Schildkraut, Jaclyn V. Title: Can Mass Shootings be Stopped? Summary: The mass shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, happened nearly two decades ago, yet it remains etched in the national consciousness. Columbine spurred a national debate - from personal safety to the security of schools, workplaces, and other locations and to broader considerations of guns and mental illness. To this day, communities still are grappling to find solutions to the complex and multifaceted nature of mass shootings. Exacerbating this already complex issue is the prevalence of social media and neverending wall-to-wall media coverage. Mass shootings, and those that are particularly lethal, are amplified by the news cycle, making them appear more commonplace when they are, in fact, statistically rare. Despite their episodic and highly sensational nature, however, not all mass shootings garner the same attention by the media. Those shootings that are the most lethal may receive more coverage, while those events that are perceived as more "routine" by the media may not even be covered at all. As a result of the intense and often unbalanced media coverage of mass shootings, members of the public may hold disproportional attitudes about the events themselves. Certain shootings, for example, may be perceived as indicators of a broader social problem, while others are considered to be isolated events. Still, the collective phenomenon of mass shootings has been found to produce a host of outcomes for the public, including fear of crime, a potential moral panic, and the general belief that these events are more prevalent than their actual occurrence. Like the public, policymakers also have struggled with how to respond to mass shootings. Most policies center on either further restricting or expanding rights related to gun ownership and carrying, with a lesser emphasis on mental health protocols, regulating violent media, or policies related to security practices. More often than not, in the immediate aftermath of a mass shooting, a flurry of bills are introduced, but few, if any, are ever enacted into legislation.4 Further compounding the issue is that the new laws that are passed, or even those that have been on the books for decades, often are not enforced, leading them to be ineffective at preventing the next mass shooting. Details: Albany: Rockefeller Institute of Government, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 16, 2018 at: http://rockinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/5-22-18-Mass-Shootings-Brief.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://rockinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/5-22-18-Mass-Shootings-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 151138 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass Shootings |
Author: Bartley, Wm. Alan Title: The Role of Gun Supply in 1980s and 1900s Youth Violence Summary: Youth violence, particularly among young black males, particularly in urban areas, increased radically in the late 1980s and early 1990s and then began to fall. One explanation for this has been the expansion of crack markets in the 1980s; to the degree that increased gun access among young black males was believed to play a role, the implicit assumption was there was a demand shock in gun markets. Using a novel data set of handgun prices for 1980-2000, combined with ATF data on US rearm production quantities, we document that in fact the prices for cheaper "entry-level" guns fell in this period, suggesting a positive supply shock for the bottom end of the market. We argue that in substantial part this was due to a major reduction in the resources and activities of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) in the 1980s. This allowed substantially greater freedom among licensed gun dealers, a pattern which was reversed in the early 1990s (changes in manufacturing also appear to have played a role in the initial expansion). We document that the positive supply shock increased the availability of guns to criminally active youth and led to higher rates of gun access for young black men, particularly for 25 ACP, 380 ACP and 9mm autoloaders. The increase and decrease in gun violence among young black men can be matched to changes along this causal chain. Details: Lexington, KY: Transylvania University, 2016. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Conference Paper: Accessed August 27, 2018 at: www.aeaweb.org Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: www.aeaweb.org Shelf Number: 151263 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesNeighborhoods and CrimeUrban Areas and CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Devitt Westley, Christine Title: Examining the recidivism of firearm offenders using state criminal history and mortality data Summary: The scourge of gun violence in our streets, schools, places of worship, workplaces, and entertainment venues around the nation has created a sense of urgency to find prevention and intervention strategies. Research is scarce, however, in part due to decades-long Congressional limits on federal funding to support U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention research on firearm-related topics (Sofer, 2017). This study was conducted to demonstrate the usefulness of state criminal history records for examining recidivism of specific criminal justice populations, in this case, gun offenders. Besides gathering information on repeat offending through criminal history and prison records, Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) researchers obtained state death records of deceased individuals in the study sample. These records provided detail on the cause and manner of death not available in criminal justice administrative data. Together, these findings offer relevant insights into first-time firearm-involved arrestees, their recidivism patterns and mortality rates, and inform policy and practice on the issue of guns and violence. Details: Chicago, IL: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2018. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 27, 2018 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Firearm_study_report_073118.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Firearm_study_report_073118.pdf Shelf Number: 151265 Keywords: FirearmsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesRecidivism |
Author: Lott, John R., Jr. Title: How a Botched Study Fooled the World About the U.S. Share of Mass Public Shootings: U.S. Rate is Lower than Global Average Summary: A paper on mass public shootings by Adam Lankford (2016) has received massive national and international media attention, getting coverage in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, plus hundreds of other news outlets spanning at least 35 different countries. Lankford's claim was that over the 47 years from 1966 to 2012, an enormous amount of the worlds mass public shooters -- 31% -- occurred in the United States. Lankford attributed this to America's gun ownership. Lankford claims to have "complete" data on such shooters in 171 countries. However, because he has neither identified the cases nor their location nor even a complete description on how he put the cases together, it is impossible to replicate his findings. It is particularly important that Lankford share his data because of the extreme difficulty in finding mass shooting cases in remote parts of the world going back to 1966. Lack of media coverage could easily lead to under-counting of foreign mass shootings, which would falsely lead to the conclusion that the U.S. has such a large share. Lankford's study reported that from 1966 to 2012, there were 90 public mass shooters in the United States and 202 in the rest of world. We find that Lankfords data represent a gross undercount of foreign attacks. Our list contains 1,448 attacks and at least 3,081 shooters outside the United States over just the last 15 years of the period that Lankford examined. We find at least fifteen times more mass public shooters than Lankford in less than a third the number of years. Even when we use coding choices that are most charitable to Lankford, his 31 percent estimate of the US's share of world mass public shooters is cut by over 95 percent. By our count, the US makes up less than 1.43% of the mass public shooters, 2.11% of their murders, and 2.88% of their attacks. All these are much less than the USs 4.6% share of the world population. Attacks in the US are not only less frequent than in other countries, they are also much less deadly on average. Given the massive U.S. and international media attention Lankford's work has received, and given the considerable impact his research has had on the debate, it is critical that this issue be resolved. His unwillingness to provide even the most basic information to other researchers raises real concerns about Lankford's motives. Details: Crime Prevention Research Center, 2018. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3238736 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3238736 Shelf Number: 151317 Keywords: Gun ViolenceHomicidesMass HomicidesMass ShootingsTerrorism |
Author: Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: The Truth About Kids and Guns Summary: The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's (CDC) National Center for Injury Prevention and Control attempts to collect information and details surrounding these deaths and other injury related deaths - where did they happen? What was the cause? Who was the victim? The truths revealed by this data should give us pause - but also hope. The majority of all child and teen gun deaths happen in a home; it's even more for our youngest children. So although improved legislation is critical to keeping guns out of the hands of dangerous people, it is not the entire answer. When it comes to kids, the danger is rarely outside their own homes, or the homes of their family and friends. That means we don't need to wait for Congress or anyone else to start reducing the toll guns take on our children. The "Truth About Kids & Guns" report catalogues this deadly impact, providing the most recent data available from leading credible sources, such as the CDC, to show where, how and why these deaths and injuries occur. Details: Washington, DC: The Brady Center, 2014. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 20, 2018 at: https://www.bradycampaign.org/sites/default/files/Kids-and-Guns-Report%202016_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.bradycampaign.org/sites/default/files/Kids-and-Guns-Report%202016_final.pdf Shelf Number: 151601 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceViolence Prevention |
Author: Langman, Peter Title: Five Misconceptions About School Shootings Summary: School shootings are the subject of debate in the media and in communities across the United States, and there is much discussion about prevention and the root causes of such attacks. But what does research say about these tragic events and their perpetrators? Do all shooters fit a specific profile? And what meaningful steps can schools and communities take to reduce the likelihood of these events? In concise, clear language, this research brief, produced by the WestEd Justice and Prevention Research Center, describes and refutes five common misconceptions about school shootings and suggests an evidence-based strategy to reduce the probability of attacks. The authors conclude that schools and communities are better served when presented with a balanced perspective informed by the wealth of available research about perpetrators, their varying motivations, and pre-attack behaviors. Details: San Francisco: WestEd, 2018. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2018 at: https://www.wested.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/JPRC-Five-Misconceptions-Brief.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.wested.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/JPRC-Five-Misconceptions-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 152854 Keywords: Gun ViolenceMass ShootingsSchool ShootingsSchool Violence |
Author: Wintemute, Garen Title: Background Checks for Firearm Transfers: Assessment and Recommendations Summary: Firearm-related criminal violence remains an important threat to the nation's health and safety. To help prevent firearm violence, federal statute prohibits felons, those convicted of domestic violence misdemeanors, and certain others from acquiring or possessing firearms. Persons who acquire firearms from licensed gun dealers and pawnbrokers must provide identification and undergo a background check to verify that they are not prohibited persons. A permanent record is kept, in case the firearm is later used in a crime. But perhaps 40% of all firearm acquisitions, and at least 80% of those made with criminal intent, are made from private parties. No identification need be shown; no background check is conducted; no record is kept. Identifying prohibited persons through background checks and denying their firearm acquisitions has been shown to reduce their risk of committing new firearm-related or violent crimes by approximately 25%. Policies that require all firearm transfers to be routed through licensed retailers, so that background checks are completed and records are kept, are in effect in six states. Their feasibility is proved. At gun shows in states where such policies are in effect, direct private-party firearm transfers rarely occur. Comprehensive background check policies have been shown to disrupt firearm trafficking and to yield more accurate, up-to-date firearm tracing information for law enforcement. The impact of state-level policies, however, is blunted by firearm trafficking from states where such policies are not in effect. Recommendations The United States should adopt a comprehensive background check policy- one that requires all firearm transfers (with certain exceptions) to include a background check on the person acquiring the firearm and the retention of a permanent record. This would establish a simple, single, equitable structure for retail commerce in firearms. Two pitfalls should be avoided. First, the policy should not be limited to transfers at gun shows (an approach known as closing the "gun show loophole"). Gun shows account for only a small proportion of private-party firearm transfers, and most crime-involved firearms acquired at gun shows are acquired from licensed retailers. Second, the policy should not exempt holders of concealed weapon permits and other firearm-related licenses. A small but important fraction of such individuals are in fact prohibited persons. Few policy proposals on any subject have such broad public support. In January 2013, 88.8% of the population overall, 84.3% of firearm owners, and 73.7% of members of the National Rifle Association supported background checks for all firearm transfers. Details: Davis, CA: Violence Prevention Research Program, University of California, Davis, 2013. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 20, 2018 at: https://www.ucdmc.ucdavis.edu/vprp/CBC%20White%20Paper%20Final%20Report%20022013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ucdmc.ucdavis.edu/vprp/CBC%20White%20Paper%20Final%20Report%20022013.pdf Shelf Number: 153520 Keywords: Background Checks Criminal Records Firearm Transfers Gun Control Policy Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Jack, Shane P.D. Title: Surveillance for Violent Deaths-- National Violent Death Reporting System, 27 States, 2015 Summary: Problem/Condition: In 2015, approximately 62,000 persons died in the United States as a result of violence-related injuries. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) regarding violent deaths from 27 U.S. states for 2015. Results are reported by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, location of injury, method of injury, circumstances of injury, and other selected characteristics. Reporting Period: 2015. Description of System: NVDRS collects data regarding violent deaths obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, law enforcement reports, and secondary sources (e.g., child fatality review team data, supplemental homicide reports, hospital data, and crime laboratory data). This report includes data from 27 states that collected statewide data for 2015 (Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Hawaii, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin). NVDRS collates documents for each death and links deaths that are related (e.g., multiple homicides, a homicide followed by a suicide, or multiple suicides) into a single incident. Results: For 2015, NVDRS captured 30,628 fatal incidents involving 31,415 deaths in the 27 states included in this report. The majority (65.1%) of deaths were suicides, followed by homicides (23.5%), deaths of undetermined intent (9.5%), legal intervention deaths (1.3%) (i.e., deaths caused by law enforcement and other persons with legal authority to use deadly force, excluding legal executions), and unintentional firearm deaths (<1.0%). (The term "legal intervention" is a classification incorporated into the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision [ICD-10] and does not denote the lawfulness or legality of the circumstances surrounding a death caused by law enforcement.) Demographic patterns varied by manner of death. Suicide rates were highest among males, non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Natives, non-Hispanic whites, adults aged 45-54 years, and men aged ≥75 years. The most common method of injury was a firearm. Suicides often were preceded by a mental health, intimate partner, substance abuse, or physical health problem, or a crisis during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks. Homicide rates were higher among males and persons aged <1 year and 20-34 years. Among males, non-Hispanic blacks accounted for the majority of homicides and had the highest rate of any racial/ethnic group. Homicides primarily involved a firearm, were precipitated by arguments and interpersonal conflicts, were related to intimate partner violence (particularly for females), or occurred in conjunction with another crime. When the relationship between a homicide victim and a suspected perpetrator was known, an acquaintance/friend or an intimate partner frequently was involved. Legal intervention death rates were highest among males and persons aged 20-54 years; rates among non-Hispanic black males were approximately double the rates of those among non-Hispanic white males. Precipitating circumstances for legal intervention deaths most frequently were an alleged criminal activity in progress, the victim reportedly using a weapon in the incident, a mental health or substance abuse problem (other than alcohol abuse), an argument or conflict, or a recent crisis (during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks). Unintentional firearm deaths were more frequent among males, non-Hispanic whites, and persons aged 1024 years; these deaths most often occurred while the shooter was playing with a firearm and most often were precipitated by a person unintentionally pulling the trigger or mistakenly thinking the firearm was unloaded. Deaths of undetermined intent were more frequent among males, particularly non-Hispanic black and American Indian/Alaska Native males, and persons aged 3054 years. Substance abuse, mental health problems, physical health problems, and a recent crisis were the most common circumstances preceding deaths of undetermined intent. In 2015, approximately 3,000 current or former military personnel died by suicide. The majority of these decedents were male, non-Hispanic white, and aged 45-74 years. Most suicides among military personnel involved a firearm and were precipitated by mental health, physical health, and intimate partner problems, as well as a recent crisis. Interpretation: This report provides a detailed summary of data from NVDRS for 2015. The results indicate that deaths resulting from self-inflicted or interpersonal violence most frequently affect males and certain age groups and minority populations. Mental health problems, intimate partner problems, interpersonal conflicts, and general life stressors were primary precipitating events for multiple types of violent deaths, including suicides among current or former military personnel. Public Health Action: NVDRS data are used to monitor the occurrence of violence-related fatal injuries and assist public health authorities in the development, implementation, and evaluation of programs and policies to reduce and prevent violent deaths. For example, Virginia VDRS data are used to help identify suicide risk factors among active duty service members, Oregon VDRS suicide data are used to coordinate information and activities across community agencies that support veterans and active duty service members, and Arizona VDRS data are used to develop recommendations for primary care providers who deliver care to veterans. The continued development and expansion of NVDRS to include all 50 states, U.S. territories, and the District of Columbia are essential to public health efforts to reduce deaths due to violence. Details: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, Surveillance Summaries / Vol. 67 / No. 11: Accessed December 6, 2018 at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6181254/pdf/ss6711a1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6181254/pdf/ss6711a1.pdf Shelf Number: 153921 Keywords: Child DeathsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurdersPolice Deadly ForcePublic Health IssuesSuicides Violence |
Author: Meyer, Rachel Title: Peace Without Tranquility. A comparative analysis of two causal explanations of persistent violence in El Salvador and Honduras Summary: I am interested in exploring the relationship between political and non-political violence in post-civil or quasi-civil war settings, especially in Central America. The problem has had many diagnoses and even more treatments, as academics and public policymakers try to address a very real problem. Unfortunately, the violence seems to only worsen. This paper seeks to explore whether persistent levels of non-political violence can be explained, in part, as legacies of past political violence and what the corresponding policy implications may be. More specifically, my research question is whether the existing literature sufficiently explains the connection between present and past violence and if not, how to improve upon existing explanations. I find that high levels of prolonged political violence, along with an abundance of firearms, can lead to high levels of prolonged non-political violence and I propose my own model with specific indicators to measure its development over time. Details: Barcelona: Institut Barcelona Estudis Interncionals, 2012. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Student Paper Series 08: Accessed Dec. 7, 2018 at: http://www.ibei.org/ibei_studentpaper08_71899.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.ibei.org/ibei_studentpaper08_71899.pdf Shelf Number: 153933 Keywords: Gun ViolencePolitical Violence Violence (El Salvador, Honduras) Violent Crime |
Author: Anderson, D. Mark Title: Child Access Prevention Laws and Juvenile Firearm-Related Homicides Summary: Debate over safe-storage gun regulations has captured public attention in the aftermath of several high-profile shootings committed by minors. Whether these laws actually decrease youth gun violence, however, is an unanswered question. Using data from the FBI's Supplementary Homicide Reports for the period 1985-2013, this study is the first to estimate the relationship between child access prevention (CAP) laws and firearm-related homicides committed by juveniles. Our results suggest that CAP laws are associated with a 19 percent reduction in juvenile firearm-related homicides. The estimated effect is stronger among whites than blacks and is driven by states enforcing the strictest safe -storage standard. We find no evidence that CAP laws are associated with firearm-related homicides committed by adults or with non-firearm-related homicides committed by juveniles, suggesting that the observed relationship between CAP laws and juvenile firearm-related homicides is causal. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute of Labor Economics, 2018. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 17, 2018 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp11898.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.nber.org/papers/w25209 Shelf Number: 153868 Keywords: Child Access Prevention Firearm-Related HomicidesGun RegulationGun ViolenceSafe-Storage Gun Regulation |
Author: Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Commission Title: Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Commission Initial Report Summary: Commission Responsibilities and Scope of Report The MSDHSPSA specified a number of specific considerations and topics that the Commission should address in its initial report to the Governor, Speaker of the House and Senate President. The following is a summary of the tasks as assigned by law. - Produce a timeline of the incident, incident response and all relevant events preceding the incident. - Review interactions between the perpetrator and governmental entities such as schools, law enforcement agencies, courts and social service agencies. - Identify failures to adequately communicate or coordinate regarding indicators of risk or possible threats and whether failures contributed to an inability to prevent deaths and injuries - Analyze incident response by local law enforcement agencies and school resource officers, including a review of existing policies and procedures for active assailant incidents at Marjory Stoneman Douglas. - Evaluate whether the incident response complied with the existing policies and procedures and how those existing policies and procedures compare to national best practices. -Evaluate whether failures in the policies and procedures, or execution of them, contributed to an inability to prevent deaths and injuries. - Provide recommendations for improvements for law enforcement and school resource officer response. - Provide recommendation for a ratio of school resource officers per school by school type along with a methodology for determining ratio, which must include school location, student population and school design. - Provide recommendations for improving communication and coordination of agencies that have knowledge of indicators of risk or possible threats of mass violence. - Provide recommendations for effectively using available state/local tools and resources for enhancing communication and coordination related to indicators of risk or possible threats. During the Commission's first meeting on April 24, 2018, the requirements of the law were discussed and grouped into specific topic areas. The Commission voted on a list of topic areas to be included in the initial report. They are as follows: - History of K-12 active assailant events - Nikolas Cruz background and timeline - Marjory Stoneman Douglas physical structure and security - Active assailant response- Broward schools and school board - Active assailant response Broward sheriff's office on campus response - Active assailant response- law enforcement officer response by Broward Sheriff's Office, Coral Springs Police Department and incident command response. - Other topics: social media, Florida mental health system, baker act, privacy laws and threat assessment and management. During the course of the Commission's investigation and subsequent Commission meetings, other topics were addressed and these topic areas were slightly modified and reorganized as presented in this report. Because of the urgency of this issue, the Commission's initial report was completed within a relatively short time-frame in relation to the shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas. In many other similar incidents, such as Columbine High School and Sandy Hook Elementary shootings, post incident reports and evaluations were completed several years following the events. As a result, several ancillary investigations into the Marjory Stoneman Douglas massacre or parts of the incident were also in the process of being conducted at the same time the Commission was conducting its investigation. This Commission attempted to coordinate with the entities conducting the other investigations so as not to duplicate or interfere with the other investigations, but some of the final reports were not available to the Commission for the purposes of compiling this report. There were also several active legal cases regarding the incident, which impeded obtaining some relevant testimony, documents and other investigative materials. During the Commission's subsequent years, portions of this report may be amended to take into account new information not available at the time this report was prepared. Details: Florida: Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Commission, 2018. 407p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 18, 2018 at: http://www.fdle.state.fl.us/MSDHS/Meetings/2018/December-Meeting-Documents/Marjory-Stoneman-Douglas-High-School-Public-Draft1.aspx Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.campussafetymagazine.com/safety/stoneman-douglas-safety-commission-findings/?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=content&eid=350368269&bid=2329105 Shelf Number: 154071 Keywords: Active ShooterGun ViolenceLaw Enforcement ResponseMarjory Stoneman High School MassacreMass ShootingsMass ViolenceMental HealthSchool Resource OfficersSchool SafetySchool ShootingsThreat Assessment |
Author: State of Alaska Epidemiology Title: Firearm Injuries in Alaska, 2009-2015 Summary: Introduction The rate of firearm injury mortality in Alaska has consistently been higher than the national rate since at least 1999. In Alaska, firearm injuries are monitored using three surveillance systems, the Alaska Firearm Injury Report Surveillance System (AKFIRSS), the Alaska Trauma Registry (ATR), and the Alaska Violent Death Reporting System (AKVDRS). This Bulletin provides an update on firearm injuries in Alaska. Details: Anchorage, Alaska: Department of Health and Social Services, 2017. 1p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: http://epibulletins.dhss.alaska.gov/Document/Display?DocumentId=1949 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://epibulletins.dhss.alaska.gov/Document/Display?DocumentId=1949 Shelf Number: 154227 Keywords: Alaska Violent Death Reporting SystemFirearm AccidentsFirearm FatalitiesFirearm InjuriesGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: McCarthy, Shane Title: The relationship between university background check laws for firearm sales and rates of violent crime at the state level Summary: The high rate of gun violence in the United States compared to other industrialized nations has spurred policymakers to evaluate the efficacy of various gun violence reduction policies. One major policy that has gained traction, but on which there is limited research, is the expansion of background check requirements for firearm sales beyond those conducted by federally licensed dealers to cover all private sales between individuals. This paper examines the extent to which the adoption of universal background check requirements is related to the rate of violent crime at the state level and incorporates data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, and the FBI uniform Crime Reporting database. In my overall sample, I find no relationship between background check laws and the rate of violent crime. However, I do find that, in high poverty states, the presence of a universal background check law is negatively associated with the rate of violent crime. There is no such relationship in low poverty states. The latter two findings in particular introduce new evidence into the debate over gun violence prevention policies. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown University, 2017. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed January 23, 2019 at: https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/1043958/McCarthy_georgetown_0076M_13603.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/1043958/McCarthy_georgetown_0076M_13603.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 154379 Keywords: Criminal Background Checks Gun Control Policy Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Violent Crime |
Author: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Protecting the Next Generation: Strategies to Keep America's Kids Safe from Gun Violence Summary: The courageous young survivors of the horrific school shooting in Parkland, Florida, have collectively raised their voices and declared that it is time for action-they are calling for gun safety laws proven to save lives from this uniquely American epidemic. No child-in any community-should live in fear of a shooting at their school or in their community. No child should live with the memory of their classmates' deaths. There are simple steps we can take to protect our kids and our communities from gun violence. KIDS AND FIREARMS KEY NUMBERS US children and teens are 17 times more likely to die from gun violence than their peers in other high-income countries. Studies show at least 40% of children in high-violence urban areas have witnessed a shooting. Nearly 60% of high schoolers report concerns about a potential mass shooting in their school or community. Since 1998, nearly 200,000 minors have been shot-a staggering toll-and another 187,000 have experienced a shooting in their schools. Among 14-17 year-olds, 17% have been exposed to gun violence. Shootings Cause Lasting Trauma - Children who survive shootings develop post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and fearfulness, and can experience long-term decreases in academic achievement. One study found a 6% decrease in 9th-grade enrollment at schools that had experienced a deadly shooting. Violence Interferes with Education - Two-thirds of school districts now require schools to conduct active-shooter drills, with kids as young as two participating. These drills, and other costly security measures, can divert funds and time that are needed for education and create a culture of anxiety. Details: San Francisco: The Authors, 2018. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 4, 2019 at: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Giffords-Law-Center-Protecting-the-Next-Generation-7.19.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Giffords-Law-Center-Protecting-the-Next-Generation-7.19.18.pdf Shelf Number: 154483 Keywords: Gun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceSchool ShootingsViolence Prevention |
Author: Jannetta, Jesse Title: Oakland Stakeholder Perspectives of Homicide and Shooting Scene Response Summary: This report explores how stakeholders involved in homicide and shooting scenes in Oakland, California perceive their interactions with law enforcement and community partners. This study draws on interviews with shooting survivors, family members of homicide victims, Oakland Police Department officers, and community service providers and partner staff. It found that survivors and family members desired interactions with law enforcement officers and community partners that aligned with procedural justice principles, but they did not always perceive that they received it. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2019. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2019 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99612/oakland_stakeholder_perspectives_of_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_3.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99612/oakland_stakeholder_perspectives_of_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_3.pdf Shelf Number: 154503 Keywords: Crime ScenesCriminal InvestigationsGun ViolenceHomicidesPolice-Citizen InteractionsProcedural Justice |
Author: Jannetta, Jesse Title: Procedural Justice in Homicide and Shooting Scene Response: Executive Summary Summary: This document summarizes findings from the literature review, practice review, and interviews conducted in Oakland by the Urban Institute (Urban) and the Urban Peace Institute (UPI) under the "Oakland Procedural Justice Principles for Police Officers" cooperative agreement with the City of Oakland. The work under this cooperative agreement is intended to inform Oakland's efforts to improve policies and practices related to the police department's management, response, and activities at shooting and homicide scenes, and to develop and implement procedural justice and related trainings for proactive and investigative police units. This document draws upon and synthesizes findings presented in more detail in documents devoted to the literature, practice review, and interviews conducted by our team. It presents findings on common issues, promising practices, and possible operational approaches to improving responses to shooting and homicide scenes in Oakland, organized by the four components of procedural justice. It then presents guiding principles for efforts to improve responses to homicide and shooting scenes using a procedural justice framework. Police play a critical role in reducing community violence, but their legitimacy can be undermined by a lack of community trust, particularly in high crime communities where intervention is needed most. Mistrust of law enforcement is especially acute among young men of color, especially those living in neighborhoods afflicted by crime and disorder associated with gang activity (Kennedy 2009; Liberman and Fontaine 2015). The absence of trust reduces the public's willingness to report crime, engage with law enforcement on crime control efforts, and abide by the law, since trust is a fundamental component of police legitimacy (Bradford et al. 2014; Tyler and Jackson 2014; Resig and Lloyd 2009; Sunshine and Tyler 2003). Because the investigative process relies heavily on key witnesses from the community, it is important that detectives engage in practices that are geared at maintaining legitimacy and cultivating trust. Procedural justice provides an operational framework for building police legitimacy and repairing relationships in communities affected by gun violence. Findings from a broad array of studies find a statistically significant relationship between procedural justice and police legitimacy, and that procedural justice carries greater weight than other variables (Hinds and Murphy 2007; Murphy 2005; Tyler 2003; Tyler and Fagan 2008). There is less evidence that shows that officers can deliberately create more legitimacy by being procedurally just. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2019. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2019 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99611/procedural_justice_in_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_executive_summary_0.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99611/procedural_justice_in_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_executive_summary_0.pdf Shelf Number: 154505 Keywords: Crime ScenesCriminal InvestigationsGun ViolenceHomicidesPolice ResponsePolice-Citizen InteractionsProcedural Justice |
Author: Langman, Peter Title: A Comparison of Averted and Completed School Attacks from the Police Foundation Averted School Violence Database Summary: IN 2014, the U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) and the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) provided funding to the Police Foundation to initiate the Averted School Violence (ASV) project. Through this project, the Police Foundation developed a database (Police Foundation 2018) to collect, analyze, and publish (in an online library [Police Foundation 2018b]) incidents of averted and completed acts of school violence that have occurred since the attack on Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, on April 20, 1999. The data are drawn from the public domain as well as from law enforcement, school officials, and others entering reports into the database. The database is intended to serve as a resource to law enforcement, schools, mental health professionals, and others involved in preventing school violence by sharing ways in which other school attacks across the country have been identified and prevented. In this report, 51 completed and 51 averted incidents of school violence, drawn from the ASV database, were analyzed to help further our understanding of averted and completed school attacks. The report also seeks to provide important lessons about how school violence can be prevented. Details: Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2019. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2019 at: https://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/ASV-Comparison-of-Averted-and-Completed-School-Attacks_Final-Report-2019.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/ASV-Comparison-of-Averted-and-Completed-School-Attacks_Final-Report-2019.pdf Shelf Number: 154514 Keywords: Averted School ViolenceGun ViolenceMass ShootingsSchool ShootingsSchool Violence |
Author: Finland. Ministry of Justice Title: Kauhajoki School Shooting on 23 September 2008 - Report of the Investigation Commission Summary: On 23 September 2008, a school shooting took place in Kauhajoki when a student in the local polytechnic entered his school, shot nine students in his study group, a teacher, and finally himself. The perpetrator carried fuel with him which he used to start several fires in the building. Of the students who were in the classroom when the incident took place, three survived, one of whom received a gunshot wound in the head. The psychosocial damage caused by the incident was considerable. An investigation commission was appointed to look into the incident and its background, as well as the activities of the authorities, other operators involved in the incident, and the media. The main results of the investigation are presented in the 28 conclusions and 9 recommendations included in the report. The purpose of the recommendations and the entire investigation process was to enhance general security by learning from the incident. The fact that the perpetrator ended up committing this act was the result of a long process involving many factors. He had been suffering from mental health problems for approximately ten years and his condition had taken a turn for the worse. Several factors were involved during the course of the perpetrator's life which contributed to his problems. With hindsight, it seems probable that the perpetrator would have benefited from being examined by a specialist in psychiatry. In the light of the information currently available, it is impossible to establish beyond any doubt why the young man's mental health problems were channelled into an admiration for school shootings and, eventually, led to him committing the deed, which was clearly modelled on earlier school shootings. The perpetrator used a self-loading or semi-automatic firearm, which was small-calibre but still capable of inflicting serious damage. The investigation commission recommends that firearms capable of firing multiple shots in a very short period of time be made illegal, and that only guns that do not allow the easy infliction of such carnage be available for hobby purposes. With respect to other types of firearms, the investigation commission recommends that a stricter licensing policy be implemented. A dissenting opinion on firearm recommendations has been recorded, however. To enhance the mental health care services available for young people, the committee also recommends that antidepressants not be prescribed for persons younger than 23 years of age without a thorough examination by a specialist doctor. Other recommendations presented in the report concern the enhancement of student health care, particularly mental health care; the enhancement of interaction between generations in educational institutions; comprehensive security planning in educational institutions; shared command responsibility between authorities in operational situations; cooperation between authorities in preventive work; and the coordination of psychosocial support. Details: Helsinki: The Author, 2010. 194p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 20-19 at: http://julkaisut.valtioneuvosto.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/76234/omso_39_2010_kauhajoki_school_shooting_194_s.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Finland URL: http://julkaisut.valtioneuvosto.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/76234/omso_39_2010_kauhajoki_school_shooting_194_s.pdf Shelf Number: 154539 Keywords: Gun ViolenceMass ShootingsSchool SecuritySchool ShootingsSchool Violence |
Author: Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Commission Title: Initial Report Summary: School safety in Florida needs to be improved. We can do more and we can do a better job of ensuring the safety of students and staff on K-12 school campuses. Not all school security changes or enhancements have financial costs, and some only require the will of decision-makers to effect change and hold people responsible for implementing best practices. Safety and security accountability is lacking in schools, and that accountability is paramount for effective change if we expect a different result in the future than what occurred at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School (MSDHS) on February 14, 2018. Accountability starts at the top of every organization, and all leaders have an obligation to ensure not only that the law is followed, but that effective policies and best practices are implemented. Even after the MSDHS shooting and the implementation of new Florida law requiring certain safety measures, there remains non-compliance and a lack of urgency to enact basic safety principles in Florida's K-12 schools. All stakeholders-school districts, law enforcement, mental health providers, city and county governments, funding entities, etc. - should embrace the opportunity to change and make Florida schools the safest in the nation. There must be a sense of urgency-and there is not, across-the-board-in enhancing school safety. At its core, basic, effective school safety begins with prevention. Prevention strategies not only focus on target hardening, but include early intervention when youth demonstrate indicators that should be immediately and appropriately assessed and addressed. However, equally important are harm mitigation aspects of school safety, which can be divided into a few key components: identifying the threat at the earliest possible moment; notifying others of the threat; implementing an effective response by those vulnerable to the threat; and stopping the threat as soon as possible. These harm mitigation concepts should be immediately implemented across all Florida K-12 schools. There are more complex, proactive components to school safety that will help prevent violence from occurring, but once an attack has commenced, the focus must be on immediately mitigating the harm, and these basic concepts, as set forth in this report's recommendations, are essential to that goal. Details: Tallahassee: Florida Department of Law Enforcement, 2019. 458p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 15, 2019 at: http://www.fdle.state.fl.us/MSDHS/CommissionReport.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: http://www.fdle.state.fl.us/MSDHS/CommissionReport.pdf Shelf Number: 154628 Keywords: Gun ViolenceMass ShootingsMass ViolenceSchool SafetySchool SecuritySchool ShootingsSchool ViolenceThreat Assessment |
Author: Squires, Peter Title: Street Weapons Commission: Guns, Knives and Street Violence Summary: The purpose of this report is to provide the Channel 4 Street Weapons Commission with an informed analysis of patterns and significant trends in 'gun and knife crime' across the country and also to focus specifically on five major cities - London, Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Glasgow - over at least three years. In order to achieve this we have collated national and city-wide recorded crime statistics for the current and previous two years. Statistics have also been obtained from the Home Office and, where necessary, from separate police forces. In addition, local studies in the cities have been collated from the police forces and from local researchers. Where the evidence was available, we also sought police performance data detailing the impact of police interventions. An interim report of 10 to 12 pages was to be produced to provide background information to the Commission, and a final report, this report, was to present a more comprehensive analysis of trends and local differences in the recorded crime statistics whilst also collating the findings of local research reports and studies. The report would also provide a demographic analysis of those accused of gun- and knife-related crimes and, where possible, available victimisation data. The final report was to be up to 40 pages long. The fact that the interim report ran to over 40 pages and that this final report exceeds 100 suggests that there is no shortage of data, but that the issues are often complex and involved, and the data do not always easily speak for themselves but require careful interpretation. There are important gaps: for example, English and Welsh police forces were not required by the Home Office to collect knife crime data until 2007. In London, by contrast, although the Metropolitan Police have been collecting such data since 2003, in the midst of our recent 'knife crime crisis', the police figures seem to show knife crimes to be falling and few think them reliable indicators of the trend. Likewise, the police recorded crime data are generally collected and made available at the police force level. While the Metropolitan Police is generally (with the exception of the City of London Police district) coterminous with Greater London, the same is not true of Greater Manchester Police (covering a substantially larger area than the City of Manchester alone), Merseyside Police (extending beyond Liverpool) West Midlands Police (rather more extensive than Birmingham) and Strathclyde Police (covering rather more than just Glasgow). Generally speaking, police forces were often either unable or unwilling to provide city-level data of the type necessary to enable us to be able to make neat, city-based comparisons, although Home Office staff were able to help us to fill some of these gaps. With these kinds of considerations in mind, in the following pages we attempt to fulfil three related aims: 1. Collate the best available data capable of throwing light upon the nature, scale and relevant trends concerning young people and weapon-related violence. While the questions about scale and trends privilege the use of quantitative data, we will also be employing some more qualitative and experiential material to explain and explore issues further. 2. Interpret what the data is telling us, recognising that it is not always consistent, compatible or comparable. Data are often collected at different times for different purposes and may be more or less reliable, and sometimes the priorities and perspectives of the agencies undertaking the data collection may compromise the utility of that which is collated - they may not tell us what they claim or what we think. 3. Finally we intended to indicate where the gaps in the evidence base lie, as well as suggesting how those gaps may be filled and, where possible, what the evidence is likely to look like. Details: London: Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, 2008. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 20, 2019 at: https://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/sites/crimeandjustice.org.uk/files/C4%20Street%20crime_1.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/sites/crimeandjustice.org.uk/files/C4%20Street%20crime_1.pdf Shelf Number: 111535 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related CrimeKnife CrimeStreet CrimesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Circo, Giovanni Title: Detroit Ceasefire: Final Evaluation Report Summary: Detroit Ceasefire has been a cornerstone of Detroit's violence reduction strategies. Ceasefire involves a focused deterrence model aimed at gang- and group- related violence. It involves direct communication of a deterrence message to high-risk individuals and groups, targeted enforcement and response to violent incidents, outreach and services, community partnerships and youth prevention. Detroit Ceasefire was initially developed and implemented in two East side precincts (5th and 9th). As the Ceasefire team developed expertise in the model, associated project management capacity, shared understanding and training in the model, and initial signs of success, Ceasefire expanded to West side precincts (6th, 8th, 12th) and more recently to the 4th and 7th precincts. This report describes the planning, development, initial implementation, and full implementation of Ceasefire and places the initiative in the context of national trends. This is followed by evaluation results at both the community and individual levels. Key findings include: - Detroit has experienced a significant decline in fatal and non-fatal shootings since the implementation of Ceasefire in 2013 and particularly since 2015 when Ceasefire received the support of a project management team and associated capacity building that strengthened implementation of the Ceasefire focused deterrence model. - These trends are particularly impressive when contrasted with national trends in violent crime and with trends in other large Midwestern cities. - The evaluation employed a state-of-the-art "synthetic control" design that compares trends in the Ceasefire precincts with comparable parts of the city that have not participated in Ceasefire. For the original east side Ceasefire precincts, we estimate an overall 13-14 percent decline in fatal and non-fatal shootings. For the specific age group of 15-24, the primary target for Ceasefire, the decline was 22 percent. - The trends in the West side precincts are more difficult to interpret. Simply observing the trends suggest declines following the implementation of Ceasefire. Yet, when using the synthetic controls we do not find evidence of declines. We suggest continued monitoring of the West side precincts to provide a longer implementation and observation period (as well as assessment of trends in the more recent 4th and 7th Ceasefire precincts). - Although Ceasefire clients had a very similar time until re-arrest as a matched comparison group of probationers and parolees, the Ceasefire clients had 23 percent fewer overall arrests and 23 percent fewer arrests for a violent offense. Ceasefire clients did have more arrests for weapons offenses but this may reflect increased scrutiny and surveillance of Ceasefire clients, particularly when they or their associates are involved in violence. Details: East Lansing: Michigan Justice Statistics Center, Michigan State University, 2018. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2019 at: https://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC-Detroit_Ceasefire_-Final_Report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC-Detroit_Ceasefire_-Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 154684 Keywords: CeaseFire Crime PreventionGangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Neighborhoods and Crime Operation CeasefireViolence Prevention Violent Crime Youth Violence |
Author: Malcolm, John G. Title: Focusing on School Safety After Parkland Summary: There is no question that people on all sides of the school safety conversation want to protect the nation's children against threats of violence, whether in the classroom or at home and in their neighborhoods. Statistically, there is no safer place for children to be than in our schools, but recent events at Parkland and elsewhere highlight significant concerns about the possibility of devastating attacks even in our educational institutions. We can and must do better to guard against future incidents of violence that threaten students, but peace of mind will not be restored by wholesale restrictions on gun ownership or vilification of fundamental constitutional rights. Devising and implementing effective measures will require clear-headed, open-minded, fact-based analyses of proposed policies. Details: Washington, DC: The Heritage Foundation, 2018. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Backgrounder No. 3295: Accessed March 18, 2019 at: https://www.heritage.org/sites/default/files/2018-03/BG3295.pdf Year: 2918 Country: United States URL: https://www.heritage.org/sites/default/files/2018-03/BG3295.pdf Shelf Number: 155016 Keywords: Gun ViolenceSchool Crime School Safety School Security School Violence |
Author: Alper, Mariel Title: Source And Use Of Firearms Involved In Crimes: Survey Of Prison Inmates, 2016 Summary: Presents statistics that describe firearm possession of state and federal prisoners who were serving a sentence in 2016. The report describes firearm possession during the crime for which prisoners were serving time and by type of offense; how the firearm was used during the crime; type of firearm possessed; and methods, sources, and processes of obtaining the firearm. Findings are based on BJS's 2016 Survey of Prison Inmates (SPI), formerly known as the Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities. The SPI self-report data were collected through face-to-face interviews with a national sample of state and federal prisoners. Highlights: About 21% of state and 20% of federal prisoners said they possessed a gun during their offense, while 79% of state and 80% of federal prisoners did not. About 29% of state and 36% of federal prisoners serving time for a violent offense possessed a gun during the offense. About 1.3% of prisoners obtained a gun from a retail source and used it during their offense. Handguns were the most common type of firearm possessed by state and federal prisoners (18% each); 11% of all prisoners used a handgun. Among prisoners who possessed a gun during their offense, 90% did not obtain it from a retail source. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2019. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 25, 2019 at: https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/suficspi16.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/suficspi16.pdf Shelf Number: 155501 Keywords: Firearms Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Violent Crime |
Author: McLively, Mike Title: A Case Study in Hope: Lessons from Oakland's Remarkable Reduction in Gun Violence Summary: In 2012, after several failures and facing great pressure from community activists, Oakland city leaders committed to launching a citywide violence reduction strategy, known as Oakland Ceasefire, with the help of technical experts from the California Partnership for Safe Communities (CPSC). Oakland Ceasefire is an ongoing partnership between community members, social service providers, and law enforcement officials, who work together to reduce violence, build police-community trust, and improve outcomes for high-risk individuals. The strategy has five main components: Analysis of violent incidents and trends, referred to as a problem analysis, to identify individuals at the highest risk of participating in serious violence. Oakland's problem analysis revealed a number of misconceptions about the city's violence dynamics. It also showed that only 400 individuals-just 0.1% of Oakland's total population-were at the highest risk for engaging in serious violence at any given time. Oakland Ceasefire partners intervene with this population. Respectful, in-person communications with high-risk individuals to warn about the risks of ongoing violence and provide a genuine offer of assistance. With Oakland Ceasefire, these communications primarily take the form of call-ins, interventions in which stakeholders communicate with small groups of those most at risk of serious violence, and custom notifications, a personalized method of heading off imminent violence. Relationship-based social services provided to high-risk individuals through the Oakland Unite network of community-based organizations. Oakland Unite is a unique city agency that uses taxpayer money to fund organizations that provide services like intensive mentoring, economic and educational training, and direct assistance to victims of violence and their families. Narrowly focused law enforcement actions by the Oakland Police Department's (OPD) Ceasefire Section, in addition to ongoing, department-wide training in the principles of procedural justice and other strategies to improve police-community relationships. Since reforming its approach to violence, OPD has seen a dramatic increase in its homicide solve rate, while use-of-force incidents and complaints against the department are on the decline. An intentional management structure built around regular communication between Oakland Ceasefire partners and city leaders to stay on top of changing violence dynamics and track progress toward yearly violence reduction goals. Regular meetings include weekly shooting reviews, bimonthly coordination meetings, and performance reviews led by Oakland's mayor. Details: San Francisco: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2019. 107p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 25, 2019 at: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Giffords-Law-Center-A-Case-Study-in-Hope-Lessons-from-Oaklands-Remarkable-Reduction-in-Gun-Violence.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Giffords-Law-Center-A-Case-Study-in-Hope-Lessons-from-Oaklands-Remarkable-Reduction-in-Gun-Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 155505 Keywords: Community-Based OrganizationsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceOakland CeasefireOperation CeasefirePartnershipsPolice-Community RelationsViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Paolini, Allison Title: School Shootings and Student Mental Health: Role of the School Counselor in Mitigating Violence Summary: This article will provide an overview of the pervasiveness of gun violence in school settings within the United States. The manuscript will provide background information, a review of existing literature specifically addressing the need for more attention on student mental health, and will stipulate interventions that school counselors can use to potentially mitigate gun-related school violence Details: American Counseling Association, 2015. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: VISTAS Online, Article 90: Accessed May 14, 2019 at: https://www.counseling.org/docs/default-source/vistas/school-shootings-and-student-mental-health.p Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.counseling.org/docs/default-source/vistas/school-shootings-and-student-mental-health.p Shelf Number: 155753 Keywords: Gun ViolenceMental Health Services School Shootings School Violence Student Counseling |
Author: HillKnowlton Strategies Title: Reducing Violence Crime: A Dialogue on Handguns and Assault-Style Firearms: Engagement Summary Report Summary: The engagement process included a series of eight in-person roundtables, an online questionnaire, a written submission process, and bilateral meetings with a range of stakeholders. Given the diversity of perspectives on this issue, this report highlights key common themes and ideas shared by participants, as well as unique and divergent views. The goal of this report is to accurately represent "what we heard" on this issue. Overall Key Findings -- There are polarized views on a potential ban and limiting access: Overall, participants were strongly polarized on the issue of banning handguns and assault-style firearms. The stakeholder views expressed in two of the engagement channels - the in-person dialogues and written submissions - provided a variety of perspectives both opposed to and in support of a ban. In contrast, most questionnaire respondents (representing a self-selected group of Canadians) were opposed to a ban. Target crime and focus on enforcement: Many participants felt strongly that a ban would target law-abiding owners, rather than illicit firearms, and would not greatly impact crime reduction (particularly gang violence). As a result, many called for enhanced enforcement capacity for law enforcement and border services, as well as harsher punishments for firearms trafficking and gun-related crime. Address underlying causes of firearm violence: One point of consensus among the diverse perspectives is the need to address the socioeconomic conditions that can lead to gun violence, which requires more support for community-level programs and initiatives. These factors include poverty, a lack of education or employment opportunities, lack of mental health supports and social exclusion. Collect and share relevant data on gun crime: There is a need to improve the ongoing collection and sharing of data on gun crime, particularly in terms of sources of illicit firearms and the types of crime being committed. It was expressed that data is critical for supporting law enforcement and border agencies efforts, as well as informing policy and legislation. Willingness for collaboration with the firearms community/industry: Many stakeholders representing various aspects of the firearms community want the opportunity to be more engaged and to collaborate with the federal government to develop solutions on this issue. Need a multi-faceted approach: A wide range of approaches and ideas were discussed, which suggests that a multi-faceted approach is needed to address this issue - rather than implementing a ban in isolation. Engagement Process and Key Findings by Channel In-person sessions-- Public Safety held a series of eight in-person roundtables in four cities: Vancouver (October 22, 2018), Montreal (October 25, 2018), Toronto (October 26, 2018) and Moncton (October 29, 2018). In total, 77 stakeholders participated in these sessions. Stakeholders were invited by Public Safety Canada based on their knowledge, experience, expertise and vested interest in the issue. Stakeholders represented provincial government, law enforcement, municipalities, not-for-profit associations (e.g., health, community services, youth, victims), education, wildlife/conservation, retailers, academia/research, and the firearms/sports shooting community. The key themes emerging from an analysis of the in-person sessions were: Mixed reactions: Some groups were more supportive or mixed in their perspectives on a potential ban/limiting access, while others were strongly opposed; Enhance frontline enforcement capacity; Collect and share relevant data; Focus on crime involving firearms and related crimes; Focus on underlying factors of gun violence; Focus on safe storage; Provide educational opportunities for children and youth; Work with retailers and the firearms community Explore reporting requirements for healthcare system Public Safety also called for written submissions from a wide range of stakeholders. Overall, 36 submissions were received from invited stakeholders representing a diversity of sectors and perspectives, including shooting sports, health, government (provincial, territorial and regional), women, municipalities/communities, victims, wildlife/conversation and retailers. Public Safety also received nearly 1,200 submissions from individuals with relevant experience on the issue. The key themes from the written submissions were: Mixed reactions to a potential ban/limiting access Collect relevant data on crime involving firearms Address risk factors underlying firearms violence Focus on illicit firearms trafficking; Enhance enforcement capacity; Consult with firearms community/industry; Provide more mental health supports/screening: Provide more education on safe and secure storage; Address impact of gun violence on women; Provide clarity in defining/classifying "assault weapon" Details: Ottawa: Public Safety Canada, 2019. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2019 at: Year: 2019 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 155822 Keywords: Assault-Style Weapons Firearms Gun Policy Gun Violence |
Author: Nanasi, Natalie Title: Disarming Domestic Abusers Summary: Guns and domestic violence are a deadly combination. Every sixteen hours, a woman is fatally shot by her intimate partner in the United States; the mere presence of a gun in a domestic violence situation increases the risk of homicide for women by 500 percent. Recognizing these risks, federal law and some states prohibit domestic abusers from possessing firearms. But these laws are not being enforced. Perpetrators of domestic violence are rarely ordered to surrender firearms, and even when they are, there are often no mechanisms to ensure that weapons are safely relinquished. This Article proposes strategies to disarm domestic abusers, proceeding in three parts. First, it describes legislation that would prohibit perpetrators of intimate partner violence from owning or possessing firearms. Next, it explains the mechanisms required to implement that legislation. Finally, it recommends litigation strategies to ensure meaningful enforcement. Only all three, working in together, have the potential to prevent the gun-related deaths of intimate partners. Details: Unpublished paper, 2019. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: SMU Dedman School of Law Legal Studies Research Paper No. 416: Accessed May 15, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3339061 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3339061 Shelf Number: 155842 Keywords: Domestic Violence Family Violence Gun Policy Gun ViolenceGun-Related Violence Intimate Partner Violence |
Author: Victoria. Sentencing Advisory Council Title: Firearms Offences: Current Sentencing Practices Summary: Firearms Offences: Current Sentencing Practices examines trends in the prevalence and sentencing of firearms offences in Victoria. The report considers 132 firearms offences provisions sentenced between 1 July 2012 and 30 June 2017. It looks at outcomes in the Magistrates' Court, the higher courts (the Supreme and County Courts) and the Children's Court. It explores a range of issues, including offences sentenced alongside firearms offences and cumulation of sentences on firearms charges in the higher courts. Details: Melbourne: Author, 2019. 112p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2019 at: https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/Firearms_Offences_Current_Sentencing_Practices.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Australia URL: https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/Firearms_Offences_Current_Sentencing_Practices.pdf Shelf Number: 155891 Keywords: Firearms and Weapons Firearms Offenses Gun ViolenceSentencing |
Author: Dempsey, Catherine L. Title: Association of Firearm Ownership, Use, Accessibility, and Storage Practices with Suicide Risk Among US Army Soldiers Summary: Importance: Since 2004, the suicide rate among US Army soldiers has exceeded the rate of death from combat injury. It is critical to establish factors that increase the risk of acting on suicidal thoughts to guide early intervention and suicide prevention. Objective: To assess whether firearm ownership, use, storage practices, and accessibility are associated with increased risk of suicide. Design, Setting, and Participants: In this case-control study, suicide cases (n = 135) were defined as US Army soldiers who died by suicide while on active duty between August 1, 2011, and November 1, 2013. Next-of-kin and Army supervisors of soldiers who died by suicide (n = 168) were compared with propensity-matched controls (n = 137); those soldiers with a suicidal ideation in the past year (n = 118) provided structured interview data. Data were analyzed from April 5, 2018, to April 2, 2019. Main Outcomes and Measures: Firearm ownership, storage, and accessibility were assessed by using items from the World Health Organization Composite International Diagnostic Interview screening scales along with items created for the purpose of the Army Study to Assess Risk and Resilience in Servicemembers (Army STARRS) study. Results: Among the 135 suicide decedents, next-of-kin reported that they had greater accessibility to firearms compared with propensity-matched controls. Specifically, suicide decedents were more likely to own 1 or more handguns compared with propensity-matched controls (odds ratio [OR], 1.9; 95% CI, 1.0-3.7; x21 = 4.2; false discovery rate [FDR] P = .08), store a loaded gun at home (OR, 4.1; 95% CI, 1.9-9.1; x21 = 12.2; FDR P = .003), and publicly carry a gun when not required for military duty (OR, 3.2; 95% CI, 1.4-7.3; x21 = 7.4; FDR P = .02). The combination of these 3 items was associated with a 3-fold increase in the odds of suicide death (OR, 3.4; 95% CI, 1.2-9.4; x21 = 5.4; FDR P = .05). Storing a loaded gun with ammunition at home or publicly carrying a gun when not on duty was associated with a 4-fold increase in the odds of suicide death (OR, 3.9; 95% CI, 1.9-7.9; x21 = 14.1; FDR P = .002). Conclusions and Relevance: In this study, in addition to gun ownership, ease and immediacy of firearm access were associated with increased suicide risk. Discussion with family members and supervisors about limiting firearm accessibility should be evaluated for potential intervention. Details: Chicago, Illinois: The Journal of American Medicine (JAMA), 2019. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2019 at: https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2735465 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2735465 Shelf Number: 156388 Keywords: Case StudyFirearm OwnershipFirearmsGun ViolenceMental HealthSuicide RiskVeterans |