Transaction Search Form: please type in any of the fields below.
Date: November 22, 2024 Fri
Time: 12:07 pm
Time: 12:07 pm
Results for gun-related violence
172 results foundAuthor: Canadian Human Rights Commission Title: Freedom of Expression and Freedom from Hate in the Internet Age Summary: This report provides a comprehensive analysis of a current debate: what is the most effective way to prevent the harm caused by hate messages on the Internet, while respecting freedom of expression? Details: Ottawa: Minister of Public Works and Government, 2009. 58p. Source: Special Report to Parliament Year: 2009 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 118364 Keywords: Drug TraffickingFreedom of ExpressionGun-Related ViolenceHate CrimesInternetOrganized CrimeViolence (Latin America)Violent Crime |
Author: Sugarmann, Josh Title: Youth Gang Violence and Guns: Data Collection in California Summary: This study offers an overview of California databases containing gun and/or gang information - from the California Department of Justice, to California's Violent Death Reporting System, to local law enforcement agencies - to ascertain the type of information being collected regarding youth gang violence and firearms, how it is being collected and any inconsistencies that may exist, and to what degree it is accessible to aid in answering the many questions surrounding the issue of young gang violence and firearms. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2009. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2018 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/CAgang.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/CAgang.pdf Shelf Number: 117119 Keywords: Firearms and CrimeGang ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsYouth Gangs (California) |
Author: Green, Anthony Title: Auditing the Cost of the Virginia Tech Massacre: How Much We Pay When Killers Kill Summary: Five years ago, on April 16, 2007, an English major at Virginia Tech University named Seung-Hui Cho gunned down and killed 32 people, wounded another 17, and then committed suicide as the police closed in on him on that cold, bloody Monday. Since then, 12 more spree killings have claimed the lives of another 90 random victims and wounded another 92 people who were in the wrong place at the wrong time when deranged and well-armed killers suddenly burst upon their daily lives. This carnage includes the very recent killing by Ohio high school student T.J. Lane of three of his fellow students with a gun he took out of his grandfather’s barn, which also wounded two others. Lane’s revolver held 10 bullets, and he fired all 10. As we went to press, still another spree killing took place on a university campus where at least seven were killed and three wounded. This most recent spree killing— the 13th, including Cho’s rampage at Virginia Tech five years ago—occurred at a small religious college near Oakland, California, called Oikos University. What links these tragedies? It’s simple: histories indicating dangerousness combined with the lack of adequate gun control. Cho had a history of mental illness but was able to bypass the national gun purchase background check system and buy two weapons to accomplish his meticulously planned spree killing. He also bought a number of high-capacity magazines, which supersized his weapons. Well-armed, he was able to commit his carnage in no more than 15 minutes, pausing in between his two attacks. The human toll of this, the worst spree killing in recent American history, is incalculable, but there are financial costs that can be calculated. In March 2012 a state court jury in Montgomery County, Virginia, found that Virginia Tech was negligent and awarded $4 million each to two families of victims. The lawsuit was based on the families’ allegations that the lives of the students could have been saved if the university warned the campus community more quickly after the first of the two killings, which took place on the same morning. The damage award may be reduced to $100,000 for each family due to the state’s cap on damages. But as we go to press, the issue of the damages is being argued by the parties before the trial court judge. Further, whether the university appeals the verdict is still an open question. In a completely different legal action, the U.S. Department of Education fined the university $55,000 under the Clery Act, which requires universities to give notice of dangers affecting students. The university appealed, the U.S. Department of Education rejected the appeal, and subsequently a federal administrative court judge in April 2012 ruled in favor of Virginia Tech. These possible courtroom costs, however, pale in comparison to the cost of negligence due to the failure of ambiguous gun control laws alongside the lack of any genuine effort by federal or state officials to clarify the laws so that state police and courts can enforce them to the fullest extent of the law. This lack of enforcement of poorly written laws enables mentally ill people to pass background checks and purchase guns legally even if they have a history indicating dangerousness, including those found by courts to be mentally ill or subject to orders of confinement to a mental health facility. This breakdown in our legal system results in the inestimable loss of life and its horror and consequence. Sadly, we can calculate this cost another way. Another outcome of the lack of gun control is the taxpayer’s bill for a spree killing. In this report we share the findings of our survey of the monetary costs incurred as a result of this murderous rampage at Virginia Tech five years ago. This paper assesses this cost at $48.2 million for the taxpayers of the United States and the commonwealth of Virginia, and for Virginia Tech, a public university. This report also demonstrates how the background-check system, still rife with loopholes, failed to protect American citizens from an armed and dangerous Seung-Hui Cho, costing innocent lives—many of them young ones. The loss of one innocent life to a mentally disturbed shooter should be reason enough to close the gaping holes in the system that permit gun purchases and access to high-capacity magazines that can cause such mayhem. The Virginia Tech tragedy drives this point home in the most dramatic of ways because of the sheer number of deaths and extraordinary financial costs. For this reason, we recommend several commonsense measures designed to curb gun violence without taking a single gun away from the great majority of Americans who have the right to own a weapon. These measures are detailed in main pages of our report, but briefly we recommend: Completing state compliance with requirements to post appropriate mental health records in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System; Establishing clear reporting guidelines for when and how mental health records are required to be posted in the National Instant Criminal Background Check System so that states can be held accountable for compliance; Requiring a full background check in all gun transactions, including private sales at gun shows and those online, so that dangerous people cannot purchase guns legally in these nontraditional venues; Fully funding state technology efforts to comply with the federal background check system requirements; Requiring states to comply fully with the protocols of the National Instant Criminal Background Check System or taking away their federal funding if they do not; and Mandating federal compliance with a proposed presidential executive order directing all agencies to submit records to this instant background check system and certifying that they have done so twice yearly to the U.S. attorney general. In addition we offer two other recommendations for Congress to enact arising from the lessons of Virginia Tech: Outlawing high-capacity bullet magazines; and Requiring campuses to establish a threat assessment process. Taking these commonsense steps would go a long way toward ending the spree killing rampages that continue to haunt our nation. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2012. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2012 at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/04/pdf/vt_gun_control.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/04/pdf/vt_gun_control.pdf Shelf Number: 124968 Keywords: Background ChecksCampus CrimeCosts of Criminal JusticeGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass ShootingsSchool ShootingsViolent Crime |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Drive-By America, Second Edition Summary: Drive-by shootings are commonly defined as an incident in which the shooter fires a firearm from a motor vehicle at another person, vehicle, building, or another stationary object. This study is a follow-up to the July 2007 Violence Policy Center (VPC) report Drive-By America, which, using a limited sample of information, offered for the first time a nationwide overview of drive-by shootings. Three years after the publication of the original VPC study, there remains no national data on the prevalence of drive-by shootings, those who commit them, those who are killed and injured as a result of them, the firearms used, where they take place, or at what times they most often occur. The goal of this new edition of Drive-By America is to continue the VPC’s efforts to fill the information gap surrounding drive-by shootings while illustrating the need for improved data collection regarding this specific category of firearms violence. From July 1, 2008, through December 31, 2008, the Violence Policy Center used the Google news search engine to collect every reported news article that contained the term “drive by.” From these results, the VPC removed all results not related to a drive-by shooting incident (for example, extraneous results included news reports of football games detailing a “drive by” one team against another, etc.). Recognizing the limitations of the survey tools used, and taking into account prior studies looking at the number of drive-by shootings in specific jurisdictions, it is likely that the number of shootings is dramatically underreported. The number of reported instances may also be influenced by local media focus. During the six-month period covered in this report, 733 drive-by shooting incidents were reported in the news media as identified by Google, claiming 154 lives and injuring 631 individuals. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2010. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at http://www.vpc.org/studies/driveby2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/driveby2010.pdf Shelf Number: 125215 Keywords: Crime StatisticsCrime TrendsDrive-By Shootings (U.S.)GangsGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General Title: The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives’ Investigative Operations at Gun Shows Summary: The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) has the dual responsibilities of enforcing federal criminal laws regarding the possession and use of firearms and explosives, as well as regulating the firearms and explosives industries. ATF works to investigate and reduce crime involving firearms and explosives, acts of arson, and illegal trafficking of alcohol and tobacco products. As part of its enforcement of federal firearms laws, ATF has conducted operations at gun shows to investigate whether firearms are being sold or bought illegally. A gun show is an exhibition or gathering where guns, gun parts, ammunition, gun accessories, and literature are displayed, bought, sold, traded, and discussed. The types of guns displayed and sold at gun shows include new and used handguns, semi-automatic assault weapons, shotguns, rifles, and curio or relic firearms. The estimated number of gun shows held each year in the United States can range from 2,000 to 5,200.1 These shows provide a venue for the sale and exchange of firearms by federal firearms licensees (FFL) who are licensed by the federal government through ATF to manufacture, import, or deal in firearms. Such shows also are a venue for private sellers who buy and sell firearms for their personal collections or as a hobby. In these situations, the sellers are not required to have a federal firearms license. Although federal firearms laws apply to both FFLs and private sellers at gun shows, private sellers, unlike FFLs, are under no legal obligation to ask purchasers whether they are legally eligible to buy guns or to verify purchasers’ legal status through background checks.2 This mix of licensed and private firearms sellers makes gun shows a unique forum for gun sales. ATF’s investigative operations at gun shows received widespread attention in February 2006 when Congress held two hearings to examine the law enforcement techniques used by ATF agents at eight gun shows held in Richmond, Virginia, from May 2004 through August 2005.3 The first hearing presented testimony from four witnesses who alleged that ATF agents used aggressive and harassing techniques primarily at a gun show held on August 13 and 14, 2005, at the Richmond International Raceway in Virginia. Three of the witnesses were present at the gun show: the gun show promoter, a gun salesman who worked for a federally licensed dealer but represented himself as a private seller at the show, and a federally licensed dealer who had exhibited his firearms collection for sale at the Richmond gun show. The fourth witness was a private investigator who was hired by the National Rifle Association (NRA) to conduct an investigation of ATF enforcement activity at the August 2005 gun show. The witnesses alleged that ATF Special Agents and state and local police interrogated and intimidated gun buyers, targeted women and minorities as potential straw purchasers, visited the homes of buyers to verify their addresses, and detained some gun buyers after they left the gun show and seized their weapons without cause.4 At the second congressional hearing, representatives from ATF, the City of Richmond Police Department, and the Henrico County Division of Police responded to the allegations.5 The ATF representative acknowledged that some investigative techniques were not implemented in a manner consistent with ATF’s best practices but that the “focus at the Richmond-area gun shows was on indicators of criminal activity, not on the color of skin or the gender of potential suspects.”6 The representative from the City of Richmond Police Department stated that the Police Department had no intent to deny any citizen the ability to purchase a firearm, but rather to prevent the acquisition of a firearm in an illegal manner, and thereby reduce crime in the City of Richmond. The representative from the Henrico County Division of Police stated that county police officers conducted only six residency checks related to the Richmond gun show, and that each check took less than 20 minutes. The Henrico police official testified that no gun purchases by Henrico County residents were denied or delayed due to the checks. Subsequent to the congressional hearings, the House of Representatives passed a bill, H.R. 5092, known as the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives Modernization and Reform Act of 2006. The bill included language requesting that the Office of the Inspector General (OIG) assess how ATF conducts “the gun show enforcement program and blanket residency checks of prospective and actual firearms purchasers.”7 The bill was subsequently forwarded to the Senate for consideration, but no vote was taken by the Senate in the 109th Congress and the proposed legislation was not enacted. In light of the congressional interest in this issue, the OIG conducted this review to examine the policies, procedures, and oversight mechanisms that guide ATF’s investigative operations at gun shows. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2007. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Evaluation and Inspections Report I-2007-007: Accessed June 6, 2013 at: http://www.justice.gov/oig/reports/ATF/e0707/final.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.justice.gov/oig/reports/ATF/e0707/final.pdf Shelf Number: 128969 Keywords: Background ChecksGun-Related ViolenceGuns and CrimeGuns Shows (U.S.)Illegal Gun Purchases |
Author: Bernard van leer Foundation Title: Community Violence and Young Children: Making Space for Hope Summary: Since 2007, one of my responsibilities at the Bernard van Leer Foundation has been supporting advocacy for young kids in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. During this period we have had some success – new policy, a growing coalition of advocates, and a fourfold increase in public childcare provision. But also during this period, Ciudad Juárez recorded a homicide rate about three times that of 13th-century Holland, and well above many current war zones. So, while we are pleased to see progress, it is hard to fully celebrate. Kids are safer in childcare and parents are less stressed, but they are both still scared. The last issue of Early Childhood Matters was devoted to the topic of domestic violence. This time we turn to the effects of community violence on young children. As the authors in this journal confirm, we know that just growing up around this kind of persistent violence changes the architecture of children’s brains, obstructs their ability to learn and literally makes them sick. For example: • Shonkoff and Fox explain how prolonged exposure to fear in early childhood can impair the development of the pre-frontal cortex and future executive function (page 7). • Guerra et al. describe how exposure can be linked to both mental health problems in young children and physical health such as asthma (pages 8–9). • Sharkey finds significant effects on Chicago preschoolers’ cognition when a homicide had occurred in the last week within 1500 feet of a child’s home (pages 10–12). Complementing these scientific accounts, Nashieli Ramirez’s description from Ciudad Juárez (page 13) looks at the problem through the eyes of young children themselves. She puts a human face on how little people experience these big problems, in the same way that the interview with Beth by Hermílio Santos gives a moving account from a mother’s point of view (page 17). These are important reminders of how young children’s lives are affected by violence on a day-to-day basis even though they themselves are not directly involved. In this vein, Robert Muggah and Helen Mostue explore the development of an index that can give voices like these a more systematic treatment, arguing that such an index would be a better barometer for success than simply counting shootings and killings (page 26). One idea that all of the authors in this issue of Early Childhood Matters seem to share is that violence is contagious – something exemplified by the mapping exercise shared in Elizabeth Ward’s article about Jamaica (page 33). The more we see it in the community, the more we see it at home, and vice versa. But, as Susan Lee points out in an article on her experience with the Advancement Project in Los Angeles, in places with exceptionally high levels of community violence we need to stabilise the situation in order to make families’ lives easier. In her words, ‘before we can expect improved educational and health outcomes, the goal must be to achieve a basic level of safety so that children can learn and thrive.’ What I find most compelling in this series of articles, however, is the sense of hope. Hidden between layers of text describing the gravity of the problem, authors in this journal have shown that there are things that we can do to reduce community violence and to mitigate the effects of this violence on young children. We can get away from what Susan Lee denominates ‘a lethal absence of hope’ and we have results to prove it. • Detective Chief Superintendent John Carnochan explains how the Scottish police took the lead on a violence prevention strategy that has led to a 50% reduction in gang violence in Strathclyde (page 36). • Yvonne Bezerra de Mello describes a harm reduction strategy for children who have been witness to violence, implemented through 150 schools in Rio de Janeiro, going into detail about the successful recuperation of three young children who experienced extreme levels of post-traumatic stress (page 40). • Susan Lee writes about a programme run by Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa that has helped reduce homicides by 33% in some of the most violent neighbourhoods of Los Angeles (page 44). • Alicia Lieberman shows evidence from randomised controlled trials of how parent–child psychotherapy has improved child and maternal mental health after exposure to violence, evidence which has informed a Child Development – Community Policing Programme implemented in 16 us sites (page 48). • Charles Ransford recounts the experience of Cure Violence, which has achieved reductions of between 16% and 56% in shootings and killings in Chicago and Baltimore and is now being replicated in South Africa and Iraq (page 54). • Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero of Cali discusses VallenPaz, a strategy that returned 400 families who had been violently displaced to their homes and prevented any further displacement despite the ongoing conflict in the area (page 59). These stories and others like them are the ones that I think we need to help people remember. Explaining the extraordinary impacts on a young child’s brain of just growing up around this kind of violence may get us an extra five minutes of a policymaker’s time, but unless we can offer some semblance of tangible hope then the hard facts will eventually fall on deaf ears. Details: The Hague: Bernard van leer Foundation, 2012. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Early Childhood Matters: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://bernardvanleer.org/Community-violence-and-young-children-making-space-for-hope Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://bernardvanleer.org/Community-violence-and-young-children-making-space-for-hope Shelf Number: 129222 Keywords: Children and ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: Lost and Stolen Guns from Gun Dealers Summary: Every year tens of thousands of guns are discovered to be missing from the inventories of federally licensed gun dealers. Guns that go missing from dealer inventories, whether they are stolen, illegally sold without proper documentation, or misplaced due to negligent recordkeeping, pose two main risks to public safety: 1. Guns stolen from dealers often end up in criminal hands. Following a two-year study of gun-trafficking investigations, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, or ATF, reported that 14 percent of gun-trafficking investigations involved guns stolen from gun dealers. 2. Guns lost or stolen from dealers are more difficult to trace because there is no record of who initially purchased the gun from the dealer. When these guns are used in crimes, any investigative lead offered by finding the gun at the crime scene goes cold when it is discovered that the gun dealer has no record of who purchased it. Since 2004 Congress has imposed restrictions on ATF in its annual budget that make it especially difficult for the agency to police lost and stolen guns. One such restriction prevents ATF from requiring gun dealers to conduct an annual inventory, a process that would allow dealers to promptly identify and report missing guns. In the administration’s fiscal year 2014 budget request to Congress, however, President Barack Obama requested for the first time that Congress remove this harmful budget rider. This issue brief presents the aggregated data on guns that are lost and stolen from dealers each year, discusses example cases of how guns missing from particular dealers have put the public at risk, and explains how Congress has hindered law-enforcement efforts to prevent and investigate thefts from gun dealers. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 3, 2013 at: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/GerneyInventoryBrief-1.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/GerneyInventoryBrief-1.pdf Shelf Number: 129241 Keywords: Gun DealersGun-Related ViolenceGuns (U.S.)Stolen PropertyTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Carranza, Elias Title: Arms, Violence and Youth in Central America Summary: Central America has been identified as a sub-region displaying post-conflict characteristics; with some stages successfully completed, while other have failed or are still in progress. A notable dilemma, however, remains unaddressed: the relationship between violence and youth. Traditionally, this relationship has been perceived as a symbiotic, with youth perceived as violent, as a logical consequence of their presumed lack of maturity or experience. A part of the effort to understand this relationship has been the continuous attempt by some segments of civil society and political circles to grasp one among many dimensions of violence: how it impacts a specific sector of the population –in this case youth– and to what extent is that violence being furthered by that age group. The reason for this is that, while on the one hand we understand that youths are the primary victims of violence, on the other, violence tends to originate in this group. Thus, a vicious circle develops and expands with increased intensity day by day, threatening to embrace the entire society. At present, youth and violence display a strong link throughout Central America, urgently requiring a creative solution to what can be seen as the great urban tragedy of the region. Violence has accompanied humankind since the dawn of history and it is in no way a phenomenon restricted to the developing world. “Violence is the result of the complex interplay of individual, relationship, social, cultural, and environmental factors.”1 It results from a variety of sources, thus demanding comprehensive solutions. It also has a multiplier effect, resulting, among other things, from the way it is perceived, either from what the media conveys or from society’s own understanding of violence, which then reinterprets and translates it. Violence is not specific to a particular social class, nationality, religion, or ethnic group. It permanently combines social, economic, cultural, and even political factors. Therefore, it is a ubiquitous, structural phenomenon, with an undeniable social class component. All of this makes violence more tangible among the destitute, banned strata of society, as these are the hardest hit by poverty. Details: Unpublished paper, 2006(?). 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2013 at: http://www.obrayouthalliance.org/sites/default/files/Arms,Violence,Youth_Central_America.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Central America URL: http://www.obrayouthalliance.org/sites/default/files/Arms,Violence,Youth_Central_America.pdf Shelf Number: 129391 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceJuvenile OffendersViolence CrimesYouth GangsYouth Violence (Central America) |
Author: Goodman, Colby Title: U.S. Firearms Trafficking to Guatemala and Mexico: A Working Paper Summary: Following an 18-month joint investigation between the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), U.S. authorities arrested Joel Linares Soberanis, a Guatemalan national, Fernando Argenis Huezo, and Fernando's common-law wife, Jenni Otilia Cortez, on March 11, 2010 in Conroe, Texas on alleged drug and firearms related crimes. From September 2008 to early 2010, both Huezo and Cortez allegedly purchased scores of firearms at U.S. gun stores in Texas, including Glock semi-automatic pistols and AR-15 assault-type rifles, with the intention of sending them across the U.S. border. At least 15 of these firearms were recovered by law enforcement authorities in both Mexico and in Guatemala. Three of these firearms were found in Guatemala within two weeks of their purchase. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers discovered these activities when they noticed heroin in the drive shaft of a dodge pick-up truck owned by Huezo attempting to enter the United States. In July 2010, Cortez was sentenced to 45 months in prison for falsifying forms to buy a firearm. Although the above case highlights yet another example of U.S. firearms trafficking to Mexico, it also provides a glimpse into a relatively unknown phenomenon: the illicit movement of U.S.-origin firearms to Guatemala. While U.S. public attention has focused on arms, particularly hand and rocket propelled grenades, moving from Guatemala or El Salvador to Mexico, there has been little research into U.S. firearms flowing into Central America, particularly the northern triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Based largely on an ATF examination of just one Guatemalan military bunker with firearms recovered from FY 2006 to FY 2009, ATF determined that 2,687 of the 6,000 firearms (40 percent) had a nexus with the United States (either because the firearms were U.S. manufactured or U.S. imported). In the last few years, there have also been at least 34 U.S. prosecutions related to firearms trafficking to Guatemala involving a total of 604 U.S.-origin firearms trafficked. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 20, 2013 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/US%20Firearms%20to%20Guatemala%20and%20Mexico_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/US%20Firearms%20to%20Guatemala%20and%20Mexico_0.pdf Shelf Number: 129474 Keywords: Firearms TraffickingGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal GunsTrafficking in Weapons (Guatemala, Mexico) |
Author: David-Ferdon, Corinne Title: Homicide Rates Among Persons Aged 10–24 Years — United States, 1981–2010 Summary: Homicide disproportionately affects persons aged 10–24 years in the United States and consistently ranks in the top three leading causes of death in this age group, resulting in approximately 4,800 deaths and an estimated $9 billion in lost productivity and medical costs in 2010 (1). To investigate trends in homicide among persons aged 10–24 years for the period 1981–2010, CDC analyzed National Vital Statistics System data on deaths caused by homicide of persons in this age group and examined trends by sex, age, race/ethnicity, and mechanism of injury. This report describes the results of that analysis, which indicated that homicide rates varied substantially during the study period, with a sharp rise from 1985 to 1993 followed by a decline that has slowed since 1999. During the period 2000–2010, rates declined for all groups, although the decline was significantly slower for males compared with females and for blacks compared with Hispanics and persons of other racial/ethnic groups. By mechanism of injury, the decline for firearm homicides from 2000 to 2010 was significantly slower than for nonfirearm homicides. The homicide rate among persons aged 10–24 years in 2010 was 7.5 per 100,000, the lowest in the 30-year study period. Primary prevention strategies remain critical, particularly among groups at increased risk for homicide. National homicide counts and population estimates for U.S. residents were obtained from the National Vital Statistics System using CDC's Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) for persons aged 10–24 years for the period 1981–2010 (1,2). Data were stratified by year, sex, 5-year age group (i.e., 10–14, 15–19, and 20–24 years), and mechanism of injury (i.e., firearm or nonfirearm). Homicide counts and population estimates were further stratified by race/ethnicity for 1990–2010 (i.e., non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, non-Hispanic other, and Hispanic).* Annual homicide rates (per 100,000 population) were determined overall and for the indicated strata. The most recent period (2000–2010) is of particular interest because it best reflects the populations currently at highest risk for whom the continued implementation of prevention strategies remains crucial. Trends for this later period were analyzed using a negative binomial rate regression modeling approach, allowing formal statistical evaluation of trends and comparisons across strata. Details: Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2013 at: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/wk/mm6227.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/wk/mm6227.pdf Shelf Number: 129518 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun-Related ViolenceHomicides (U.S.)Violent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: New South Wales. Ombudsman Title: Consorting issues paper: review of the use of the consorting provisions by the NSW Police Force Summary: Consorting with criminals has been an offence in NSW since the late 1920s; however over the years the offence has fallen into disuse. On 9 April 2012 a 'modernised' version of the offence of consorting commenced in NSW. The new consorting provisions are contained in Division 7, Part 3A of the Crimes Act 1900. It is now a criminal offence to continue to associate with two people who have both previously been convicted of an indictable offence if you have been warned by police about their convictions and advised that to continue to associate with them is an offence. Consorting now includes associating in person and communicating by telephone, email or by other electronic means. The offence attracts a possible three year prison sentence and/or a $16,500 fine (150 penalty units). The consorting provisions have been widely used across NSW, although the majority of uses have occurred in the Sydney metropolitan area. The first 12 months of police data indicates in excess of 1,000 official police warnings have been issued, although only 16 charges have been laid. The constitutionality of the provisions is currently subject to challenge in the NSW Court of Appeal with a hearing date of 5 November 2013. Between late 2011 and early 2012 there was a spate of shootings across Sydney. Media coverage of these incidents was extensive and heightened public concern about escalating gun violence and its suspected connection to the activities of criminal gangs. While most categories of crime involving firearms have significantly decreased or remained stable since 1995, the number of incidents of drive-by shootings more than doubled from 41 in 1995 to 100 in 2011. According to recent analysis by the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research: ... the trends in discharge firearm into premises, shoot with intent and unlawfully discharge firearm, individually and in total, have not shown statistically significant increases in the 2 years, 5 years, 10 years or 15 years up to December 2012. Generally speaking the pattern has been one of surges in the frequency of such incidence followed by periods of relative quiescence; ... On 14 and 15 of February 2012, the government introduced a package of reforms designed to 'combat organised crime in further support of police in their war on drive-by shootings'. The reforms included the Crimes Amendment (Consorting and Organised Crime) Bill 2012; the Crimes (Criminal Organisations Control) Bill 2012; and the Firearms Amendment (Ammunition Control) Bill 2012. Details: Sydney: NSW Ombudsman, 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2013 at: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Shelf Number: 131711 Keywords: Drive-By ShootingsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesOrganized Crime (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Cash and Carry: How Concealed Carry Laws Drive Gun Industry Profits Summary: In the wake of the July 13, 2013 jury verdict finding George Zimmerman not guilty in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, much of the focus has been on Florida's 2005 "Stand Your Ground" law. Regardless of the law's effect in Florida and other states that have adopted it, the stark reality is that it is Florida's lax concealed weapons law that allowed George Zimmerman to carry a black seven-shot Kel-Tec PF-9 9mm pistol in public and shoot Trayvon Martin. If Florida did not have this dangerous National Rifle Association-promoted law, Trayvon Martin would be alive today. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center,2013. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 11, 2014 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cashandcarry.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cashandcarry.pdf Shelf Number: 131852 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed WeaponsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceStand Your Ground Law |
Author: Kartas, Moncef Title: On the Edge? Trafficking and Insecurity at the Tunisian-Libyan Border Summary: Tunisia, Libya, and much of the Arab world are in the midst of political and social upheaval widely known as the 'Arab Spring-. Thus far, the tidal wave of change that began in the Tunisian town of Sidi Bouzid on 17 December 2010 has led to the end of former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's 23-year dictatorship and to the fall of fellow dictator Muammar Qaddafi in Libya, while also setting off government transformations and conflict across the region. The revolutions in Tunisia and Libya have not only changed the political landscapes in both countries, but also affected the informal networks and ties that have long characterized the shared border region of the two nations: the Jefara. Indeed, the revolution in each country has profoundly affected the other and will probably continue to do so. With this understanding, this report investigates how the Libyan armed conflict and its aftermath have affected the security situation in Tunisia, particularly in light of the circulation of firearms and infiltrations by armed groups. As the circulation of Libyan small arms and light weapons in Tunisia cannot be adequately understood without a closer look at the tribal structures behind informal trade and trafficking networks in the border region, this report examines how the Libyan revolution affected such structures in the Jefara. This Working Paper presents several key findings: - Despite the weakening of the Tunisian security apparatus and the ongoing effects of the armed conflict in Libya, the use of firearms connected to crime and political violence has remained relatively low in Tunisia. Even in light of recent assassinations of two prominent leftist politicians and regular armed clashes between violent extremists, the military, and security forces on the AlgerianTunisian border, the use of firearms remains the exception rather than the rule. - In Tunisia, firearms trafficking currently exists in the form of small-scale smuggling. However, larger smuggling operations have been discovered and tied to Algeria-based violent extremist networks-such as al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb-which have infiltrated the country. - Since the 1980s, tribal cartels have been in control of informal trade and trafficking in the Jefara. Their continued control rests on the cartels' strategic stance, informal agreements with the government, and their ability to withstand new, Libya-based competitors (both tribal and militia-based). Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of international and Development Studies, 2013. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper no. 17: Accessed April 19, 2014 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/F-Working-papers/SAS-WP17-Tunisia-On-the-Edge.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Africa URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/F-Working-papers/SAS-WP17-Tunisia-On-the-Edge.pdf Shelf Number: 132077 Keywords: Armed ConflictArms TraffickingBorder SecurityCriminal NetworksExtremistsGun-Related ViolenceOrganized CrimeSmuggling |
Author: Bynum, Timothy Title: Evaluation of a Comprehensive Approach to Reducing Gun Violence in Detroit Summary: Increasingly criminal justice agencies are integrating "data based" approaches into their operational strategies. This "new" model of criminal justice suggests that analysis of data on recent crime and violence incidents can lead to a more focused and targeted effort than previous enforcement efforts. Through such efforts, individuals, groups, and locations that exhibit a high level of gun violence within a limited geographic area are identified and a variety of intervention are then implemented. These interventions typically include both enforcement as well as offender focused interventions. These efforts differ from prior enforcement strategies in that they emphasize the integration of a problem analysis component in which data analysis is used to identify the patterns of gun violence in a small target area and enforcement resources are concentrated in this area. However, this approach also differs from previous "crackdown" enforcement strategies in that there are also community and offender intervention components that are integral to this model. The community component seeks to identify ways in which the community can be involved in working with law enforcement to reduce gun violence in this area. This is often through increased community meetings, and establishing more frequent and effective means of communication between the community and local law enforcement. In addition, the enforcement strategies used in this model are data and intelligence driven. As such they are focused on identifying the most problematic locations, groups and individuals that are most responsible for gun violence in this community. This report documents the implementation and outcomes of the implementation of Project Safe Neighborhoods in one of the jurisdictions in which this model was first implemented. Details: Unpublished report submitted to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2014. 69p. Source: Accessed May 5, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/244866.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/244866.pdf Shelf Number: 132234 Keywords: CollaborationCommunity Crime PreventionGun-Related ViolenceHomicideHot-SpotsIntelligence GatheringIntelligence-Led PolicingProject Safe NeighborhoodsViolent Crime |
Author: Sanchez, Arabeska Title: Firearms and Violence in Honduras Summary: More than 42,000 people have been violently killed in Honduras over the past nine years. In 80 per cent of cases the weapon used was a firearm. To explain this, analysts and the media point randomly to the political instability and polarization of the country, the level of corruption in the police and state institutions, and the climate of terror created by gangs and organized crime. Comprehensive solutions based on solid empirical evidence, however, are not yet available. This Research Note is based on a scoping assessment of armed violence in Honduras. It summarizes and briefly unpacks specific characteristics of armed violence in the country and explores some of the key questions that need to be asked. As such, it provides a basis on which work and research can draw to design responses to Honduras's challenges by answering the following questions: What kind of knowledge is needed to tackle the spiralling violence in Honduras? How can actors be mobilized more effectively to influence policy responses to violence? Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes No. 39: Accessed May 12, 2014 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-39.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-39.pdf Shelf Number: 132338 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun PolicyGun-Related ViolenceHomicides (Honduras)ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Campo, Joe Title: Firearm Deaths in Washington State Summary: Mass murders - senseless semi-automatic assault-style rifle attacks in movie theaters, shopping malls and even elementary schools - have, sadly, become staples on the evening news. Seemingly before one town's mourning can come to a close, another town's begins anew. And yet the dark shadows cast by these horrific events may cloak other equally senseless - and much more prevalent - firearm-related deaths. In this research brief, we examine firearm deaths by magnitude and intent, gender and age, race and ethnicity, and by regional and small areas. We also identify potential risk factors, compare Washington's rates with those in British Columbia and our nation, and assess the trend in hand gun purchases within our state. Broadly we find that contrary to the general public's perception, firearm deaths are more of a rural than urban blight, and the victims are, in fact, overwhelmingly themselves the perpetrators. We also find that while males are more likely to be killed by a firearm than are females, it is the elderly males (those ages 65 and older) who have the highest rates of all. Details: Olympia, WA: Washington State Office of Financial Management, 2013. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Brief No. 71: Accessed July 17, 2014 at: http://www.ofm.wa.gov/researchbriefs/2013/brief071.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ofm.wa.gov/researchbriefs/2013/brief071.pdf Shelf Number: 132709 Keywords: Crime StatisticsFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass Murders |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Young Guns: How Gun Violence is Devastating the Millennial Generation Summary: American children and teenagers are 4 times more likely to die by gunfire than their counterparts in Canada, 7 times more likely than young people in Israel, and 65 times more likely to be killed with a gun than children and teenagers in the United Kingdom. Even though violent crime has steadily declined in recent years-overall violent crime declined 19 percent between 2003 and 2012, and the murder rate declined 17 percent during that period-rates of gun violence remain unacceptably high. On average, 33,000 Americans are killed with guns each year, and the burden of this violence falls disproportionately on young people: 54 percent of people murdered with guns in 2010 were under the age of 30. Young people are also disproportionately the perpetrators of gun violence, as weak gun laws offer easy access to guns in many parts of the country. Far too often, a gun not only takes the life of one young American but also contributes to ruining the life of another young person who pulls the trigger. And while guns play a role in so many deaths of America's youth, very few public health research dollars are spent to understand the causes of this epidemic and develop policy solutions to address it. In the wake of the tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School in December 2012, the issue of gun violence has received renewed attention in this country, and many voices are now calling for solutions to this public health crisis. In this environment of increased focus on gun violence, Millennials' voices are crucial. As discussed in detail below, young Americans suffer disproportionately from gun violence. Beyond the numbers, which are startling, the voices of young people must be heard and the stories told about the effect of this violence on their lives and communities. In this report, we present data on the disproportionate impact of gun violence on young people; discuss the prevalence of young people as perpetrators of such violence and the ramifications of involvement in the criminal justice system; and highlight poll numbers indicating that Millennials are increasingly concerned about the presence of guns in their communities. With an American under the age of 25 dying by gunfire every 70 minutes, we must all recognize that gun violence among youth is an urgent problem that must be addressed. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 28, 2014 at: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/CAP-Youth-Gun-Violence-report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/CAP-Youth-Gun-Violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 132786 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolent Crimes |
Author: International Alert Title: Getting Rid of Illegal Guns: Engineering a Peaceful Transition in the Bangsamoro Summary: The recently signed peace agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) commits both parties to undertaking a 'normalisation' process. This entails decommissioning MILF combatants and their weapons, redeploying some government military units and disbanding private armed groups. The proliferation of illegal firearms poses a real challenge to normalisation in the Bangsamoro territory. The success of the normalisation process and the peace process depends on the ability of both parties to effectively address the problem of illegal firearms. This policy brief proposes a three-pronged strategy that combines the work of decommissioning weapons in the hands of ex-combatants and other rebel groups; disrupting the activities of private armies and other criminal groups as well as capturing their weapons; and reforming the institutional framework that guides the control and management of firearms in Philippine society. Details: London: International Alert, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed August 12 at: http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/Philippines_PolicyBriefIllegalGuns_EN_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Philippines URL: http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/Philippines_PolicyBriefIllegalGuns_EN_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 133010 Keywords: GangsGun-Related ViolenceIllegal Guns (Philippines) |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Gun Control Legislation in the 113th Congress Summary: Congress has debated the efficacy and constitutionality of federal regulation of firearms and ammunition, with strong advocates arguing for and against greater gun control. The mass shooting in Newtown, CT, along with other mass shootings in Aurora, CO, and Tucson, AZ, restarted the national gun control debate. The Senate had considered a range of legislative proposals, including several that President Barack Obama supports as part of his national gun violence reduction plan. The most salient of these proposals would (1) require background checks for intrastate firearms transfers between unlicensed persons at gun shows and nearly any other venue, otherwise known as the "universal background checks" proposal; (2) increase penalties for gun trafficking; and (3) reinstate and strengthen an expired federal ban on detachable ammunition magazines of over 10-round capacity and certain "military style" firearms commonly described as "semiautomatic assault weapons," which are designed to accept such magazines. On March 21, 2013, Senator Harry Reid introduced the Safe Communities, Safe Schools Act of 2013 (S. 649). As introduced, this bill included the language of several bills previously reported by the Senate Committee on the Judiciary: (1) the Stop Illegal Trafficking in Firearms Act of 2013 (S. 54), (2) the Fix Gun Checks Act of 2013 (S. 374), and (3) the School Safety Enhancements Act of 2013 (S. 146). However, the Assault Weapons Ban of 2013 (S. 150) was not included in S. 649. From April 17-18, 2013, the Senate considered S. 649 and nine amendments that addressed a wide array of gun control issues, ranging from restricting assault weapons to mandating interstate recognition (reciprocity) of state handgun concealed carry laws. By unanimous consent, the Senate agreed that adoption of these amendments would require a 60-vote threshold. However, all but two of these amendments were rejected. But, a final vote was not taken on S. 649. While the House has yet to consider any of the gun control proposals debated in the Senate, on May 8, 2013, the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs approved a bill, the Veterans 2nd Amendment Protection Act (H.R. 602), that addresses veterans, mental incompetency, and firearms eligibility. This bill would narrow the grounds by which beneficiaries of veterans' disability compensation or pensions are determined to be ineligible to receive, possess, ship, or transfer a firearm or ammunition because a fiduciary has been appointed on their behalf. The Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs approved a nearly identical bill (S. 572) on September 4, 2013. In addition, in December 2013, Congress approved a 10-year extension of the Undetectable Firearms Act of 1988 (H.R. 3626; P.L. 113-57). In July 2014, the Senate considered the Bipartisan Sportsmen's Act of 2014 (S. 2363) that included several provisions intended to promote hunting, fishing, and recreational shooting. Supporters of gun rights or gun control filed a score of amendments. When a cloture motion was defeated on July 10, 2014, the Senate leadership postponed further consideration of S. 2363. The House Committee on Appropriations approved an FY2015 Interior appropriations measure (yet to be filed) on July 9, 2014, that includes provisions which are similar, but not identical, to those included in S. 2363. The House passed an FY2015 Energy and Water Development Appropriations bill (H.R. 4923) on July 10, 2014, that includes a provision that addresses civilian carry of firearms on public properties managed by the Army Corps of Engineers. The Senate has passed a companion bill (S. 1245), but it does not include a similar provision. In addition, the House amended and passed an FY2015 District of Columbia appropriations bill (H.R. 5016) on July 16, 2014, with a provision that would prohibit the use of any funding provided under that bill from being used to enforce certain District gun control statutes. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2014. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: R42987: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42987.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42987.pdf Shelf Number: 133078 Keywords: FirearmsGun Control (U.S.)Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Gagliardi, Pete Title: Transnational Organized Crime and Gun Violence: a Case for Ballistic Intelligence Sharing Summary: - National and international crime experts agree that transnational crime and its associated violence is a fast growing problem in the world today meriting the attention of the global law enforcement community. - Credible researchers have suggested that transnational crime can be considered in the context of 1. Illicit markets, and 2. Criminal groups. - Many illicit transnational markets are linked to firearms and violence (e.g. insurgency & terrorism, migrant smuggling, drug trafficking, and the poaching of endangered species). The same is true for many organized criminal groups (e.g. ethnic gangs/maras, drug cartels, regional criminal groups, outlaw motorcycle gangs, and fugitives). - Police efforts in solving the types of violence associated with transnational crime are greatly hampered because, as criminals move, evidence of their crimes is scattered across national borders. - Assuming that "every crime gun has a story to tell", law enforcement can reap great benefits by taking a "presumptive approach" to the investigation of gun crime. This approach is based on the premise that: 1. Valuable information for law enforcement use can be extracted from crime guns and related evidence; and 2. People, processes, and technology are available to help sustain the production of actionable information from this data which can help police solve and prevent gun related crimes. - The INTERPOL Ballistics Information Network (IBIN) can help police extend this "presumptive approach" across borders in an efficient and effective manner to address transnational crime and violence. IBIN was created in 2009 as a platform for the large-scale international sharing and comparing of ballistic data. Just as fingerprint data can link crimes and criminals across international borders, IBIN can identify matches between pairs of spent bullets and cartridge cases within minutes, thereby helping forensic experts give police investigators timely information about crimes, guns, and suspects. - INTERPOL'S IBIN Program leverages the power of automated ballistics technology to provide the global law enforcement community with a "world-wide ballistics data sharing network". With such a network in place, internationally mobile criminals who use firearms to further their illicit activities will find escaping detection increasingly challenging. - In searching for efficient and effective processes to implement IBIN, one does not have to look much further than INTERPOL's front door. INTERPOL routinely formulates Field Operations Support Programs that target both illicit transnational markets and transnational criminal groups. In conclusion: - The public safety benefits of collecting and exchanging of ballistics data across nations are obvious and undeniable only when ballistic intelligence sharing is viewed from a proper law enforcement context and perspective. - Cross-jurisdictional sharing of ballistics information not only makes sense when the distinctive circumstances of a case dictate it, but also when law enforcement and forensic organizations focus their efforts on the following sectors: 1. Specific border frontier regions, 2. Specific transnational illicit markets, and/or 3. Specific criminal groups. - Finally, the true benefits of transnational ballistic intelligence sharing come to light when one considers the societal costs of gun violence. Every day that we wait, a criminal somewhere remains free to shoot and kill again... and the cost of crime on our global society rises ever higher. Details: Forensic Technology, 2010. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: White Paper: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: http://www.forensictechnology.com/Portals/71705/docs/WP_TransnationalGunCrimesAndBallisticIntelligenceSharing_2010-10-21_A4.pdf Year: 2010 Country: International URL: http://www.forensictechnology.com/Portals/71705/docs/WP_TransnationalGunCrimesAndBallisticIntelligenceSharing_2010-10-21_A4.pdf Shelf Number: 133079 Keywords: BallisticsForensicsGun-Related ViolenceGunsOrganized Crime |
Author: U.S. Department of Defense Title: Internal Review of the Washington Navy Yard Shooting: A Report to the Secretary of Defense Summary: On September 16, 2013, Aaron Alexis, a Navy contractor employee with a Secret security clearance, shot and killed 12 U.S. Navy civilian and contractor employees and wounded several others at the Washington Navy Yard. Alexis was also killed. Alexis was employed by The Experts, Inc., a private information technology firm cleared under the National Industrial Security Program. The Experts was a subcontractor to Hewlett-Packard Enterprise Services, which was performing work under a contract with the Department of the Navy. Pursuant to his employment with The Experts, Alexis was assigned to a project at the Washington Navy Yard and began working there on September 9, 2013. On September 14, 2013, Alexis purchased a Remington 870 12-gauge shotgun and ammunition at a gun shop in Northern Virginia. He also purchased a hacksaw and other items at a home improvement store in Northern Virginia, using the hacksaw to modify the shotgun for concealment. On the morning of September 16, Alexis arrived at the Washington Navy Yard. He had legitimate access to the Navy Yard as a result of his work as a contractor employee and used his valid building pass to gain entry to Building 197. Shortly after his arrival in the building and over the course of about one hour, Alexis used the Remington 870 shotgun and a Beretta handgun he obtained during the attack to kill 12 individuals and wound 4 others before he was shot and killed by law enforcement officers. On September 30, 2013, the Secretary of Defense initiated concurrent independent and internal reviews to identify and recommend actions that address gaps or deficiencies in DoD programs, policies, and procedures regarding security at DoD installations and the granting and renewing of security clearances for DoD employees and contractor personnel. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Defense, 2013. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2014 at: http://www.defense.gov/pubs/DoD-Internal-Review-of-the-WNY-Shooting-20-Nov-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.defense.gov/pubs/DoD-Internal-Review-of-the-WNY-Shooting-20-Nov-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 133310 Keywords: Active Shooter Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesInternal SecurityNational SecuritySecurity Policies Workplace Violence |
Author: Florquin, Nicolas Title: Searching for Stability: Perceptions of Security, Justice, and Firearms in Libya Summary: The Issue Brief examines the Libyan population's views and experiences of armed violence, security and justice providers, and firearms circulation. It uses a mix of qualitative and quantitative tools, including semi-directed interviews, focus groups, and a nationwide household survey - administered to 1,500 Libyan households between June and August 2013 - to provide this overview of Libyan perceptions. Four main thematic components elucidate the Issue Brief's findings: (1) perceptions of security and justice; (2) perceptions of security and justice providers; (3) direct experiences of crime and violence; and (4) perceptions of firearms and arms control initiatives. The primary findings include the following: - Although Libyans consider the general lack of security to be their main concern, most also claim that their own neighbourhoods are relatively safe. Reported levels of victimization - i.e. respondents' direct experiences of crime and violence - also appear to be relatively low. Regular clashes between armed groups and tribes in a number of locations contribute to the rampant perceptions of political instability and general insecurity. - The population is confused about the security sector. More than half of survey respondents claimed that no institution, group, or individual provided security in their own neighbourhoods. While the police were the most frequently cited provider of security, Libyans assessed their performance negatively. Some actors, such as the former revolutionary fighters or thuwar, are viewed as both providers of security and sources of insecurity. - A diverse set of both formal and informal actors are involved in the successful resolution of disputes, including police, traditional leaders, family members, local councils, and non-state armed groups. - Self-reported household ownership of firearms is only moderately high in Libya when compared to the situation in several other countries and territories affected by conflict or marked insecurity. Most respondents who reported owning firearms identified them as automatic weapons, such as Kalashnikov-pattern rifles. While they expressed openness to weapons control initiatives, respondents also identified stronger government and security institutions as preconditions for their participation in such initiatives. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief: Accessed September 27, 2014 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-SANA-IB1-Searching-for-Stability-Libya.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Libya URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-SANA-IB1-Searching-for-Stability-Libya.pdf Shelf Number: 133451 Keywords: FirearmsGun-Related ViolenceViolence (Kenya)Violent Crime |
Author: Schildkraut, Jaclyn V. Title: Mass Murder and the Mass Media: An Examination of the Media Discourse on U.S. Rampage Shootings, 2000-2012 Summary: Nearly as soon as the first shot is fired, the news media already are rushing to break coverage of rampage shooting events, the likes of which typically last days or, in the more extreme cases, weeks. Though rampage shootings are rare in occurrence, the disproportionate amount of coverage they receive in the media leads the public to believe that they occur at a much more regular frequency than they do. Further, within this group of specialized events, there is a greater tendency to focus on those that are the most newsworthy, which is categorized most often by those with the highest body counts. This biased presentation can lead to a number of outcomes, including fear of crime, behavioral changes, and even copycat attacks from other, like-minded perpetrators. Following the 1999 shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, the news media have compartmentalized different types of mass shootings. This fracturing has led to differential understanding of school shootings, workplace shootings, shootings at religious centers, and other mass shootings taking place in public forums (e.g., malls, movie theaters). In reality, there are few differences between these events, yet for some reason, they are covered differently. The result is not only a vast public misconception about them, but ineffective and redundant policies and legislation related to gun control and mental health, among other issues. In order to understand how the public comes to understand rampage shooting events, one must first understand how the stories are constructed by the media. This project seeks to undertake such a task by examining the social construction of rampage shootings that occurred between 2000 and 2012. In addition to understanding how these events are constructed both individually and as the phenomenon of rampage shootings, it enables the researcher to examine how this construction changes over time. As the media are by no means static, one could predict that the framing of these events would be equally as dynamic. There are a number of benefits to uniting different types of mass shootings under a single definition. First, topical research can be approached from multiple disciplines, which will allow for a more robust body of research. This can, in turn, lead to more streamlined and effective legislation and policies. Finally, understanding rampage shootings as episodic violent crime is beneficial because it allows for these events to be understood in the greater context of violent crime. This understanding ultimately can lead to more responsible journalistic practices, which can help to reduce the outcomes of fear and crime and moral panics over events that are both rare and isolated. This dissertation takes an important first step in understanding rampage shootings by examining them as a product of the news media. Berger and Luckmann's social construction theory provides a theoretical orientation through which to understand how these stories are constructed in the media, and Altheide and Schneider's (2013) qualitative media analysis provides a framework in which the content can be analyzed. A total of 91 cases were examined, representing rampage shootings that occurred in the first 12 years following Columbine. The overall findings of the study indicate that the coverage of these shootings consistently relied on Columbine as a cultural referent, that the media are used as a tool by claims makers pushing their personal agendas, and that the disproportionality of coverage in the media and its related content is highly problematic when considering public perceptions of these events. Limitations of the study, as well as avenues for future research, also are discussed. Details: San Marcos, TX: Texas State University, 2014. 247p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed September 29, 2014 at: https://digital.library.txstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10877/4947/SCHILDKRAUT-DISSERTATION-2014.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://digital.library.txstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10877/4947/SCHILDKRAUT-DISSERTATION-2014.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 133477 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass MediaMass Murders (U.S.)Violent Crimes |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: When Men Murder Women: An Analysis of 2012 Homicide Data Summary: When Men Murder Women is an annual report prepared by the Violence Policy Center detailing the reality of homicides committed against females by single male offenders. The study analyzes the most recent Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) data submitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The information used for this report is for the year 2012. Once again, this is the most recent data available. This is the first analysis of the 2012 data on female homicide victims to offer breakdowns of cases in the 10 states with the highest female victim/male offender homicide rates, and the first to rank the states by the rate of female homicides. The key findings in this year's release of When Men Murder Women include: - Nationwide, 1,706 females were murdered by males in single victim/single offender incidents in 2012, at a rate of 1.16 per 100,000. - For homicides in which the victim to offender relationship could be identified, 93 percent of female victims nationwide were murdered by a male they knew. Of the victims who knew their offenders, 62 percent were wives, common-law wives, ex-wives, or girlfriends of the offenders. - Firearms - especially handguns - were the weapons most commonly used by males to murder females in 2012. Nationwide, for homicides in which the weapon used could be identified, 52 percent of female victims were shot and killed with a gun. Of the homicides committed with guns, 69 percent were killed with handguns. - The overwhelming majority of these homicides were not related to any other felony crime, such as rape or robbery. Nationwide, for homicides in which the circumstances could be identified, 85 percent of the homicides were not related to the commission of another felony. Most often, females were killed by males in the course of an argument between the victim and the offender. The study also ranks each state based on the homicide rate for women murdered by men. Below are the 10 states with the highest rate of females murdered by males in single victim/single offender incidents in 2012. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2014. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2014 at: https://www.vpc.org/studies/wmmw2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.vpc.org/studies/wmmw2014.pdf Shelf Number: 133643 Keywords: Crime StatisticsFamily ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicide (U.S.)Intimate Partner ViolenceMurdersViolence Against Women |
Author: Aurora Fire Department (Colorado) Title: Century Theater Shooting: Aurora Fire Department Preliminary Incident Analysis Summary: On July 20th, 2012, at approximately 12:40 am, a gunman opened fire in Century 16 Theater #9 where more than 400 people were attending the premier of The Dark Knight Rises. By 12:46 am the Aurora Fire Department and Rural Metro Ambulance were on scene and treating injured patients. By 1:33 am 70 patients were transported to area hospitals. 12 people died from their injuries. Each section of this preliminary incident analysis (PIA) evaluates a different aspect of the response. - Initial Response - ICS structure - Emergency Medical Services Details: Aurora, CO: Aurora Fire Department, 2014. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2014 at: https://www.llis.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/Aurora%20Colorado%20Theatre%20Shooting.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.llis.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/Aurora%20Colorado%20Theatre%20Shooting.pdf Shelf Number: 133913 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass MurdersMass Shootings (Colorado)Murders |
Author: System Planning Corporation, TriData Division Title: Aurora Century 16 Theater Shooting: After Action Report for the City of Aurora, Colorado Summary: The City of Aurora chose to conduct an independent after action review (AAR) of its response to the July 20, 2012 mass shooting at the Century 16 Theater movie complex, and the associated threat of explosive devices at XXXXXXX apartment on Paris Street. The City competitively selected TriData Division, System Planning Corporation, to undertake the review. TriData had completed over 50 after action reviews of major emergency incidents, including previous mass shootings at Virginia Tech, Northern Illinois University, and Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado. Scope The After Action Review started in May 2013, almost a year after the incident. The delay was due to a court-imposed gag order on information connected with the case, which had not yet come to trial. The case still had not yet come to trial during this review, which confined the scope to the response, and not the investigation or background of XXXXXXX. The review focused primarily on the response of the City's emergency forces during the first three days, including actions by police, fire and emergency medical services (EMS), private ambulances, hospitals, public safety communications, and public information personnel. Also included was the first week of family and victim assistance, assistance to first responders, and healing support for the community. The roles played by regional and national agencies and other city departments were reflected in the review. The investigation of the crime itself was largely outside the scope of the review, except for initial steps taken to gather and organize theater witnesses, and the actions of the coroner. XXXXXXX background and motivation were outside the scope, as was the issue of preventing these types of incidents. The charge to the team was to first describe the event and actions taken by the City's emergency personnel, then to evaluate what was done, draw lessons learned, and make recommendations for the future. The project team was also to review measures taken by the City after the incident to improve future emergency responses. The report attempts to make a reasonable compromise between level of detail and readability. The goal was to provide a sufficiently detailed description of events so that readers would understand the key aspects. In some cases, details were withheld out of concern that they might be too useful to future perpetrators. Some timeline information is provided in each chapter to help the reader understand the flow of events. The Appendix has a detailed combined timeline developed by the Aurora Police Department that is based largely on radio transmissions, telephone recordings, the automated vehicle location system, and interviews of participants. Details: Arlington, VA: System Planning Corporation, 2014. 188p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2014 at: http://www.courts.state.co.us/Media/Opinion_Docs/14CV31595%20After%20Action%20Review%20Report%20Redacted.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.courts.state.co.us/Media/Opinion_Docs/14CV31595%20After%20Action%20Review%20Report%20Redacted.pdf Shelf Number: 133912 Keywords: Emergency Response TeamsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass MurdersMass Shootings (Colorado)Murders |
Author: Alexander, Jemma Title: A Place-Based Approach to Understanding Gun Violence: Exploring the Physical Characteristics of Sites where Youth-Related Gun Violence Occurred in the Halifax Regional Municipality Summary: This research examines whether a greater understanding of the causes of gun violence can be gleaned by examining the characteristics of the physical and built environment where shootings take place. This study seeks to fill a void in the extant literature by exploring the characteristics of sites where youth gun violence occurred in Halifax Regional Municipality. Drawing from the literature on the relationship between crime, crime prevention and the physical environment, 36 shooting sites were examined to identify common design features. A standardized questionnaire gathered data that measured four physical and built environmental attributes that the literature suggests can influence the opportunity for criminal and violent acts to occur in a particular time and place: (1) location/surrounding environment, (2) site permeability, (3) surveillance opportunities, and (4) image. The findings indicate that the following are common characteristics of sites where shootings took place: a high level of accessibility to targets via through streets and intersections, locations close to crime generators (bus stops, public housing, and fast food restaurants), design features that limit surveillance opportunities, and poorly maintained properties. These findings are limited by this study's lack of analysis that could draw a causal relationship between the physical and built environment, on the one hand, and human behavior (including that of offenders and the legitimate users of these sites), on the other. Details: Halifax, Nova Scotia: Saint Mary's University, 2014. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed November 10, 2014 at: http://library2.smu.ca/bitstream/handle/01/25791/alexander_jemma_masters_2014.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://library2.smu.ca/bitstream/handle/01/25791/alexander_jemma_masters_2014.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 134012 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolencePhysical EnvironmentSituational Crime PreventionViolent Crimes |
Author: Perez, Maria Fernanda Tourinho Title: Firearm-related violence in Brazil Summary: This report provides a summary of the major findings and conclusions of a research effort to create a comprehensive profile of firearm-related violence in Brazil. The research was undertaken and coordinated by the Centre for the Study of Violence at the University of Sao Paulo, and received technical support from the World Health Organization (WHO), and the Small Arms Survey (SAS). The WHO has drawn attention to the fact that violence is a major global public health problem through a variety of World Health Assembly resolutions and comprehensive reports such as the World report on violence and health. The statement that violence is a public health problem may not, at first view, be easily understandable. In Brazil, as in many other countries around the world, violence is traditionally approached almost exclusively as a public security problem, with major responses focused on police action and judicial mechanisms. However, this view is beginning to change, and there is increasing recognition of the role of the public health sector and perspective in preventing violence. A public health approach to violence promotes analysis of the distribution of violence and it's determinants, and advocates drawing from this analysis coherent preventive strategies which involve a variety of sectors, including the health sector. This does not mean that violence should be viewed only as a health problem, but that it is important to consider the effects of violence on public health and the potential contributions for preventing violence that can be made through the public health sector. In sum, a public health approach to violence advocates understanding violence through the study of its social determinants, knowing its frequency and distribution in population groups, identifying its risk factors, proposing preventive measures and evaluating and monitoring preventive actions. Thus, far from viewing violence only as a health problem, the public health approach argues that violence must be understood in terms of it's distribution and determinants, and that from understanding these complexities societies can engage in preventive measures. This is neither an easy task, nor is it the task of a single sector. Violence is a social problem with public health, development and security dimensions, and rising to meet this challenge will require the combined and coherent efforts of a broad variety of sectors - both governmental and non-governmental. While there have been a number of studies addressing violence within Brazil, particularly since the late 1980's, the specific issue of firearm-related violence has not always been addressed. Over and above this, many academic studies have tended to circulate mainly within academic networks, with relatively little impact on policy-making or practitioners of violence prevention. The purpose of this publication is to provide a means for the broad dissemination of the summary results of an extensive research undertaking regarding firearm-related violence in Brazil, and in particular to underline the policy-oriented relevance of this work. We hope to contribute to the public debate, as well as towards the formulation of new proposals for such a serious problem in the country. Preventing firearm-related violence will require multi-sectoral approaches. The WHO's World report on violence and health rightly draws attention to the fact that no single factor is responsible for any form of violence. Firearm-related violence, like all other forms of violence, arises from a complex interaction of determinants that can be situated at the level of the individual, their relationships, the community, and society. Multi-sectoral and integrated preventive measures that include structural measures to reduce inequity are essential. Furthermore, the reduction of impunity, reforms within police, judicial and penitentiary systems are all necessary to reduce perceived insecurity within the Brazilian population, particularly since perceived insecurity is the fundamental driver of demand for firearms. Ample evidence indicates that ready access to firearms dramatically increases the lethality of violent encounters, thereby augmenting feelings of fear and insecurity. As a result the demand for firearms fuels increasing insecurity, which fuels further demand for firearms and so on and so forth. The pages of this report demonstrate clearly that firearm-related violence has become an everyday fact of life within Brazilian society, and that this tragedy is experienced most acutely by Brazil's urban youth. Illicit trafficking in drugs and firearms, limited opportunities and perspectives on life for the young population, combined with a social context characterized by unemployment and huge socioeconomic disparities, all contribute to the strikingly high levels of firearm-related violence among Brazil's urban youth. It is beyond the scope of this work to answer all questions about armed violence in Brazil, and this has not been our intent. Our intent has been - through the presentation of a comprehensive profile of firearm-related violence within the country - to contribute to the recognition of the scale and characteristics of this problem, and to advance the case that a broad grouping of sectors within Brazil need to move forward in developing coherent solutions to the problem of firearm-related violence. Details: Sao Paulo: Universidade de Sao Paulo, 2004. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 20, 2014 at: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down131.pdf Year: 2004 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down131.pdf Shelf Number: 134182 Keywords: FirearmsGun Violence (Brazil)Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Kollmann, Stephanie Title: Combating Gun Violence in Illinois: Evidence-Based Solutions Summary: Although we are all deeply disturbed by gun violence - each death is another tragedy and a call for action - our responses must be smart, strategic and grounded in evidence-based solutions. The evidence indicates, repeatedly, that mandatory minimum sentences will not reduce gun violence. On the contrary, such restrictions are not only costly, but also counterproductive. But there is good news: other approaches to reducing gun violence show great promise. Conducted outside of the criminal court process - in the real world, where effects are more concrete and immediate - these approaches have been proven to reduce risky behavior and violence, with significantly less damage to our justice and corrections systems as well as our social fabric. Together with targeted enforcement of existing Illinois laws that provide for harsh gun sentences where appropriate, these initiatives offer real solutions to gun violence. Details: Chicago: Northwestern School of Law, Bluhm Legal Clinic, 2013. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2014 at: http://www.law.northwestern.edu/legalclinic/cfjc/documents/Gun%20Violence%20Memo%20-%20Final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.northwestern.edu/legalclinic/cfjc/documents/Gun%20Violence%20Memo%20-%20Final.pdf Shelf Number: 134259 Keywords: Evidence-Based PoliciesGun Violence (Illinois)Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: The Gun Debate 1 Year After Newtown: Assessing Six Key Claims About Gun Background Checks Summary: The tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, on December 14, 2012, reignited the debate on whether to strengthen federal and state gun laws. Soon after the massacre, the top priority for advocates for stronger gun laws became broadening background checks to apply to all gun sales. Under current federal law, vendors in the business of selling guns must get a license, conduct background checks, and keep records. But unlicensed "private" sellers-persons who maintain they sell only occasionally at gun shows, online, or anywhere else-are able to sell guns with no questions asked. In some ways, the debate's emphasis on the universal background checks proposal was surprising-after all, the Newtown shooter would not have been subject to federal prohibitions, other than the one that blocks handgun sales to persons under 21, and background checks were only tangentially related to the shooting. The ascendance of background checks as the primary policy proposal to combat gun violence reflects a shift in gun-reform advocates' strategy from tightening regulations on guns themselves to strengthening laws that keep guns away from dangerous people. The shift had already begun before Newtown; after, it only accelerated. Both policy research and political realities informed this shift in priorities. As a policy matter, most research suggests that making it more difficult for dangerous people to acquire guns will have a significant impact in reducing the more than 30,000 gun deaths that happen every year in America. As a political matter, polling conducted before and after Newtown show that 80 percent to 90 percent of Americans support expanding background checks, including most gun owners. As the debate over the universal background checks proposal heated up before the Senate voted on the matter in April, discussion of the substantive benefits of this policy proposal was mostly lost in the fray. The background checks debate far too often devolved into sound bites, which gave rise to a number of widespread misunderstandings about the universal background checks proposal and its potential effects on gun violence in the United States. In this issue brief, we assess six key claims that have been made about background checks in the past year: 1.40 percent of gun sales occur without a background check. 2.Few criminals visit gun shows to acquire guns illegally. 3.Universal background checks will not work because criminals will not submit to them. 4.Efforts to prevent gun violence should focus on straw purchasing from gun dealers, not gun transfers among unlicensed buyers and sellers. 5.We should not enact new laws on background checks until the federal government starts prosecuting violations of the current laws. 6.Universal background checks would harm gun dealers. Some of the claims are true, some are false, and some fall in the middle. But all of these common talking points, whether for or against background checks, have become divorced from their context, making them difficult to understand. Our goal in the pages that follow is to assess each of these six key claims regarding the proposal to require background checks for all gun sales in order to provide a deeper analysis and contextualize the claims. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/BackgroundChecks.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/BackgroundChecks.pdf Shelf Number: 134963 Keywords: Gun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Police Foundation Title: The Wilmington Public Safety Strategies Commission: Final Report Summary: The City of Wilmington is the largest and the most culturally and economically diverse city in Delaware. The ability of the City to grow and improve the lives of its residents depends on its ability effectively to provide public safety. The residents, employers, and civic and community leaders with whom we speak routinely cited public safety as a principal concern affecting their decisions about where to live, where to locate their business, and how to lead the City to a better future. Like many cities, Wilmington experiences a significant amount of crime, including crimes of violence, drug crimes and nuisance crimes. However, many cities across the country have experienced significant reductions in crimes in all categories in recent years - often attributed to improved policing strategies. Wilmington is not one of those cities. According to the FBI, Wilmington ranks third in violence among 450 cities of its size and sixth among all cities over 50,000. Crime in Wilmington - and particularly homicides - has reached record numbers in recent years. Over the past decade, the City of Wilmington has averaged 118 shooting victims per year, reaching a record high of 154 shootings victims in 2013. In 2014 alone, there were 127 shooting victims and 23 shooting deaths in the City. The principal questions facing the Wilmington Public Safety Strategies Commission are why the City of Wilmington has not experienced the same crime reductions enjoyed by similarly situated municipalities across the country and what Wilmington can do about that. This report offers our examination of the strategies currently being employed by the City and the WPD, and our proposal of strategies that might be employed to better address the WPD's core mission of creating a safer Wilmington. Improving public safety in Wilmington is challenging, but it is certainly not impossible. Wilmington has three built-in advantages. First and most significantly, Wilmington has a sufficiently large police force to bring appropriate resources to bear on this issue. While we make clear in this report that there are several areas of police work that deserve additional resources, and that a reorganization of some functions would assist the Department, the WPD begins this work with a force large enough to effectively patrol and fight crime in Wilmington. Second, as the Crime Analysis and CAD Incident Analysis done by Temple University's Jerry Ratcliffe, Ph.D. make clear, "[s]mall areas of the city account for a large proportion of the crime and community harm." As a result, if appropriate strategies are brought to bear on those small areas, significant reductions in crime can be obtained. Third, many people with whom we spoke in the WPD, from the leadership to rank-and-file officers, recognize that there is a need for and opportunity to change for the better. Significant cultural and organizational changes can be made only with buy-in from those tasked with the need to lead and implement those changes, and the recognition of the need for and inevitability of change was evident in many of the law enforcement professionals with whom we spoke. Generally, we found that WPD has a respond-and-react orientation and structure that focuses on resolving calls for service rather than proactively implementing crime reduction strategies. Although WPD is sufficiently staffed, the department does not deploy sufficient officers in patrol and key investigatory functions. WPD is behind other law enforcement agencies in its use of technology (some of which it already owns) to both analyze and predict crime, as well as to provide accountability of its officers as to there whereabouts and activities. The WPD's investigatory units do not solve a sufficient number of crimes - particularly homicides - and can improve its investigatory functions and victims' services. The Wilmington community appreciates the dedication and effort of the Department's officers, but some community relationships have become strained and can be improved. All of the issues identified in this report are fixable, and none is exclusive to Wilmington. Many of the building blocks for reform are already in place - a city and community that recognizes the need for change, a WPD administration that is open to new strategies, and supportive local partners. Details: Washington, DC: Police Foundation, 2015. 200p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2015 at: http://www.policefoundation.org/sites/g/files/g798246/f/201504/WPSSC%20Final%20Report%203_31_15.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.policefoundation.org/sites/g/files/g798246/f/201504/WPSSC%20Final%20Report%203_31_15.pdf Shelf Number: 135155 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesPolice ReformPolice ResponsePolice-Community RelationsPolicingPolicing StrategiesPublic SafetyViolent Crime |
Author: Pittell, Harlan Title: "Stand your ground" laws and the demand for legal firearms Summary: Since 2005, 23 states have passed Stand Your Ground (SYG) laws: allowing a person to use deadly force in self-defense, even in situations where one can safely flee from an assailant. This study investigates whether SYG laws increased the demand for firearms by using data on background checks for firearms purchases as a proxy for the demand for legal firearms. Results from three alternative difference in differences estimates provide evidence that the passage of SYG laws generally led to an increase in the demand for legal firearms. Details: Ithaca, NY: Department of Policy Analysis & Management Cornell University, 2014. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Analysis & Management Honors Thesis: Accessed April 20, 2015 at: https://ecommons.library.cornell.edu/bitstream/1813/36335/2/Pittell_Thesis.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://ecommons.library.cornell.edu/bitstream/1813/36335/2/Pittell_Thesis.pdf Shelf Number: 135273 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicides (U.S.)Self-DefenseStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Braga, Anthony A. Title: Managing the Group Violence Intervention: Using Shooting Scorecards to Track Group Violence Summary: This guide begins with a brief description of the shooting scorecard concept and its links to problem analysis and performance measurement systems in police departments. It then presents the key steps in the process and associated data quality issues and then details the use of shooting scorecards by the Boston Police Department as an example of the practical applications of this approach. Group shooting scorecards identify the criminal groups that commit the highest number shootings and experience the greatest number of shooting victimizations during a specific time period. With this information, shooting scorecards support the implementation of focused deterrence strategies to prevent group-involved violence. They also ensure that police departments appropriately focus scarce resources on the groups that consistently generate the most gun violence. The most violent groups then receive systematic considered for focused interventions, such as the National Network for Safe Communities' Group Violence Intervention in which a partnership of community members, law enforcement, and social service providers delivers a "no violence" message, information about legal consequences for further violence, and an offer of help. Managing the Group Violence Intervention: Using Shooting Scorecards to Track Group Violence begins with a brief description of the shooting scorecard concept and its links to problem analysis and performance measurement systems in police departments. It then presents the key steps in the process and associated data quality issues and then details the use of shooting scorecards by the Boston Police Department as an example of the practical applications of this approach. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2015 at: http://nnscommunities.org/uploads/Shooting_Scorecards_Guide.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://nnscommunities.org/uploads/Shooting_Scorecards_Guide.pdf Shelf Number: 135369 Keywords: Focused DeterrenceGun-Related ViolenceProblem AnalysisProblem-Oriented PolicingViolent Crime |
Author: McCutcheon, James Chandler Title: Firearm Lethality in Drug Market Contexts Summary: The current study examines firearms' impact on the relationship between illegal drug markets and homicide. At the county-level, Iowa and Virginia are analyzed using crime data from the National Incident Based Reporting System. More specifically, gun availability is tested as a mediator for county drug crime rates and homicide counts. Variable selection and prediction is based on routine activity and social disorganization theories. I argue that social disorganization allows the context for which criminal opportunity presents itself through routine activities. I posit gun availability mediates a positive relationship between illegal drug markets and homicide, with differences between urban and rural communities. Details: Orlando, FL: University of Central Florida, 2013. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0004888/Firearm_Lethality_in_Drug_Market_Contexts.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0004888/Firearm_Lethality_in_Drug_Market_Contexts.pdf Shelf Number: 135407 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal Drug MarketsSocial Disorganization |
Author: Dube, Arindrajit Title: Cross-Border Spillover: U.S. Gun Laws and Violence in Mexico Summary: To what extent, and under what conditions, does access to arms fuel violent crime? To answer this question, we exploit a unique natural experiment: the 2004 expiration of the U.S. Federal Assault Weapons Ban exerted a spillover on gun supply in Mexican municipios near Texas, Arizona and New Mexico, but not near California, which retained a pre-existing state-level ban. We find first that Mexican municipios located closer to the non-California border states experienced differential increases in homicides, gun-related homicides and crime gun seizures in the post-2004 period. Second, the magnitude of this effect is contingent on political factors related to Mexico's democratic transition. Killings increased substantially more in municipios where local elections had become more competitive prior to 2004, with the largest differentials emerging in high narco-trafficking areas. Our findings are consistent with the notion that political competition undermined informal agreements between drug cartels and entrenched local governments, highlighting the role of political instability in mediating the gun-crime relationship. Details: Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2012. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 7098: Accessed April 30, 2015 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp7098.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp7098.pdf Shelf Number: 135425 Keywords: Assault WeaponsDrug CartelsDrug TraffickingGun ControlGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Langley, Marty Title: Hispanic Victims of Lethal Firearms Violence in the United States Summary: Key Findings - The homicide victimization rate for Hispanics in the United States is more than twice as high as the homicide victimization rate for whites. The Hispanic homicide victimization rate in 2010 was 5.73 per 100,000. In comparison, the homicide victimization rate for whites was 2.52 per 100,000. - Homicide is the second leading cause of death for Hispanics ages 15 to 24 - More than 38,000 Hispanics were killed by guns between 1999 and 2010. During this period, 26,349 Hispanics died in gun homicides, 10,314 died in gun suicides, and 747 died in unintentional shootings - Most Hispanic murder victims are killed with guns. Guns are used in more than two-thirds of the homicides where the victims are Hispanic. The latest data shows that for homicides where the victim was Hispanic and a gun was used, 78 percent of these shootings involved a handgun - Hispanic victims are more likely to be killed by a stranger than the national average. The latest data from 2011 shows that when the victim-to-offender relationship could be identified, 39 percent of Hispanic victims were killed by a stranger. Nationwide, 25 percent of all homicide victims were killed by strangers . - A large percentage of Hispanic homicide victims are young. The most recent available data shows 41 percent of Hispanic homicide victims in 2011 were age 24 and younger. In comparison, 40 percent of black homicide victims and 22 percent of white homicide victims were age 24 and younger. - As a result of the limitations in current data collection, the total number of Hispanic victims is almost certainly higher than the reported numbers suggest. Government agencies often report data on race but not on ethnic origin. Recognizing the changing demographic landscape in the United States, it is clear that fully documenting such victimization is a crucial first step toward preventing it. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 30, 2015 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/hispanic.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/hispanic.pdf Shelf Number: 135435 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHispanic AmericansHomicides (U.S.)Victimization Violent Crime |
Author: Selby, Nick Title: ShotSpotter: Gunshot Location System Efficacy Study Summary: This report, based on structured interviews with police agencies around the United States, details how the ShotSpotter Gunshot Location System (GLS) improves productivity, response time and effectiveness by providing more information and intelligence to law enforcement and public safety professionals responding to incidents. This in turn improves officer safety and officer and investigative efficiency. The ShotSpotter GLS detects gunshots through acoustic sensors. Using a patented method of computer analysis, it provides police and public safety agency users with information and intelligence on gunfire incidents, including shot location and incident mapping, number of shots detected, and audio playback. This report was commissioned by ShotSpotter and is endorsed by the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives (NOBLE). Its findings are independent. Its purpose is to examine the effectiveness of the ShotSpotter GLS at locating and reporting gunshots, informing more efficient investigations, increasing arrests, simplifying the jobs and increasing the safety of police officers and communities. It specifically compares the ShotSpotter GLS to 9-1-14 in terms of the reporting of gunshots, and examines how having data produced by ShotSpotter GLS has affected the work and procedures of patrol and detectives who respond to and investigate gunshot crimes. The study's authors from the police officer-owned independent commercial research firm CSG Analysis, met with five respondent groups-command staff, analysts, detectives, patrol officers and dispatchers-from seven police agencies throughout the United States. These agencies were selected by ShotSpotter for characteristics including the length of deployment (all have had ShotSpotter for more than a year), and the fact that before installation, each agency indicated it had a substantial criminal gunfire problem. The participating agencies were Brockton, Mass.; East Palo Alto, Calif.; Nassau County, N.Y.; Richmond, Calif.; Riviera Beach, Fla.; Rochester, N.Y.; and Saginaw, Mich. The study's authors conducted all of the interviews in person at each of these agencies. No agency received compensation or consideration for its participation. All interview transcripts, surveys and raw data on which the report's conclusions are based are available for inspection to confirm the authors' findings. The ShotSpotter GLS significantly enhances patrol officers' ability to locate the scene of a shooting over 9-1-1 alone, and provides officers more situational awareness when responding to gunshot calls. This information and enhanced awareness has saved lives and led to arrests. Since many gunshots are not reported to 9-1-1, but almost all within a ShotSpotter-covered area are detected by the ShotSpotter. The system allows cities to better understand the true level of gunfire in their communities and deploy resources more effectively. ShotSpotter's accuracy in pinpointing the precise location(s) from which shots were fired was critical not only to solving gun crimes, but even in one case, in determining which agency should investigate the incident. Command staff at all seven agencies noted significant community and public relations benefits and value from ShotSpotter, leading to compelling improvements in community policing, increased community responsiveness to gunfire, and a decreased sense of disenfranchisement among community stakeholders. In short, ShotSpotter deployments increase positive community engagement with law enforcement. False positives, a ShotSpotter activation which is ultimately determined to have been caused by something other than a gunshot, are the single most common complaint of ShotSpotter users, and they pose an operational problem. This report examines the cause and level of false positives and makes specific recommendations to reduce them. False negatives, an absence of a ShotSpotter activation when a gunshot is known to have occurred, are very rare and not considered an operational issue by respondents. Finally, this report considers ways in which agencies may get better value from their ShotSpotter deployment by introducing new workflow management and best practices. Implementing these would result in more strategic use of ShotSpotter to inform Intelligence-Led Policing, Neighborhood and Community Policing, and other important policing, law enforcement and crime reduction initiatives. Details: Newark, CA: ShotSpotter; CSG Analysis, 2011. 45p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed May 1, 2015 at: https://csganalysis.files.wordpress.com/2011/08/shotspotter_efficacystudy_gls8_45p_let_2011-07-08_en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: https://csganalysis.files.wordpress.com/2011/08/shotspotter_efficacystudy_gls8_45p_let_2011-07-08_en.pdf Shelf Number: 135449 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGunsPublic SafetyWeapons |
Author: Gopal, Anandasivam Title: Traders, Guns, and Money: The Effect of Mass Shootings on Stock Price Summary: In this work, we investigate how mass shootings influence the stock price of firearms manufacturers. While significant anecdotal evidence suggests there is an immediate spike in firearms purchase after such events, the reaction of financial markets is unclear. On one hand, if the increased short-term demand represents an unanticipated financial windfall for firearms manufacturers, the stock prices of the firms may rise. On the other hand, mass shootings may result in perceptions of the social contract between the firm and society being systematically violated. In this case, the increasing potential for regulation may render the firm's business model untenable in the long run, leading to stock prices decreasing. We empirically resolve this tension using a market movement event study of 93 mass shootings between 2009 and 2013. Findings suggest that stock prices of firearm manufacturers significantly decline over a 2, 5, 10, and 30 day window in the wake of mass shootings. Furthermore, these losses are exacerbated by the presence of a handgun and the number of victims killed. Interestingly, results are not influenced by the location of the crime, insofar as there is no difference across "red" or "blue" states, or the loss of a child. Details: Unpublished paper, 2015. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Robert H. Smith School Research Paper No. RHS 2581664 ; Fox School of Business Research Paper No. 15-061 : Accessed May 6, 2015 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2581664 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2581664 Shelf Number: 135531 Keywords: Financial MarketsGun-Related ViolenceMass Shootings (U.S.)Violent Crime |
Author: Rydberg, Jason Title: An Analysis of Patterns in Interpersonal Violence Using Michigan Incident Crime Reporting Data Summary: Despite a steady decrease in national rates of violent victimization since the early 1990s (Truman & Langton, 2014), the incidence of violence in America remains high. Michigan has experienced decreases in offending as well, with 2013 data indicating a 7 percent decrease in homicides, a 4 percent decrease in aggravated assaults, and a 1 percent decrease in robberies from 2012 (Michigan Incident Crime Reporting, 2014). Although rates of these violent crimes have decreased statewide, beneath these trends are degrees of uniformity and variation in the characteristics of victims, offenders, and context of violent crime. That is, criminological research has suggested that there is a great degree of regional variation in violent offending and victimization within places (Kposowa, Breault, &, Harrison, 1995; Sampson & Lauritsen, 1994). Even within geographic regions with high rates of offending, there are groups of people that experience disproportionately high rates of violence, particularly young, minority males (Blumstein, 1995, Braga, 2003; McGarrell & Chermak, 2004), especially firearm-related violence. The purpose of the current report is to conduct a problem analysis of violent victimization and offending in the State of Michigan, examining patterns in victim, offender, and circumstance characteristics, as well as examine regional variation in violence across the State. These analyses are designed to inform priorities for strategic intervention, highlighting the characteristics of victims at the highest risk of violent crime, the most prevalent offender characteristics, and the contexts in which violent offenses are the most prevalent. Additionally, specific attention is given to differential rates of violent victimization within the counties with the highest rates of general and firearm violence. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan Justice Statistics Center, School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 21, 2015 at: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/SAC-Interpersonal-Violence-MICR_Full-Report_-Final_RC103297_2013-BJ-CX-K032_FINAL.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/SAC-Interpersonal-Violence-MICR_Full-Report_-Final_RC103297_2013-BJ-CX-K032_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 135743 Keywords: Domestic Violence Family Violence Gun-Related ViolenceHomicides Intimate Partner Violence Violent Crimes |
Author: Steele, Paul D. Title: The Strategic Approaches to Community Safety Initiative in Albuquerque: Project Activities and Research Results Summary: The Strategic Alternatives to Community Safety Initiative (SACSI) was established by the U.S. Department of Justice in 1998. Implemented in ten cities, SACSI was a coordinated effort to reduce and prevent firearm and firearm-related violent crime. The initiative was notable for its innovative organization and approach. First, SACSI relied upon the participation of a core group of decision makers in each SACSI service area. These decision makers included local, state and federal law enforcement, prosecutorial, and corrections personnel as well as service providers and representatives from the community. Together, they constituted a working group that was charged with the responsibility of implementing new and potentially effective approaches to dealing with crime in the area served by the initiative. Second, the working group was supported by the U.S. Attorney's Office, which was charged with the responsibility of facilitating and coordinating the working group's efforts. The U.S. Attorney's Office also had the opportunity to provide resources to local violence reduction strategies, and served as a member agency in the working group. Third, a research partner also supported the working group. The research partner's role included providing information concerning general crime patterns in the community, more focused analysis in support of strategic and tactical planning, knowledge concerning best practices for reducing gun violence, and assessment of local efforts to deal with violent crime. Ten cities were selected as SACSI sites; the first five (Indianapolis, Memphis, New Haven, Portland, and Winston-Salem) were funded in 1998, and the second five (Albuquerque, Atlanta, Detroit, Rochester, and St. Louis) were funded in 2000. From the perspective of the research partner, this report describes SACSI in the Albuquerque service area, which consists of Bernalillo County, New Mexico. Of particular note is the evolution of the local SACSI effort, including the development of the working group and various project initiatives in the community. Also highlighted are findings of research about criminal activities in the community, criminal justice responses to crime, and assessment of SACSI initiatives. To address these topics, the report is organized into four sections. The current section is comprised of three chapters. The current chapter concludes with a review of relevant literature concerning firearm, firearm-related, and other violent crime that was useful in orienting the project. Chapter II describes the development and implementation of the SACSI working group and initiatives in the Albuquerque service area, and Chapter III discusses research activities in the service area. The next section of the report describes crime offender, victim and crime episode patterns within the service area, highlighting trends and spatial distribution of serious violent crimes. It also covers the movement of homicide and aggravated assault cases in the service area reported to or detected by the police through the criminal justice system. Section three describes and assesses the various SACSI initiatives implemented in the community to respond to violent crime. The report concludes with a final section summarizing the findings and making recommendations for future activities. Details: Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Criminal Justice Analysis Center, Institute for Social Research, University of New Mexico, 2005. 333p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2015 at: http://isr.unm.edu/reports/2005/sacsi.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://isr.unm.edu/reports/2005/sacsi.pdf Shelf Number: 135762 Keywords: Community ParticipationFirearms and CrimeGang-Related ViolenceGangsGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Davies, Philip Title: Why is crime In South Africa so violent?: Rapid evidence assessment Summary: Political-Historical Factors South Africa's colonial and apartheid legacy is said to have given way to the 'normalisation' of violence, in which violence is seen as an acceptable means of problem solving and resolving conflict. The policing and justice system of South Africa is also seen as having led to a mistrust of the rule of law and authorities, and to some vigilantism and summary justice. Environmental factors Fractured families, poor socialisation, harsh and inconsistent discipline, physical and emotional abuse, and inadequate limit-setting are contributing factors to why crime in South Africa is so violent. So too are gangs that use violence, guns and other weapons to acquire goods, opportunities, and a sense of identity and self-worth. The misuse of alcohol and other drugs also increases the level of violence in criminal activity. Social attitudes and cultural values about gender condone and reinforce abusive practices against women. Individual Factors The age (younger), gender (males) and educational background (low achievement) of criminals are strongly associated with violent behaviour and violent crime. So too are certain psychological profiles and some psychiatric conditions. Poverty, unemployment inequality and social exclusion also contribute to South Africa's burden of violence, but are inseparably related to other key factors (political-historical, environmental and individual). Social Distribution of Violence Violent crime is not uniform across South Africa. The Western Cape, Eastern Cape and KwaZulu Natal have the highest rates of homicides, and Gauteng has the highest rates of car and truck hijacking and robberies. Affluent areas of South Africa experience more violent property crime, whilst poorer communities have more domestic violence, male-male assaults, murder and rape. Violent crime is a concern for Black and White South Africans, and the concerns of poorer communities about violence and violent crime need to be given greater attention. Promising Interventions for Reducing Violence and Violent Crime These include interventions at the political, environmental and individual levels, requiring actions that are inter-sectoral, strategic, and evidence-based. Interventions to reduce poverty, increase educational participation and completion, develop work-based skills and job opportunities, and support for programmes that seek to change social attitudes and norms (particularly those related to gender and violence), are suggested. Better control of guns, weapons, alcohol and other drugs are also called for. Multi-modal programmes for violent behaviour seem to be more effective than single component interventions. Inter-personal and social skills training, along with parenting skills training, seem to offer considerable opportunity to reduce violent and other antisocial behaviour. Details: Oxford Evidentia, 2011. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://www.pan.org.za/node/8682 Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.pan.org.za/node/8682 Shelf Number: 129779 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceVigilantismViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Paparazzo, John Title: Strategic Approaches to Preventing Multiple Casualty Violence: Report on the National Summit on Multiple Casualty Shootings. Summary: Immediately following the tragic shooting on July 20, 2012, at the Century movie theater in Aurora, Colorado, and in recognition of increased public alarm over multiple casualty violence in the United States, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's (DHS) Federal Law Enforcement Training Center (FLETC) began partnering with the U.S. Department of Justice's (DOJ) Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) and the Johns Hopkins University, School of Education, Division of Public Safety Leadership (JHU-PSL), to bring together a cross-section of stakeholders from a variety of disciplines, including law enforcement, health care, law, social sciences, education, and academia, for the purpose of improving the nation's ability to prevent such incidents. The three partners worked over the next several months to plan and coordinate the National Summit on Multiple Casualty Shootings, held at the FLETC's headquarters in Glynco, Georgia, December 11-13, 2012. More than two dozen experts from multiple disciplines assembled in an effort to advance the safety and security of the nation's communities: educational institutions, workplaces, public venues, places of worship, recreational areas, etc. The summit goal was to bring together a cadre of leaders and subject-area authorities to develop and propose a national dialogue on multiple casualty violence and to create a path forward. During the preliminary meeting phase of the summit, the planners developed a set of definitions to serve as a framework for discussions about preventing multiple casualty violence. The FLETC, COPS Office, and JHU-PSL invited subject-matter experts from a wide range of disciplines to engage a cross-section of professions positioned to help facilitate the prevention of multiple casualty violence. Over the course of the three-day summit, these participants further refined and structured the national dialogue on multiple casualty violence and discussed, debated, and built consensus on potential strategies for preventing such incidents. Through careful examination of voluminous summit notes and documentation, summit partners synthesized definitions into a common framework and developed recommendations for future actions. These delineate the direction of future conversations and meetings on preventing multiple casualty violence. Summary of Summit Recommendations Summit recommendations fell into a framework comprising one set focused on what institutions, including governmental and non-governmental organizations, can do to improve the prevention of multiple casualty violence, and one set centered on improving prevention efforts pertaining to individual subjects: Institution-focused 1. Maintain a multidisciplinary focus on preventing escalation toward a violent act. 2. Identify and promote the use of interdisciplinary models designed to prevent multiple casualty incidents through threat assessment and intervention. 3. Develop a public service campaign with a focus on the identification and notification of potential threats to begin a cultural shift toward the acceptability of reporting. 4. Better educate health care practitioners; school administrators, faculty, and staff; and law enforcement professionals about the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA), and the Privacy Act to alleviate misperceptions or perceived barriers to sharing information across disciplines. 5. Draft a model statute establishing affirmative requirements for pertinent professions to report bona fide indicators of potentially violent behavior. Details: Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2013. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 27, 2015 at: https://www.fletc.gov/sites/default/files/imported_files/publications/summits-on-preventing-multiple-causality-violence/e021311546_MultiCasualty-Violence_v508_05APR13.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.fletc.gov/sites/default/files/imported_files/publications/summits-on-preventing-multiple-causality-violence/e021311546_MultiCasualty-Violence_v508_05APR13.pdf Shelf Number: 129823 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass ViolenceMultiple HomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Butts, Jeffrey A. Title: Denormalizing Violence: Evaluation Framework for a Public Health Model of Violence Prevention Summary: Despite having one of the lowest murder rates among major U.S. cities, gun violence continues to be a serious problem in New York City. In 2011, the New York City Council created the Task Force to Combat Gun Violence. In a December 2012 report, the Task Force recommended the initiation of a multi-agency and multi-disciplinary "crisis management system" to reduce the incidence and severity of gun violence. The system was based on the Cure Violence model of violence reduction. Cure Violence utilizes a public health approach. It considers gun violence to be analogous to a communicable disease that passes from person to person when left untreated. According to the logic of Cure Violence, gun violence is most effectively reduced by changing the behavior of individuals at risk to participate in gun violence and "denormalizing" violence by working to change the community norms that support and perpetuate gun violence. The Research & Evaluation (R&E) Center at John Jay College of Criminal Justice is currently evaluating the effectiveness of the Cure Violence approach to violence reduction. Between April 2013 and February 2014, staff from the R&E Center began the project by visiting Cure Violence sites in New York City and Chicago, the home base for Cure Violence. Researchers observed the operation of the program and assessed the suitability of the model for detailed evaluation. The team reviewed documents and websites about the project, interviewed program staff, and spoke with local officials involved in the design and launch of the initiative in both cities. Researchers also met with staff of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, which supports the Cure Violence model and contributed partial funding for this research. The following report addresses the operations of the Cure Violence model and how it differs from other approaches for reducing gun violence. It reviews the evidence underlying these models and proposes an agenda for future evaluation research. Details: New York: John Jay College of Criminal Justice, Research & Evaluation Center, 2014. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 14, 2015 at: http://johnjayresearch.org/rec/files/2014/03/denormalizing.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://johnjayresearch.org/rec/files/2014/03/denormalizing.pdf Shelf Number: 136030 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun-Related ViolenceViolenceViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Delgado, Sheyla A. Title: Perceptions of Violence: Surveying Young Males in New York City. Summary: Violent crime in New York City declined sharply during the previous two decades, but some neighborhoods remain highly vulnerable to gun violence. In 2011, the City Council's Task Force to Combat Gun Violence recommended the implementation of a new "Crisis Management System" (CMS) in five New York City neighborhoods. The CMS approach includes strategies from the Chicago-based Cure Violence model along with other social and legal services. The Research and Evaluation Center at John Jay College began assessing the implementation and effects of these efforts in 2013. One element in the project involves in-person surveys with young men (ages 18-30) in many of the neighborhoods implementing the strategy. The study operates under the brand name, "NYC-Cure." This report contains survey results from the first four neighborhoods to be involved in the NYC-Cure study. The survey instrument measures personal attitudes towards violence and experiences with violence, as well as each respondent's awareness of local violence prevention efforts. Additional surveys are being conducted in these and other neighborhoods around New York City in an effort to detect any changes over a three-year period. The study relies on Respondent-Driven Sampling (RDS) methods to recruit survey respondents. Key Findings: 1. According to surveys conducted from March through June of 2014, Cure Violence programs have established a strong presence in New York City neighborhoods. The majority of young males in each neighborhood surveyed for this study recognized the educational materials (e.g. flyers, pamphlets, etc.) used by the organizations to promote their services. When asked if they recognized any staff from the programs (using unlabeled photographs), the majority of the survey respondents recognized at least one staff member. 2. Gun violence in these neighborhoods remains a real concern. When respondents were asked about their exposure to guns and gun violence, the majority reported hearing gunfire in their neighborhood at least once in the past 12-months and almost one-quarter (23%) heard gunshots more than 10 times. 3. Violent victimizations are common in these neighborhoods. Almost one in five survey respondents reported being stabbed at some time in the past, and almost 40 percent reported that they had been the target of gunfire in the past. 4. Contact with law enforcement was also common. Nearly 80 percent of all survey respondents reported that they had been "stopped, questioned, and frisked" in their neighborhoods at least once within the past year. Details: New York, NY: Research & Evaluation Center, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2015 at: https://jjrec.files.wordpress.com/2015/05/perceptionsofviolence.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://jjrec.files.wordpress.com/2015/05/perceptionsofviolence.pdf Shelf Number: 136077 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceNeighborhoods and CrimeViolent CrimeViolent OffendersYoung Adult Offenders |
Author: Teplin, Linda A. Title: Violent Death in Delinquent Youth After Detention Summary: This bulletin examines the results of the Northwestern Juvenile Project - a longitudinal study of youth detained at the Cook County Juvenile Temporary Detention Center in Chicago, IL. Among the issues under examination, the authors looked at mortality rates among the youth enrolled in the project. Some findings include the following: - The standardized mortality rate for delinquent youth is more than four times the rate for youth in the general population. - The mortality rate for delinquent female youth is nearly eight times the rate in the general population. - The vast majority of deaths among delinquent youth were homicides from gunshot wounds. - African American youth continue to experience the highest mortality rate. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2015. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: OJJDP Juvenile Justice Bulletin: Accessed July 20, 2015 at: http://www.ojjdp.gov/pubs/248408.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.ojjdp.gov/pubs/248408.pdf Shelf Number: 136113 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesJuvenile OffendersRacial DisparitiesViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Mass Murder with Firearms: Incidents and Victims, 1999-2013 Summary: In the wake of tragedy in Newtown CT, Congress defined "mass killings" as "3 or more killings in a single incident" (P.L. 112-265). Any consideration of new or existing gun laws that follows mass shootings is likely to generate requests for comprehensive data on the prevalence and deadliness of these incidents. Despite the pathos of mass shootings, only a handful of researchers and journalists have analyzed the principal source of homicide data in the United States-the Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR) compiled by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)-to determine whether those incidents have become more prevalent and deadly. According to the FBI, the term "mass murder" has been defined generally as a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered, within one event, and in one or more locations in close geographical proximity. Based on this definition, for the purposes of this report, "mass shooting" is defined as a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered with firearms, within one event, and in one or more locations in close proximity. Similarly, a "mass public shooting" is defined to mean a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered with firearms, within one event, in at least one or more public locations, such as, a workplace, school, restaurant, house of worship, neighborhood, or other public setting. This report analyzes mass shootings for a 15-year period (1999-2013). CRS analysis of the FBI SHR dataset and other research indicates that offenders committed at least 317 mass shootings, murdered 1,554 victims, and nonfatally wounded another 441 victims entirely with firearms during that 15-year period. The prevalence of mass shooting incidents and victim counts fluctuated sporadically from year to year. For the period 2007-2013, the annual averages for both incidents and victim counts were slightly higher than the years from 1999-2007. With data provided by criminologist Grant Duwe, CRS also compiled a 44-year (1970-2013) dataset of firearms-related mass murders that could arguably be characterized as "mass public shootings." These data show that there were on average: - one (1.1) incident per year during the 1970s (5.5 victims murdered, 2.0 wounded per incident), - nearly three (2.7) incidents per year during the 1980s (6.1 victims murdered, 5.3 wounded per incident), - four (4.0) incidents per year during the 1990s (5.6 victims murdered, 5.5 wounded per incident), - four (4.1) incidents per year during the 2000s (6.4 victims murdered, 4.0 wounded per incident), and - four (4.5) incidents per year from 2010 through 2013 (7.4 victims murdered, 6.3 wounded per incident). These decade-long averages suggest that the prevalence, if not the deadliness, of "mass public shootings" increased in the 1970s and 1980s, and continued to increase, but not as steeply, during the 1990s, 2000s, and first four years of the 2010s. Mass shootings are arguably one of the worst manifestations of gun violence. As discussed in this report, statute, media outlets, gun control and rights advocates, law enforcement agencies, and researchers often adopt different definitions of "mass killing," "mass murder," and "mass shooting," contributing to a welter of claims and counter-claims about the prevalence and deadliness of mass shootings. With improved data, policymakers would arguably have additional vantage points from which to assess the legislative proposals that are inevitably made in the wake of these tragedies. Toward these ends, Congress could consider directing one or several federal agencies, including but not limited to the FBI and BJS, to improve collection of data on multiple-victim homicides. Congress could also direct federal agencies, possibly the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, to report annually on firearms-related mass murders, including data on (1) offender acquisition of firearms, (2) types of firearms used, (3) amounts and types of ammunition carried and shots fired, (4) killed and wounded counts, (5) offender histories of mental illness and domestic violence, and (6) victim-offender relationships. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2015. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 3, 2015 at: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44126.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44126.pdf Shelf Number: 136296 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass HomicidesMass MurdersViolent Crimes |
Author: del Frate, Anna Alvazzi Title: Every Body Counts: Measuring Violent Deaths Summary: September 2015 world leaders will meet at the UN to adopt the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),which will be the international development framework that will replace the current Millennium Development Goals. The seventeen proposed goals and associated targets are planned to run until 2030. Among them, Goal 16 focuses on peaceful and inclusive societies, access to justice, and accountable institutions. The inclusion of Goal 16 in the reflects the growing acceptance that issues related to peace, security, and good governance should play a role in the post-2015 development framework. This progress of a global agenda on peace and development has been possible thanks to the work of several processes, including the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development (GD), which calls for measurable reductions in the burden of armed violence that humankind faces. The Small Arms Survey has been the leading research partner of the Geneva Declaration's 'measurability pillar' since the beginning of the initiative. The Global Burden of Armed Violence reports (2008, 2011 and 2015) have used 'violent deaths' as the main indicator for measuring and monitoring the scope and impact of armed violence globally, and refined a methodology for its collection and analysis. The violent death of a human being is the most extreme consequence of armed violence, and is treated seriously in all societies. For this reason it is likely to be recorded more accurately than other violent events. As a consequence, the number of persons who die violently is frequently used as a proxy measure for insecurity in both conflict and non-conflict settings. The Global Burden of Armed Violence reports focus on lethal violence shows that 'violent deaths' is a realistic indicator for policy-making (towards goals and targets) and for the purpose of measuring the results of armed violence prevention and reduction programmes. This experience is of great value to the current discussion around targets and indicators for Goal 16. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes, No. 49: Accessed August 5, 2015 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-49.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-49.pdf Shelf Number: 136341 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolent CrimeWeapons and Violence |
Author: Carapic, Jovana Title: Violent Deaths Due to Legal Interventions Summary: Killings during 'legal interventions' - the 'killing of civilians by law enforcement officials, or killings of law enforcement officials on duty' -accounted for an estimated 19,000 violent deaths each year during 2007-2012; which is 4 per cent of the 508,000 total violent deaths each year during that period. Such events raise questions about security policy, the role and accountability of the state and law enforcement agencies, the legitimacy of certain state actions, and potential avenues for security sector reform. The use of lethal force by law enforcement officers, including their use of firearms, may be the norm in situations where police face high levels of violence and where law enforcement agencies have adopted highly militarized tactics, however police forces operating under other circumstances seldom resort to the use of firearms. Violent Deaths due to Legal Interventions, a new Research Note by the Small Arms Survey and the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development, summarizes key findings of the research on legal interventions conducted for the 2011 and 2015 editions of the Global Burden of Armed Violence, with a view to advancing the debate on the coherence, comprehensiveness, and comparability of relevant data within and across countries. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes No. 53: Accessed August 5, 2015 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-53.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-53.pdf Shelf Number: 136342 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolence CrimeWeapons |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: When Men Murder Women: An Analysis of 2013 Homicide Data Summary: Intimate partner violence against women is all too common and takes many forms. The most serious is homicide by an intimate partner. Guns can easily turn domestic violence into domestic homicide. One federal study on homicide among intimate partners found that female intimate partners are more likely to be murdered with a firearm than all other means combined, concluding that "the figures demonstrate the importance of reducing access to firearms in households affected by IPV [intimate partner violence]." Guns are also often used in non-fatal domestic violence. A study by Harvard School of Public Health researchers analyzed gun use at home and concluded that "hostile gun displays against family members may be more common than gun use in self-defense, and that hostile gun displays are often acts of domestic violence directed against women." The U.S. Department of Justice has found that women are far more likely to be the victims of violent crimes committed by intimate partners than men, especially when a weapon is involved. Moreover, women are much more likely to be victimized at home than in any other place. A woman must consider the risks of having a gun in her home, whether she is in a domestic violence situation or not. While two thirds of women who own guns acquired them "primarily for protection against crime," the results of a California analysis show that "purchasing a handgun provides no protection against homicide among women and is associated with an increase in their risk for intimate partner homicide." A 2003 study about the risks of firearms in the home found that females living with a gun in the home were nearly three times more likely to be murdered than females with no gun in the home. Finally, another study reports, women who were murdered were more likely, not less likely, to have purchased a handgun in the three years prior to their deaths, again invalidating the idea that a handgun has a protective effect against homicide. While this study does not focus solely on domestic violence homicide or guns, it provides a stark reminder that domestic violence and guns make a deadly combination. Firearms are rarely used to kill criminals or stop crimes. Instead, they are all too often used to inflict harm on the very people they were intended to protect According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reports, in 2013 there were only 270 justifiable homicides committed by private citizens. Of these, only 23 involved women killing men. Of those, only 13 involved firearms, with 11 of the 13 involving handguns. While firearms are at times used by private citizens to kill criminals, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports that the most common scenarios of lethal gun use in America in 2013, the most recent final data available, are suicide (21,175), homicide (11,208), or fatal unintentional injury (505). When Men Murder Women is an annual report prepared by the Violence Policy Center detailing the reality of homicides committed against females by single male offenders. The study analyzes the most recent Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) data submitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The information used for this report is for the year 2013. Once again, this is the most recent data available. This is the first analysis of the 2013 data on female homicide victims to offer breakdowns of cases in the 10 states with the highest female victim/male offender homicide rates, and the first to rank the states by these rates. This study examines only those instances involving one female homicide victim and one male offender. This is the exact scenario-the lone male attacker and the vulnerable woman-that is often used to promote gun ownership among women. This is the 18th edition of When Men Murder Women. From 1996 to 2013, the rate of women murdered by men in single victim/single offender incidents dropped from 1.57 per 100,000 women in 1996 to 1.09 per 100,000 women in 2013, a decrease of 31 percent. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Institute, 2015. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 24, 2015 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/wmmw2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/wmmw2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137331 Keywords: Crime Statistics Family Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicide Intimate Partner Violence Murders Violence Against Women |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum Title: Gun Violence: Regional Problems, Partnerships, and Solutions. Findings and Recommendations from Four Regional Summits and a Survey of Police Executives Summary: To better understand regional issues and perspectives about gun crime and violence, the Police Executive Research Forum, with support from the Joyce Foundation, held four regional summits and surveyed law enforcement leaders on gun violence reduction strategies. The summits were held in Minneapolis, MN; Portland, OR; Las Vegas, NV; and Milwaukee, WI in 2013 and 2014. The survey of PERF's member police executives from around the nation was conducted from December 2014 to February 2015. Throughout the four summits, one message came through especially clearly: We must find a way to "de-politicize" gun crime issues and generate a national conversation about gun crime as a public health issue, not an issue of violating anyone's Second Amendment rights. Some of the information offered by the summit participants is shocking - such as a neighborhood in Milwaukee where residents were not even calling police to report hearing shots fired 86 percent of the time, because it was such a common occurrence. Even more frustrating, as Milwaukee Police Chief Edward Flynn noted, misdemeanor gun crimes in Wisconsin never result in an individual being prohibited from buying or owning a gun. So even a criminal with 20 or more misdemeanor firearms convictions could legally purchase and own a gun in Wisconsin. Some of the information is illuminating, such as the Minneapolis Police Department's successful efforts, recounted by former Chief Tim Dolan, to reduce bank robberies and street robberies by deploying surveillance cameras and gunshot detection technology in downtown areas. The discussions also provided hope by demonstrating that criminal justice professionals, working with elected officials, can bring about reasonable changes in gun laws that do reduce gun crime in their jurisdictions. All of the presentations and conversations were of value - helping us clarify what works, what could work, and what legislators, elected officials, criminal justice professionals, and community leaders can do to reduce gun crimes, make neighborhoods and regions safer, and provide opportunity and hope to the next generation of community members. Details: Washington, DC: PERF, 2015. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.policeforum.org/assets/gunpolicyreport2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.policeforum.org/assets/gunpolicyreport2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137448 Keywords: Gun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsViolent Crime |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 1: Defining the Problem Summary: The success or failure of community strategies to address the youth gun violence crisis is often attributed in part to how well the problem is understood and diagnosed. With support from The New York Community Trust, the Crime Commission has undertaken an analysis of youth gun violence and crew activity - violent turf rivalries among less-organized, smaller and normally younger groups than traditional gangs - in select New York City communities. Our initial findings from available data, existing research, and interviews with stakeholders are presented in a series of papers titled, "Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews". This research and fieldwork demonstrated that crews - and not traditional, hierarchical gangs - are a major part of violent crime statistics and analysis. Crews actually account for a great deal of youth criminal activity, especially violent crime - and without proper interventions for this type of activity, we will not be able to adequately address what has been a persistent public safety and criminal justice issue for New York City. In order to develop more effective responses to crews it is essential for stakeholders to acknowledge the victimization of those involved, understand their underlying needs, and identify the neighborhood conditions that impact them. New York City has famously experienced unprecedented, sustained reductions in crime over the last 25 years. Areas once so dangerous that they resembled foreign war zones now are home to some of the most desirable real estate in the country. We proudly and rightfully point to our success, calling ourselves the "safest big city in America". But there are places and people that have been left behind. There are areas which have not seen violent crime rates drop to nearly zero - as others have - or anywhere close. Certain races and age groups are also still far more likely to become victims and be responsible for violent crime than others. The root causes of violent crime have not changed either - and the circumstances under which crime is committed sound eerily familiar to the high-crime New York of 25 years ago that we now refer to as the "bad old days". Therefore, in order to make real strides in improving the quality of life amongst these persistently hardest-hit groups, we must address the root causes of why youth become involved in gun violence and crews. The NYPD publically acknowledged that youth "gangs" are becoming more organized and more violent, finding that more than a third of all shootings in New York City now involve what the NYPD calls "crews". In order to truly identify how youth are involved in organized activity (gangs, crews, etc.) and gun violence, the Crime Commission researched legal and intelligence definitions and conducted fieldwork with community residents, service providers, and policymakers which revealed three broad categories of organization: traditional gangs, crews, and groups. This research and fieldwork demonstrated that crews - (Fluid groups formed based on where members live, such as a building or block, creating violent turf rivalries. Crews generally do not have clear hierarchy, structure, or rules, and are usually not profit-motivated)- and not traditional, hierarchical gangs - are a major part of violent crime statistics and analysis. Crews actually account for a great deal of youth criminal activity, especially violent crime - and without proper interventions for this type of activity, we will not be able to adequately address what has been a persistent public safety and criminal justice issue for New York City. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol1-DefiningTheProblem.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol1-DefiningTheProblem.pdf Shelf Number: 137681 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 2: CompStat for Violence Prevention Programs Summary: Although there have been significant recent investments by policymakers and funders - ranging from organizing task forces and work groups, to deploying new law enforcement strategies, to implementing programmatic interventions - New York City's ability to fully understand and diagnose its crew problem is hindered by a lack of data and coordination. While the NYPD collects data on crew members and related criminal activity, law enforcement data are typically insufficient to inform comprehensive responses because it is collected for the purpose of informing suppression and investigation strategies. At the same time, community-based organizations collect a range of data about the underlying needs of the individuals involved, but often lack the capacity to analyze and communicate these data to inform policy and programming decisions. Further, the City lacks a collaborative effort among stakeholders dedicated to addressing this problem. Preventing crew violence cannot be accomplished by a single agency or organization. Effective solutions require the combination of insight, hard work, and dedication from a wide variety of organizations and stakeholders. New York City should immediately mobilize stakeholders to take steps toward developing a comprehensive strategy to address the city's crew violence problem. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol2-Compstat.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol2-Compstat.pdf Shelf Number: 137682 Keywords: CompstatCrime AnalysisGang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Violence CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Ueberall, Stephanie Title: Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews. Volume 3: Responding to the Problem Summary: The success or failure of community strategies to address the youth gun violence crisis is often attributed in part to how well the problem is understood and diagnosed. With support from The New York Community Trust, the Crime Commission has undertaken an analysis of youth gun violence and crew activity - violent turf rivalries among less-organized, smaller and normally younger groups than traditional gangs - in select New York City communities. Our initial findings from available data, existing research, and interviews with stakeholders are presented in a series of papers titled, "Assessing New York City's Youth Gun Violence Crisis: Crews". This research and fieldwork demonstrated that crews - and not traditional, hierarchical gangs - are a major part of violent crime statistics and analysis. Crews actually account for a great deal of youth criminal activity, especially violent crime - and without proper interventions for this type of activity, we will not be able to adequately address what has been a persistent public safety and criminal justice issue for New York City. In order to develop more effective responses to crews it is essential for stakeholders to acknowledge the victimization of those involved, understand their underlying needs, and identify the neighborhood conditions that impact them. Executive Summary New York City has famously experienced unprecedented, sustained reductions in crime over the last 25 years. Areas once so dangerous that they resembled foreign war zones now are home to some of the most desirable real estate in the country. We proudly and rightfully point to our success, calling ourselves the "safest big city in America". But there are places and people that have been left behind. There are areas which have not seen violent crime rates drop to nearly zero - as others have - or anywhere close. Certain races and age groups are also still far more likely to become victims and be responsible for violent crime than others. The root causes of violent crime have not changed either - and the circumstances under which crime is committed sound eerily familiar to the high-crime New York of 25 years ago that we now refer to as the "bad old days". Therefore, in order to make real strides in improving the quality of life amongst these persistently hardest-hit groups, we must address the root causes of why youth become involved in gun violence and crews. The NYPD publically acknowledged that youth "gangs" are becoming more organized and more violent, finding that more than a third of all shootings in New York City now involve what the NYPD calls "crews". In order to truly identify how youth are involved in organized activity (gangs, crews, etc.) and gun violence, the Crime Commission researched legal and intelligence definitions and conducted fieldwork with community residents, service providers, and policymakers. Although there have been significant recent investments by policymakers and funders - ranging from organizing task forces and work groups, to deploying new law enforcement strategies, to implementing programmatic interventions - New York City's ability to fully understand and diagnose its crew problem is hindered by a lack of data and coordination. While the NYPD collects data on crew members and related criminal activity, law enforcement data are typically insufficient to inform comprehensive responses because it is collected for the purpose of informing suppression and investigation strategies. At the same time, community-based organizations collect a range of data about the underlying needs of the individuals involved, but often lack the capacity to analyze and communicate these data to inform policy and programming decisions. Further, the City lacks a collaborative effort among stakeholders dedicated to addressing this problem. Preventing crew violence cannot be accomplished by a single agency or organization. Effective solutions require the combination of insight, hard work, and dedication from a wide variety of organizations and stakeholders. New York City should immediately mobilize stakeholders to take steps toward developing a comprehensive strategy to address the city's crew violence problem. The Crime Commission's Assessment offers the following recommendation: 1. Implement a cooperative approach 2. Better collect and share data 3. Coordinate a continuum of interventions Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol3-RespondingToTheProblem.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-Crews-Vol3-RespondingToTheProblem.pdf Shelf Number: 137683 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Neighborhoods and CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Cannon, Ashley Title: Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters and Large-Capacity Magazines Summary: Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, large-capacity ammunition magazines-which hold more than 10 rounds-have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. A Crime Commission analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Shelf Number: 137684 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass ShootingsWeapons |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Gun Deaths Outpace Motor Vwehicle Deaths in 21 States and the District of Columbia in 2014 Summary: Gun deaths outpaced motor vehicle deaths in 21 states and the District of Columbia in 2014, the most recent year for which data is available, a new analysis from the Violence Policy Center (VPC) finds. This is the fifth edition of the VPC report comparing gun deaths to motor vehicle deaths by state. The number of states where gun deaths exceed motor vehicle deaths has increased from just 10 states in 2009 - the first year of data analyzed by the VPC - to 21 states in 2014. In 2014, there were more gun deaths than motor vehicle deaths in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, and the District of Columbia, the analysis finds. Data is from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Gun deaths include gun suicides, homicides, and fatal unintentional shootings; motor vehicle deaths include both occupants and pedestrians. "Firearms are the only consumer product the federal government does not regulate for health and safety," states VPC Legislative Director Kristen Rand. "Meanwhile, science-based regulations have dramatically reduced deaths from motor vehicles in recent decades. It's well past time that we regulate firearms for health and safety just like all other consumer products." Nine out of ten American households have access to a motor vehicle while fewer than a third of American households have a gun. Yet nationwide in 2014, there were 33,599 gun deaths compared to 35,647 motor vehicle deaths. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2016. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.vpc.org/press/gun-deaths-surpass-motor-vehicle-deaths-in-21-states-and-the-district-of-columbia/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/press/gun-deaths-surpass-motor-vehicle-deaths-in-21-states-and-the-district-of-columbia/ Shelf Number: 137692 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicides |
Author: Novak, Kenneth J. Title: Kansas City, Missouri Smart Policing Initiative: From Foot Patrol to Focused Deterrence Summary: Kansas City, Missouri has experienced a persistent violent crime problem throughout much of the last decade. From 2010 through 2013, Kansas City ranked among the worst of the 50 largest cities in the United States for homicide, averaging more than 100 per year - for a rate of 22 per 100,000 residents. Kansas City's violent crime rate in 2012 was equally dismal, with nearly 2,500 aggravated assaults and 1,645 robberies. Violent crime in Kansas City is geographically concentrated in three of the department's six patrol divisions. In addition, violence disproportionately involves firearms. From 2010 to 2014, 90 percent of homicides and 42 percent of all aggravated assaults were gun-related. In 2011, the Kansas City Police Department (KCPD) received a grant through the Bureau of Justice Assistance's Smart Policing Initiative (SPI) to team with researchers and develop innovative interventions to reduce violent crime. Over the next four years, KCPD and their research partners at the University of Missouri-Kansas City implemented a multi-pronged effort to address violent crime through evidence-based strategies. In 2011 and 2012, the Kansas City SPI team planned, implemented, and evaluated a replication of the evidence-based Philadelphia Foot Patrol Experiment. For 90 days, pairs of rookie officers worked foot patrol shifts in four violent crime micro-hot spot areas. Results showed that foot patrol areas witnessed a 26-percent reduction in aggravated assaults and robberies during the 90-day period, and a 55-percent reduction during the first six weeks of the study. No reductions were reported in control areas or in catchment areas surrounding the foot patrol areas. Crime did increase in the target areas during the last seven weeks of the study and returned to pre-treatment levels after the foot patrol treatment ended. In 2013 and 2014, the Kansas City SPI team planned and implemented a comprehensive focused deterrence pulling levers strategy, called the Kansas City No Violence Alliance (KC NoVA). KC NoVA is an offender-focused strategy designed to reduce violent crime by building on the earlier success of the foot patrol project. During 2014, KC NoVA identified 64 groups composed of 884 violent offenders. The team held four call-ins with 149 attendees. As a result of the focused deterrence strategy, 601 offenders met with social service providers, and 142 offenders received a social service assessment. The SPI team conducted interrupted time series analysis to assess impact and found that the focused deterrence strategy produced statistically significant decreases in homicide (40 percent) and gun-related aggravated assaults (19 percent). The crime decline effects were largest immediately after implementation and weakened over time. The Kansas City SPI produced a number of lessons learned for law enforcement leaders and line officers. For leaders, the Kansas City SPI demonstrated the importance of keeping focus on Smart Policing principles in the wake of leadership change, and of effective communication to both internal and external stakeholders. The Kansas City SPI also provided insights regarding different deployment methods of foot patrol. For line officers, it highlighted the importance of determining what officers should actually do during foot patrol assignments, other than be present and visible. Finally, the Kansas City SPI underscores the importance of embracing the two key messages in a focused deterrence strategy: the threat of a law enforcement response to additional criminal activity, and the offer of help for those who want it. Details: Arlington, VA: CNA Analysis and Solutions, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Smart Policing Initiative: Spotlight Report: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.smartpolicinginitiative.com/sites/all/files/Kansas%20City%20SPI%20Spotlight%20FINAL%202015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.smartpolicinginitiative.com/sites/all/files/Kansas%20City%20SPI%20Spotlight%20FINAL%202015.pdf Shelf Number: 137710 Keywords: Focused DeterrenceFoot PatrolGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesPulling LeversSmart PolicingViolent Crime |
Author: Squires, Peter Title: Police Perceptions of Gang and Gun Related Offending: A Key Informant Survey Summary: This survey of Police officers (and civilian intelligence analyst staff) within one police force (GMP) offers an important and unusual insight into the problem of urban gun crime. Our findings reflect the perceptions of the problem of gun crime shared by a group of uniquely experienced police officers whose daily work involves dealing with, responding to and forward planning in respect of the problems of gun crime in one major British city with a particular reputation for gun crime. The particular survey itself comprises responses from 55 police personnel, ranking from detective constable to chief superintendent, (including a number of civilian intelligence analysts). Those GMP staff included in sample shared 835 years within policing, suggesting a mean duration of police service of some 15.8 years. Respondents were drawn from all of the force's separate geographical divisions. As suggested, the sample also included 20 GMP intelligence analysts, five of these working on attachment with the GMP Firearms Desk and operational gang response units. The intelligence analysts alone had a mean duration of service within GMP of between 8-9 years. Taken together, therefore, these lengths of service in the GMP suggest that our sample is appropriately drawn from an experienced and uniquely well qualified section of the police workforce, and a group we would expect to be able to speak knowledgeably, informatively and constructively about the gun crime and gang crime problems that they work with on a regular basis. There was a threefold purpose in reviewing 'key informant' perceptions of the gun crime problem within the project. First, in a wider sense it is part of our effort to get a clear perspective on how the problem is understood or constructed - this is, in a simple sense, what the 'experts' dealing with the problem think about it, the forms it takes and the means by which it might usefully be tackled. Second, in a more critical sense the survey is also very much about how these same 'experts' (or 'primary definers' (Hall et al, 1978)) help to construct the issue for the rest of us. A third issue relevant here concerns how the constructions of these 'experts' represent and yet may also 'misrepresent' aspects of the problems represented by 'gun' and 'gang' crime. For example, the particular professional preoccupations of police officers may tend to distort their perceptions of both the offence and of the offenders (or it may dwell upon some aspects of these matters at the expense of others). Or, to put it another way and recognising the "political" nature of problem definition in public policy-making, our respondents might perpetuate a perception of the gun crime problem which does not necessarily correspond with views shared by others, or they may hold views uncorroborated, for example, by research findings. All of this is, perhaps, only to be expected. Our group of respondents were selected precisely for their specialist knowledge and experience, and this knowledge and experience may lead them to see the matter in a different way. Details: Brighton, UK: University of Brighton, 2007. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2016 at: http://about.brighton.ac.uk/staff/profiles/pas1-magnet.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://about.brighton.ac.uk/staff/profiles/pas1-magnet.pdf Shelf Number: 137807 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsInformants |
Author: Great Britain. Office for National Statistics Title: Crime Statistics: Focus on Violent Crime and Sexual Offences, year ending march 2015 Summary: This release is a collaboration between ONS and Home Office analysts. It explores a variety of official statistics on violent crime and is based on interviews carried out on the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) in the year to March 2014 and crimes recorded by the police period over the same period. Trend analysis from both sources is included. This release is split into five chapters, each covering a different aspect of violent crime. The first chapter provides an overview of violent crime, summarising the extent and range of violent crime together with an analysis of long term trends. It also explores information such as the characteristics of the victim and the offender, as well as where and when incidents took place. The second chapter presents analyses of data gathered from the Home Office Homicide Index which includes murder, manslaughter and infanticide. The chapter discusses trends in homicide and puts the latest figures in the context of international comparisons. It also provides details on the characteristics of victims and suspects. The third chapter presents findings on the use of weapons in selected offences recorded by the police including firearms, knives and sharp instruments. It includes information on how they are used, and the injuries caused, as well as describing the geographical distribution of these offences. The fourth chapter uses data from a self-completion section on the 2013/14 CSEW which asks about experience of sexual and domestic violence. It describes offences occurring in the 12 months before the interview as well as those taking place since age 16. The chapter explores aspects of serious sexual assault and attitudes to sexual violence. The final chapter presents findings from the 2013/14 CSEW on violent incidents where alcohol has been a factor. Additional analysis on the nature of alcohol-related violence is also provided from the combined datasets of the 2012/13 and 2013/14 CSEW. This chapter also presents some information on alcohol-related violent crime recorded by the police. Key points - The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) continues to show steady declines in violent crime over the last 20 years. Between the 1995 and the 2013/14 surveys, the number of violent crime incidents has fallen from 3.8 million in 1995 to 1.3 million in 2013/14. - Violent crime victimisation rates have fallen by more than half since peak levels of crime in the mid-1990s. In 1995 4.8% of adults aged 16 and over were a victim of violent crime in the previous year, compared with 1.8% in the 2013/14 survey. - Homicide has also shown a general downward trend since 2002/03. The number of currently recorded homicides for 2013/14 (526) and 2011/12 (528) were the lowest since 1989 (521). The number of homicides in 2013/14 was equivalent to 9.2 offences per million population. - As in previous years, children under one year old had the highest rate of homicide (23.9 offences per million population) compared with other age groups. With the exception of those aged under one year, adults generally had higher incidence rates of being a victim of homicide than children. - The numbers of sexual offences (64,205) in 2013/14 was the highest recorded by the police since 2002/03. As well as improvements in recording, this is thought to reflect a greater willingness of victims to come forward to report such crimes. The CSEW has not seen a rise in the prevalence of sexual assault. The latest estimates show a small fall in sexual assault victimisation rates compared with the previous year. - In 2013/14, there were 7,709 offences in which firearms were involved, a 5% decrease compared with 2012/13. Offences involving knives or sharp instruments fell by 2% between 2012/13 and 2013/14 (to 25,972). These falls follow a sustained downward trend over a number of years. - The profile of victims of violent crime and sexual violence varied according to the type of offence. The CSEW showed that young men were most likely to be the victims of violence, while in contrast young women were more likely to have experienced sexual assault (including attempts). - Women were also more likely to be a victim of domestic abuse, with 8.5% of women and 4.5% of men having experienced domestic abuse in the last year, equivalent to an estimated 1.4 million female victims and 700,000 male victims. - In 2013/14, as in previous years, around two-thirds of homicide victims (65%) were male. In contrast, victims killed by a partner or ex-partner were more likely to be women. - Victims perceived the offender(s) to be under the influence of alcohol in 53% of violent incidents. This is equivalent to an estimated 704,000 'alcohol-related' violent incidents. While the volume of violent incidents that were 'alcohol-related' has fallen over time the proportion has remained relatively steady over the last ten years. Alcohol was a particularly prevalent factor in violent incidents between strangers, 64% of which were perceived to be alcohol-related. Details: London: Office of National Statistics, 2016. various pagings Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2016 at: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/taxonomy/index.html?nscl=Crime+and+Justice#tab-sum-pub Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/taxonomy/index.html?nscl=Crime+and+Justice#tab-sum-pub Shelf Number: 137883 Keywords: Alcohol-Related CrimeCrime StatisticsCrime SurveysDomestic ViolenceFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSexual AssaultSexual OffensesSexual ViolenceVictimizationViolent CrimeWeapons |
Author: Granath, Sven Title: Lethal violence in Sweden 1990-2014: A description of trends with a specific focus on firearm violence Summary: Lethal violence is a central type of offence in studies of crime trends in Sweden and in other countries. The rate of unreported cases, i.e. events which never come to the police's attention, is believed to be low for such offences and there is relatively consistent data over time. This report analyses all cases of completed murder, manslaughter, and assault with a lethal outcome of which the police were aware from 1990-2014. The purpose is to describe lethal violence in Sweden, both with a focus on the general trends and with a specific focus on lethal violence with firearms. The latter type of lethal violence has been given a great deal of attention during recent years, not the least in connection with reports of shootings in major cities while, at the same time, there has not yet been a detailed analysis of lethal firearm violence. In addition to information from the criminal justice system regarding cases of lethal violence (police investigations, sentences, etc.), the report also uses data from the National Board of Health and Welfare's cause of death register and patient register. Details: Stockholm: Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Bra), 2015. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: English summary of Bra report 2015:24: Accessed March 14, 2016 at: https://www.bra.se/download/18.47fa372d1520dfb2fc51b888/1452503671860/2015_Lethal_violence_in_Sweden_1990_2014.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Sweden URL: https://www.bra.se/download/18.47fa372d1520dfb2fc51b888/1452503671860/2015_Lethal_violence_in_Sweden_1990_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 138213 Keywords: Alcohol Related CrimeCrime StatisticsCrime TrendsFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Children's Defense Fund Title: Protect Children, Not Guns 2013 Summary: CDF's Protect Children Not Guns 2013 is a compilation of the most recent and reliable national and state data on gun violence in America. This report provides the latest statistics on firearm deaths by race, age and manner; highlights state gun violence trends and efforts to prevent child access to guns; dispels common myths about guns; and outlines progress at the federal and state level since the massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School. In 2010, 2,694 children and teens died from guns in the United States - one child or teen every three hours and 15 minutes, seven every day, 51 every week for a year. More than six times as many children and teens - 18,270 - suffered nonfatal gun injuries as gun deaths in 2010. This is equal to one child or teen every 30 minutes, 50 every day, and 351 children and teens every week. Details: Washington, DC: Children's Defense Fund, 2013. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2016 at: http://www.childrensdefense.org/library/protect-children-not-guns/protect-children-not-guns-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.childrensdefense.org/library/protect-children-not-guns/protect-children-not-guns-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 138316 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Manski, Charles Title: How Do Right-To-Carry Laws Affect Crime Rates? Coping With Ambiguity Using Bounded-Variation Assumptions Summary: Despite dozens of studies, research on crime in the United States has struggled to reach consensus about the impact of right-to-carry (RTC) gun laws. Empirical results are highly sensitive to seemingly minor variations in the data and model. How then should research proceed? We think that policy analysis is most useful if researchers perform inference under a spectrum of assumptions of varying identifying power, recognizing the tension between the strength of assumptions and their credibility. With this in mind, we formalize and apply a class of assumptions that flexibly restrict the degree to which policy outcomes may vary across time and space. Our bounded variation assumptions weaken in various respects the invariance assumptions commonly made by researchers who assume that certain features of treatment response are constant across space or time. Using bounded variation assumptions, we present empirical analysis of the effect of RTC laws on violent and property crimes. We allow the effects to vary across crimes, years and states. To keep the analysis manageable, we focus on drawing inferences for three states - Virginia, Maryland, and Illinois. We find there are no simple answers; empirical findings are sensitive to assumptions, and vary over crimes, years, and states. With some assumptions, the data do not reveal whether RTC laws increase or decrease the crime rate. With others, RTC laws are found to increase some crimes, decrease other crimes, and have effects that vary over time for others. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2015. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper No. 21701: Accessed March 18, 2016 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w21701.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w21701.pdf Shelf Number: 138332 Keywords: Gun LawsGun PolicyGun-Related ViolenceProperty CrimesRight-to-Carry |
Author: Barnhizer, David Title: Gun Control Hysteria Summary: The call to ban guns does not make sense from an effective regulatory perspective. Nor do gun control proposals representing an irrational fear of weapons satisfy Constitutional analysis whether that analysis proceeds under either a strict interpretation or "evolving document" analysis. The irony is that the "living and evolving document" approach to Constitutional interpretation, under current real-world threats and conditions, actually requires affirmative protections of Second Amendment rights. A key determinant of how rights and duties should be adapted to the "new normal" of serious and escalating risks of decentralized and distributed violence pursuant to the "living" US Constitution is that it must now be adjusted to the higher and "threat levels" we are experiencing. This means that the fundamental right to bear arms for defense of self and family must be given greater weight and deference under either a strict interpretation or evolving document approach. In terms of effective regulation, every gun control measure proposed or enacted since the Clinton administration has either failed or must fail when tested against the real world. Regulatory flops such as the Clinton "assault weapons" ban target firearms only rarely used in crime. Proposals or actual programs for firearms registries tug at the heartstrings of those who believe in the ability of the state to properly manage and control social interactions, but in practice fail to solve crimes, do not deter criminal conduct, nor make law-abiding citizens safer in any meaningful respect. Over and over, proposed firearm-restrictive "solutions" are only words on paper, inevitable and expensive regulatory "flops" with no hope of working and typical expressions of cynical politicians' public relations strategies aimed at garnering votes from the uninformed. Anti-gun advocates - at least those acting in good faith and not from purely cynical political motives - are convinced that any views contrary to their own are products of "barbarism", ignorance or some form of malicious social "psychosis". Whether a gun owner possesses weapons for reasons of self-defense, from a desire to defend local and national community if needed, or simply because the individual enjoys target shooting, hunting or being part of a "gun culture" such motivations are entirely incompatible with the belief systems of anti-gun activists who exist in secure "cocoons". Moreover, and remarkably, such regulations fail to conform to good faith Constitutional analysis under either an "originalist" or a "living constitution" type of analysis. While the Court itself has resolved the question of individual rights to firearm ownership in Heller and MacDonald, an honestly-applied "living constitution" analysis also requires the state to recognize and promote individual rights to firearm ownership and defense of self and others. Specifically, "living constitutionalists" claim that the text of the Constitution adopts different meanings depending upon perceived needs, morals, or other socio-political-contextual factors. In analyzing the perceived needs, morals, or other socio-political-contextual factors that define modern culture, an inescapably dominant reality is that the "threat climate" of the US has escalated significantly. This includes increasing sectarian strife, inadequate "after the fact" law enforcement, and the burgeoning rise in terroristic threats. Repeated ominous warnings from governmental actors charged with defending us indicate the risks we face are significant and becoming worse. We are being inundated with warnings from our officials that terrorist organizations are guaranteed to launch attacks in the United States. Some of the attackers will be long-time residents or newly radicalized citizens who seem to spring out of nowhere - as in the San Bernardino murders. We will be living with "lone wolf" attacks for several decades and must be prepared to deal with them. Unlike Supreme Court justices and presidents, the vast majority of Americans do not have personal guards or the resources needed to live in a secure suburban environment or gated community. Those who live in America's cities and in scattered rural areas with little police presence legitimately feel a greater need to be able to defend self, family and property from human predators. In such a context no one should disagree that the first obligation of a political community - local and national - is to provide security against crime and military assaults. Recognition that local and national communities are at a steadily increasing risk of violent attacks - whether from criminals or terrorists - has led a number of law enforcement officials to urge those who are legally eligible to do so to carry weapons and be prepared to react to violent assaults, ironically an urging to prepare to be able to act as a sort of "militia". The fact that experienced law enforcement officials see the need for defense of self, others and community against terrorist threats or to counter emotionally disturbed people intent on killing helpless people in "soft target" situations indicates strongly that our culture has changed in a fundamental way. The "new normal" of American culture involves the increased risk of violent attacks from foreign and homegrown sources - virtually none of which is comprised of actors who are legal owners of guns. Details: Cleveland, OH: Cleveland-Marshall College of Law, Cleveland State University, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Cleveland-Marshall Legal Studies Paper No. 295 : Accessed March 26, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2744879 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2744879 Shelf Number: 138425 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control policyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceRight to Bear ArmsSecond AmendmentSelf Defense |
Author: Quinet, Kenna Title: External Causes of Death in Indiana: Firearm Deaths Summary: Recent national headlines focused on the high firearm suicide rates in Indiana's own Vanderburgh County. In the first few weeks of 2007, suicides in the Evansville area were three times the number expected. Although the pace of suicides slowed during the rest of the year, by the end of 2007, the number of suicides reached 40, exceeding the previous high of 32 in 2005. Of these suicides, the method in 26 of the 40, or 65 percent, was a firearm. Also receiving national attention were the brutal firearm homicides of two Indianapolis women and their two small children. In addition to these recent southern and central Indiana firearm suicides and homicides, there was a tragic firearm injury in northern Indiana in February 2008 when teenagers were out of school due to weather. An 18-year-old boy was unintentionally shot by another teen who was playing with a firearm. From 1990-2005, 11,809 Hoosiers died from firearm-related suicides, homicides, unintentional shootings, and undetermined means. Of those deaths, 6,904 were firearm suicides, 4,297 were firearm homicides, and 432 Indiana residents died in unintentional shootings. Clearly the most significant toll of firearm deaths is from suicide (59 percent), to a lesser extent homicide (37 percent), and the least likely firearm death in Indiana is an unintentional firearm death (4 percent). These unintentional shootings are often the most tragic because children are involved. Newspapers, magazines, television, and radio are filled with stories of firearm homicides, suicides, and unintentional deaths. But how common are these firearm deaths? Are they increasing or decreasing? Which age, race, and gender groups are most vulnerable? How do firearm deaths in Indiana rank compared to the other major external causes of death such as unintentional motor vehicle deaths? This report begins to address these questions using data primarily from the Centers for Disease Control, National Center of Injury Prevention and Control Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS). Details: Indianapolis: Center for Urban Policy and the Environment, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University, 2008. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2016 at: http://policyinstitute.iu.edu/Uploads/PublicationFiles/CauseOfDeath4.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://policyinstitute.iu.edu/Uploads/PublicationFiles/CauseOfDeath4.pdf Shelf Number: 138440 Keywords: FirearmsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicides |
Author: Koorey, Stephanie Title: Illicit Small Arms in the Pacific Summary: With the exception of Papua New Guinea, the number of illicit small arms likely to be in circulation in Western Pacific island countries is not particularly large or widespread. The region remains relatively 'gun free' as Philip Alpers' recently proclaimed. Supply is not bountiful, controls in the form of regional and national laws are sound, disarmament and amnesties have been somewhat successful, and demand is neither strong nor state or region-wide-Papua New Guinea being the exception. In broader context, the Pacific Institute for Public Policy points out that: The Pacific has seen its share of coups and conflict, but deserves recognition for being a largely peaceful region ... It also has a wealth of traditional mechanisms to end conflict ... It is worth bearing this in mind as the region develops a more 'bottom-up' approach to contemporary security issues. The project conducted a strategic assessment, rather than a detailed stocktake, of the illicit small arms in the Western Pacific island region with a focus on Fiji, Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea (excluding Bougainville). As anticipated, most of the illicit small arms in the region come from within the countries studied and are largely recirculated within them. However, there are pockets where weapons transgress borders, but this is not particularly organised or substantial. There are also trends with new weapons entering the region, but these are mostly imported by or with the knowledge or approval of the national governments. That makes illicit small arms in the Western Pacific island countries less of a transnational problem and more one for national governments. There are also five additional region-wide trends linked clearly and potentially to small arms proliferation. They were outside the scope of this project, but are worth bringing to attention and they are discussed briefly in this report. International organisations and national non-government organisations (NGOs) have been at the forefront of activism and information on small arms in the Pacific. Yet after more than a decade, the Nadi Framework and Goroka Gun Summit, both grand initiatives, remain largely dormant. In part, this reflects the reality that many illicit small arms-firearms essentially-are sourced from inside the country in which they are used, and recycled multiple times within it, and that the security sector has been, or remains, both a source of supply and driver of demand. This is particularly so for the Royal Papua New Guinea constabulary. The problems with illicit small arms in the Western Pacific are indicative of societal and governance problems and should not be seen as an isolated phenomenon. As such, this report cautions against any isolated firearms 'fetish' responses, or for the issues raised to be seen solely as 'a gun problem'. As Wondemaghen noted, fears generated by media stories of armed violence 'generates a temptation to reach for simple, often punitive solutions to multi-faceted complex problems'. As such, this report makes suggestions regarding illicit small arms control and broader, societal factors that may mitigate demand in the three focus countries. The research indicates tangible factors are a strong driver of demand and that the 'motives and means' hypothesis holds true. Small arms, mostly firearms, are sourced for personal or property protection, to participate in tribal fighting, to perpetrate crime, to coerce and influence political activities, but not to create state-wide conflict or coup against an extant government. In parts of Papua New Guinea there appears to be a constant overt demand for firearms, for both the tangible reasons listed above, as well as the more intangible predilection towards wanting firearms for the status they bestow on the user. However, this avenue of research could not be confirmed in this project. Conclusions that can be drawn from the research are that the hallmarks of the region are overt demand and supply in Papua New Guinea, reduced and low demand in Solomon Islands and Fiji, and internal supply, including the skills to build home-made firearms. Finally, the relationship between the civilian legal market of sporting and recreational shooters and the illicit market is emotionally potent. Globally and regionally, civilian stocks are leaked onto the illicit market. However, the position of this paper is that the Pacific sporting shooters are an informed and engaged stakeholder in small arms control, and that in many cases 'providing a path to legal firearms possession', including its safe storage and use, can be one element of effective small arms control. Details: Queanbeyan NSW: Australian Civil-Military Centre, 2016. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Civil-Military Occasional Paper 1-2016 : Accessed April 115, 2016 at: https://www.acmc.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/3-2015-Illicit-Small-Arms-in-the-Pacific.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: https://www.acmc.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/3-2015-Illicit-Small-Arms-in-the-Pacific.pdf Shelf Number: 138685 Keywords: Gun TraffickingGun-Related ViolenceIllicit ArmsIllicit MarketsIllicit WeaponsWeapons and Firearms |
Author: Smithson, Hannah Title: Young People's Involvement in Gangs and Guns in Liverpool Summary: There has been growing concern among policy makers and the wider public regarding high profile murders involving firearms, along with a perception that these events are a result of youth gang violence. These incidents have been taking place in major cities across the UK, including Liverpool. This perception of escalating violence among young people, frequently involving weapons, has prompted the government to make confronting what it has termed 'gun, knife and gang crime' a priority. However, relatively little information exists on 'gang involvement and 'gun crime', who is committing it, for what reasons and what might be the best ways of reducing it. Other commentators have connected gun crime to criminal gangs and a growing 'gang culture.', nevertheless, important gaps remain in our knowledge about violent crime fuelled by gangs and weapons. This research study draws upon an extensive literature review of the national and international research examining gangs and gun crime, coupled with a series of in-depth interviews with senior practitioners, senior specialist police officers, front line youth workers, and gang and gun involved young people from across Liverpool. Research Questions The research aimed to answer the following research questions: 1. What is the extent and nature of young people's involvement with gangs and guns in Liverpool? 2. What are the likely causal processes generating and sustaining the problem? a. What factors contribute increased risk of gang and gun involvement? b. What motivates young people to become involved with gangs and guns? 3. Which interventions look promising? a. What factors influence implementation? Details: Huddersfield, UK: University of Huddersfield, Applied Criminology Centre, 2009. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2016 at: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/24788/1/acc-guns-and-gangs-report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/24788/1/acc-guns-and-gangs-report.pdf Shelf Number: 131483 Keywords: Gang-Related ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesYouth Gangs |
Author: New Jersey. Commission on Violence Title: Report of the Study Commission on Violence Summary: The Study Commission on Violence discharged its duty to examine trends and sources of violence, the impact of violence on the community, identified funding opportunities that address violence, and the mental health system through the receipt of subject matter expert briefings, public hearings, and its own independent research. This report summarizes the Study Commission's findings and its recommendations to the Legislature and the Governor. Violence in our communities is a concern we heard expressed time and again in our public hearings and in examining data related to the frequency of violence in New Jersey. There is no one source of violence or a single impact on the communities where it occurs. Rather, violence is brought on by a host of socio-economic factors and individual decisions made by people who choose to perpetrate violent acts against others or themselves. While "violence" is an all-encompassing term, it can also be imprecise. Deaths due to violence are at a generational low; yet, violence remains stubbornly high in certain areas - in New Jersey, roughly 80 percent of all violent crime occurs in just 21 cities. It is not coincidental that these cities also have lower rates of high school graduation, higher rates of unemployment, lower rates of household income, and higher rates of school truancy. Violence does not occur in a vacuum; rather, it thrives in poor and disadvantaged communities where educational and economic opportunities are limited and residents have become accustomed to a certain level of lawlessness. In recent years, the challenges facing these communities have been compounded by economic turmoil that has resulted in reductions in law enforcement. Violence, however, is not confined to urban settings and occurs in suburban and rural communities as well. The issue of violence should be a concern to all New Jersey residents, to one degree or another. And while violent "street" crime is found disproportionately in a small number of places in New Jersey, certain crimes like domestic violence are more widespread. Still others, like elder abuse, are emerging as concerns in the community. At the same time, a consensus has begun to form around the manner in which those who are drug addicted, particularly those suffering from heroin addiction, are treated when they are arrested. Whereas public policy once focused exclusively on incarcerating individuals, even for low-level offenses, for significant periods of time, current policy has shifted toward diverting non-violent offenders away from incarceration and into treatment. Moreover, this trend has extended into how law enforcement treats juvenile delinquents. Through diversion programs that offer community-based oversight, some county youth detention facilities have closed because too few juveniles are being remanded to custody and the number of juveniles in Juvenile Justice Commission facilities has dropped by roughly half. Of course, violence is not limited to acts by one person against another. Self-directed violence in the form of suicide and attempted suicide is also prevalent in our country. Indeed, the number of suicides that occur nationally each year is more than twice the number of homicides that occur in our nation. The Study Commission took seriously its charge to examine the trends, sources, and impact of violence in the community, the availability of grant funding to combat violence, the implementation of expanded involuntary outpatient commitments, and whether and how defendants with identified mental health disabilities but who are charged with crimes, can be offered an alternative to incarceration in the form of a structured, case managed program of treatment and counseling. The Commission learned that there are a wide range of programs and services available to those with a diagnosed mental health disability or illness. Indeed, coverage for mental health treatment is now available to more individuals through the expansion of Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. That said, issues still remain regarding access to that treatment due to limited resources and reimbursement for practitioners who treat these patients. With respect to at least one specific charge of the Commission - examining the involuntary outpatient commitment program and whether it should be extended statewide - the Commission determined that this has been mooted by legislation passed by the Legislature and signed by the Governor. Details: s.l.: The Commission, 2015. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2016 at: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2455899/study-commission-on-violence-report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2455899/study-commission-on-violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 138801 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMental Health ServicesSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeSuicidesUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Metropolitan Police Department (Washington, DC) Title: After Action Report: Washington Navy Yard, September 16, 2013. Internal Review of the Metropolitan Police Department, Washington, D.C. Summary: On the morning of Monday, September 16, 2013, Aaron Alexis entered Building 197 at the Washington Navy Yard, where he served as an independent contractor, and carried out the most deadly workplace mass shooting in the Nation's Capital in recent memory. Over the course of 69 minutes, Alexis terrorized thousands of employees of Naval Sea Systems Command, firing indiscriminately from a shotgun he had legally purchased two days earlier and a handgun he had taken from a security guard after mortally wounding the guard. He would also get into multiple shooting engagements with responding law enforcement officers, seriously injuring a Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) officer. In his final confrontation with police, Alexis ambushed and fired upon another MPD officer. Fortunately, the officer was saved by his protective vest and was able to return fire, killing Alexis and ending his rampage. When it was over, Alexis had shot and killed twelve people and injured several others. Over the years, the members of MPD, along with other area law enforcement agencies and emergency responders, have trained extensively for the possibility of an "active shooter" incident. The Department did so with the hope of never having to respond to such a tragedy, but in the wake of Columbine, Virginia Tech, Aurora, Fort Hood, and Sandy Hook, among other similar tragedies, MPD recognized the importance and necessity of those preparations. As the primary law enforcement agency for the Nation's Capital, the members of MPD are acutely aware of the many potential targets that exist within the city and the need to remain prepared and vigilant. On September 16, 2013, hundreds of police, fire, and emergency medical personnel from several different agencies responded to the Navy Yard after receiving news of the shooting. Officers relied upon their training, experience, and instincts to run into an unfamiliar and massive building, towards the gunshots and certain danger, in order to stop the gunman from taking more lives. Details: Washington, DC: Metropolitan Police Department, 2014. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 5, 2016 at: http://mpdc.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/mpdc/publication/attachments/MPD%20AAR_Navy%20Yard_07-11-14.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://mpdc.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/mpdc/publication/attachments/MPD%20AAR_Navy%20Yard_07-11-14.pdf Shelf Number: 138936 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Internal Security Mass ShootingsNational SecurityPolice Officer Training |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Beyond Gridlock: How White House Action on Gun Violence Can Save Lives Summary: In the wake of the horrific shooting at Umpqua Community College in Roseburg, Oregon - the 18th mass shooting of 20151 - President Obama spoke to the nation, lamenting that gun violence has grown so routine in America and deploring Congressional inaction. But the President also issued a powerful call to action, and recommitted his administration to exploring its authority to take executive action and enforce the laws already in place. He asked whether there were steps his administration could take to prevent these "tragic deaths from taking place." This report answers the President's call, and offers five life-saving measures that the Administration could advance - today - to keep guns out of the hands of dangerous people. These five critical - and simple - steps would: keep dangerous people with guns out of our schools; crack down on gun trafficking and curb the sale of guns without background checks; ensure that law enforcement identifies and prosecutes the most dangerous criminals who try to illegally obtain guns; help states to enforce their own background check laws; and ensure that all convicted domestic abusers are prohibited from possessing guns. A comprehensive list of these and other recommended executive actions is set forth in the appendix to this report. Details: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2015. 18p. Source: Internet Resource Accessed May 13, 2016 at: https://everytownresearch.org/documents/2015/10/beyond-gridlock-white-house-action-gun-violence-can-save-lives.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://everytownresearch.org/documents/2015/10/beyond-gridlock-white-house-action-gun-violence-can-save-lives.pdf Shelf Number: 139016 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicideViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Healing Communities in Crisis: Lifesaving Solutions to the Urban Gun Violence Epidemic Summary: Healing Communities in Crisis outlines two categories of solutions: intervention programs and policy reforms. These approaches are grounded in the insight that, in most communities, an incredibly small and identifiable population is responsible for the vast majority of gun violence. Our report highlights the following programs: - Group Violence Intervention (GVI)- In this approach to gun violence prevention, a partnership of law enforcement, community members, and service providers is assembled to meet with small groups of the most at-risk individuals in order to send a message that the shooting must stop. The program has now been replicated in a wide array of American cities, with consistently impressive results. - Cure Violence (CV) - This promising strategy treats violence like a communicable disease. The spread of violence is interrupted by employing Outreach Workers and Violence Interrupters to work directly with individuals most likely to commit or become the victims of gun violence. A community campaign is also conducted to change norms surrounding the use of violence. - Hospital-Based Violence Intervention Programs (HVIP) - Victims of violent injury are very likely to end up back in the hospital. This model takes advantage of a unique teachable moment by connecting violently injured youths with culturally competent case managers who are able to shepherd their clients to badly-needed social services that enable change. Our report also lays out the policy reforms most likely to decrease the supply of crime guns in impacted communities. These policies include: universal background checks, permit to purchase laws, gun trafficking regulations, and prohibitions on large capacity ammunition magazines. Details: San Francisco: Law Center to Prevention Gun Violence, 2016. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://smartgunlaws.org/healing-communities/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://smartgunlaws.org/healing-communities/ Shelf Number: 139019 Keywords: Gun PolicyGun TraffickingGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesTrafficking in WeaponsViolence Prevention |
Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: License to Kill: How Lax Concealed Carry Laws Can Combine with Stand Your Groud Laws to Produce Deadly Summary: The shooting death of Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman's subsequent acquittal have focused the nation's attention on expansive self-defense laws - so-called Stand Your Ground laws - that enable an individual to use deadly force even in situations in which lesser force would suffice or in which the individual could safely retreat to avoid further danger. Leaders from around the country, including President Barack Obama and U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, have questioned how Florida's law - which is similar to laws enacted in 21 other states-may have contributed to the circumstances that led to Martin's death. Yet the Martin case also implicates another set of laws: the state laws governing who may carry concealed firearms - the laws that put a gun in Zimmerman's hands in the first place. Under Florida law, even individuals such as Zimmerman, who have a criminal history and a record of domestic abuse, are generally entitled to a concealed carry permit, as long as they are not barred from gun possession under federal law and as long as their offense does not meet a very narrow range of additional exclusions under state law. If Zimmerman had applied for a permit in one of the many states with stronger permit requirements, his history of violence and domestic abuse would likely have disqualified him from obtaining a concealed carry permit. This case might then have had a very different outcome. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 19, 2016 at: https://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/StandYrGround.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/StandYrGround.pdf Shelf Number: 130127 Keywords: Concealed Carry LawsDeadly ForceGun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceStand Your Ground Laws |
Author: Carr, Jillian B. Title: The Geography, Incidence, and Underreporting of Gun Violence: New Evidence using ShotSpotter Data Summary: This paper provides new evidence on the extent of underreporting of gun violence. Criminal activity is often selectively underreported - that is, underreported in a non-random manner. This can make it difficult to understand public safety problems and devise effective policy strategies to address them. However, new surveillance technologies are facilitating the collection of more accurate data on crime. In this paper, we describe data on gunfire incidents, recorded using a tool called ShotSpotter. We compare those data with previously-available data on gun violence (reported crime and 911 calls) to estimate baseline correlations between these measures as well as the causal effect of gunfire incidents on reporting. Using data from Washington, DC, and Oakland, CA, we find that only 12% of gunfire incidents result in a 911 call to report gunshots, and only 2-7% of incidents result in a reported assault with a dangerous weapon. These extremely low reporting rates have important implications for research on gun violence. The characteristics and research potential of ShotSpotter data are relevant to surveillance data more broadly; while such data have not yet been exploited by social scientists, they could be extremely valuable for crime research and policy. Details: Washington, DC: Brookings, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2016 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2016/04/27-gun-violence-underreporting/carr_doleac_gunfire_underreporting.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2016/04/27-gun-violence-underreporting/carr_doleac_gunfire_underreporting.pdf Shelf Number: 139138 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Sorg, Evan T. Title: An Ex Post Facto Evaluation of the Philadelphia GunStat Model Summary: In January of 2012, Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter outlined the crime fighting measures that his administration would pursue during his second term as mayor. Included was a plan to introduce a multi-agency crime reduction program, which Philadelphia Police Commissioner Charles Ramsey and District Attorney Seth Williams would co-chair, called GunStat. GunStat was described as a collaborative effort to reduce gun violence through (1) identifying locations with a high incidence of violent crime, (2) pinpointing violent offenders responsible for these crimes, (3) focusing on arresting and prosecuting these offenders for crimes committed at these places, and (4) enhanced monitoring of offenders on probation and parole who are living and/or offending within these locations. In effect, GunStat was designed to target the right people (prolific, violent known offenders) at the right places (hot spots of violent crime). This dissertation is an in-depth, ex post facto evaluation of Philadelphia's GunStat model as implemented over two phases and two years. It involved both a quasi-experimental research design which employed propensity score matching methods to generate comparisons, and a process-evaluation where several themes, including program implementation, were explored. The results here suggest that GunStat did not reduce crime relative to comparison locations. However, the qualitative data highlighted the importance of informal inter-agency networks that were developed during the course of the intervention, and suggested that GunStat put future collaborations on a solid footing. The implications for criminal justice policy, theory and evaluation design are discussed. Details: Philadelphia: Temple University, 2015. 258p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: http://cdm2458-01.cdmhost.com/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/349592 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://cdm2458-01.cdmhost.com/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/349592 Shelf Number: 139323 Keywords: Crime AnalysisGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHot Spots PolicingViolent Offenders |
Author: Duquet, Nils Title: Armed to Kill: An exploratory analysis of the guns used in public mass shootings in Europe Summary: Every year in Europe around 1,150 people are shot dead with firearms. These deaths occur in various contexts, including the relational and criminal spheres. The little available research into the weapons used during these fatal crimes suggests that different types of firearms are used in different contexts. In this report we focus on the weapons that were used for one specific form of deadly firearms incidents, namely "public mass shootings". These are shooting incidents in the (semi-)public space in which the perpetrator(s) use one or more firearms and during which several people are killed and injured. Under this umbrella term we find numerous types of shooting incidents, ranging from school shootings in which a frustrated pupil murders a number of classmates and/or teachers to terrorist attacks in which groups of perpetrators attempt to spread terror in coordinated attacks. A look at recent mass shootings shows that significant differences can be observed in terms of, for example, the locations where these shootings were carried out, the number of perpetrators, the motives of the perpetrator(s), the selection of the victims and the firearms used. This report analyses one specific aspect of such shooting incidents, namely the firearms that were used. Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2016 at: http://www.flemishpeaceinstitute.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/files/hitp/armed_to_kill.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://www.flemishpeaceinstitute.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/files/hitp/armed_to_kill.pdf Shelf Number: 139545 Keywords: FirearmsGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass Shootings |
Author: Moody, Carlisle E. Title: Firearms and the Decline of Violence in Europe: 1200-2010 Summary: Personal violence, has declined substantially in Europe from 1200-2010. The conventional wisdom is that the state's monopoly on violence is the cause of this happy result. I find some evidence that does not support this hypothesis. I suggest an alternative hypothesis that could explain at least some of the reduction in violence, namely that the invention and proliferation of compact, concealable, ready-to-use firearms caused potential assailants to recalculate the probability of a successful assault and seek alternatives to violence. I use structural change models to test this hypothesis and find breakpoints consistent with the invention of certain firearms. Details: Williamsburg, VA: College of William and Mary, Department of Economics, 2015. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Number 158: Accessed July 11, 2016 at: http://economics.wm.edu/wp/cwm_wp158.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://economics.wm.edu/wp/cwm_wp158.pdf Shelf Number: 139579 Keywords: Concealed WeaponsFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Denman, Kristine Title: Evaluation of the Bernalillo County Metropolitan Area Project Safe Neighborhoods Summary: Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) is a violent crime reduction initiative sponsored by the Department of Justice (DOJ). It has been in operation for over a decade and has been implemented in jurisdictions throughout the country. It began with a focus on firearm crimes, and in 2006, expanded to include gang crimes. The current initiative is intended to address violent crime, gun crime, and gang crime in Bernalillo County and the surrounding Native American communities, including Isleta Pueblo and To'hajiilee. Across the country, United States Attorney's Offices (USAO) coordinate PSN efforts in their respective districts. The USAO designates a Task Force Coordinator (also referred to herein as the "law enforcement coordinator") whose charge is to convene a PSN Task Force that brings together representatives from law enforcement and prosecution at all jurisdictional levels (local, tribal, state, and federal), as well as community leaders, research partners, and others. These Task Force meetings are a venue for planning, reporting on, and refining PSN activities and initiatives. In addition to managing these efforts, the PSN Task Force Coordinator reports to the Department of Justice regarding the implementation and short-term success of local PSN efforts. New Mexico has had the opportunity to engage in a number of Project Safe Neighborhoods projects in a variety of locations throughout the state. This PSN effort intended to build on those prior initiatives by engaging with established partners, utilizing strategic efforts developed previously, and using other proven resources and strategies developed previously through other efforts like Weed & Seed. This PSN project intends to expand on prior efforts by addressing the concerns of nearby Native American communities, particularly with respect to the transference of criminal activity and values across jurisdictional boundaries, and by addressing the impact of violent crime on urban Native Americans both as victims and offenders. As part of the research support and evaluation efforts for this PSN project, the New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center (NM SAC) at the University of New Mexico's Institute for Social Research has contracted with the New Mexico Department of Public Safety to conduct a process evaluation. Besides documenting project activities, this evaluation focuses on documenting the activities and collaboration that occurred, the perceived impact and success of the initiative, facilitators and barriers to implementation, and directions for future growth. Details: Albuquerque: New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center, 2016. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 23, 2016 at: http://isr.unm.edu/reports/2016/evaluation-of-bernalillo-county-metropolitan-area-psn.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://isr.unm.edu/reports/2016/evaluation-of-bernalillo-county-metropolitan-area-psn.pdf Shelf Number: 139804 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceNeighborhoods and CrimeProject Safe NeighborhoodsViolenceViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Towers, Sherry Title: Contagion in Mass Killings and School Shootings Summary: Abstract Background Several past studies have found that media reports of suicides and homicides appear to subsequently increase the incidence of similar events in the community, apparently due to the coverage planting the seeds of ideation in at-risk individuals to commit similar acts. Methods Here we explore whether or not contagion is evident in more high-profile incidents, such as school shootings and mass killings (incidents with four or more people killed). We fit a contagion model to recent data sets related to such incidents in the US, with terms that take into account the fact that a school shooting or mass murder may temporarily increase the probability of a similar event in the immediate future, by assuming an exponential decay in contagiousness after an event. Conclusions We find significant evidence that mass killings involving firearms are incented by similar events in the immediate past. On average, this temporary increase in probability lasts 13 days, and each incident incites at least 0.30 new incidents ( p = 0.0015). We also find significant evidence of contagion in school shootings, for which an incident is contagious for an average of 13 days, and incites an average of at least 0.22 new incidents ( p = 0.0001). All p -values are assessed based on a likelihood ratio test comparing the likelihood of a contagion model to that of a null model with no contagion. On average, mass killings involving firearms occur approximately every two weeks in the US, while school shootings occur on average monthly. We find that state prevalence of firearm ownership is significantly associated with the state incidence of mass killings with firearms, school shootings, and mass shootings. Details: PLoS ONE 10 (7): e0117259. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0117259. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 1, 2016 at: http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article/asset?id=10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0117259.PDF Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article/asset?id=10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0117259.PDF Shelf Number: 139930 Keywords: ContagionCopycat EffectGun-Related ViolenceMass HomicidesSchool ShootingsSchool Violence |
Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Firearm Justifiable Homicides and Non-Fatal Self-Defense Gun Use: An Analysis of Federal Bureau of Investigation and National Crime Victimization Survey Data Summary: In 2012, across the nation there were only 259 justifiable homicides involving a private citizen using a firearm reported to the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program as detailed in its Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR). That same year, there were 8,342 criminal gun homicides tallied in the SHR. In 2012, for every justifiable homicide in the United States involving a gun, guns were used in 32 criminal homicides . And this ratio, of course, does not take into account the tens of thousands of lives ended in gun suicides or unintentional shootings that year. This report analyzes, on both the national and state levels, the use of firearms in justifiable homicides. It also details, using the best data available on the national level, the total number of times guns are used for self-defense by the victims of both attempted and completed violent crimes and property crimes whether or not the use of the gun by the victim resulted in a fatality. Details: Washington, DC: VPC, 2015. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 2, 2016 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/justifiable15.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/justifiable15.pdf Shelf Number: 139937 Keywords: Crime StatisticsFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSelf-Defense |
Author: Carr, Jillian B. Title: Keep the Kids Inside? Juvenile Curfews and Urban Gun Violence Summary: Gun violence is an important problem across the United States. However, the impact of government policies on the frequency and location of gunfire has been difficult to test due to limited data. The data that do exist suffer from broad and non-random under-reporting. This paper uses a new, more accurate source of data on gunfire incidents to measure the effects of juvenile curfews in Washington, DC. Juvenile curfews are a common, but extremely controversial, policy used in cities across the United States. Their goal is to reduce violent crime by keeping would-be offenders and victims indoors, but removing bystanders and witnesses from the streets could reduce their deterrent effect on street crime. The net effect on public safety is therefore ambiguous. We use exogenous variation in the hours of the DC curfew to identify the policy's causal effect on gun violence. We find that, contrary to its goal of improving public safety, DC's juvenile curfew increases the number of gunfire incidents by 150% during marginal hours. Details: Unpublished paper, 2015. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2486903 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2486903 Shelf Number: 139977 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceJuvenile CrimeJuvenile CurfewsUrban AreasViolent Crime |
Author: Richardson, Lydia Title: Armed violence and poverty in Brazil: A case study of Rio de Janeiro and assessment of Viva Rio for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: This report is the result of an 11-day visit to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in September 2004. Wider research and information were used to complement the stakeholder interviews held during this period. The objectives of the study were to: - Contribute to the UK Government Department for International Development- (DFID) funded Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative (AVPI) global research study on the links between armed violence and poverty. - Contribute to the AVPI global study on assessing and reviewing the impact of small arms and light weapons (SALW) projects on small arms availability/misuse and poverty. - Support the case study organisation (Viva Rio) with its internal reflection on strategy and impact. Causes of violence in Rio de Janeiro are multi-faceted. High levels of inequality and physical, social and economic exclusion from the formal system are some of the principle causes. This combines with cultural factors such as machismo and the draw of perceived higher social status and identity through joining gangs. The availability of guns, cocaine and the marijuana industry exacerbates the problem. The lack of an integrated public security strategy coupled with a violent and corrupt police, and a judiciary and prison system which is ineffective, are also contributing factors. The political and economic history of Brazil has played a part: the transition from dictatorship to democracy; rapid and unplanned urbanization; and shifts in labour market requirements to higher skill levels to meet new demands, resulting in high unemployment and frustration felt by those with some education but insufficient to secure a job in the formal economy. Perpetrators and victims of armed violence in Rio de Janeiro are primarily the police, drug traffickers (mainly young men of 14-29 years old), and civilians caught in the crossfire. Favelas are the main locations of gun violence but criminal violence does occur in other parts of the city. The principle type of armed violence is organised drug gang fighting for territorial control; police use of arms; armed robbery and petty crime. Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2005. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: http://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk:8080/bitstream/handle/10454/1000/AVPI_Rio_de_Janeiro.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2005 Country: Brazil URL: http://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk:8080/bitstream/handle/10454/1000/AVPI_Rio_de_Janeiro.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 140028 Keywords: Armed ViolenceDrug-Related ViolenceFavelasGun-Related ViolenceJuvenile GangsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Hume, Mo Title: Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador: A mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: One of the most powerful conflicts to affect Central America in the 1980s was that in El Salvador (1980-1992), resulting in the death of more than 80,000 citizens. This report on El Salvador is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2004. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: https://core.ac.uk/download/files/10/6001.pdf Year: 2004 Country: El Salvador URL: https://core.ac.uk/download/files/10/6001.pdf Shelf Number: 140019 Keywords: Armed ViolenceDrug-Related ViolenceFavelasGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesJuvenile GangsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Turner, Mandy Title: The Impact of Armed Violence on Poverty and Development. Full Report of the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: This study examines the extent to which armed violence and small arms and light weapons (SALW) possession and usage, impoverishes individuals, groups, societies and states in various armed violence situations. The objective of the study is not only to advance and clarify understandings and knowledge in this area, which has been largely neglected in policy and research, but also to inform programme design and evaluation. In addition, it offers suggestions on how donors and agencies working in the field of armed violence/SALW and development can work better together to alleviate poverty. Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2005. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: https://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10454/1006/AVPI_Synthesis_Report.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2005 Country: International URL: https://bradscholars.brad.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10454/1006/AVPI_Synthesis_Report.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 140020 Keywords: Armed ViolenceDrug-Related ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceJuvenile GangsPovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: McGarrell, Edmund F. Title: Detroit Project Safe Neighborhoods: Final Project Report Summary: Detroit Project S afe Neighborhoods (PSN), known as the Comprehensive Violence Reduction Partnership, involved a multi - agency collaboration of local, state, and federal criminal justice agencies, community partners, and a research partner following a data - driven strategic effor t to reduce gun and gang violence. The strategy combined focused enforcement with youth outreach and intervention. Detroit PSN focused on two high violent crime precincts on the westside of Detroit (6 th and 8 th precincts). Participants in the PSN/CVRP expressed consensus that the initiative resulted in enhanced communication and coordination among partnering agencies resulting in enhanced capacity to proactively address gun - and gang - related violence. There was clear evidence of significant activities as a result of PSN including long - term investigations and prosecution of violent street groups; prosecution of chronic violent offenders; probation and parole compliance checks; directed police patrols in gun hotspots; school - based prevention; and communit y engagement. Gun crime trends suggested declines in overall gun crime with the most apparent effect on armed robbery. The bottom line is that the level of gun crime victimization declined in the target area, particularly in 2014 after PSN was fully operational ( - 17%) . The difficulty is in interpreting the extent to which these declines in gun violence were attributable to PSN. The citywide data showed similar declines in gun violence that began earlier than the declines observed in the PSN target a rea. Thus, it is an open question of whether various initiatives such as COMPSTAT, Detroit One, MSP directed patrols, MDOC utilization of field agents and joint compliance checks, Ceasefire, improved economic conditions, or other factors were affecting ci tywide gun crime trends. It is impossible to clarify whether PSN contrib uted to the City's overall decline or whether the PSN target area benefitted from these broader forces. The most persuasive evidence of a PSN gun crime reduction impact came from a c omparison with "synthetic control areas". The synthetic controls were constructed by identifying police scout car areas most similar to the 6 th and 8 th precincts. This comparison indicated that in 2014 the PSN target area experienced a 9 percent decline in gun crime when compared to the most similar areas of Detroit. When coupled with the very positive reports from PSN/CVRP team members, this suggests that PSN had a positive impact on the capacity of the partnering agencies and on gun crime in the 6 th and 8 th precincts. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, Michigan Justice Statistics Center, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 26, 2016 at: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/Detroit_PSN-Final_Report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/Detroit_PSN-Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 140044 Keywords: Gang ViolenceGangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceProject Safe NeighborhoodsViolent Crime |
Author: Cohen, Cathy J. Title: Gun Violence, Policing, and Young Communities of Color Summary: The recent police shootings of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile and the mass shooting at Pulse nightclub in Orlando have received international attention and prompted national discussion on the issue of gun violence. Young people - and particularly young people of color - have been at the center of this conversation. Most of the Pulse victims were Latino/a, and #BlackLivesMatter activists have organized around the country in response to police killings of people of color with Sterling and Castile as only the most recent examples in a long list that includes Tanisha Anderson, Tamir Rice, and Michael Brown. It should come as no surprise that young people of color are leading the response to recent instances of gun violence. Young people do not all experience gun violence at the same rate nor do they feel its consequences evenly. Our research on young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 years old highlights the very different experiences young people have with guns, gun violence, and policing across racial and ethnic groups. Details: Chicago: Black Youth Project, University of Chicago Center for the Study of Race, Politics and Culture, 2016. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 20, 2016 at: http://raceandpolicing.issuelab.org/resources/25201/25201.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://raceandpolicing.issuelab.org/resources/25201/25201.pdf Shelf Number: 145622 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsRacial Disparities |
Author: Illinois Sentencing Policy Advisory Council Title: Trends Analysis: Unlawful Use of a Weapon Summary: Has increasing the sentencing penalties for unlawful use of a weapon offenses had a positive effect on public safety over the last 10 years? This report uses basic trend analysis to examine whether the increased penalties for unlawful use of a weapon (UUW) offenses preceded any change in measurable public safety outcomes. In this report, measurable public safety outcomes are the number of reported violent gun crime offenses and the rate that UUW offenders are reconvicted of crime within three years of release (i.e., recidivism). If the UUW penalty enhancements were effective deterrents, fewer violent gun crimes would be committed. This analysis finds minimal effects on the public safety outcomes: - The 10-year trends for UUW crimes and overall violent crime, represented by incidents reported in Chicago, matched national downward trends in violent crime - Arrest data indicate that Cook County accounted for 65% of all UUW arrests in 2012 - Recidivism rates for UUW offenders are similar immediately before and after the sentencing enhancements This analysis finds an increase in the number of prisoners held by the state: - The Illinois Department of Corrections (IDOC) prisoner population increased after each penalty enhancement This analysis concludes that the increase in UUW prisoners is likely caused by the cumulative effect of (1) a decrease in the use of probation and (2) an increase in technical violations of UUW offenders on supervised release . Details: Springfield, IL: SPAC, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 20, 2016 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/spac/pdf/SPAC_Trends_Analysis_Report_09_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/spac/pdf/SPAC_Trends_Analysis_Report_09_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 140381 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolencePunishmentSentencingViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Henry, David B. Title: The Effect of Intensive CeaseFire Intervention on Crime in Four Chicago Police Beats: Quantitative Assessment Summary: This quantitative evaluation project analyzed two years of publicly-available data on violent crimes for the two districts targeted by City of Chicago Contract #2013-00303-00- 00 to determine (1) whether the goals of the contract were accomplished and (2) whether the effects exceeded what could have been expected without CeaseFire. The results are summarized as follows: o Raw crime counts show a 31% reduction in homicide, a 7% reduction in total violent crime, and a 19% reduction in shootings in the targeted districts. o These effects are significantly greater than the effects expected given the declining trends in crime in the city as a whole. o Reduced levels of total violent crime, shootings, and homicides were maintained throughout the intervention year in the targeted districts. o Some effects, including the rate of growth in violence, differed by district, possibly due to different strategies employed by CeaseFire. o The effects of the intervention were immediate, appearing within the first month, when CeaseFire workers arrived in the community, and were maintained throughout the intervention year. o It is not likely that effects were due to increased police activity, although this cannot be confirmed because the contract called for cooperation between CeaseFire and police. o The extent to which the effects will be maintained in the year after the end of the city contract will be the subject of further study. Details: Chicago, IL: Cure Violence.org, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2016 at: http://cureviolence.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/McCormick-CeaseFire-Evaluation-Quantitative.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cureviolence.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/McCormick-CeaseFire-Evaluation-Quantitative.pdf Shelf Number: 140473 Keywords: CeaseFireCrime PreventionGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHealth PolicyViolence Prevention |
Author: Kleck, Gary Title: Does Gun Control Reduce Violent Crime? Summary: Do gun control laws reduce violence? To answer this question, a city-level cross-sectional analysis was performed on data pertaining to every U.S. city with a population of at least 25,000 in 1990 (n=1,078), assessing the impact of 19 major types of gun control laws, and controlling for gun ownership levels and numerous other possible confounders. Models were estimated using instrumental variables regression to address endogeneity of gun levels due to reverse causality. Results indicate that gun control laws generally show no evidence of effects on crime rates, possibly because gun levels do not have a net positive effect on violence rates. Although a minority of laws seem to show effects, they are as likely to imply violence-increasing effects as violence-decreasing effects. There were, however, a few noteworthy exceptions: requiring a license to possess a gun, and bans on purchases of guns by alcoholics appear to reduce rates of both homicide and robbery. Weaker evidence suggests that bans on gun purchases by criminals and on possession by mentally ill persons may reduce assault rates, and that bans on gun purchase by criminals may also reduce robbery rates. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2807634 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2807634 Shelf Number: 145073 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control PolicyGun OwnershipGun-Related Violence |
Author: Greenberg, Mark Title: Rethinking Gun Violence Summary: This working paper develops the argument of "Gun Violence and Gun Control" (also posted on SSRN), a short piece commissioned by the London Review of Books. We decided not to publish either paper, in part because we felt there were empirical issues that we were not in a position to assess. We welcome comments on either paper. In this Article, we propose a new way of approaching the problem of gun violence, synthesizing features of a number of successful initiatives. We begin, in Part I of this Article, by examining the gun debate. We argue that it is focused on the wrong question. Once attention is focused on the right question, it becomes clear how to develop a gun violence reduction strategy that is not subject to the standard objections to gun control. As an illustration of the wrong turn the debate has taken, we take as a case study Joyce Malcolm's recent Guns and Violence. The book attempts to use a historical study of guns and violence in England, as well as a brief comparison with the U.S., to develop policy prescriptions for the U.K. Malcolm is a respected academic historian, and her work, both in this book and in the past, has helped give wide currency to the view that increasing the number of guns in private hands is an effective way of reducing violent crime. Although the book has been widely praised by those on the same side of the debate, it has glaring defects in reasoning and scholarship. Malcolm fails even to notice that there is an option other than more guns or fewer guns. In Part II of the Article, we proffer a broad strategy for reducing gun violence. The essence of the strategy is to focus on keeping guns out of the wrong hands, rather than on reducing or increasing the number of guns generally. Although most writers (to the extent they consider the matter at all) assume otherwise, there is strong reason to conclude keeping guns out of the wrong hands - and doing so without reducing the number of guns in circulation - is a tractable problem, which is not to say that it is an easy or completely soluble one. The strategy has two parts, a demand side and a supply side. On the demand side, the strategy begins from the fact that a disproportionate amount of violent crime is committed by a very small number of identifiable persons. Moreover, although it is not generally appreciated, the criminal justice system has tremendous leverage over these recidivist offenders, for example, because most of them are subject to parole supervision. On the supply side, the crucial starting point is that the black market that supplies criminals with guns depends substantially on the legitimate market, and in particular on purchases of guns from licensed firearms dealers (as opposed to, for example, haphazard thefts). Powerful tools are available for cutting off the flow of guns from licensed dealers into the black market. The widely held view that there are simply too many guns already in circulation for supply-side policies to work is unjustifiably dismissive of suppositions about human behavior that are fundamental to the law, as well as of the admittedly tentative empirical evidence of recent gun-violence reduction initiatives. Details: Los Angeles: University of California at Los Angeles, School of Law, 2010. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: UCLA School of Law Research Paper No. 10-02 : Accessed October 20, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1531371 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1531371 Shelf Number: 145887 Keywords: Background ChecksGun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Meyer, William Debard Title: Analyzing Crime on Street Networks: A Comparison of Network and Euclidean Voronoi Methods Summary: he analysis of the uneven spatial distribution of crime has been an important area of research investigation and policy analysis for the past several decades. These analyses typically use spatial analytical methods that are based on the assumption of Euclidean (straight-line) distance. However, crime like most social activity is often mediated by the built environment, such as along a street or within a multi-story building. Thus, analyzing spatial patterns of crime with only straight-line Euclidean distance measurement ignores this intervening built landscape and may very possibly introduce error into the ensuing result. The purpose of this research is to compare and contrast the differences in analytical results for spatial analysis techniques that have the capability to use either Euclidean or network distance. Voronoi diagrams which can be implemented utilizing either Euclidean distance or network distance (distance measured along a street) offer a means for performing this comparison. Utilizing Voronoi diagram implementations with Euclidean distance and network distance this thesis will examine the spatial distribution of gun-inflicted homicide locations and the similarity/differences between the results of their application with the aim of informing the spatial analysis of street located homicide. Details: Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2010. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 21, 2016 at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/47563673_Analyzing_Crime_on_Street_Networks_A_Comparison_of_Network_and_Euclidean_Voronoi_Methods Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/47563673_Analyzing_Crime_on_Street_Networks_A_Comparison_of_Network_and_Euclidean_Voronoi_Methods Shelf Number: 131166 Keywords: Crime AnalysisCrime MappingCrime NetworksGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSpatial Analysis |
Author: New South Wales Ombudsman Title: Review of police use of the firearms prohibition order search powers: Section 74A of the Firearms Act 1996 Summary: Since 1973, the Commissioner of Police has had the power to prohibit any person from possessing a firearm if, in the Commissioner's opinion, the person is not a fit person in the public interest to have possession of a firearm. The mechanism is called a firearms prohibition order (FPO). An FPO, once made, can have a wide-ranging effect: it is an offence for an FPO subject to possess a firearm or ammunition, to reside in premises where a firearm or ammunition is kept, or for another person to sell or give a firearm or ammunition to someone they know is an FPO subject. Police were given strengthened powers in 2013 to conduct searches in aid of FPO orders. The new search powers were introduced as part of a series of legal reforms intended to enhance the ability of police to prevent and control crime, and gun crime in particular. The Commissioner of Police described the new powers as 'extraordinary'. They enable police, without a warrant, to search an FPO subject’s body and any vehicle or premises that the person occupies, controls or manages. A search may be conducted ‘as reasonably required’ to determine if the FPO subject has committed an offence by having a firearm, firearm parts or ammunition. The breadth of the new search powers raised concerns that police may use them arbitrarily or unreasonably. The NSW Parliament required the NSW Ombudsman to keep under scrutiny the exercise of the new FPO search powers for the first two years of their operation. At the end of that review, the Ombudsman is required to prepare a report on the way police have exercised their FPO search powers, and make recommendations for any changes that he considers necessary. This is my report following that review. It contains recommendations for the consideration of the Minister for Justice and Police, about possible changes to legislation and internal procedures and practices that guide the way police use the FPO search powers. I am required to provide my report to the Minister for Justice and Police, the Attorney General and the Police Commissioner. The Minister is required to table the report in Parliament. My office found that police used the FPO search powers extensively during the review period. Over the two years, there were approximately 1,500 interactions where police used the search powers. During those interactions, police conducted over 2,500 separate searches, sometimes of the person’s body as well as their property. The police were sometimes able to use the FPO search powers in circumstances where general search warrant powers were unlikely to apply. Police found firearms, ammunition and firearm parts in 2% of these interactions. In the two years, they seized 35 firearms, 26 lots of ammunition and 9 firearm parts. We examined the profiles of the people whom police searched using the FPO search powers. In total, 400 FPO subjects were searched. The searches conducted on these people appeared to be generally consistent with Parliament’s intention. However, we also found that police conducted searches on over 200 people who were not subject to an FPO at the time of the search (a total of 269 person searches). Police conducted those searches on what appears to be an erroneous application of the new FPO search powers and, as such, the searches may have been unlawful. We also found a lack of clarity in police understanding of when they may conduct an FPO search on an FPO subject. In 14% of search events, police conducted a search on the basis of their apparent understanding that a search can be conducted for the reason alone that the person is an FPO subject. We do not consider this is correct. A search can be conducted only when ‘reasonably required’ to determine if an FPO offence has been committed. It is not a roving search power to be used randomly on FPO subjects, but a power to be used in a targeted way to examine if firearms control legislation is being properly observed. This report recommends changes to ensure that the intended meaning of the legislation is properly observed. One option is for Parliament to consider amending the legislation to resolve the apparent ambiguity that has led to the incorrect use of the search powers. Another option is for the NSW Police Force to develop guidelines regarding the meaning of ‘reasonably required’, and to ensure that, through education, training and monitoring, the intended meaning of the legislation is understood and followed by police. Other measures are also proposed to ensure that police use FPO search powers fairly and reasonably. We recommend that FPOs expire after five years. This recommendation, if implemented, will allow police to continue to target current firearms risks, while reducing the potential for people to be subject to arbitrary or unreasonable searches for an indefinite period. If the circumstances warranted, the Commissioner could make a further FPO against that same person at the expiry of five years. FPO searches have enabled police to confiscate illicit firearms during the review period: this is a positive outcome. However, it is not possible to determine the deterrent, prevention or disruption effects of the FPO search powers by assessing data for only the first two years of use. A study covering a longer period of operation would be required to provide deeper insight. It is still too early to measure whether the FPO search powers will have a significant impact in the policing of firearmsrelated crime. We recommend an evaluation be conducted after the powers have been in place for at least five years. This would also address understandable concerns that have been raised publicly about the potential misuse of these extraordinary powers. It is important that the public can be fully informed about the effectiveness (or otherwise) of the powers. The fair and reasonable use of these new FPO search powers depends largely on the discretion of individual police officers. Adopting our recommendations will assist police to manage the risk of unreasonable use by placing clear limitations around the duration and scope of FPOs. This will encourage and facilitate the appropriate use of the powers and, in turn, maintain public confidence in police. Details: Sydney: NSW Ombudsman, 2016. 140p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2016 at: https://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0016/37132/Review-of-police-use-of-firearms-prohibition-order-search-powers.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: https://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0016/37132/Review-of-police-use-of-firearms-prohibition-order-search-powers.pdf Shelf Number: 140853 Keywords: Firearms Prohibition Gun Control Gun-Related ViolencePolice Discretion Stop and Search |
Author: World Health Organization Title: Guns, knives and pesticides: reducing access to lethal means Summary: Evidence suggests that limiting access to firearms, knives and pesticides saves lives, prevents injuries and reduces costs to society. Homicide and suicide claim 600 000 and 844 000 human lives respectively, each year worldwide. This comes at a terrible cost to society - psychological and financial - and inhibits progress towards all eight of the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals. This carnage could be significantly reduced, however, by limiting access to three of the most lethal means of violence: firearms, sharp objects (such as knives) and pesticides. Firearms: Jurisdictions with restrictive firearms legislation and lower firearms ownership tend to have lower levels of gun violence. Measures include bans, licensing schemes, minimum ages for buyers, background checks and safe storage requirements. Such measures have been successfully implemented in countries such as Austria and Brazil and in a number of states in the United States of America. Introducing national legislation can be complicated, but much can be done at local level. Stiffer enforcement, amnesties and improved security for state supplies of firearms are some of the other promising approaches. Multifaceted strategies are also needed to reduce demand for guns - diverting vulnerable youth from gang membership, for instance. Sharp objects: As well as control measures, governments need broad strategies to reduce socioeconomic factors underlying the violent use of these weapons. Less evidence is available on the impacts of efforts to reduce violence associated with sharp objects than for firearms. Until now concerned authorities have focused on similar measures to those used for the control of guns. In the United Kingdom these have included legislative reforms (bans on flick knives, minimum ages for purchasers etc.), stiffer enforcement ("stop-and-search" initiatives) and amnesties; however, their impact is not yet clear. Pesticides: Safer storage, bans and replacement by less toxic pesticides could prevent many of the estimated 370 000 suicides caused by ingestion of pesticides every year. Members of agricultural communities in low- and middle-income countries are heavily over-represented in the suicide death toll related to pesticides. Controlling access to pesticides is not only critical in reducing self-directed violence, it is key to preventing unintentional poisoning and terrorism. International conventions attempt to manage hazardous substances; however, many highly toxic pesticides are still widely used. Studies indicate that bans must be accompanied by evaluations of agricultural needs and replacement with low-risk alternatives for pest control. Further research is needed, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. The development of robust injury-data collection systems and further studies are required to deepen our understanding of the impacts of measures to reduce access to lethal means, especially in low- and middle-income countries. Details: Geneva: WHO, 2009. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Series of briefings on violence prevention: Accessed November 3, 2016 at: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/44060/1/9789241597739_eng.pdf Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/44060/1/9789241597739_eng.pdf Shelf Number: 145399 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesKnivesViolenceViolence PreventionViolent CrimeWeapons |
Author: Widmer, Mireille Title: Monitoring Trends in Violent Deaths Summary: In the framework of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Small Arms Survey is pleased to announce a new series of reports designed to support global efforts to reach targets under Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG16). To promote the sharing of information and encourage collaboration in this context, the Survey is also providing online access to its updated database on violent deaths and corresponding interactive maps. Under SDG16, Target 16.1 commits all states to '[s]ignificantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywhere'. Monitoring Trends in Violent Deaths, the first in a new series of SDG16 reports, establishes a global baseline of violent deaths for Target 16.1, with the aim of helping states to gauge changes in the incidence of violent deaths—a composite indicator comprising data on homicide and direct conflict deaths. Key findings of this report include the following: In 2010–15, an average of 535,000 people died violently every year. This global estimate is higher than the ones for the periods 2004–09 and 2007–12. A growing number of people are dying in conflict: while an annual average of 70,000 deaths were recorded in 2007–12, the figure rose to 90,000 in 2010–15. The armed conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria are responsible for a large proportion of these deaths. The global homicide rate is continuing its decrease, but not enough to offset the increase in conflict deaths in 2010–15. The vast majority (83 per cent) of victims of fatal armed violence lose their lives outside of conflict zones. Direct conflict deaths account for the remaining 17 per cent. The global distribution of violence is becoming increasingly unequal: fewer countries are registering high violent death rates (above 20 per 100,000 population), but their average violent death rates are on the rise. In absolute numbers, more lives were lost to violence in 2015 in large countries that were not experiencing conflict, such as Brazil and India, than in war-torn Syria. The analysis relies on new data from the Small Arms Survey's database on violent deaths. The new data—which includes figures on firearm homicides and female homicide victims—extends through the end of 2015 or the latest available year. The updated database on violent deaths and corresponding interactive maps can be consulted on the Small Arms Survey's website. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2016. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes, no. 59: Accessed November 7, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-59.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-59.pdf Shelf Number: 145311 Keywords: Conflict-Related ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Widmer, Mireille Title: Firearms and Violent Deaths Summary: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development explicitly links firearms, violence, and sustainable development (UNGA, 2015). Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 includes global commitments to significantly reduce "all forms of violence and related death rates" (Target 16.1) as well as illicit arms flows (Target 16.4) by 2030. In addition, the Inter-Agency and Expert Group on SDG Indicators recommends that states provide data on violence-related deaths disaggregated by instrument of violence, among other factors. Measures that target the use, possession, and transfer of firearms - such as dedicated legislation, transfer controls, amnesties, or crackdowns on illicit possession - can help to reduce violent deaths in both conflict and non-conflict settings. Such measures can also assist in curbing non-lethal outcomes, such as the rate of firearm-related injuries, disability, and psychological trauma, on which comprehensive national data is scarce (Alvazzi del Frate and De Martino, 2013). This Research Note analyses trends in firearm-related violent deaths. It presents estimates based on data in the Small Arms Survey's database on violent deaths, which currently covers countries around the world from 2004 to 1 August 2016 and includes both conflict deaths and homicide data sets (Small Arms Survey, n.d.; see Box 1). The Note updates data published in the Global Burden of Armed Violence 2015 (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2015a). It finds that: Globally, firearms were used in an estimated 46 per cent of all violent deaths in 2010-15. Specifically, they were used in 50 per cent of homicides and 32 per cent of conflict deaths. The use of firearms in lethal violence is particularly prevalent in the Americas, as well as Southern Africa and Southern Europe. In most regions, the proportion of violent deaths that involved firearms was fairly stable from 2007-12 to 2010-15, although averages decreased in the Caribbean and increased in Southern Africa. National time-series data reveals differing patterns in Albania and Croatia. In Albania, firearm and non-firearm violent deaths have risen and fallen in parallel, suggesting that they are both influenced by common factors. In Croatia, the rate of firearm homicide decreased by 70 per cent between 2006 and 2013, independently of the rate of non-firearm homicide, which remained relatively stable. Efforts are required Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2016. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes No. 60: Accessed November 7, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-60.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-60.pdf Shelf Number: 145310 Keywords: Conflict-Related ViolenceFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Chicago. Office of the Mayor Title: Tracing the Guns: The Impact of Illegal Guns on Violence in Chicago Summary: Gun violence is Chicago's most urgent problem. Since assuming office in 2011, Mayor Emanuel's top priority has been reducing crime so that all Chicagoans, in every neighborhood, feel safe in our City. The Mayor's comprehensive violence reduction strategy has attacked the problem from every angle, including increasing police resources, fostering economic opportunity, improving education outcomes, empowering youth through prevention programs, and creating opportunities for individuals returning from incarceration. The City's approach is showing signs of progress. Chicago closed 2013 with historic lows in crime and violence. Last year, Chicago had the fewest murders since 1965, the lowest murder rate since 1966, and the lowest overall crime rate since 1972. But violence in Chicago remains unacceptably high. Too many families, from generation to generation, have lived with the heartbreak and devastation of gun violence. And while the City continues to invest in smarter police strategies and high quality prevention programs, it also must tackle the problem at one of its root causes: the flow of illegal guns into the City. This report is composed of data and analysis compiled by the Chicago Mayor's Office and the Chicago Police Department examining the impact of illegal guns on violent crime in Chicago and the scope of the City's illegal gun market. This report updates an analysis previously released in 20123 and confirms: (1) Chicago's violence problem is directly linked to the number of illegal guns available in the City; (2) Sixty percent of guns recovered in crimes in Chicago were first sold in other states, many with weaker gun laws; and (3) A small handful of gun stores, three from Cook Country and one from Gary, Indiana, continue to be responsible for a disproportionate number of crime guns recovered on Chicago's streets. Recognizing that there must be a multifaceted approach to reducing gun violence, the Mayor's Office and the Chicago Police Department will take every step to hold accountable the straw purchasers, retail stores, and irresponsible gun owners who arm criminals and young people. Details: Chicago: Office of the Mayor, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 8, 2016 at: http://www.chicagobusiness.com/Assets/downloads/20151102-Tracing-Guns.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.chicagobusiness.com/Assets/downloads/20151102-Tracing-Guns.pdf Shelf Number: 146278 Keywords: GangsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal Guns |
Author: Carapic, Jovana Title: Handgun Ownership and Armed Violence in the Western Balkans Summary: In the 1990s, the countries and territories of the Western Balkans1 experienced several transformations: a transition from socialism to liberal democracy, widespread economic decline, and episodes of violent conflict in Bosnia and Croatia (1991–95) and in Kosovo (1999) (see Map). Since the turn of the 21st century, the region has witnessed increasing political stability and socioeconomic adjustment. Yet while the threat of armed conflict in the region has decreased, levels of handgun ownership and armed violence remain high. Throughout the region, which has an overall population of about 25 million (UNDESA, n.d.), an estimated 3.6–6.2 million firearms are in civilian possession. The high prevalence of civilian-held firearms has been linked to the rate of violent crime, with the homicide rate in the Western Balkans being higher than in the other countries of Southern Europe as well as in Western Europe (Alvazzi del Frate and Mugellini, 2012; Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011, p. 60). In addition, the high prevalence of firearms and violent crime in the region is linked to the activities of organized crime, which is largely perceived by both the international and the local population as one of the primary sources of insecurity in the Western Balkans. These findings call for an analysis of the dynamics of firearms possession and armed violence in the Western Balkans. This Issue Brief examines the historical aspects of firearms proliferation in the region in order to frame the issue. It also presents the results of a nationwide household survey conducted by Gallup Europe in the countries and territories of the Western Balkans in 2012. The Small Arms Survey had the opportunity to insert three questions relating to firearms possession and armed victimization into the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor (see Box 1). Where necessary, the data from the survey has been supplemented by information from other sources, such as international and national data, special reports, and policy and academic research. The main findings are as follows: The Western Balkans is home to an estimated 3.6–6.2 million registered and unregistered firearms. At least 500,000 and up to 1.6 million households own firearms in the Western Balkans. Since 1995, the average homicide rate in the region has decreased drastically, stabilizing at around 2.0 per 100,000 between 2007 and 2010. Nevertheless, the homicide rate is still significantly higher than in other European regions, and homicides are more frequently committed with firearms. About 1.2 per cent of all survey respondents reported that a household member was held at gunpoint in the 12 months prior to the administration of the survey. This Issue Brief is divided into three sections. The first section outlines the cultural and historical factors that have facilitated the spread of firearms among the population. The second section examines the post-conflict security dynamics, the role of organized crime in the proliferation of firearms, and the prevalence of registered and unregistered firearms in the region. The section ends with a focus on longitudinal trends in the homicide rate, as disaggregated by sex and firearms. Section three, which comprises the bulk of the analysis, presents region-wide household survey data obtained from the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor to generate an evidence-based understanding of armed violence in the Western Balkans. Specifically, the section unpacks issues relating to self-reported and perceived levels of handgun ownership, provides estimates of household firearms possession, and reflects on experiences of armed violence. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief, no. 4: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf Shelf Number: 146983 Keywords: FirearmsGun OwnershipGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicides |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Strategies for Reducing Gun Violence in American Cities Summary: Urban gun violence touches on issues central to American life: safety, equality, opportunity, and community. As thousands of city residents are killed or injured with guns each year, mayors and other community leaders face an urgent challenge: finding effective solutions and implementing them to make a difference now and into the future. This report, a collaboration between Everytown for Gun Safety, Mayors Against Illegal Guns, and the National Urban League, is a tool for all city leaders who want to reduce gun violence. First, the report summarizes much of what is known about urban gun violence: its causes, the ways it differs from violence in other settings, and the ways it undercuts many other aspects of city life. It is not the intent of this report to explain all the variation in gun violence across cities; instead, it is a primer for cities that want to act today, in spite of uncertainty. Far from presenting novel ideas, it brings together the knowledge of academic researchers, community activists, nonprofit leaders, and civil servants who have been addressing gun violence in cities for decades. Second, the report describes seven strategies that dozens of cities have taken to reduce gun violence in their communities, drawing on specific case studies. The identified interventions address factors known to contribute to urban gun violence, are supported by a growing body of evidence, and can each be a part of any city's larger strategy for reducing gun violence. This is not a comprehensive account of the hard work taking place in communities across the country, the volume of which is impossible to capture, but these case studies demonstrate that cities can learn from one another, building on successes, and informed by a growing body of evidence. Details: New York: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2016. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2016/06/strategies-reducing-gun-violence-american-cities.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2016/06/strategies-reducing-gun-violence-american-cities.pdf Shelf Number: 148906 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesUrban Areas and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Aldred, Joe Title: ' Who is my neighbour?' A Church Response to Social Disorder linked to Gangs, Drugs, Guns and Knives Summary: This report is an expression of our churches' deep concern about negative gang-related social disorder and violent crimes; their effects upon society at large, particularly the young; and the perspectives of the churches on and contributions to finding solutions. The main tools of negative gang activity are drugs, guns, and knives; the use of which has resulted in the maiming and tragic loss of many young lives, long jail sentences for the convicted perpetrators and the destabilisation of urban communities. But this phenomenon does not occur in a vacuum, its causes are complex and are linked to wider social issues.Therefore, this report is interested in the social, economic, political and environmental issues that provide the context within which gang-related social disorder and violent crimes occur. Addressing such complex context requires a holistic approach that considers both causes and effects if we are to uncover a message of faith, hope, and love of neighbour. The report aims to quantify and value the contribution of the churches in addressing gang-related social disorder, reveal gaps in thinking and provision and provide churches with guidelines of good practice. It also aims to identify partnership opportunities to better address the issue. It was commissioned by the Enabling Group of Churches Together in England (CTE)3 and prepared by the Secretary of Minority Ethnic Christian Affairs.4 As a national ecumenical instrument, CTE has a role in helping the Church make an effective contribution to the search for solutions to gang-related social disorder. In commissioning this report CTE recognises that although this issue is sometimes presented as a 'Black problem', gang-related disorder is a challenge of national proportions impacting all communities, particularly urban communities. One contributor to our discussions pointed out that "this need for information and for strategic intervention represents a massive opportunity for CTE in the context of national programs." Churches and Christian-led initiatives are already playing crucial roles in addressing these difficult issues; however, to date, there has been no national scoping of what is currently being done. During the preparation of this report Premier Radio published 'Church Consultation on Violent Crime' in association with the Metropolitan Black Police Association. Gang-related crime is of growing national concern. Last year street violence claimed the lives of 26 teenagers in London. Recent research published by NCH, the children's charity, shows that as many as 29% of young people are affected by gun and knife crime and 36% are worried about gangs in their area. The paper calls for greater recognition of the extent to which young people are the victims of crime; improvements in their access to structured activities each week; young people to have a say in shaping their local communities; and the safeguarding of services that engage the most vulnerable young people and communities through ustainable funding.The publication of 'Who is my neighbour?' comes at a time of heightened awareness of the need to give young people a voice and greater prominence in planning and funding at both local and national levels. Details: London: Churches Together in England, 2008. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2016 at: http://www.cte.org.uk/Groups/236211/Home/Resources/Pentecostal_and_Multicultural/Who_is_my/Who_is_my.aspx Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.cte.org.uk/Groups/236211/Home/Resources/Pentecostal_and_Multicultural/Who_is_my/Who_is_my.aspx Shelf Number: 147319 Keywords: ChurchesGang-Related ViolenceGangsGun-Related ViolenceKnife CrimeKnivesViolent CrimeYouth Gangs |
Author: Lam, Rita Lai Man Title: Influence of Weapon Types on the Patterns and Outcomes of Violent Encounters Summary: In collaboration with the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), this study aims to improve the knowledge about the structuring effect of firearms on criminal violence. This study first identifies factors associated with firearms use in violent crimes and second, estimates the risk of fatal and non-fatal injuries associated with gun use. Data used in the present study come from the Module d'information policière (MIP), for the period of 2011 to 2012. Data were analyzed using a two-step strategy. First, logistic regressions were conducted to pinpoint factors associated with firearm use in violent crime. Second, estimates of the average treatment effect were computed using the propensity score matching (PSM) technique. PSM is an innovative statistical strategy that attempts to reproduce conditions of controlled experiments when cases were not randomized in the first place. In general, results show that firearms are more frequently used in gang-related crimes where individuals attack relatively non-vulnerable targets (young males accompanied by other persons). Despite these characteristics, firearm use increases the risk of fatal injuries in violent altercations, but lessens the risk of non-fatal injuries, among other things, in the case of robberies. Findings establish that firearms facilitate the perpetration of violent crimes, even in the hands of the strongest offenders. Results also suggest that other weapons are poor substitutes for firearms. Although the findings cannot fully corroborate firearms as the great equalizer, these weapons do confer several advantages to their user(s). Firearms also appear to be a sufficient threat in the case of robberies, where additional injuries are not necessary to successfully commit the crime. Details: [Montréal] : Université de Montréal, Faculté des arts et des sciences, École de criminologie, 2013. 119p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 16, 2016 at: https://papyrus.bib.umontreal.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1866/11243/Lam_Rita_Lai_Man_2013_rapportdestage.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2013 Country: Canada URL: https://papyrus.bib.umontreal.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1866/11243/Lam_Rita_Lai_Man_2013_rapportdestage.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 147317 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolent CrimeWeapons and Firearms |
Author: Pew Research Center Title: Why Own a Gun? Protection Is Now Top Reason Summary: The vast majority of gun owners say that having a gun makes them feel safer. And far more today than in 1999 cite protection – rather than hunting or other activities – as the main reason they own guns. A Pew Research Center survey conducted in February found that nearly half of gun owners (48%) volunteer that the main reason they own a gun is for protection; just 32% say they have a gun primarily for hunting and even fewer cite other reasons, such as target shooting. That's 22 percentage points higher than 1999 when 26% cited protection as the biggest factor and 49% said they owned a gun mostly for hunting. About a quarter of Americans (24%) say they personally own a gun, rifle or pistol; another 13% say another person in their household has a gun. A large percentage of gun owners (79%) say having a gun makes them feel safer. At the same time, nearly as many (78%) say that owning a gun is something they enjoy. Most Americans (57%) say they do not have a gun in their household. Most of the non-gun owners (58%) say that they would be uncomfortable having a gun in their homes; 40% say they would be comfortable having a gun. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2013. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 20, 2016 at: http://www.people-press.org/2013/03/12/why-own-a-gun-protection-is-now-top-reason/ Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.people-press.org/2013/03/12/why-own-a-gun-protection-is-now-top-reason/ Shelf Number: 147778 Keywords: Fear of crimeGun OwnershipGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Sierra-Arevalo, Michael Title: Legal cynicism and protective gun ownership among active offenders in Chicago Summary: Most American gun owners report having their firearms for protection. However, these national estimates are likely to under-sample residents of marginalized urban communities where rates of violent victimization, and presumably the need for personal protection, are more pronounced. Further, this under-sampling limits our understanding of motivations for gun ownership within the "hidden" group of active criminal offenders that are more likely to be both victims and offenders of street crime. Drawing on past work linking neighborhood violence to legal cynicism, and using data gathered by the Chicago Gun Project (CGP), I employ measures of police legitimacy to explore the effect of distrust of legal agents on protective gun ownership among active offenders in Chicago. These data confirm that lower levels of police legitimacy are significantly related to a higher probability of acquiring a firearm for protection. I consider the ways that gang membership, legal changes in Chicago, and gun behaviors are related to protective gun ownership, as well as how community policing and procedural justice can improve perceptions of police and enhance their legitimacy, potentially reducing the incentives to engage in violent, extralegal "self-help" with a firearm. Details: New Haven, CT: Yale University, Institution for Social and Policy Studies, 2016. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Cogent Social Sciences 2: 1227293: Accessed December 23, 2016 at: http://isps.yale.edu/sites/default/files/publication/2016/09/cogentsocialsciences_2016_sierra-arevalo_legal_cynicism_and_protective_gun_ownership_among_active_offenders_in_chicago.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://isps.yale.edu/sites/default/files/publication/2016/09/cogentsocialsciences_2016_sierra-arevalo_legal_cynicism_and_protective_gun_ownership_among_active_offenders_in_chicago.pdf Shelf Number: 146155 Keywords: Gun OwnershipGun-Related ViolencePolice LegitimacyUrban Areas and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Loeffler, Charles Title: Is Gun Violence Contagious? Summary: Existing theories of gun violence predict stable spatial concentrations and contagious diffusion of gun violence into surrounding areas. Recent empirical studies have reported confirmatory evidence of such spatiotemporal diffusion of gun violence. However, existing tests cannot readily distinguish spatiotemporal clustering from spatiotemporal diffusion. This leaves as an open question whether gun violence actually is contagious or merely clusters in space and time. Compounding this problem, gun violence is subject to considerable measurement error with many nonfatal shootings going unreported to police. Using point process data from an acoustical gunshot locator system and a combination of Bayesian spatiotemporal point process modeling and space/time interaction tests, this paper demonstrates that contemporary urban gun violence does diffuse, but only slightly, suggesting that a disease model for infectious spread of gun violence is a poor fit for the geographically stable and temporally stochastic process observed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 23, 2016 at: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.06713v1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.06713v1.pdf Shelf Number: 144812 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: Violence, Crime and Illegal Arms Trafficking in Colombia Summary: Colombia has one of the highest homicide rates in the world. Most of those killings involve firearms. What is the relationship between violence, crime and arms trafficking in Colombia? This report aims to find out. The biggest problem is that in parts of Colombia, the State does not have a monopoly on the use of force. Highly organized criminal structures such as drug trafficking mafias and paramilitary groups are well-armed and dangerous. There are many private security companies, some of which use illegal weapons. Most Colombians who die from bullets do not die through indiscriminate violence. Rather, firearms are being used in the “professional” exercise of violence. The Government therefore has a major challenge to disarm such groups and reduce violence. It also needs to strengthen gun control by increasing penalties for arms trafficking and the illegal carrying of arms. Furthermore it needs to cut the supply of weapons by stopping the illicit trafficking in firearms. As demonstrated in this report, this is a trans-border issue. Weapons and ammunition are being smuggled into Colombia, very often in return for drugs. Regional cooperation and improved border control are essential to cut the links between drug trafficking, organized crime and insurgency. Colombia deserves praise for its regional and international efforts to regulate and control small arms and light weapons. It understands from its bitter experience the need to reduce arms trafficking and that international cooperation, particularly with neighbouring States, is vital. More countriesshould learn from Colombia’s experience. Since 2005 the world has had a powerful instrument against the illicit manufacturing of and trafficking in firearms, their parts and components and ammunition, namely a Protocol which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Ratification of this protocol is shamefully slow considering the seriousness of the threat posed by illegal weapons. Preventing, combating and eradicating the illicit manufacture and trafficking in firearmsis not an impossible dream. Whereas in the past people have talked about the importance of beating swords into ploughshares, some inspired Colombians are showing the world that you can turn guns into guitars. Colombian musician and peace activist Cesar Lopez has builtseveral "escopetarra" – part rifle (escopeta) and part guitar (guitarra). With more activistslike Mr. Lopez, greater domestic gun control and greater regional and global cooperation, Colombia and the rest of the world will have less guns and more guitars. Details: Bogota: UNODC, 2006. 127p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: https://www.unodc.org/pdf/Colombia_Dec06_en.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Colombia URL: https://www.unodc.org/pdf/Colombia_Dec06_en.pdf Shelf Number: 144925 Keywords: Drug TraffickingGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesOrganized CrimeTrafficking in WeaponsViolent Crime |
Author: Police Foundation Title: Reducing Violent Crime in American Cities: An Opportunity to Lead. Summary: On the national level, crime remains historically low. However, this national aggregate paints a deceiving picture of crime in many major cities. Individual cities experienced grim spikes in violent crime from 2014 to 2015 and through 2016 as well. As such, defining violent crime levels based solely on the national aggregates and distributing federal resources accordingly does not address local realities. The national statistics do not depict the suffering endured by families and individuals living in communities plagued by violence, nor do they depict the frustration felt by local law enforcement leaders who often are seen as responsible officials in their communities. Unfortunately for these leaders and the communities they serve, the federal support actually received to help combat violent crime is often calculated based on national statistics and the perspective of decision-makers in Washington, D.C. At the federal level, law enforcement agencies are tasked with a variety of missions and often cannot or do not prioritize localized violent crime over enforcing other laws and addressing other priorities. The mixture of varied prioritization, flat or reduced funding, traditional approaches, and limited authorities stifles an effective federal response despite the best intentions, hard work, and bravery of federal special agents, investigators, professional staff, and their agencies. Chapter 1 of this report provides a contextual overview and supporting data on the spike in localized violent crime in major cities, a review of the major drivers of crime, and an assertion that federal support is critical. Because collection and aggregation of crime data is disparate in police departments across the country, the extent of the increase in violent crime is difficult to specify. However, one important indicator is that the 2015 Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) data1 show an increase in all violent crime types from 2014 to 2015. In addition, a survey of major city police chiefs ranked gang violence (87.8%), drug-related disputes (79.6%), and access to illegal firearms (71.4%) as the top drivers of violent crime. The chapter asserts that despite the generally low levels of crime throughout the nation, the federal government must continue to prioritize violent crime and public safety concerns and focus its attention on local public safety crises, as a number of jurisdictions across the country live in a constant state of fear. What is required from federal agencies, is leadership in propelling an agenda in which violent crime is both a budgetary and policy priority and in addressing problems with evidence-based solutions. Chapter 2 reviews broad federal law enforcement priorities, roles, resources, and accountability in the context of the nation’s fight against violent crime. A Police Foundation study found that while local law enforcement receives federal resources, many of these resources are allocated according to factors other than what is affecting local communities. For example, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) characterizes violent crime as its eighth priority, well behind its number one priority of fighting terrorism. Moreover, no federal agency prioritizes violent crime as its most important issue. Accordingly, the new Administration and Congress must make violent crime, and the federal government’s interest in violent crime, a top priority and be willing to dedicate the resources needed to assist in places where public safety is jeopardized. Major city chiefs interviewed stressed the need for better partnerships in combatting violent crime. Federal policy leaders must work with local law enforcement to improve federal support to fight violent crime. Using the latest crime data, federal, state, and local partnerships, based on shared decision-making and coproduction of public safety, is critical. Chapter 3 provides a detailed examination of the tools that federal law enforcement agencies provide to support those on the state and local levels to address violent crime. The data presented provides an overview of federal initiatives, tools, and roles that have shown evidence of sustainable success in reducing violent crime. Major city police chiefs provided information on federal law enforcement agencies, programs, and tools that have assisted them and stated that the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) show the most interest in prioritizing violent crime. They also found federal support through the National Integrated Ballistic Information Network (NIBIN) and the National Tracing Center (NTC) to be the most useful tools. Chapter 4 reviews the importance of U.S. Attorneys in fighting violent crime. It provides information indicating that police chiefs consider the support of U.S. Attorneys to be critical in fighting localized violent crime. Acting as the chief federal law enforcement officer in each judicial district, U.S. Attorneys must act as chief conveners to lead strategic collaborations that build strong federal cases that will impact localized violent crime. This chapter also stresses that the fight against violent crime and criminal justice reform are not mutually exclusive. Chapter 5 provides a detailed review of the impact of firearms availability on violent crime in the U.S. Law enforcement executives expressed their concerns that the most significant threat to the Second Amendment is the misuse of firearms and the ability of criminals to access them. Gun trafficking, illegal gun markets, theft, and illegal diversion are important issues that have not been addressed sufficiently. Legislation and federal tools available to regulate illegal gun markets and keep guns out of the hands of those looking to cause harm are inadequate. Background checks, for example, should be retooled and strengthened, and laws that restrict the effectiveness of federal law enforcement in enforcing them should be eliminated. This report is not intended as a criticism of any previous Presidential Administration, its leaders or appointees, or of the hardworking, professional men and women in federal law enforcement agencies, many of whom began their careers as state or local law enforcement officers. Instead, this report looks toward the new Administration, which has an opportunity to leverage the lessons of the past and lead a legacy of change for the future. In doing so, it will have the opportunity to set forth a new strategy to keep national crime rates at historically low levels while reducing disparate impacts in our major cities and elsewhere. The recommendations in this report create an overarching, new strategy to understand and address violence in today’s cities. They include prioritization and non-traditional approaches, openness and sharing of data, expansion of available technologies, and calls for immediate Congressional and Executive Branch action. The recommendations presented in this report echo similar concerns expressed by the U.S. Conference of Mayors where New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu presented information regarding a forthcoming report, entitled Securing America, to the Major Cities Chiefs Association (MCCA) at its October 2016 meeting. The MCCA members expressed substantial concurrence with the forthcoming report. Details: Washington, DC: Police Foundation, 2017. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: https://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/PF-MCCA_Reducing-Violent-Crime-in-American-Cities_FullReport_RGB.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/PF-MCCA_Reducing-Violent-Crime-in-American-Cities_FullReport_RGB.pdf Shelf Number: 144883 Keywords: Crime PreventionEvidence-Based PracticesGun-Related ViolenceIntelligence GatheringViolenceViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Bringing Human Rights Home. Chicago and Illinois: Gun Violence Summary: Gun violence is a widespread problem across the United States. Each year, more than 11,000 people are killed as a result of someone pulling a trigger. Gun violence impacts a range of human rights from the right to life; security of the person; to the rights to education; freedom of movement and freedom from discrimination. The reasons for gun violence in Chicago are complex. Poverty, unemployment, lack of access to education, and the fragmentation of gangs across the city are some of the factors that play a role in the violence. Also, the recent decision to close nearly 50 public schools has put thousands of children going to school at risk of violence or death. All states have an obligation to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the right to life and security of the person, and have a duty to take positive measures to prevent acts of violence and unlawful killings. Gun Violence in Chicago In 2013, 414 people were killed in Chicago; with more than 80 percent of those deaths attributed to gun violence. While amounting to an 18 percent decrease from 2012, which saw a total of 506 homicides that year, Chicago had the highest number of homicides across the country in 2013. Chicago's homicide rate is alarmingly elevated, especially compared with other big cities like Los Angeles and New York. For instance, New York City has three times the population of Chicago, and had 333 murders in 2013. Los Angeles, with over a million more people than Chicago, had 255 murders in 2013. Seventy-five percent of Chicago's gun-death victims in 2012 were African- American or Latino. Violence affects everyone in Chicago, but it is particularly devastating for the City's youth who are so often the perpetrators and victims of violence. From 2008-2012, almost half of Chicago's 2,389 homicide victims were killed before their 25th birthdays. While an alarming number of young people in Chicago have been killed in gun attacks, many more are exposed to gun violence on a regular basis. While 414 people were killed in 2013, there were a total of 1,864 shootings in the city which resulted in 2,328 gunshot survivors. There were an additional 10,343 crimes committed with a handgun or firearm in Chicago during 2013. Studies have shown that children who are exposed to violence suffer increased rates of depression, aggression, delinquency, and poor school performance. Chicago's homicides have taken place mostly in neighborhoods in the west and south of the city. Gun crime in Chicago is most prevalent in communities with high rates of poverty and unemployment. The City of Chicago as a whole has an extreme poverty rate of nearly 10 percent, with more than 260,000 households living in extreme poverty (i.e. $10,000 or less for a family of three in 2012). The high school graduation rate for black males in Chicago is 39 per cent and a staggering 92 per cent of all black males aged 16-19 were unemployed in 2012. These issues are also human rights issues: the right to a living wage; affordable housing; equal access to education and health care, including mental health care, are human rights. Details: New York: Amnesty International USA, 2014. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 28, 2017 at: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/bringinghumanrightshome_gunviolence.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/bringinghumanrightshome_gunviolence.pdf Shelf Number: 144882 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Bricknell, Samantha Title: Mass shootings and firearm control: comparing Australia and the United States Summary: The debate around measures to prevent mass shootings has largely focussed on the effectiveness of firearm controls. Specific mass shooting events in the UK, Canada and Australia were followed by increased restrictions on firearm access and use while in countries such as the US, the response was less conclusive. Various examinations of the impact of firearm controls on firearm deaths have produced inconclusive results and, in particular, made little mention of the impact on the prevalence of mass shootings. This paper compares the incidence and characteristics of mass shooting events in Australia and the US in the period 1981 and 2013. The authors suggests that it is a complement of actions introduced with the Australian firearm reforms of 1996 and 2002 – particularly around access to specified firearm models and legislated methods to identify firearm licence owners at risk of harm or of harming – that have, for Australia at least, provided the stronger preventative response. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2015?. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, 2015? Accessed January 30, 2017: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/aic/foi/mass-shootings/Document-1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/aic/foi/mass-shootings/Document-1.pdf Shelf Number: 144880 Keywords: Gun ControlGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass Shootings |
Author: Kelly, Robin L. Title: Kelly Report 2014: Gun Violence in America Summary: Whether you live in America's inner cities, in a suburban neighborhood or in the heartland, your community is vulnerable to gun violence. It could be a gang crime, a gun accident or a suicide. Regardless of the cause, all acts of gun violence are abhorrent and demand policy solutions and community action to stop them. Gun violence has killed more Americans in the past 50 years than in every single American - from George Washington's Colonial Army defeat of the British in 1781 to Operation Enduring Freedom in 2014. Every year, more than 100,000 people are shot in America -more than 30,000 of them fatally. Over half of these fatal shootings are of young people under the age of 30. Since the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, there have been more than 50 school shootings across the country - almost three a month. With an average of one young American under the age of 25 being killed by a gun every hour, the very security of our next generation is at risk. Likewise, economic research suggests that gun violence threatens our nation's fiscal well-being. In violent communities, economic opportunities wither, stable families relocate and children often fail to realize their true academic and economic potential. Each homicide in a city is estimated to reduce that city's population by 70 residents. A ten-year study of the city of Chicago found that each gun homicide equates to $2,500 in lost annual income for Chicago families. For example, each child who is a fatal victim of gun violence is one less person who will become a wage earner and taxpayer. Additionally, every criminal poses a direct cost to taxpayers. For example, a 20-year-old serving a life sentence costs taxpayers $2 million over the course of their incarceration. Given this context, communities undeniably stand to gain from a comprehensive examination of the gun violence issue. This report promotes a common sense approach to reducing gun deaths in America. As you consider the following content, you should keep in mind: Details: Washington, DC: Office of Congresswoman Robin L. Kelly, 2014. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: https://robinkelly.house.gov/sites/robinkelly.house.gov/files/wysiwyg_uploaded/KellyReport_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://robinkelly.house.gov/sites/robinkelly.house.gov/files/wysiwyg_uploaded/KellyReport_1.pdf Shelf Number: 145126 Keywords: Crime Prevention Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Urban Areas and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Duquet, Nils Title: Firearms and Violent Deaths in Europe: An Exploratory Analysis of the Linkages Between Gun Ownership, Firearms Legislation and Violent Death Summary: On a regular basis, news stories appear in the media about public shootings where shooters use their guns to open fire and kill people in shopping malls or on school campuses. Mostly these stories deal with incidents in the United States. Over the last years, however, a number of European countries have experienced similar public shooting incidents. Notable cases were the shootings at Tuusula and Kauhajoki in Finland (2007 and 2008), the killings in Cumbria in the UK (2010), the Utøya attacks by Anders Breivik in Norway (2011), and the shootings at Alphen aan den Rijn in the Netherlands and Liège in Belgium in 2011. Public shootings draw a high level of media attention. Less striking in the public eye, but not less significant – not least in quantitative terms –, are the numbers of people in Europe killed by firearms in the context of gun-related crime or in domestic shootings. It is estimated that between 2000 and 2010, over 10,000 victims of murder or manslaughter were killed by firearms in the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). Every year, over 4000 suicides by firearm are registered in the EU. This means that, on average, there are 0.24 homicides and 0.9 suicides by firearm per 100,000 population in Europe every year. Compared with the US or other countries around the globe, the rates of gun-related violent death in Europe are rather low, certainly where the homicide rates are concerned. This does not mean, however, that the problem of gun violence has not appeared on the European policy radar in recent years. On the contrary, the attention devoted to the problem by law enforcement agencies and policy-makers has been growing. Reacting not only to shooting incidents such as those mentioned above, but also to warnings by police and law enforcement agencies that criminals are increasingly willing to use (heavy) firearms and that illegal trafficking in firearms is on the rise, a number of European countries have announced policy interventions targeted at reducing levels of gun-related violence and crime. The European Commission has also become an active actor in firearms policy. In October 2013 it announced a plan to reduce gun violence in Europe, in which it defined the misuse of firearms, whether legally-owned or illicitly manufactured or acquired, as "a serious threat to the EU's security from both an internal and an external perspective". One of the major problems the Commission identified in its initial policy papers was the problem of a lack of sound and adequate knowledge about firearms in Europe. The commission noted that "a lack of solid EU-wide statistics and intelligence hampers effective policy and operational responses". One of the ambitions of the EU’s firearms policy is, therefore, to address the gaps in knowledge concerning gun violence. An additional problem is that the lack of reliable and comprehensive information on firearms in Europe is not limited to the sphere of law enforcement and policy-making. European scholarly research focusing specifically on firearms availability, gun control and gun-related violence is scarce. There is a research community in Europe focusing on small arms and light weapons (SALW), but it is predominantly concerned with the export of firearms and the connections between these arms flows and violence in developing, transitional or fragile states outside Europe. Scientific research on firearms and gun-related violence in the domestic European context is much less advanced. The scanty research efforts made in this field by epidemiologists, criminologists and legal scholars remain fragmented, and suffer from the fact that there is no integrated scholarly community dealing with gun-related issues. Language barriers, moreover, often prevent the wider dissemination of research results. Given this relative lack of European firearms research, American studies are still clearly dominant at present in research on the links between the availability of firearms and gun-related violence. Greene and Marsh have calculated that out of the 665 studies on firearms and violence that they reviewed, 64% were about the USA. Of the remaining studies not on the USA, 13% concerned cross-national comparisons or articles in which the geographical focus was unspecified (such as reviews), while 8% were about developing countries. Only 15% concerned other developed countries such as Canada, Australia, the UK and Germany. Given the particularities of the American context, and more specifically the fact that the US has one of the highest rates of gun-related deaths and crime among industrialized democracies, simply transposing the results of American research to the European context is problematic. What are the levels of firearms availability in Europe? Are there links between the levels of gun ownership in European countries and these countries’ rates of violence and violent death? And what is the impact of European gun laws on public safety and health? The absence of evidence specifically for the European context makes it difficult for policy-makers and researchers to find impartial and unbiased answers to these questions. Hence the pressing need for research that specifically focuses on gun-related violence in the European context: and with the present report, we would like to make a contribution to that effort. As we are moving into largely uncharted territory, our analysis of the European situation will necessarily be exploratory. Our primary ambition is to collect and take stock of the fragmented evidence that is available on gun-related violence in Europe. Our geographical coverage will be broader than the EU and encompasses a group of approximately 40 European countries, although in some instances we will limit our analyses to the EU28. Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2015. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2017 at: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf Shelf Number: 141048 Keywords: Gun ControlGun OwnershipGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Diaz-Cayeros, Alberto Title: Caught in the Crossfire: The Geography of Extortion and Police Corruption in Mexico Summary: When Mexican president Felipe Calderón took office in December 2006 he declared a war on the nation’s drug traffic organizations (Ríos and Shirk, 2011). Violence escalated as criminal organizations became increasingly fragmented and disputed their territories (Killebrew and Bernal, 2010; Beittel, 2011). The main strategy followed by the federal government involved capturing leaders and lieutenants of criminal organizations (Calderón et al. forthcoming). This seemed to provoke even more violence, by making the competition over-territorial control fiercer and providing incentives for many gangs to make extortion and protection fees (derecho de piso) an additional source of revenue (Guerrero-Gutiérrez, 2010). Given the absence of legal(and peaceful) rules and enforcement mechanisms for competitors in the illegal drug market, disagreements were usually solved violently. Under the pressure of the crackdown by the federal police, the navy and the army, contracts among criminal gangs were often disrupted, leading to even more violence. Competition over the strategic routes towards the market in the United States was settled by literally eliminating rivals (Dell, 2012). The wide availability of illegal guns crossing from the US border (Dube et al., 2013) turned firearm deaths into the main cause of death among young men in Mexico.Meanwhile, citizens became caught in the crossfire of rival drug cartels and extortion at the hands of criminal gangs. A highly visible example of this was the case of two students in the prestigious private university Tecnológico de Monterrey who were kidnapped by drug traffickers in 2010, but then killed by the military in a botched attempt to rescue them. The case became particularly controversial due to the excessive use of force by the army and their effort to cover up the case with planted evidence. During the late 1990s and early 2000s Mexico gradually changed from being a transit territory for drugs heading to the United States market to a place of increasing consumption (Castañeda and Aguilar, 2010). This transformation was partially driven by a change in the way that wholesale drug importers were paying for services; they switched from payments only in cash to payments with part of the same drug they were distributing (Grillo, 2011:80). The change from a transportation to a retail distribution business implied that drug cartels had to increase the number of personnel. Having a larger full-time workforce, the cartels could now count on small armies of salaried criminals at their disposal. The perfect complement to this new industrial organization was an easily corruptible police and judicial system at all levels of government. Increasingly fragmented criminal organizations began to diversify their illegal activities–to extortion of small businesses, kidnappings of middle-class individuals, racketeering and control of retail trade in their territories, and extortion of migrant workers– perhaps in associations with police departments. Although it is difficult to provide evidence on how much real progress has been made, there is no question that efforts at reforming the police forces in Mexico face a momentous challenge in such environment. Although a new federal police force was created after 2006 and, in principle, all police had to comply with background checks and other administrative procedures, in fact, state and municipal police forces remain not just corrupt but also keep on using excessive force and violating human rights. This became patently clear in the case of the 43 Ayotzinapa missing students that in October of 2014 were detained by the municipal police of the city of Iguala, to be handed in to the killers of a drug traffic organization. The police forces of Iguala are not the only ones that are penetrated by organized crime and have failed to protect citizens. This chapter explores the connection between police distrust, corruption and extortion. Despite the difficulty in measuring these phenomena through conventional public opinion polls and citizen or firm level surveys,much can be learned from the variation across geographic units in reported victimization and corruption. We use a list experiment collected through the Survey on Public Safety and Governance in Mexico (SPSGM), to study the practices of extortion by both police forces and criminal organizations. Using a Bayesian spatial estimation method, we provide a mapping of the geographic distribution of police extortion. Our findings suggest that weak state institutions in vast regions within Mexico have become captured, through corruption, by competing drug traffic organizations. Extortion prevails either because police forces have become agents of criminal organizations or because criminals can engage in racketeering without any police intervention. We conclude with a discussion of the emergence of self-defense groups as a strategy for coping with extortion; a strategy that while effective at protecting citizens,may further undermine state capacity. Details: Stanford, CA: Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University, 2014. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: CDDRL Working Paper; Accessed February 28, 2017 at: http://fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/caught_in_the_crossfire_final_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/caught_in_the_crossfire_final_final.pdf Shelf Number: 141225 Keywords: Drug CartelsDrug TraffickingExtortionGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesOrganized CrimePolice Corruption |
Author: Stewart, Peter A. Title: Middle Ground on Gun Control Summary: Each tragic shooting incident that the American news media covers highlights the problem of gun violence in the United States. However, the focus of this reporting is rarely on the largest component of total gun deaths: suicides. Suicides make up two-thirds of all gun deaths. Limiting access to firearms for individuals with suicidal tendencies could cause a significant reduction in the total number of casualties included in gun violence statics. This thesis examines the efficacy of adding more mental health information to the FBI's database of persons who are prohibited from gun purchases, and also compares U.S. gun laws to the National Firearms Agreement in Australia, which is widely accepted as an effective gun control measure. This research finds that mental health information on clinical depression and schizophrenia can be a strong predictor of suicidal tendencies, and reporting of this information could be improved in order to reduce overall gun violence. Improved mental health reporting must be a matter of federal law, because current state laws on guns vary widely and have limited effectiveness Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2016. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 4, 2017 at: https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=798872 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=798872 Shelf Number: 141333 Keywords: Background ChecksCriminal Background ChecksGun ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMental Health |
Author: Zimmer, Jacqueline Nicole Title: The New Orleans murder epidemic: Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida on the irresponsibility of violence Summary: I live on Jeannette Street in New Orleans, about fifty yards from where Joseph Massenburg's body was found on the night of April first. On a fence close to where Massenburg lost his life, I recently noticed a sign depicting the Biblical imperative "Thou shall not kill". I have come across these signs around New Orleans since the end of 2012 – they can be found plastered to the façade of churches or displayed as yard signs in front lawns – but this was the first time I considered the irreverent tone of the commandment for the people of New Orleans. What exactly is achieved by posting this message across various public buildings around the city? Does it convey to the city's most dangerous criminals that the community is fed up with the killing? In theory, the placards are intended to evoke a moral response from those individuals who are most likely to engage in activities associated with gun violence. More often than not, these individuals are young, black, and male, and are in some way affiliated with the "narcoeconomy" of New Orleans. Even if the commandment "thou shall not kill" does give some people momentary pause, ultimately its message is devoid of the logical connection between murder and the imperative to not murder. If nothing else, the signs serve as ironic reminders that the slaughter of so many of New Orleans' black citizens is a phenomenon that consistently crowns New Orleans the most deadly city in the United States. On the surface, the murder of eighteen-year old Joseph Massenburg, who was shot in cold blood on the corner of Eagle and Birch Streets, appeared to be anything but unusual considering his victim profile. Massenburg looked like the typical victim of gun violence: black, young, and male. However, information detailing Massenburg's other attributes – a Chicago-born recent New Orleans transplant, an Americorps volunteer, a high school graduate, the son of a highly educated public servant – was not released to the public until a few days after Massenburg had succumbed to his gunshot wounds. Massenburg had gone for a walk in the same area where a bitter feud was underway between two local gangs, the "Hot Glocks" and the "Mid-City Killers". Several months later, the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) charged eighteen-year old Glen Emerson with shooting Joseph Massenburg. Police concluded that Emerson, a member of the Mid-City Killers, had mistakenly identified Massenburg as a member of the Hot Glocks in a drive-by shooting. Massenburg's death symbolizes the endemic gun violence problem that has plagued the city of New Orleans for several decades. The drug and gang-related violence that affects many impoverished black neighborhoods in New Orleans is the modern-day product of a composite of factors, including racial inequity, an untrustworthy police force that is rife with corruption, the prevalence of guns and the ease of gun accessibility, and the successive generations of young men who have grown up in broken, impoverished families with few legitimate economic opportunities. While the problems that characterize New Orleans’s impoverished neighborhoods are comparable to other American urban communities, the murder epidemic of New Orleans is unique to cities of its size. While gang-related gun violence is responsible for a significant number of the city's murders each year, a significant number of the city's homicides result from interpersonal conflicts. In order to combat the conditions that lead to deadly gun violence, the city must be willing to reinstate the legitimacy of the police force, whose corruption and inefficiency has led some New Orleans’ citizens to resort to alternative means of attaining "justice". This essay investigates the conditions that created the "street code" that governs drug-related activity among New Orleans' criminal groups and gangs, and why New Orleans' murder rate is directly linked to the manifestation of the street code. The street code is formulated by a variety of factors and sentiments, including poverty, race, hopelessness, fear, anger, boredom, and a distrust in the police. I argue that people resort to extreme forms of violence when environmental and contextual factors corrupt Emmanuel Lévinas' conception of the face-to-face encounter by priming people automatically to reduce the other to the same as a means of self-protection when the absence of a reliable protective state corrupts the ethical decision to regard the other peacefully. Furthermore, I refer to Jacques Derrida's theoretical approach on hospitality to examine how such collective norms foster a culture of violence. Details: Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2014. 115p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1965&context=gradschool_theses Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1965&context=gradschool_theses Shelf Number: 141351 Keywords: Drug-Related ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurdersSocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Lott, John R., Jr. Title: Concealed Carry Permit Holders Across the United States: 2016 Summary: During President Obama's administration, the number of concealed handgun permits has soared to over 14.5 million - a 215% increase since 2007. Among the findings of our report: - The increase in the number of concealed handgun permits last year set another record, increasing by 1.73 million. That is slightly greater than previous record of 1.69 million set the last year. - 6.06% of the total adult population has a permit. - In ten states, more than 10% of adults have concealed handgun permits. Indiana has the highest rate - 15%. South Dakota is close behind with 14.7%. - Florida, Pennsylvania, and Texas each have over a million residents who are active permit holders. - In another 11 states, a permit is no longer required to carry in all or virtually all of the state. Thus the growth in permits does not provide a full picture of the overall increase in concealed carry. - Between 2012 and 2016, in states that provide data by gender, the number of women with permits has increased twice as quickly as the number of men with permits. - Some evidence suggests that permit-holding is increasing about 75% more quickly among minorities than among whites. - Between 2007 and 2015, murder rates fell from 5.6 to 4.7 (preliminary estimate) per 100,000. This represents a 16% drop. Overall violent crime fell by 18 percent. Meanwhile, the percentage of adults with permits has soared by 190%. Details: s.l.: Crime Prevention Research Center, 2016. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 21, 2017 at; https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2814691 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2814691 Shelf Number: 144542 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed HandgunsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun-Related Violence |
Author: Waiselfisz, Julio Jacobo Title: Mapa da Violencia 2016: Homicidio de Mulheres no Brasil (Map of Violence 2016: Homicide for firearms in Brazil) Summary: The study focuses on the evolution of firearms homicides in Brazil from 1980 to 2014. The incidence of factors such as sex, race / color, and age of the victims of this mortality is also studied. The characteristics of the evolution of firearms homicides in the 27 Units of the Federation, in the 27 Capitals and in the municipalities with high levels of mortality caused by firearms are pointed out. Details: Brasilia: Ministerio da Justica, Instituto Sangari, 2016. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2017 at: http://www.mapadaviolencia.org.br/ Year: 2017 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.mapadaviolencia.org.br/ Shelf Number: 145151 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurders |
Author: Ingram, Matthew C. Title: Targeting Violence Reduction in Brazil: Policy Implications from a Spatial Analysis of Homicide Summary: Violence in Latin America generates heavy economic, social and political costs for individuals, communities and societies. A particularly pernicious effect of violence is that it undermines citizen confidence in democracy and in their own government. Responding to public fear, politicians across the region have hastily adopted a wide range of policy responses to violence, ranging from militarizing public security, to 'mano dura' crack downs, to negotiating truces with organized crime, to decriminalizing illicit economic activity. Although many of these policies are politically expedient, few are based on evidence of how public policy actually affects rates of violence. By contrast, this paper examines how violence clusters within a country-Brazil-to study how public policies affect homicide rates and how these policies might be further tailored geographically to have greater impact. Brazil provides a particularly useful case for examining the effectiveness of violence-reduction strategies because of the availability of comparable data collected systematically across 5562 municipal units. This allows for an explicitly spatial approach to examining geographic patterns of violence-how violence in one municipality is related to violence in neighboring municipalities, and how predictors of violence are also conditioned by geography. The key added value of the spatial perspective is that it addresses the dependent structure of the data, accounting for the fact that units of analysis (here, municipalities) are connected to each other geographically. In this way, the spatial perspective accounts for the fact that what happens in nearby units may have a meaningful impact on the outcome of interest in a home, focal unit. Thus, the spatial approach is better able to examine compelling phenomena like the spread of violence across units. We visualize data on six types of homicide-aggregate homicides, homicides of men, homicides of women (i.e., "femicides"), firearm-related homicides, youth homicides (ages 15-29) and homicides of victims identified by race as either black or brown (mulatto), i.e., non-white victims-all for 2011, presenting these data in maps. We adopt a municipal level of analysis, and include homicide data from 2011 for the entire country, i.e., on all 5562 municipalities across 27 states (including the Federal District). This allows us to develop maps that identify specific municipalities that constitute cores of statistically significant clusters of violence for each type of homicide. These clusters offer a useful tool for targeting policies aimed at reducing violence. We then develop an analysis based on a spatial regression model, using predictors from the 2010 census and other official sources in Brazil. This paper finds that areas with higher rates of marginalization and of households headed by women who also work and have young children experience higher rates of homicide, which suggests increased support for policies aimed at reducing both marginalization and family disruption. More specifically, the paper finds that policies that expand local coverage of the Bolsa Familia poverty reduction program and reduce the environmental footprint of large, industrial development projects tend to reduce homicide rates, but primarily for certain types of homicide. Thus, violence-reduction policies need to be targeted by type of violence. In addition, the spatial analysis presented in the paper suggests that violence-reduction policies should be targeted regionally rather than at individual communities - informed by the cluster analysis and the spatial regression. Finally, this paper argues that policies aimed at femicides, gun-related homicides, youth homicides and homicides of non-whites should be especially sensitive to geographic patterns, and be built around territorially-targeted policies over and above national policies aimed at homicide more generally. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Initiative Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS, 2014. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed April 28, 2017 at: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Ingram-Policy-Brief.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Ingram-Policy-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 145192 Keywords: Crime AnalysisCrime ClustersCrime HotspotsFemicidesGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolenceViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Sheikh, Sanah Title: Teaching methods that help to build resilience to extremism Rapid Evidence Assessment Summary: The Office for Public Management (OPM) was commissioned by the Department for Education (DfE) to conduct a review of the literature on good practice in preventing gangs and gun activity and extremist behaviour amongst young people. This review is part of a wider programme of work being undertaken by OPM, in partnership with the National Foundation for Educational Research (NfER), for DfE, the aim of which is develop an evidence base about the teaching methods and tools that work in building resilience to extremism. The specific objectives of this review were to provide an overview of the evidence relating to: - What works in building resilience against and prevention of the following risky behaviours amongst young people: - Guns and gangs crime/violence/activity - Extremist behaviour, including Al-Qaeda inspired extremism, far right extremism or racist extremism - The role of teachers and schools in the prevention of the above behaviour Representatives from the DfE and OPM team recognised from the outset that the broad nature of the subject of study had a number of implications for the literature review, including: - There is likely to be a greater amount of high quality material relevant to the prevention of gangs and guns activity compared with extremist behaviour, particularly Al-Qaeda inspired extremism - The inclusion of international literature means that there is likely to be a broad range of preventative initiatives identified in the literature, with varying degrees of relevance to the UK context - Methodologies used, particularly, in the case of evaluations of preventative initiatives, are likely to vary considerably, thus making it difficult to compare across studies and generate conclusions This review has thus been designed to 'map out the terrain' and to adopt a strategic approach to honing in on particular areas that have the greatest potential in yielding key insights and learning points to inform DfE's work. Details: Feethams, Darlington, UK; Department of Education, 2011. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report DFE-RR120; Accessed May 9, 2017 at: http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/3597/1/3597_DFE-RR120.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/3597/1/3597_DFE-RR120.pdf Shelf Number: 145365 Keywords: Educational ProgramsExtremismExtremist ViolenceGangsGun-Related ViolenceRadicalizationResilience |
Author: Smith, Tom W. Title: Gun Ownership in the United States: Measurement Issues and Trends Summary: Gun violence is a serious problem in the United States. In 2011, 478,400 violent crimes were committed with a firearm (Planty and Truman, 2013). While down dramatically since the 1990s, the rate of non-fatal firearm victimizations rose from 2008 to 2011. Firearms deaths from all causes (homicides, suicides, accidental, and undetermined) averaged over 31,000 annually in 2005-2011 (CDC WISQARS, 2013; Hoyert and Xu, 2012). Non-fatal gunshot injuries totaled 81,396 in 2012; a rise in the injury rate per 100,000 from 20.5 in 2002 to 25.9 in 2012 (CDC, 2013). Given the magnitude and seriousness of gun violence, it is important to have accurate and reliable information on the possession and use of firearms in the United States. This report examines one crucial element, the level of and trends in household and personal gun ownership. First, the report considers methodological issues concerning the measurement of gun ownership. Second, it examines trends in gun ownership. Third, it evaluates the nexus of these two factors, the impact of methodological issues on the measurement of trends gun ownership. Finally, it considers what ancillary trend data on crime, hunting, household size, and number of guns available suggest about trends in gun ownership. Details: Chicago: NORC at the University of Chicago, 2014. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: GSS Methodological Report No. 123: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/methodological-reports/MR123%20Gun%20Ownership.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/methodological-reports/MR123%20Gun%20Ownership.pdf Shelf Number: 146197 Keywords: Gun OwnersehipGun violenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Smith, Tom W. Title: Trends in Gun Ownership in the United States, 1972-2014 Summary: The household ownership of firearms has declined in recent decades. Table 1 shows that the 31.0% of households reported having a firearm in 2014, essentially tying with 2010 for the lowest level of gun ownership in the last 40-some years. This is a decline of about 17 percentage points from the peak ownership years in 1977-1980. Similarly, Table 1 indicates that in 2010 and 2014 about 32% of adults lived households having firearms. This was a decline almost 19 percentage points from an average of 51.2% in 1976-1982. Based on an earlier analysis of those who refused to say whether or not there was a firearm in their household, the refusers were reallocated as probably living in a household with a firearm or not living in such a household. This allocation indicates that just under 35% of adults lived in a household with a firearm in both 2014 and 2010. This represents a decline of over 16 percentage point from the peak average of 51.1% in 1976-1982. Table 2 shows that in 2014 22.4% of adults personally owned a firearm. This is up slightly from a record low of 20.6% in 2010. There has been little change from 2006 to 2014. Personal ownership in 2014 is down 8.1 percentage points from a high of 30.5% in 1985. One of the main reasons for the decline in household firearm ownership is the decrease in the popularity of hunting (Table 3). In 2014, only 15.4% of adults lived in households in which they, their spouse, or both were hunters. This is the lowest level of hunters since the highest level of 31.6% adults being hunters or married to a hunter in 1977. In 2010-14, household firearms ownership was higher among households with white respondents (39.0%) than among those with black respondents (18.1%) (Table 4). Similarly, it was greater among non-Hispanics (36.0%) than among Hispanics (15.2%). Household gun ownership was greater for among respondents in household with higher incomes. As Table 4 indicates, it rose from 18.2% for households with income below $25,000 to 44.0% for those with ($90,000+). It was also low for households that refused to report income (243.5). This was because households that refused to supply income information were more likely to also refuse to report on firearm ownership. Adults living on households with firearms are concentrated in rural areas and in regions with more residents living in rural areas. As Table 4 shows, household firearms ownership was greatest in the East South Central region and smallest in the Pacific region and Northeast regions. Likewise, it was highest in counties with no town over 10,000 (55.9%) and lowest in the central cities of the largest 12 metropolitan areas (14.8%). Personal ownership of firearms has not appreciably change for women from 1980 through 2014. Between 9% and 14% of women personally owned a firearm during those years and there is no meaningful trend in the level of personal ownership. In 1980, 10.1% personally owned a firearm and in 2014 11.7% did. Men are much more likely to personally own a firearm than women are, but the gender gap has narrowed due to a decline in personal firearm ownership among men. In 1980, 50.3% of men and 10.1% of women reported personal firearm ownership for a gender gap to +40.2 percentage points (Table 5). In 2014, it was 35.1% for men and 11.7% for women for a gender gap of +23.4 points. This is the second smallest gender gap just above the 23.1 point difference in 2010. Personal firearms ownership used to vary very little across age cohorts. In 1980, 23.5% of those under 35 owned a firearm as did 27.4% of those 65+ for an age gap of + 3.9 points. Age differences increased over time, averaging about + 20 points in recent years. In 2014, personal firearms ownership was 14.0% for those under 35 and 30.4 % for those 65+ for an age gap of 16.4 points. Support for a law requiring a police permit before purchasing a firearm was between 69-75% in 1972- 1988 with no clear trend before moving up from 73.5% in 1988 to a peak of 81.9% in 1998 (Table 6). Support remained at 78-81% during 1989-2008 before slipping to a low of 71.7% in 2014, the lowest level since 1987. Thus, the gains in support in the late 1980s and 1990s have disappeared in recent years. Details: Chicago: NORC at the University of Chicago, 2015. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://www.norc.org/PDFs/GSS%20Reports/GSS_Trends%20in%20Gun%20Ownership_US_1972-2014.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.norc.org/PDFs/GSS%20Reports/GSS_Trends%20in%20Gun%20Ownership_US_1972-2014.pdf Shelf Number: 146196 Keywords: Gun OwnershipGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Dehart, Andrew Title: Chicago Homicides Completed with a Firearm from 1971 to 1993: A Lens of Social Disorganization Theory and Firearm Legislation Summary: Firearm legislation is a hotly debated topic in the light of recent mass shootings in Newtown, Connecticut and elsewhere. President Obama has introduced a firearm policy directed at curtailing firearm homicide. The literature on gun laws and their effect on crime are mixed. Some jurisdictions operate under strict firearm policies and others believe greater access to guns will deter potential criminals. This study uses social disorganization theory to test the effect of restrictive firearm policy in Chicago, Illinois from 1971 to 1993. In particular, this thesis seeks to determine the rate of firearm homicides in the eleven years prior to the 1982 gun ban in Chicago versus the eleven years following 1982. Furthermore, social disorganization theory is tested when comparing gun murders in gentrifying communities to different community area types from 1983 to 1993. The results suggest Chicago's 1982 ban may have lowered the city's firearm murder rate during the eleven years after the ban. Moreover, gentrifying communities, while sharing common characteristics of social disorganization theory, had a moderating impact on firearm homicides. The odd ratios from 1983 to 1993 Chicago gun murders increased in every community area type as compared to gentrifying neighborhoods. Details: Tyler, TX: University of Texas at Tyler, 2016. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://scholarworks.uttyler.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=crimjustice_grad Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://scholarworks.uttyler.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=crimjustice_grad Shelf Number: 146198 Keywords: Firearm LegislationFirearmsGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicides |
Author: Johnston, Jennifer Title: Mass Shootings and the Media Contagion Effect Summary: According to the latest FBI analysis, mass shootings in the United States have increased three-fold in just the last fifteen years (Blair & Schweit, 2014). Recent analyses of media coverage followed by copycat incidents indicate a media contagion effect (Garcia-Bernardo, et al., 2015; Towers, Gomez-Lievano, Khan, Mubayi, & Castillo-Chavez, 2015). Lankford (2014; 2015) and Meloy, Sheridan, and Hoffman (2008) found that most shooters desired fame and wished to emulate a previous mass shooter. Madfis (2014) suggests that rampage shooters, who are almost all White men in early adulthood seek power and dominance that they perceive is their right, but perceive they are being denied, for various reasons, by society. Profiles of shooters indicate that they are often socially isolated and suffer a pattern of ostracization or bullying, yet they tend toward narcissism (Fox & Delateur, 2013; Fox & Levin, 2013; Meloy, 2014). Many fantasize about revenge or murder, and that this type of fantasy is not unusual or "extreme." Buss's (2005) research indicates up to 90% of men fantasize about murder. What tips the scales from fantasy to reality? We would argue identification with prior mass shooters made famous by extensive media coverage, including names, faces, writings, and detailed accounts of their lives and backgrounds, is a more powerful push toward violence than mental health status or even access to guns. First proposed by Phillips (1983), the violent media contagion effect was largely ignored by criminologists and psychologists, but more recently the evidence of the power of copycat homicide is mounting. Computer models developed by mathematicians note that the events cluster in time and by region (Garcia-Bernardo et al., 2015; Towers, et al., 2015), according to mass and social media coverage. Also, as Phillips (1974) and Stack (2002) determined, celebrity suicides were followed by a sudden spike of suicides in the general population, so mass media agreed to cease reporting names and some details of suicides since 1994 (O'Carroll & Potter, 1994). Our symposium panel of leading experts on this topic will examine the magnitude of the mass shooting media contagion effect, with an aim to suggest guidelines to the media about how, and how much, to cover specific details about the shooters with the aim of preventing a portion of mass murder. Details: Silver City, NM: Western New Mexico University, 2016. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2016/08/media-contagion-effect.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2016/08/media-contagion-effect.pdf Shelf Number: 146214 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass MurdersMass ShootingsMedia |
Author: Irvin-Erickson, Yasemin Title: A Neighborhood-Level Analysis of the Economic Impact of Gun Violence Summary: National conversations on the economic costs of gun violence tend to focus on the health care costs faced by victims, lost productivity, and the financial burden of gun-related health care, enforcement, and correctional supervision costs on taxpayers. Despite broad interest in estimating the economic costs of gun violence at the national and individual levels, these conversations rarely address the impact of gun violence on the health of local economies. We know little about how local economies respond to increased gun violence, especially sharp and sudden increases (or surges) in gun violence. Do surges in gun violence slow business growth and lower home values, homeownership rates, and credit scores in communities? How do increases in gun violence shape local economic health over time? To answer these important questions, we assembled and analyzed newly available business establishment and credit score data, as well as gunshot and sociodemographic data by census tract, for six cities: Baton Rouge, LA; Minneapolis, MN; Oakland, CA; Rochester, NY; San Francisco, CA; and Washington, DC. Police departments in four of these cities (Minneapolis, Oakland, San Francisco, and Washington, DC) provided gun homicide data. Baton Rouge gun homicide data were retrieved from the Parish of East Baton Rouge Open Data Portal. Gun homicide data were not available for Rochester. Because the gun violence data and economic indicators did not cover the same time period in all six cities, we examined the relationship between gun violence and local economic health differently in different cities, considering the availability of data for each city. Our findings demonstrate that surges in gun violence can significantly reduce the growth of new retail and service businesses and slow home value appreciation. Further, higher levels of neighborhood gun violence can be associated with fewer retail and service establishments and fewer new jobs. Higher levels of gun violence were also associated with lower home values, credit scores, and homeownership rates. We interviewed homeowners, renters, business owners, and representatives of neighborhood associations and other nonprofit organizations in these six cities to see how they perceive and respond to gun violence. Business owners said they were determined to not allow hardships caused by gun violence to put them out of business, but they also detailed the significant costs they incur (in both security expenses and lost revenue) to stay open. Respondents of all types noted that gun violence has led to certain types of retail and service businesses moving out of the areas where they live and work. Across the board, they shared that gun violence hurts housing prices and drives people to relocate from or avoid moving to affected neighborhoods. Homeowners, like business owners, are also financially affected by gun violence and may be compelled to invest in security technologies to protect themselves, their homes, and their families. The data and research findings from this study can lend a new, economically driven lens to responses to gun violence. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2017. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2017 at: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/90671/eigv_final_report_1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/90671/eigv_final_report_1.pdf Shelf Number: 146237 Keywords: Economic AnalysisEconomics of CrimeGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceNeighborhoods and CrimeViolent Crime |
Author: Parker, Kim Title: America's Complex Relationship With Guns An in-depth look at the attitudes and experiences of U.S. adults Summary: As a nation, the U.S. has a deep and enduring connection to guns. Integrated into the fabric of American society since the country's earliest days, guns remain a point of pride for many Americans. Whether for hunting, sport shooting or personal protection, most gun owners count the right to bear arms as central to their freedom. At the same time, the results of gun-related violence have shaken the nation, and debates over gun policy remain sharply polarized. A new Pew Research Center survey attempts to better understand the complex relationship Americans have with guns and how that relationship intersects with their policy views. The survey finds that Americans have broad exposure to guns, whether they personally own one or not. At least two-thirds have lived in a household with a gun at some point in their lives. And roughly seven-in-ten - including 55% of those who have never personally owned a gun - say they have fired a gun at some point. Today, three-in-ten U.S. adults say they own a gun, and an additional 36% say that while they don't own one now, they might be open to owning a gun in the future. A third of adults say they don't currently own a gun and can't see themselves ever doing so. To be sure, experiences with guns aren't always positive: 44% of U.S. adults say they personally know someone who has been shot, either accidentally or intentionally, and about a quarter (23%) say they or someone in their family have been threatened or intimidated by someone using a gun. Half see gun violence as a very big problem in the U.S. today, although gun owners and non-owners offer divergent views on this. Gun owners and non-owners are also deeply divided on several gun policy proposals, but there is agreement on some restrictions, such as preventing those with mental illnesses and those on federal watch lists from buying guns. Among gun owners, there is a diversity of views on gun policy, driven in large part by party affiliation. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2017. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 23, 2017 at: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/06/22/americas-complex-relationship-with-guns/ Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/06/22/americas-complex-relationship-with-guns/ Shelf Number: 146352 Keywords: Gun OwnershipGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Edwards, Griffin Title: Looking Down the Barrel of a Loaded Gun: The Effect of Mandatory Handgun Purchase Delays on Homicide and Suicide Summary: The effects of policies aimed to restrict firearm ownership and usage is a heavily debated topic in modern social science research. While much of the debate has focused on right-to-carry laws, less research has focused on other policies which affect firearm ownership and use, in particular statutory delays between the purchase and delivery of a firearm. In addition to the 1994 Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, which placed a mandatory five-day wait period between the purchase and delivery of a handgun, many states enacted similar policies before and after Brady's effective years. We exploit within-state variation across time in both the existence of a purchase delay and length of the delay to examine the effect of purchase delays on firearm-related homicides and suicides. We find that the existence of a purchase delay reduces firearm related suicides by around 3 percent, with no statistical evidence of a substitution towards non-firearm suicides. We find no evidence that purchase delays are associated with statistically significant changes in homicide rates. Details: Birmingham, AL: University of Alabama, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Alabama Legal Studies Research Paper No. 2629397: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2629397 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2629397 Shelf Number: 146372 Keywords: Gun ControlGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesSuicide |
Author: Campie, Patricia E. Title: Community-Based Violence Prevention Study of Safe and Successful Youth Initiative: An Intervention to Prevent Urban Gun Violence Summary: While the federal government has been steadily increasing support for funding violence prevention activities in urban centers and among older youth involved with guns and gangs, very few states have made this type of violence the focus of their crime prevention efforts. In 2010, Massachusetts invested in the Massachusetts Safe and Successful Youth Initiative (SSYI), an initiative launched in eleven cities with the highest per capita rates of violent crime. SSYI aims to reduce violence and promote healthy development and outcomes among young males, ages 14-24 who are at the greatest risk for violent offending and victimization. This report presents results from the Community-based Violence Prevention (CBVP) study of SSYI's impact on violent crime in Massachusetts. The overarching research question we examine is to what extent SSYI influenced changes in violent crime in SSYI communities and whether this influence is sustained over time. We also examine hypothesized factors related to SSYI effectiveness and resultant changes in violent crime. To explore our research questions we conducted: (1) analyses of changes in violent crime outcomes in SSYI communities in comparison with 30 other communities in Massachusetts; (2) examinations of community norms of violence and its relationship to police-community relations within each SSYI community; and, (3) investigations of the relationship between the myriad violence prevention and intervention efforts (including SSYI) and violent crime trends in Boston from 2007 to 2014. Details: Washington, DC: American Institutes for Research, 2017. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2017 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250771.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250771.pdf Shelf Number: 146385 Keywords: Community-Based ProgramsCrime TrendsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolencePolice-Community RelationsViolence PreventionViolent Crime |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Stolen Guns in America: A State-by-State Analysis Summary: In the early morning hours of July 5, 2017, New York Police Department officer Miosotis Familia was ambushed as she sat in a marked NYPD command truck with her partner while providing additional security to a Bronx neighborhood after Fourth of July festivities. In an attack that police officials described as an assassination, Officer Familia was fatally shot in the head with a gun that had been stolen in Charleston, West Virginia, four years earlier. Less than a month earlier on the other side of the country, a UPS driver in San Francisco shot and killed three co-workers and injured two others using a gun that had been stolen in Utah. The shooter was also armed with a gun that had been stolen in Napa County, California. Stolen guns pose a significant risk to community safety. Whether stolen from a gun store or an individual gun owner's collection, these guns often head straight into the illegal underground gun market, where they are sold, traded, and used to facilitate violent crimes. Gun theft is not a minor problem in the United States. According to data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), during the four-year period from 2012 to 2015, nearly half a billion dollars worth of guns were stolen from individuals nationwide, amounting to an estimated 1.2 million guns. Twenty-two thousand guns were stolen from gun stores during this same period. A gun is stolen in the U.S. every two minutes. This problem does not affect all states equally. The rate and volume of guns stolen from both gun stores and private collections vary widely from state to state. From 2012 through 2015, the average rate of the five states with the highest rates of gun theft from private owners - Tennessee, Arkansas, South Carolina, Oklahoma, and Alabama - was 13 times higher than the average rate of the five states with the lowest rates - Hawaii, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, and Massachusetts. Similarly, from 2012 through 2016, the average rate of the five states with the highest rates of guns stolen from gun stores was 18 times higher than the average rate the five states with the lowest rates. Gun owners and dealers have a substantial responsibility to take reasonable measures to protect against theft and help ensure that their guns do not become part of this illegal inventory. This report analyzes data from the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) to provide state-by-state data on the frequency with which guns are stolen from licensed gun dealers and individual gun owners in communities across the country. It then offers a number of policy solutions to help prevent future gun thefts. States that are in the top 10 for highest number of guns stolen from both gun stores and private owners Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2017. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 31, 2017 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2017/07/25052308/StolenGuns-report.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2017/07/25052308/StolenGuns-report.pdf Shelf Number: 146628 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGunsIllegal GunsStolen GunsTheft |
Author: Leshner, Alan I. Title: Priorities for Research to Reduce the Threat of Firearm-Related Violence Summary: Individuals use firearms legally for a variety of activities, including recreation, self-protection, and work. However, firearms can also be used to intimidate, coerce, or carry out threats of violence. Fatal and nonfatal firearm violence poses a serious threat to the safety and welfare of the American public. Although violent crime rates have declined in recent years, the U.S. rate of firearm-related deaths is the highest among industrialized countries. In 2010, incidents in the United States involving firearms injured or killed more than 105,000 individuals; there were twice as many nonfatal firearm-related injuries (73,505) than deaths. Nonfatal violence often has significant physical and psychological impacts, including psychological outcomes for those in proximity to individuals who are injured or die from gun violence. The recent, highly publicized, tragic mass shootings in Newtown, Connecticut; Aurora, Colorado; Oak Creek, Wisconsin; and Tucson, Arizona, have sharpened the publics interest in protecting our children and communities from the effects of firearm violence. In January 2013, President Obama issued 23 executive orders directing federal agencies to improve knowledge of the causes of firearm violence, the interventions that might prevent it, and strategies to minimize its public health burden. One of these executive orders noted that "in addition to being a law enforcement challenge, firearm violence is also a serious public health issue that affects thousands of individuals, families, Control and Prevention (CDC), along with other relevant federal agencies, to immediately begin identifying the most pressing firearm-related violence research problems." The CDC and the CDC Foundation requested that the Institute of Medicine (IOM), in collaboration with the National Research Council (NRC), convene a committee of experts to develop a potential research agenda focusing on the public health aspects of firearm-related violence - its causes, approaches to interventions that could prevent it, and strategies to minimize its health burden. In accordance with the CDC's charge, the committee did not focus on public health surveillance and potentially related behavioral/mental health issues, as these will be addressed separately. The research program envisioned by the committee, which is designed to produce impacts in 3-5 years, focuses on - the characteristics of firearm violence, - risk and protective factors, - interventions and strategies, - gun safety technology, and - the influence of video games and other media. The committee identified potential research topics by conducting a survey of previous relevant research, considering input received during the workshop, and using its expert judgment. The committee was not asked to consider funding for the research agenda, and in addition to the CDC, it is likely that other agencies and private foundations will also implement the research agenda. Consequently, the committee identified a full range of high-priority topics that could be explored with significant progress made in 3-5 years. Research on these topics will improve current knowledge of the causes of firearm violence, the interventions that prevent firearm violence, and strategies to minimize the public health burden of firearm violence. To allow the research community flexibility in designing the research protocols, the report does not specify the methodologies that should be used to address the research topics. The evidence generated by implementing a public health research agenda can enable the development of sound policies that support both the rights and the responsibilities central to gun ownership in the United States. In the absence of this research, policy makers will be left to debate controversial policies without scientifically sound evidence about their potential effects. Details: Washington, DC: Institute of Medicine and National Research Council of the National Academies, 2013. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2017 at: http://www.ncdsv.org/images/IOM-NRC_Priorities-for-Research-to-reduce-the-threat-of-firearm-related-violence_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncdsv.org/images/IOM-NRC_Priorities-for-Research-to-reduce-the-threat-of-firearm-related-violence_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129667 Keywords: FirearmsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolent Crime |
Author: Butts, Jeffrey Title: Youth, Guns, and the Juvenile Justice System Summary: The falling rate of violent crime in the United States is not likely to reduce the need for effective policies and programs to address youth gun violence. The rate of firearm deaths among American youth is still one of the highest in the world. In the coming years, all levels of government, the private sector, and communities will require sound information and practical guidance as they try to reduce gun violence among young people. Funded by the Joyce Foundation, this report reviews recent trends in youth gun violence, policy responses to gun violence, and the growing variety of data resources for research on the effects of gun laws. The report is designed to inform discussions about these issues and to aid in the development of future research efforts. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2002. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 12, 2017 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/60356/410417-Youth-Guns-and-the-Juvenile-Justice-System.PDF Year: 2002 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/60356/410417-Youth-Guns-and-the-Juvenile-Justice-System.PDF Shelf Number: 125095 Keywords: Gun-Related ViolenceGuns Juvenile Offenders Violent Crime Youth Violence |
Author: Stroebe, Wolfgang Title: The Impact of the Orlando Mass Shooting on Fear of Victimization and Gun-Purchasing Intentions: Not what one might expect Summary: Mass public shootings are typically followed by a spike in gun sales as well as calls for stricter gun control laws. What remains unclear is whether the spike in gun sales is motivated by increased threat perceptions or by concerns about gun control, or whether the sales are mainly driven by non-owners purchasing guns or gun owners adding to their collection. Two surveys of gun owners and non-owners, conducted immediately before and after the Orlando shooting, allowed us to assess its impact on threat perceptions and on gun-purchasing intentions. Although there was a minor impact on threat perceptions of non-owners, neither group reported any increased gun-purchasing intentions or an increased need of a gun for protection and self-defense. We suggest that these responses are representative for the majority of Americans and, therefore, people who are influenced by mass shootings to buy guns are probably an atypical minority. Details: PLoS ONE 12(8): e0182408, 2017. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 13, 2017 at: http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article/file?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0182408&type=printable Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article/file?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0182408&type=printable Shelf Number: 147234 Keywords: Fear of Crime Gun-Related ViolenceMass Shooting |
Author: University of Chicago Crime Lab Title: Gun Violence in Chicago, 2016 Summary: A total of 764 people were murdered in Chicago in 2016. They were sons, brothers, and fathers; sisters, daughters, and mothers; they were, as the title of The New York Times reporter Fox Butterfield's book on urban violence noted, All God's Children. This report represents a first step towards understanding what happened with the goal of helping the city of Chicago prevent another year like the one that just passed. We draw on data obtained from the Chicago Police Department (CPD) and other sources to provide a more complete picture of the change in our city's crime problem in 2016. Our analysis highlights a number of key facts that are important for understanding what happened, but also raises some new puzzles as well. While this report focuses on establishing basic facts and avoids delving too deeply into solutions, we will continue to partner with policymakers, the civic community, and local nonprofits to identify promising approaches for moving forward. We plan to share our thinking about how to reduce violence in Chicago, informed by the best available data and research, in other venues in the future. Between 2015 and 2016, Chicago experienced 58 percent more homicides and 43 percent more non-fatal shootings. Annual increases of this size are not unprecedented among American cities, particularly in recent years, but are rare for a city of Chicago's size. One striking feature of Chicago's increase in gun violence is how sudden it was: as of December 2015, there was no indication that gun violence was on the verge of rising sharply. But in January 2016, homicides and shootings surged relative to their 2015 levels and remained higher in almost every month that followed, threatening 20 years of progress on violent crime in Chicago. This increase was mostly in gun crimes; other crimes did not change by nearly as much. The characteristics of homicide were generally similar in 2016 and 2015; what changed in Chicago was not so much the nature of our violence problem, but rather its prevalence. Most murders involved guns, occurred in public places, and stemmed from what police believe was some sort of altercation. This violence continues to be very regressive in its impact, disproportionately affecting the city's most disadvantaged residents. Most gun violence victims and suspects were African American men, more often than not having had some prior encounter with the criminal justice system. Compared to other cities, a larger share of homicide suspects in Chicago consists of adolescents, although the majority of all homicide suspects are in their 20s or older. The increase in gun violence occurred disproportionately in several disadvantaged neighborhoods on the city's South and West sides, which now account for an even larger share of the city's homicides. Another change is that from 2015 to 2016, the share of homicides that CPD believes stemmed from an altercation, as well as the share of homicide offenders who were recorded by CPD as having a gang affiliation, seemed to decline. What caused Chicago's sudden surge in gun violence in 2016 remains a puzzle. Weather cannot explain the surge in homicides and shootings, since monthly temperatures in 2016 were close to their historical averages. City spending on social services and public education did not change much in 2016 compared to previous years, and while the state budget impasse disrupted funding for many community organizations, this did not seem to change sharply in December 2015. Most relevant measures of police activity did not change abruptly enough to explain the surge in gun violence. Overall arrests declined in 2016, driven by narcotics arrests, but arrests for violent crimes, including homicides and shootings, barely changed. One policing measure that declined was the chance of arrest for homicides and shootings (the "clearance rate"), which was a result of arrests for these crimes not keeping pace with the increase in gun violence. Another policing measure that declined was the number of investigatory street stops. However, for this to explain why shootings increased in Chicago would also require an explanation for why the previous dramatic decline in street stops in New York City did not lead to more gun violence there. We also cannot know the effect of factors not measurable in the available data, such as any change in street gangs or the use of social media. However, given the timing of the recent increase in gun violence, for any alternative explanation to make sense it would need to involve something that changed abruptly near the end of 2015 and disproportionately affected gun crimes. Not knowing the definitive cause of Chicago's sudden and substantial increase in gun violence does not mean the city should be paralyzed in crafting a response. The solution to a problem need not be the opposite of its cause. One key implication of these data is the importance of a policy response that is focused on the core problem: violence concentrated largely in a moderate number of our most disadvantaged neighborhoods, carried out by teens and young adults in public places with illegally owned, and perhaps increasingly lethal, firearms. Details: Chicago: The Crime Lab, 2017. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 14, 2017 at: https://urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/store/2435a5d4658e2ca19f4f225b810ce0dbdb9231cbdb8d702e784087469ee3/UChicagoCrimeLab+Gun+Violence+in+Chicago+2016.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/store/2435a5d4658e2ca19f4f225b810ce0dbdb9231cbdb8d702e784087469ee3/UChicagoCrimeLab+Gun+Violence+in+Chicago+2016.pdf Shelf Number: 147255 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal WeaponsMurders |
Author: Fleury, Megan M. Title: Process Evaluation of Call-in Meetings Conducted in Maryland under Project Safe Neighborhoods Summary: Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) is a program to combat gun violence that is coordinated by U.S. Attorney's Offices throughout the country. The University of Maryland's Institute for Governmental Service and Research (IGSR) is the research partner to the U.S. Attorney's Office, District of Maryland, on PSN through grant PSNM-2013-0001, administered by the Governor's Office of Crime Control and Prevention (GOCCP). One approach to implementing PSN nationally and in Maryland is the use of offender call-in meetings. High risk offenders are called in and notified of the consequences they could face, including federal prosecution, if they reoffend using a gun. In many jurisdictions, service providers attend the meetings to apprise offenders of programs available to help them succeed. Because there is only limited research concerning the effectiveness of call-in meetings, the U.S. Attorney's Office, GOCCP, and IGSR decided to focus research efforts on evaluating the Maryland call-in meetings. This report contains the results of the process evaluation of call-in meetings in five Maryland jurisdictions: the City of Annapolis, Anne Arundel County, Baltimore City, the City of Frederick, and Prince Georges County. Another report will be issued after an outcome evaluation of the meetings is completed. A review of existing literature found evaluations that attributed reductions in crime to PSN programs incorporating call-in meetings as well as programs employing call-in meetings that pre-dated creation of PSN. However, studies that focus specifically on the effectiveness of call-in meetings have yielded mixed results. Call-in meetings in Chicago reduced recidivism and the seriousness of subsequent crimes committed by meeting participants. Call-in meetings in Indianapolis increased participants' awareness of law enforcement efforts, but did not result in lower recidivism rates among participants. The meetings in Chicago and Indianapolis had similar formats. However, Chicago targeted the most violent offenders in the most crime-ridden neighborhoods, while Indianapolis invited a broader set of offenders to its meetings. Chicago also emphasized the legitimacy of law enforcement efforts to reduce violence. In Indianapolis, a failure of law enforcement to follow through with increased oversight and sanctions of targeted offenders may have weakened the meetings' effects. In Maryland, PSN has been implemented in conjunction with two other programs, Maryland Exile and the Safe Streets initiative. Maryland Exile focuses on federal prosecution of the most violent repeat offenders. Safe Streets uses a set of criteria to identify offenders who will receive increased attention from law enforcement. Both programs utilize call-in meetings to communicate with their respective target group. Through review of documents provided by PSN partners, interviews with meeting organizers, and observation of meetings, the IGSR researchers conducted a process evaluation of call-in meetings in Maryland. Offenders in the Violence Prevention Initiative (VPI) are the target population, with four of the five jurisdictions inviting the most violent VPI offenders to their call-in meetings. Anne Arundel County invites all VPI offenders and has call-in meetings with 80 to 100 offenders in attendance. The other jurisdictions typically limit meetings to 30 or 40 offenders. Targeting call-in meetings to the most violent offenders is consistent with the successful approach used in Chicago and in programs that led to creation of PSN. As is the case nationally, the meetings in Maryland jurisdictions generally combine a deterrent message and a message of support. Representatives of the local police department, the U.S. Attorney's Office, and the State's Attorney's Office speak at the meetings in every jurisdiction. Offenders are told that they risk federal prosecution and harsh sanctions if they are rearrested for a violent crime. The emphasis is on deterrence, although all the jurisdictions except Annapolis invite service providers to the meetings. The smaller jurisdictions provide offenders with personalized pamphlets describing the consequences of reoffending, given their individual criminal histories. The larger jurisdictions provide examples of offenders who have been prosecuted in the federal system. Meetings in Baltimore City have the broadest community involvement, including a member of the clergy, an ex-offender, and residents affected by violence. These participants help reinforce the anti-violence message and provide legitimacy to law enforcement efforts. The other Maryland jurisdictions should consider incorporating this feature into their call-in meetings. Meeting organizers in some of the Maryland jurisdictions expressed concern over whether meeting participants that reoffend are actually receiving federal prosecution and harsher sanctions. They worry that their credibility will be harmed if this is not happening. Some meeting organizers would like to have more service providers at the meeting and more programs available to help offenders succeed. The meeting organizers that were interviewed for the process evaluation generally believe that call-in meetings have contributed to reductions in violent crime. The extent to which this is the case will be addressed by the planned outcome evaluation. A caveat regarding the findings and conclusions presented in this report is that they are based on interviews with a limited number of individuals in only four of the five jurisdictions and observations of call-in meetings in only four of the five jurisdictions. Key staff in Baltimore City departed the program before they could be interviewed, and the City of Annapolis did not conduct a call-in meeting during the time-frame of the process evaluation. Details: College Park, MD: Institute for Governmental Service and Research, University of Maryland, 2016. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2017 at: http://www.igsr.umd.edu/applied_research/Pubs/ProcessEvaluationProjectSafeNeighborhoods_032416.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.igsr.umd.edu/applied_research/Pubs/ProcessEvaluationProjectSafeNeighborhoods_032416.pdf Shelf Number: 147453 Keywords: Crime PreventionGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceProject Safe NeighborhoodsRecidivismViolence Prevention |
Author: Alpers, Philip Title: Firearm Legislation in Australia 21 Years After the National Firearms Agreement Summary: Four consecutive formal reports have now found that no Australian State or Territory has at any stage fully complied with the 1996 or 2002 firearm resolutions which collectively formed the National Firearms Agreement. In important areas, State and Territory legislation has been blocked or revised to dilute the effect of the NFA. This report, commissioned and funded by Gun Control Australia, finds that on balance, both non-compliance from day one and two decades of political pressure have steadily reduced restrictions and undermined the NFA's original intent. Details: s.l.: Gun.Policy.Org, 2017. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 9, 2017 at: http://www.gunpolicy.org/documents/6936-firearm-legislation-in-australia-21-years-after-the-national-firearms-agreement/file Year: 2017 Country: Australia URL: http://www.gunpolicy.org/documents/6936-firearm-legislation-in-australia-21-years-after-the-national-firearms-agreement/file Shelf Number: 147615 Keywords: FirearmsGun PolicyGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Delgado, Sheyla A. Title: Denormalizing Violence: The Effects of Cure Violence in the South Bronx and East New York, Brooklyn Summary: New York City launched its first Cure Violence program - which uses community outreach to interrupt violence - in 2010 with funding from the U.S. Department of Justice. Today, there are 18 programs around the city. This report examines two of them: Man Up! Inc. in East New York, Brooklyn; and Save Our Streets South Bronx. Each of the two neighborhoods was compared with another neighborhood that had similar demographics and crime trends but no Cure Violence program. As detailed in this report, the comparisons provide promising evidence that the public health approach to violence reduction championed by Cure Violence may be capable of creating safe and healthy communities. The Research and Evaluation Center at John Jay College of Criminal Justice (JohnJayREC) began an evaluation of Cure Violence in 2012 with support from the New York City Council. Researchers visited program sites and interviewed staff about the Cure Violence model. They also assembled data about violent incidents in the city from the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and the New York State Department of Health (DOH). Between 2014 and 2016, the study team also conducted annual surveys of young men living in a dozen neighborhoods, some with and some without Cure Violence programs. During the study period, New York City's various Cure Violence programs received financial and administrative support from the Mayor's Office of Criminal Justice, the city's Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, the New York City Council, New York State's Division of Criminal Justice Services, and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation of Princeton, New Jersey. Cure Violence is a neighborhood-based, public-health oriented approach to violence reduction. The program relies on the efforts of community-based "outreach workers" and "violence interrupters" in neighborhoods that are the most vulnerable to gun violence. These workers use their personal relationships, social networks, and knowledge of their communities to dissuade specific individuals and neighborhood residents in general from engaging in violence. When Cure Violence strategies are implemented with high levels of fidelity, the program may theoretically begin to "denormalize" violence in entire communities (Butts et al. 2015). As of 2016, New York City's Cure Violence programs employed approximately 130 workers, including two dozen program managers and directors, at least 15 supervisors, and more than 80 front-line workers. Before joining Cure Violence, staff members typically undergo a 40-hour training workshop by the National Cure Violence training team, which is based in Chicago. Additional training sessions are provided in New York City by locally based trainers. During their training, Cure Violence workers learn about active listening, conflict mediation, suicide prevention, and motivational interviewing tactics as well as procedures for record keeping and database management. Staff members at some Cure Violence programs, including those operated by the Center for Court Innovation in New York City, receive additional training in human resources policy, organizational management, and staff supervision techniques. Details: New York, NY: Research & Evaluation Center, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2017. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 16, 2017 at: https://johnjayrec.nyc/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/CVinSoBronxEastNY.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://johnjayrec.nyc/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/CVinSoBronxEastNY.pdf Shelf Number: 148198 Keywords: Cure ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceNeighborhoods and CrimeViolent CrimeViolent OffendersYoung Adult Offenders |
Author: B.C. Task Force on Illegal Firearms Title: Illegal Firearms Task Force: Final Report Summary: British Columbia continues to experience troubling and highly dangerous incidents of firearms violence that have resulted in numerous deaths and injuries. Highly public and brazen acts, often linked to organized crime and gangs, place innocent members of the public at risk, create fear, hardship and tragedy for the individuals and communities affected, and impose substantial burdens on public resources. The Government of B.C., in an enhanced provincial strategy to combat guns and gangs, convened an Illegal Firearms Task Force to make recommendations for action to the B.C. Minister of Public Safety & Solicitor General. The Task Force, consisting of provincial experts with a wide range of experience in managing illegal firearms and organized crime, reviewed and analyzed the existing published research, interviewed numerous individuals and organizations, and conducted community consultations around B.C. It reviewed the information presented and developed recommendations addressing both specific issues that had been identified and broad strategic approaches. Four themes - The recommendations fall into four themes: Theme #1: Strategic Approaches Coordinating and focussing the efforts of the diverse agencies that work to reduce crime and enhance public safety will ensure the most effective use of resources and the greatest impact in limiting the availability and use of illegal firearms. Action categories include: - An illegal firearms-focussed approach - Alignment of existing and enhanced resources in order to improve outcomes relative to illegal firearms trafficking, their availability to criminals and the manner in which they are used by organized crime - Road safety and illegal firearms - Road safety initiatives to reduce the incidence of illegal firearms possession in motor vehicles and the concurrent use of illegal firearms and motor vehicles to carry out organized crime violence - Provincial Tactical Enforcement Priority - Leveraging the innovative and unique capabilities of the Provincial Tactical Enforcement Priority model to maximize intelligence, disruption and enforcement of illegal firearms traffickers and the targeting of those who use firearms to support violent organized crime activity - Firearms tracing hub and labs - The enhanced and timely analysis of all recovered firearms and the determination of their potential association with crime to provide investigative information and strategic intelligence - Alignment of law enforcement policy - The alignment and modernization of law enforcement policy with the education of law enforcement officers and Crown prosecutors to realize strategic objectives related to illegal firearms trafficking and the use of illegal firearms in violent crimes - "Bar Watch" programs - Expansion of a successful Vancouver program to deter and mitigate gang and firearms violence within licenced liquor establishments throughout the province Theme #2: Legislative Initiatives Firearms possession and the criminal use of firearms are primarily governed by federal legislation. The Task Force has made several recommendations related to the enhancement of federal legislation and the creation of provincial legislation in order to reduce the risks of illegal firearms use. Action categories include: - Quebec's mass shooting and firearms violence mitigation: A model for provincial actions - Legislation that enhances the ability of law enforcement and partner agencies to identify and prevent firearms violence through the timely sharing of information - Imitation firearms - Legislation to control the access and use of readily available imitation firearms; to limit their risk to communities, first responders and those who possess them; and to disrupt early patterns of illegal firearms use by youth - Straw purchasers and point-of-sale record-keeping - Legislation requiring sellers to keep records of firearms sales (not a central registry), enhancing the ability of judicially authorized law enforcement to trace crime guns, collect firearms trafficking intelligence and deter firearms traffickers - Manufacture of untraceable firearms - Legislation to prohibit access to unmarked firearms parts and parts that can be assembled into illegal firearms Theme #3: Education and Prevention Focussed efforts by a wide range of stakeholders and agencies working with the public, industry and communities will create awareness, build resilience and reduce the acquisition, availability and use of illegal firearms in B.C. communities. Action categories include: - Safe schools, student and parent education - Leveraging existing school-based programs to disrupt potentially violent antisocial behaviour, including the use of firearms, and to ensure the understanding of educators and parents on the factors and indicators related to violence prevention - Community-based programs - Rural and First Nations communities - Tailored community-based strategies designed to recognize the specific risks associated with communities in which firearms are readily available and which experience violence and organized crime involving firearms - Canadian Firearms Program compliance strategies - Enhancing compliance efforts pursuant to the firearms regulations designed to prevent and deter illegal firearms trafficking - Registration issues from the former Restricted Weapons Registration System - Initiatives to reduce the large number of restricted and prohibited firearms that are not in compliance with current registration requirements and no longer under the oversight of the Canadian Firearms Program Theme #4: Data Collection and Information Sharing The purposeful collection of intelligence from a variety of sources will inform prevention, enforcement and disruption efforts by all stakeholders against the trafficking, possession and use of illegal firearms. The Task Force has made recommendations in two action categories, including: - Intelligence and data quality - Assigning a lead intelligence agency and data warehouse to coordinate all intelligence collection, assure data quality and facilitate analysis related to the trafficking, possession and use of illegal firearms - PRIME-BC access by all key stakeholders - Providing necessary access to B.C.'s own Police Record Information Management System (PRIME-BC) to key agencies engaged in illegal firearms prevention, enforcement and disruption Details: Victoria, BC: Minister of Public Safety and Solicitor General of British Columbia, 2017. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminal-justice/police/publications/government/iftf_final_report_pdf.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Canada URL: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminal-justice/police/publications/government/iftf_final_report_pdf.pdf Shelf Number: 148534 Keywords: GangsGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal FirearmsMurdersOrganized CrimeTrafficking in Firearms |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Keeping Illegal Guns Out of Dangerous Hands: America's Deadly Relinquishment Gap Summary: Americans overwhelmingly agree that it's common sense to prevent dangerous people from accessing deadly weapons-yet there's a dangerous gap in our laws that makes it easy for armed felons and violent criminals to illegally keep their guns after they're convicted. In our new report, Keeping Illegal Guns Out of Dangerous Hands: America's Deadly Relinquishment Gap, we researched relinquishment laws in all 50 states and identified a series of best practices lawmakers can adopt to save lives from gun violence and close this deadly loophole. An essential step to keeping Americans safe from gun violence is to ensure that armed individuals convicted of serious crimes simply turn in, sell, or otherwise rid themselves of their weapons after conviction. In California, law enforcement reported that in 2014 alone, more than 3,200 people illegally kept their guns after a new criminal conviction, many of whom went on to commit crimes with those guns. Relinquishment laws would help prevent this. California, which has the most progressive gun violence prevention laws in the nation, has acted to close this gap in one important way-the state has enacted a law that lays out clear, mandatory procedures for the relinquishment of guns by domestic abusers under a restraining order. Importantly, this law has teeth: it requires these abusers to provide receipts to a judge verifying that they sold or transferred their guns as required. But, the state hasn't extended this best practice to the criminal context, even for people convicted of domestic abuse crimes. Our research on gun relinquishment also revealed: States often rely on the honor system to manage the relinquishment process, trusting violent criminals and other prohibited people to voluntarily turn in their weapons. It costs taxpayers millions of dollars each year - $285 million in California alone-when prohibited people like violent felons are picked up on weapons charges and subsequently incarcerated, and many return to prison because they kept their guns illegally. Only five states provide any statutory process for disarming people prohibited from having guns-Connecticut, Hawaii, Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania The firearm relinquishment gap puts Americans in all 50 states at grave risk. Keeping Illegal Guns Out of Dangerous Hands aims to address the challenge of relinquishment and to encourage lawmakers to establish best practices and mandatory procedures to stem the tide of illegal weapons in our communities. We hope this report will help provide a path to effective gun violence prevention for lawmakers, so fewer Americans fall victim to heartbreaking, preventable shootings. Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2016. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 23, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Keeping-Guns-Out-of-Dangerous-Hands.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Keeping-Guns-Out-of-Dangerous-Hands.pdf Shelf Number: 148909 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsIllegal Guns |
Author: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Investing in Intervention: The Critical Role of State-Level Support in Breaking the Cycle of Urban Gun Violence Summary: Tens of thousands of people are shot each year on America's streets. These shootings are concentrated in cities and disproportionately impact underserved populations-but relief is within reach. A small handful of states are supporting affordable, proven solutions to address this epidemic, saving lives and millions in taxpayer dollars. States can do so much more to address the alarming rates of gun violence in our cities. Read the full report to learn how Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York are transforming communities with sustained investment in evidence-based violence reduction strategies. Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2017. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 23, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Investing-in-Intervention-12.19.17.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Investing-in-Intervention-12.19.17.pdf Shelf Number: 148910 Keywords: Evidence-Based PracticesGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceUrban Areas |
Author: Cook County Gun Violence Task Force (GVTF) Title: Final Report: Findings and Recommendations Summary: The City of Chicago and Cook County are both engulfed in a crisis of gun violence and the availability of illegal guns in Chicago and Cook County has continued to fuel this crisis. In recent years, Chicago's homicide rate has hovered around 500 homicides per year. However, the city has already seen more than 700 homicides by late November - a reversal of the progress the city has made toward reducing gun violence during the past two decades. As the crisis and growing rate of gun violence in the City of Chicago and across Cook County has intensified, however, the issue has become better-documented every year. As a result, the GVTF was convened to examine the current gun violence crisis, its underlying causes, and assess various evidence-based programs, policies, and practices as potential solutions for combatting the continued growth of gun crimes and violence across Chicago and Cook County. In the past decade, over 50,000 African-American men were victims of firearm homicides in the United States. Despite the City of Chicago having a population that is as much as three times smaller, the Chicago Police Department recovers more guns than New York and Los Angeles combined, as well as also recording a greater number of shooting victims each year. In 2015, according to the Chicago Tribune, there were 2,900 shooting victims in the City of Chicago alone. During the same period, the city of New York and its police department reported having only 1,300 shooting victims-less than half of what Chicago recorded. Thus far, in 2016, there have been more than 3,900 people shot in the City of Chicago, and more than 700 people have been killed as a result of gun violence. Three quarters of the victims of shootings in Chicago are African-Americans. They are heavily concentrated in 10-20 high-crime areas on the city's South and West sides. A disturbing number of these victims are innocent children who get in the way when criminals target rivals. Homicides that result from gun violence account for only one half of an otherwise incomplete picture, however. Too often forgotten during discussions about firearm violence are the many non-fatal shootings that comprise the other half of the picture. Each year, approximately 900 individual victims of gun violence are treated at Stroger Hospital by the physicians of the Cook County Health and Hospital System. The cost to taxpayers for treatment can typically range between $35,000 and $50,000 per victim, or in cases of serious debilitating nonfatal injuries, the costs can total up to $250,000 for the first year and $200,000 each year thereafter. These local statistics paint a stark picture for the City of Chicago and Cook County. Nationally, we have seen instances of firearm violence draw increased attention in the wake of tragic recent events. Despite this increased attention, however, there has been limited action by the federal government, to take concrete steps toward addressing the increase in firearm violence and its surrounding issues. Frustration with congressional gridlock over efforts to combat gun violence, however, should not stop local government and law enforcement from doing what it can to reduce this growing problem. It is imperative that local stakeholders begin to recognize and acknowledge that there are ways to combat community violence and save lives that have little or nothing to do with either regulating firearms and enacting expensive, grand solutions-both of which have proven to be equally unrealistic and unsuccessful endeavors in spite of an escalating number of incidents of violence across the country. An important part of this recognition process is coming to understand that discussions surrounding violence, criminal justice reforms, and community economic development are not separate and unrelated issues. Instead, these issues are each a critical component of intrinsically interconnected problems that all stakeholders must begin to address through comprehensive and coordinated programs, policies, and practices that focus on proven evidence-based solutions. Successful implementation of comprehensive and coordinated proven evidence-based solutions will not be easy, nor will it take place over night. Doing so will require greater public attention, as well as some funding. More importantly, focusing the energies of everyone involved on the evidence-based programs, policies, and practices that have been proven to succeed in addressing all aspects of community violence and its underlying causes will take strong commitment, discipline, compromise, and an unrelenting dedication from all stakeholders. Ultimately, however, through the adoption and implementation of successful evidence-based policy programs and practices the number of firearm crimes and associated incidents of violence could be significantly reduced and prevented across the City of Chicago and Cook County Details: Chicago: GVTF, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 2, 2018 at: http://richardrboykin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/The-Cook-County-Gun-Violence-Task-Force-Final-Report-2016-3.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://richardrboykin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/The-Cook-County-Gun-Violence-Task-Force-Final-Report-2016-3.pdf Shelf Number: 148965 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal GunsMurders |
Author: Oosterhoff, Pauline Title: Tackling Gun Violence in India Summary: This rapid response briefing covers topics such as emerging trends of growing gun-related violence in urban India, lessons from Latin America and the Caribbean, the relationship between gun violence and poverty and implications for policies and programmes dealing with gun-related crime in Indian cities. The briefing argues that gun-related violence has far-reaching adverse impacts on all levels of society. In addition to murder and injury, gun violence can exacerbate cycles of highly localised urban poverty, inequality and vulnerability. India has the second largest number of homicides in the world but the issue is little discussed. In contrast to well-known gun violence in the Americas and Africa, and is absent from public security and development agendas. With criminal violence generating at least ten times more deaths and injuries in India than terrorism and conflict, there is an urgent need to re-orient policies towards preventative frameworks and to focus efforts on rapidly growing mid-size cities suffering from under-resourced police forces and rising youth unemployment. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Rapid Response Briefing Issue 11: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Year: 2015 Country: India URL: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 148992 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesPoverty |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Beyond Our Borders: How Weak U.S. Gun Laws Contribute to Violent Crime Abroad Summary: From the earliest days of his presidential campaign, a constant refrain from Donald Trump has been the need to protect the United States from foreign threats, particularly violent crime that he falsely asserts is committed at high rates by immigrants to this country. The Trump administration's protectionist, isolationist, nativist, and racist immigration policy is founded on the scurrilous notion that the United States needs to close the borders and restrict immigration to the country as a way to protect against the entry of violent crime. However, often overlooked in this debate is the degree to which exportation of violence goes in the other direction-that is to say, from the United States to other countries-and, in particular, the substantial U.S. role in providing guns that are used in lethal violence in other nations. From 2014 to 2016, across 15 countries in North America, Central America, and the Caribbean, 50,133 guns that originated in the United States were recovered as part of criminal investigations. Put another way, during this span, U.S.-sourced guns were used to commit crimes in nearby countries approximately once every 31 minutes. Certainly, many of these U.S.-sourced crime guns were legally exported and were not diverted for criminal use until they crossed the border. The United States is a major manufacturer and a leading exporter of firearms, legally exporting an average of 298,000 guns each year. However, many of the same gaps and weaknesses in U.S. gun laws that contribute to illegal gun trafficking domestically likewise contribute to the illegal trafficking of guns from the United States to nearby nations. This report discusses the scope of the problem of U.S. guns being trafficked abroad and used in the commission of violent crimes in other nations. For example, in 2015, a trafficking ring bought more than 100 guns via straw purchases in the Rio Grande Valley of the United States and smuggled them to Mexico. At least 14 of these firearms were recovered in Mexico. In addition, this report identifies a number of policy solutions that would help to reduce the flow of crime guns abroad and begin to minimize the U.S. role in arming lethal violence in nearby countries. These recommendations include: Instituting universal background checks for gun purchases; Making gun trafficking and straw purchasing federal crimes; Requiring the reporting of multiple sales of long guns; Increasing access to international gun trafficking data; Rejecting efforts that weaken firearm export oversight. The United States has a moral obligation to mitigate its role in arming lethal violence abroad. While there are many factors unique to each nation that affect rates of violent crime, there is more the United States could do to reduce the risks posed by U.S.-sourced guns that cross the border and are used in crime in nearby countries. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2018. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2018/01/31115010/012918_BeyondOurBorders-report-51.pdf Year: 2018 Country: International URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/content/uploads/2018/01/31115010/012918_BeyondOurBorders-report-51.pdf Shelf Number: 148995 Keywords: Gun ControlGun EnforcementGun PolicyGun TraffickingGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Fowler, Katherine A. Title: Surveillance for Violent Deaths -- National Violent Death Reporting System, 18 States, 2014 Summary: Problem/Condition: In 2014, approximately 59,000 persons died in the United States as a result of violence-related injuries. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) regarding violent deaths from 18 U.S. states for 2014. Results are reported by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, marital status, location of injury, method of injury, circumstances of injury, and other selected characteristics. Reporting Period Covered: 2014. Description of System: NVDRS collects data from participating states regarding violent deaths. Data are obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, law enforcement reports, and secondary sources (e.g., child fatality review team data, supplemental homicide reports, hospital data, and crime laboratory data). This report includes data from 18 states that collected statewide data for 2014 (Alaska, Colorado, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah, Virginia, and Wisconsin). NVDRS collates documents for each death and links deaths that are related (e.g., multiple homicides, a homicide followed by a suicide, or multiple suicides) into a single incident. Results: For 2014, a total of 22,098 fatal incidents involving 22,618 deaths were captured by NVDRS in the 18 states included in this report. The majority of deaths were suicides (65.6%), followed by homicides (22.5%), deaths of undetermined intent (10.0%), deaths involving legal intervention (1.3%) (i.e., deaths caused by law enforcement and other persons with legal authority to use deadly force, excluding legal executions), and unintentional firearm deaths (<1%). The term "legal intervention" is a classification incorporated into the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision (ICD-10) and does not denote the lawfulness or legality of the circumstances surrounding a death caused by law enforcement. Suicides occurred at higher rates among males, non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Natives (AI/AN), non-Hispanic whites, persons aged 45-54 years, and males aged ≥75 years. Suicides were preceded primarily by a mental health, intimate partner, substance abuse, or physical health problem or a crisis during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks. Homicide rates were higher among males and persons aged <1 year and 15-44 years; rates were highest among non-Hispanic black and AI/AN males. Homicides primarily were precipitated by arguments and interpersonal conflicts, occurrence in conjunction with another crime, or related to intimate partner violence (particularly for females). When the relationship between a homicide victim and a suspected perpetrator was known, it was most often either an acquaintance/ friend or an intimate partner. Legal intervention death rates were highest among males and persons aged 20-44 years; rates were highest among non-Hispanic black males and Hispanic males. Precipitating factors for the majority of legal intervention deaths were alleged criminal activity in progress, the victim reportedly using a weapon in the incident, a mental health or substance abuse problem, an argument or conflict, or a recent crisis. Deaths of undetermined intent occurred more frequently among males, particularly non-Hispanic black and AI/AN males, and persons aged 30-54 years. Substance abuse, mental health problems, physical health problems, and a recent crisis were the most common circumstances preceding deaths of undetermined intent. Unintentional firearm deaths were more frequent among males, non-Hispanic whites, and persons aged 10-24 years; these deaths most often occurred while the shooter was playing with a firearm and were most often precipitated by a person unintentionally pulling the trigger or mistakenly thinking the firearm was unloaded. Details: Atlanta: e Center for Surveillance, Epidemiology, and Laboratory Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2018. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, Surveillance Summaries / Vol. 67 / No. 2: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/67/ss/pdfs/ss6702-H.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/67/ss/pdfs/ss6702-H.pdf Shelf Number: 149005 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceFamily ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicideMurdersSuicidesViolence-Related InjuriesViolent Crime |
Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Estimating the Effects of Law Enforcement and Public Health Interventions Intended to Reduce Gun Violence in Baltimore Summary: Baltimore has long been plagued by high rates of homicides, with guns playing an important role. City and law enforcement officials in Baltimore have attributed much of the gun violence to the illegal drug economy and the availability of guns for criminal use. For many years, the most visible and direct approaches employed by the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) to curb gun violence have focused on enforcement of drug laws to reduce violent crime associated with the drug trade. In the most ambitious and resource-intensive efforts, the objective of law enforcement actions has been to "take down" or severely weaken organized groups selling illegal drugs through targeted arrests and prosecutions. Such efforts are intended to both remove violent criminals from communities and, ideally, deter violent crime. Most of these targeted drug law enforcement efforts have been placefocused, targeting "hot spots" for homicides and shootings. Within these hot spots, there is often some degree of targeting of individuals believed to be important drivers of gun violence, based on intelligence gathered, individuals' histories of criminal offending, and individuals' criminal associates. In the early 2000s, Baltimore City leadership encouraged aggressive enforcement of drug laws, resulting in the arrests of tens of thousands of individuals for drug possession and drug distribution. However, beginning mid-2007, the BPD shifted its focus to initiatives aimed at apprehending violent criminals and targeting illegal gun possession. We used data from January 1, 2003, through December 23, 2017, to estimate the effects of place-focused policing and prevention initiatives that were focused on criminal offending involving guns and/or drugs to estimate the effects of those interventions on homicides and nonfatal shootings. An overview of the specific interventions assessed in this study follows. Details: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research; Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2018 at: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/JHSPH-Gun-Violence-in-Baltimore.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/JHSPH-Gun-Violence-in-Baltimore.pdf Shelf Number: 149142 Keywords: Drug-Related ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesHotspots PolicingIllegal DrugsPublic Health Interventions |
Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: A Census of Domestic Violence: Gun Homicides in Arizona Summary: On December 20, 2012, after months of escalating harassment and violent threats, Joseph Leroy Francis approached his ex-girlfriend Ashley Hicks in the parking lot of her apartment building in Tucson, Arizona. He grabbed her arm and asked to talk to her. When she resisted, he shot her seven times, killing her. Afterwards he drove to Ashley's parents home, told them he had killed their daughter, and then went home and shot himself. The incident was tragic, and it also might have been prevented, since there was ample evidence that Joseph posed a danger to Ashley. On August 17, 2012, four months before the murder, Joseph assaulted Ashley in a grocery store. That same day, she obtained an order of protection against him. The court that issued the order had the power to require Joseph to turn in his firearms- but chose not to, even though it is well established that a gun in the hands of a batterer increases five-fold the risk of homicide for his partner. Fifteen states mandate that people subject to domestic violence protection orders turn in their firearms, but Arizona is not one of them. In the last months of Ashley's life, Joseph repeatedly violated the order of protection. He broke into her home by punching through a window. He threw a motorcycle helmet at her and smashed her phone after she called the police. He brandished a knife and threatened to kill her with it. He visited her workplace. Police received notification of the violations but Joseph was never charged. Ashley's story is devastating and, unfortunately, not unique. Domestic violence homicides in Arizona are, to a significant degree, a problem of gun violence. According to an Everytown for Gun Safety analysis of the last five years of FBI data, 62 percent of women killed by intimate partners in Arizona were shot to death. All told, the rate of intimate partner gun homicides in Arizona is 45 percent higher than the national average. To better assess the dynamics of domestic violence gun homicides in Arizona, Everytown collaborated with the Arizona Coalition to End Sexual and Domestic Violence (ACESDV) to closely examine intimate partner gun homicides in Arizona between 2009-2013. This research-the first and most comprehensive of its kind for the state-yielded the following findings: In total, Everytown identified 105 homicides in Arizona between 2009-2013 in which someone was murdered with a firearm by a current or former intimate partner. In 89 percent of the cases, the victim was a woman. Perpetrators also shot 32 other victims - neighbors, friends, family members, and children - killing 25 of them, 11 of whom were children. There were ample indications that the perpetrators posed a risk to their partners. One in seven shooters (13 percent) was prohibited from possessing firearms due to their criminal history or an active order of protection. Furthermore 41 percent of the shooters had a previous arrest or conviction or had been under an order of protection at one time. Offenders under an active order of protection were rarely required to turn in their firearms. A person under an active order of protection is prohibited from possessing firearms under federal law,11 but of the perpetrators identified in this census that were under an active order of protection, only one in six has been affirmatively required to turn in their firearms. The shootings occurred across the state but, controlling for population, the domestic violence gun homicide rate in Coconino, Mohave, and Yavapai counties is more than double that of the state as a whole. Firearms were used far more frequently to murder an intimate partner than to kill an abuser in self-defense. Out of 105 incidents, only one perpetrator claiming to have used the firearm in self-defense had that claim upheld by a court. In at least four additional incidents, the victim had purchased a gun for self-defense prior to the incident but was not able to use it or worse, had it used against them. The incidents documented in this report, and the data drawn from them, vividly illustrate that Arizona needs an improved approach to addressing the threat gun violence poses for victims of domestic violence. Details: New York: Everytown For Gun Safety, 2015. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: http://archive.azcentral.com/persistent/icimages/news/Everytown-AZDV%20Report_0504_vFINAL-web%20(4).pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://archive.azcentral.com/persistent/icimages/news/Everytown-AZDV%20Report_0504_vFINAL-web%20(4).pdf Shelf Number: 149295 Keywords: Domestic ViolenceGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesIntimate Partner ViolenceProtection Orders |
Author: Minnesota Coalition for Common Sense Title: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in Minnesota: A Business Case for Action Summary: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in Minnesota: A Business Case for Action examines the enormous price-$764 million annually, in addition to the devastating human cost - Minnesotans pay as the state continues to grapple with this public health crisis. Research also shows that gun violence costs more than $50 million in lost business opportunity for the state each year. When cost estimates to the quality of life damage caused by gun violence are factored in, the total cost of gun violence in Minnesota rises to $2.2 billion annually. The report outlines several key steps Minnesota's legislators can take to address gun violence, including: Closing Background Check Loopholes: Minnesota currently does not require criminal background checks on all gun sales. This loophole lets felons, domestic abusers and the dangerously mentally ill purchase guns in Minnesota without a background check. Investing in the Community: Gun violence thrives in areas where environmental conditions - such as abandoned lots and unsafe public parks - leave communities feeling disempowered. By investing in programs that reclaim public space for community use and clean up abandoned properties in impacted areas, Minnesota can reduce violence while also creating social and economic opportunity for local communities. Supporting Community-Based Violence Intervention Programs: Proven community-based intervention strategies can effectively address gun violence in at-risk populations, including young men of color who live in underserved neighborhoods. By establishing programs that connect at-risk youth to badly needed social services and creating hospital-based intervention programs that use case managers to reduce the probability of violence by and against impacted individuals, Minnesota can achieve a substantial decline in violence. This comprehensive, quantifiable review of the hundreds of millions of dollars gun violence costs Minnesota's economy and business community each year reveals the scope of the problem and provides lawmakers with the essential legislative solutions they need to protect communities from needless tragedies and the unacceptable human and financial toll they exact on the state. Details: s.l.: Minnesota Coalition for Common Sense, 2016. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: https://giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 149296 Keywords: Costs of Crime Costs of Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Morral, Andrew R. Title: The Magnitude and Sources of Disagreement Among Gun Policy Experts Summary: The effects of firearm policies have rarely been the subject of rigorous scientific evaluation in comparison with most other policies with similarly consequential effects on public safety, health, and the economy. Without strong scientific evidence of the effects of laws, policymakers and the public rely heavily on the expert judgments of advocates or social scientists. This makes gun policy experts' estimates of the true effects of policies an important influence on gun policy debates and decisions. In this report, RAND researchers describe the results of a survey in which gun policy experts estimated the likely effects of 15 gun-related policies on 12 societal outcomes. The researchers use these and other responses to establish the diversity of beliefs among gun policy experts about the true effects of gun laws, establish where experts are in more or less agreement on those effects, and evaluate whether differences in the policies favored by experts result from disagreements about the policies' true effects or disagreements in experts' policy objectives or values. The analysis suggests that experts on both sides of the gun policy debate share some objectives but disagree on which policies will achieve those objectives. Therefore, collecting more and stronger evidence about the true effects of policies is, the researchers believe, a necessary step toward building greater consensus. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2018. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2018 at: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR2088z1.html Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR2088z1.html Shelf Number: 149309 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Ramsey, Carolyn B. Title: Firearms in the Family Summary: This Article considers firearms prohibitions for domestic violence offenders, in light of recent Supreme Court decisions and the larger, national debate about gun control. Unlike other scholarship in the area, it confronts the costs of ratcheting up the scope and enforcement of such firearms bans and argues that the politicization of safety has come at the expense of a sound approach to gun control in the context of intimate-partner abuse. In doing so, it expands scholarly arguments against mandatory, one-size-fits-all criminal justice responses to domestic violence in a direction that other critics have been reluctant to go, perhaps because of a reflexive, cultural distaste for firearms. Both sides in the gun-control debate rely on starkly contrasting, gendered images: the helpless female victim in need of state protection, including strictly enforced gun laws, and the self-defending woman of the National Rifle Association's "Refuse to be a Victim" campaign. Neither of these images accurately describes the position of many domestic violence victims whose partners have guns, and neither image responds effectively to the heterogeneity of conduct leading to a protection order or a misdemeanor domestic violence conviction that triggers federal and state firearms bans. The emphasis the National Rifle Association and other pro-gun organizations place on a woman's right to carry a firearm in self-defense ignores the most common homicide risks women face, as well as structural inequalities that contribute to gender violence. Yet, significant problems afflict an uncritically anti-gun approach, too. First, gun-control advocates tend to ignore the reality of intimate-partner abuse-a reality in which some women fight back; some family livelihoods depend on jobs for which firearms are required; not all misdemeanants become murderers; and victims have valid reasons for wanting to keep their partners out of prison. Second, to the extent that proponents of strict gun regulation also exhibit distaste for racialized crime-control policies, they fail to acknowledge that zealously enforced gun laws aimed at preventing domestic violence would put more people-including more men and women from vulnerable communities of color-behind bars. The current framing of the argument for tougher firearms laws for abusers is derived from public health research on domestic violence that makes a reduction in intimate homicide rates its chief goal. Yet, since hundreds of thousands of domestic violence misdemeanants are thought to possess illegal guns, reformers should also consider the potential costs to victims and their families of a move to sweeping and rigorous enforcement. Changes in gun laws and their implementation in the context of intimate-partner abuse ought to cure over- and under-breadth problems; provide greater autonomy to abuse victims and protections for those who resist their batterers; reconsider the lack of an exemption to the misdemeanor ban for firearms required on-duty; and include a better mechanism for restoring gun rights to misdemeanants who have shown the capacity to avoid reoffending. Details: Boulder, CO: University of Colorado Law School, 2018. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Colorado Law Legal Studies Research Paper No. 18-5: Accessed March 9, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3117096 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3117096 Shelf Number: 149409 Keywords: Elder AbuseFamily ViolenceGun ControlGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceIntimate Partner ViolenceProtection OrderStalking |
Author: Americans for Responsible Solutions Title: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in Ohio: A Business Case for Action Summary: Ohio's business community is severely impacted by the negative economic consequences of gun violence. Shootings engender fear in the affected neighborhood that keeps potential customers away, forces businesses to relocate or limit their hours of operation, and decreases foreign and local tourism. In too many parts of the state, the number of shootings is moving in the wrong direction, trending toward violence and death. In 2016, the Cleveland area endured its deadliest year in more than a decade, with 139 gun homicides and more than 500 nonfatal shootings. Details: San Francisco: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2017. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-Ohio.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-Ohio.pdf Shelf Number: 149447 Keywords: Costs of CrimeEconomics of CrimeGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicides |
Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Protecting the Parkland Generation: Strategies to Keep America's Kids Safe from Gun Violence Summary: Since 2000, more than 150,000 Americans were killed or injured by a gun before their 18th birthday. These children deserved to grow up and grow old, free to live and learn, and free from fear. But our nation failed them. As complicated as gun policy can often seem, there are some very simple truths that help explain this uniquely American phenomenon. There is simply no other high-income nation on earth that has let gunmakers and gun extremists write its gun safety laws. No other high-income nation on earth makes weapons of war available-immediately, with no questions asked-to un-vetted buyers intent on mass murder. No other high-income nation on earth has to routinely bury children gunned down in their classrooms and movie theaters and churches and parks. It doesn't have to be this way. It's been tempting for some people to turn away from the pain and shame of these tragedies, or to give in to the cynical lie that this violence can't be prevented. But not anymore. This year, America's young people are demanding change and building a movement for gun safety reform. We have watched in awe as young students emerged from bullet-ridden classrooms in Parkland, Florida, and exclaimed Never again. We have witnessed their courage and eloquence as they stood up on national television to US Senators and NRA celebrities, demanding action, answers, and accountability. This generation-the future leaders of our country-understands that gun violence is not inevitable. And they know that the Second Amendment is not under threat. We are. Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence presents this report as a tool for this new generation of activists. It provides data about the scope of the gun violence problem facing America's youth and offers concrete recommendations for evidence-based policies that save lives. Our goal is to support the Parkland students and the thousands of young people they have inspired, as well as the lawmakers who hear their call for action and want to work together to make a change. Despite the brutal pain that follows each tragic shooting in our country, the courage of our nation's youth shines a brighter light on our future. Details: San Francisco: Gifford's Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2018. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Protecting-Parkland-Generation_3.9.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Protecting-Parkland-Generation_3.9.18.pdf Shelf Number: 149448 Keywords: Gun ControlGun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesViolence Prevention |
Author: Van Meer, James X. Title: Under the Gun: Gun Violence in America - Graphic Design as a Reactive Catalyst of Thought Summary: This final project and thesis describe gun violence in America through a statistical lens, emphasizing the implementation of graphic design to evoke a response from the audience. Advanced typography, grid design, vector theory and application, 3-D and environmental graphics, color theory, lighting design, and video have been employed in an attempt to bring the statistics to life and to engage audiences in sane conversation on a particularly volatile subject. There are often visceral opposing views when the subject of guns, especially handguns, is brought up in modern American society. Studies are cited that show gun violence data, the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution is bandied about, and arguments ensue of whether guns kill people or people kill people. One side portends that the problem is exaggerated because responsible gun owners do not contribute to the problem while the opposing side believes that gun violence is a serious public health threat, and the only safe gun is no gun at all. Growing up in a family that owned guns (both handguns and rifles), my view of American gun violence was neither pro nor con for the longest time. I was raised in what I consider to be a normal, middle-class suburban environment. My father was a bluecollar worker, my mother worked as a legal secretary until the onset of health issues, and I attended elementary, middle, and high school in Rockville, Maryland. I grew up seeing President Kennedy assassinated, his brother Robert Kennedy slain, and Martin Luther King and Malcolm X gunned down. Never one to be involved in politics, I didn't pay much attention to the gun violence taking place in the 60s-I didn't live in that circle, so why should I care? Then May 4, 1970 changed my view of guns. May 4th was a Monday, and it was the day that twenty-eight of the more than seventy Ohio National Guardsmen called to Kent State University fired their rifles and pistols into a crowd of student protesters, killing nine and injuring thirteen. The debate over cause and blame continues to this day, but one fact remains-a 13-second fusillade of bullets ruined lives and altered my belief system in ways I still have yet to fully comprehend. Gun violence has touched me personally as well. I have a long-time friend who was shot in his workplace during an armed robbery. My friend almost died, and he changed in ways I could not comprehend. I couldn't bring myself to imagine what he felt seeing the barrel of a handgun pointed at him, the searing hot pain of the shot, or the aftermath of a psyche cleaved by gun violence. I still can't fathom what he's been through. For years I bounced back and forth on both sides of the gun debate fence. After my parents had retired to the foothills of the Great Smoky Mountains in North Carolina, the family gun tradition continued. My dad owned a hunting rifle, a shotgun, and three pistols. Two of the guns were Christmas gifts from me-I walked into a gun store, filled out some forms, and walked out with the guns. Piece of cake. My dad's guns were used for hunting and for self-protection. My folks lived in the country where just about everyone owned a gun, and the only time I can recall a handgun being fired was when a large, wild cat had come too close to the house. When my parents passed away I had the task of clearing out their possessions. Of course, I came across the guns, and after selling the handguns at a local gun shop, I brought the hunting rifle and shotgun back to my home in Virginia, eventually selling them to a friend, an avid hunter. I didn't think about keeping any of my father's guns. I didn't want to have anything to do with them. And I still don't. They scare me because I know the destructive power that can be unleashed from them. It's that inherent destructive power and the toll that gun violence takes I am hoping to portray. My final project and thesis are an attempt to allow people to see the cold-hard facts of gun violence in America and let them ponder the effects that guns have on this country. Through the use of interpretive graphics, storytelling, and experiential methods, it is my intent to further the dialogue about guns and gun violence through a thoughtful perspective. Guns have the power to injure, the power to kill, the power to ruin lives. Does graphic design, as a catalyst for thought, have the power to alter views, or at the very least, lead to different perspectives? We'll never know unless we seed the conversation. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University, 2017. 92p., 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://mars.gmu.edu/handle/1920/10710 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://mars.gmu.edu/handle/1920/10710 Shelf Number: 149450 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesVisual Arts |
Author: Griffin, Darrin J. Title: Werther Effect in Active Shooter Events Summary: If it bleeds it leads - this is an unfortunate but real mentality in the industry of news media. Reporting practices have led to what is perceived as sensationalism of negative events. The Werther effect establishes the connection between publicized suicide events and a spike in incidents of suicide that follow (see Kim et al., 2013). Given the established behavior of the Werther effect, investigations should seek to understand what impact, if any, media publicizing has on copycat behavior of other life-ending incidents. Recently, active shooter events have become heavily publicized in the media. This begets a logical question: Are there copycat active shooters that seem to be motivated by media? This study served to explore the possible presence of copycat phenomena of contemporary active shooters through media sensationalism. Through the analysis of shooters' written manifestos available through public record we examined references made within their writings to previous active shooters. This relational data was input into social network analysis software (i.e., UCINET) to construct a network visualization. Google Trend analytics were also used to explore whether media portrayals might be driving interest in past active shooters - especially Columbine and Virginia Tech (VT). Findings support the notion of an idolization effect in the context of active shooters with the focus being on the large shootings of the past. The need for journalist ethics in active shooting contexts is discussed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://djgriffin.people.ua.edu/uploads/6/3/6/5/63651523/submission_version_werther_effect_in_active_shooter_events_alabama_communication_conference__1_.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://djgriffin.people.ua.edu/uploads/6/3/6/5/63651523/submission_version_werther_effect_in_active_shooter_events_alabama_communication_conference__1_.pdf Shelf Number: 149459 Keywords: Active ShooterCopycat CrimesGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesJournalistsMass MediaMass ShootingsSocial Network AnalysisWerther Effect |
Author: Steidley, Trent Title: Movement, Malefactions, and Munitions: Determinants and Effects of Concealed Carry Laws in the United States Summary: Concealed Carry Weapons (CCW) laws regulate the issuing of licenses for legal concealed firearm carrying in a state. In 1980, only four states had "shall-issue" CCW laws which broadly allowed people to receive CCW licenses, but by 2010 thirty-eight states had "shall-issue" laws. While scholars have debated the efficacy of CCW laws to reduce violent crime rates, little attention has been given to why these laws become prolific. At the same time, few have explored how CCW laws matter for outcomes other than violent crime. Using original legal research on CCW laws in all fifty states this dissertation explores both the political and criminological determinates of CCW laws and how these laws have affected handgun demand over time. In the first part of this dissertation, I draw on social movement theories to explore the political and social movement determinants of CCW laws and advance knowledge about how social movements can create policy change. Social movement organizations (SMOs) often target policies to influence changes in society. But policy changes may actually be the result of public opinion, political opportunities or other factors; creating a spurious relationship between SMO activity and such outcomes. Interestingly, the power of the National Rifle Association (NRA) is often assumed but seldom tested. Using the case of CCW laws this dissertation assesses NRA influence on state-level firearm policy outcomes. Using event-history analyses I find the NRA does influence CCW laws, but its effect is mediated by public opinion, political ideologies, competitive elections, and political opportunities The second part of this dissertation draws on criminological theories to explore how CCW laws are a potential state response to crime rather than an effort to prevent or control crime. Previous research on firearm policies suggests that states regularly implement policies that restrict gun rights in order to provide better collective security for citizens. However, CCW laws represent a departure from collective security as they endorse qualified citizens to carry firearms and use lethal force on their volition to prevent crime. Drawing on Garland's (2001) arguments for "the new criminologies of everyday life," I argue that CCW laws are a state effort to regulate firearm carrying as a form of self-help for crime protection that is still regulated by the states. Following that argument, I anticipate that states with higher crime rates and lower capacities for law enforcement should be more likely to enact CCW laws. Results from event-history analyses indicate support for this argument. In the third part of this dissertation, I explore how CCW laws have impacted handgun demand at the state-level from 1999 to 2013. Using the number background checks conducted pursuant to a handgun sale as a proxy for handgun demand, I conduct interrupted time-series analyses using CCW law changes in Colorado, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, New Mexico, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Results indicate downward trajectories of handgun demand are reversed once a CCW law is adopted. While CCW laws increase handgun demand over time in every state except Minnesota, the immediate effect on handgun demand is more mixed. Some states experience a spike in handgun demand immediately after a law is adopted, but others do not. The final chapter the dissertation offers concluding remarks regarding research on gun laws in the United States and how these studies contribute to that literature Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio State University, 2016. 203p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed March 27, 2018 at: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/!etd.send_file?accession=osu1466007307&disposition=inline Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/!etd.send_file?accession=osu1466007307&disposition=inline Shelf Number: 149581 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed HandgunsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun-Related Violence |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Virginia Under the Gun: 4 Measures of Gun Violence and Gun Crime in Virginia Summary: In some respects, gun violence in Virginia is typical of that in much of the nation. For example, Virginia ranked 28th of the 50 states for the overall rate of gun deaths from 2004 to 2013-right in the middle of the states. On the other hand, Virginia has been the scene of some of the most horrific, high-profile acts of gun violence in recent memory: the massacre at Virginia Tech in 2007 and the on-air execution of reporter Alison Parker and cameraman Adam Ward in August 2015. In fact, in the eight and a half years since the mass shooting at Virginia Tech, approximately 7,173 Virginians have died by gunfire. These appalling incidents; Virginia's proximity to the nation's capital; and the fact that the National Rifle Association, or NRA, is headquartered in Virginia have made the commonwealth a national bellwether for the debate over gun laws. In recent years, the gun issue has been vigorously contested in political races across the state. For example, during the 2013 statewide elections, the NRA and two gun violence prevention groups-Americans for Responsible Solutions, a group founded by former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D-AZ), and Independence USA, a political action committee created by former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg (I)-collectively spent close to $4 million attempting to influence the outcome. That year, all three of the winning candidates for statewide office-Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D), Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam (D), and Attorney General Mark Herring (D)-took strong positions in favor of strengthening gun laws, opposed the NRA, and explicitly campaigned on their support for common-sense gun laws. Despite the success that gun violence prevention groups enjoyed in the 2013 elections, efforts to strengthen gun laws in the state legislature have remained stalled. The Virginia legislature even failed to act on legislation to keep guns out of the hands of domestic abusers-a law that passed with broad bipartisan support in a number of other states-despite its successful passage in the state Senate in 2014 after a 29-6 vote. With elections for all seats in the state General Assembly and Senate scheduled for November 3, 2015, the issue of gun violence is once again on the minds of many Virginia voters. Gov. McAuliffe has continued to focus on this issue, recently announcing six new executive actions to address gun violence in the state, including creating a joint task force to prosecute gun crimes, implementing a crime gun tipline, and providing training for judges and prosecutors to encourage domestic abusers to surrender firearms. Gov. McAuliffe has also pledged to continue pushing the state legislature to enact common-sense gun laws in the upcoming legislative session. This issue brief provides additional context about what is at stake as Virginia voters consider which leaders they want to represent them in Richmond. It discusses four aspects of gun violence and gun-related crime in Virginia that are exceptional, unique, or above the national average: More Virginians are killed annually by gunfire than in car accidents. Virginia is one of the top exporters of crime guns. Women are killed with guns by intimate partners at a high rate in Virginia. Virginia has been disproportionately affected by mass shootings. The 2007 Virginia Tech massacre remains the deadliest mass shooting in American history. In its wake, then-Gov. Tim Kaine (D) acted to ensure that more mental health records were accessible to the gun background check system-after the gap led directly to the Virginia Tech shooting. Since then, the rate at which Virginia submits mental health records has grown substantially, and the state now ranks third in the nation: To date, 224,079 records have been submitted to the background check system. Yet efforts to continue building on that progress and strengthen Virginia's laws and policies to address gun violence have been largely stymied by the state legislature. With 86 percent of Virginians supportive of legislation that would require background checks for all gun sales, the issue of gun violence prevention is certainly on many voters' minds as they head to the polls. 1. More Virginians are killed annually by gunfire than in car accidents For decades, more Americans have been killed annually in motor vehicle accidents than by gunfire. In response to the tens of thousands of car accident deaths every year, elected officials, policymakers, and the car industry have taken a number of steps to improve motor vehicle safety, including gathering and analyzing car death data, enhancing car design, implementing better technology, and improving road safety. As a result of this comprehensive approach to this public safety issue, the number of deaths from car accidents across the country has significantly declined. While there were 40,965 car accident deaths nationwide in 1999, that number dropped to 33,804 by 2013, a 17 percent decrease. Virginia has followed a similar trend: From 1999 to 2013, car accident deaths in the state declined 15 percent. By contrast, few national resources have been devoted to understanding gun violence and developing a comprehensive, evidence-based approach to reducing gun deaths. The NRA has effectively blocked public health research into gun deaths through limiting amendments to annual appropriations bills for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or CDC, and the National Institutes of Health, or NIH, and many legislative bodies have lacked the political will to strengthen gun laws. During the same period that U.S. deaths due to car accidents were declining, deaths by gunfire were rising: While there were 28,874 gun deaths nationwide in 1999, that number increased to 33,636 by 2013, a 16 percent increase. As a result of the disparate approaches to these two serious public health issues, the gap between gun-related and vehicle-related deaths has shrunk significantly in recent years. While the number of U.S. motor vehicle accident deaths was 42 percent higher than gun-related deaths in 1999, this difference had decreased to less than 0.5 percent by 2013. A number of studies have concluded that these lines will cross sometime this year, when gun deaths outpace deaths due to car accidents. A 2014 report by Generation Progress and the Center for American Progress projected that 2015 will also be the year that guns become the leading cause of death of young people in the United States. Virginia is one of 17 states, along with the District of Columbia, where these lines have already crossed. In 2009, guns accounted for the deaths of more Virginians than car accidents for the first time. In 2013, the most recent year for which data are available, gun deaths were 17 percent higher than car accident deaths. If current trends continue, the number of gun deaths in Virginia will be 24 percent higher than the number of car accident deaths by the end of the next assembly's term in 2017 and 31 percent higher by the end of the next Senate's term in 2019. VAguns-brief-webfig1 2. Virginia is one of the top exporters of crime guns When a gun is recovered at a crime scene, one of the first challenges for investigators is determining from where the gun came. Restrictions on record keeping for gun purchases that are codified in federal law limit this inquiry to determining where the gun was first sold at retail and the identity of the first retail purchaser. To answer these questions, local law enforcement turns to the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, or ATF, which can trace guns from manufacturer through the first point of sale. Part of the tracing process involves identifying whether a gun crossed state lines before being used in a crime. A significant number of crime guns do move from state to state: From 2012 to 2014, 29 percent of guns recovered in crimes and traced were first purchased at retail in another state. Virginia is one of the top source states for guns recovered in crimes in other states. Due in part to the state's weak gun laws and the rise of Interstate 95 as a popular corridor for gun traffickers, Virginia exports a substantial number of crime guns. From 2012 to 2014, Virginia had the nation's ninth highest rate of crime guns exported to other states, with a rate 61 percent higher than the national average. Moreover, with more than 7,700 firearms purchased in Virginia and later recovered at crime scenes in other states, the state ranked third in terms of the absolute number of crime gun exports. Only Georgia and Texas exported a higher number of crime guns-9,134 and 8,103, respectively. VAguns-brief-webfig2 The movement of guns across state lines from states with weaker gun laws, such as Virginia, undermines other states' efforts to enact strong gun laws and curb gun violence. From 2012 to 2014, 60 percent of crime guns traced back to Virginia were either recovered in the District of Columbia or in one of the 10 states with the strongest gun laws, according to a ranking of state gun laws provided by the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. An analysis of crime guns recovered in New York City in 2011 revealed that 90 percent came from out of state, with more crime guns coming from Virginia than from any other state. 3. Women are killed with guns by intimate partners at a high rate in Virginia American women face unique challenges when it comes to gun violence. Studies show that while they are killed less frequently than men, they are much more likely to be murdered by someone they know. In the majority of these cases, the aggressor is an intimate partner. According to information from the FBI, 34 percent of women murdered in the United States from 2004 to 2013 were killed by an intimate partner; 55 percent of those murders were committed with a firearm. The risk of intimate partner gun homicides against women is even higher in Virginia. From 2004 to 2013, 37 percent of female murder victims in Virginia were killed by an intimate partner, and approximately 60 percent of those murders were carried out with a firearm. The state's rate of intimate partner gun homicides of women during this period was 21 percent higher than the national average. Additionally, Virginia ranks 16th worst in the nation for the rate of intimate partner gun murders of women. Many perpetrators of intimate partner homicide in Virginia have a history of domestic violence. A recent study by the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence found that more than one-third of perpetrators of intimate partner homicides in the state in 2014 had a history of violence or threats against the victim and that of those perpetrators, 74 percent used a gun to commit the murder. VAguns-brief-webfig3 4. Virginia has been disproportionately affected by mass shootings The FBI defines mass shootings as incidents in which four or more victims are killed with a firearm. While they constitute a small portion of overall gun violence in the United States, mass shootings receive the bulk of the media's attention and tend to have a profound impact on the population. Moreover, research from the Harvard School of Public Health shows that the rate of mass shootings in the United States has tripled since 2011. Virginia ranks ninth among all of the states for the highest rate of victims killed in mass shootings. This is driven in large part by the Virginia Tech massacre, in which 32 people were murdered-the worst mass shooting in American history to date. Virginia has also experienced a number of family-related mass shootings that contribute to this ranking. These include a 2014 incident in Culpeper, Virginia, in which a man fatally shot his wife and three daughters before taking his own life. In a 2011 case, a man involved in a custody dispute fatally shot his two children, their mother, and another man before killing himself. When considering the raw number of victims of fatal mass shootings, Virginia ranks fourth highest overall, with 56 people killed in these incidents from 2006 to October 2015. Overall, 1 in every 20 victims of fatal mass shootings in the United States from 2006 to 2015 were killed in Virginia. Conclusion Over the next four years, an estimated 3,540 people will be killed with guns in Virginia if current trends continue. Gun violence is an urgent public health issue that demands attention and action from the state's leadership. There is much more that can be done to both strengthen Virginia's laws to prevent gun deaths and reduce the illegal flow of guns across state lines into other communities being ravaged by gun violence. Upon beginning their term in January 2016, the newly elected members of the next Virginia legislature should take up legislation that would address key weaknesses in the state's gun laws, including requiring universal background checks, prohibiting domestic abusers and stalkers from buying and possessing guns, and ensuring surrender of guns by all prohibited individuals. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2015. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2018 at: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/guns-crime/reports/2015/10/27/124132/virginia-under-the-gun/ Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/guns-crime/reports/2015/10/27/124132/virginia-under-the-gun/ Shelf Number: 149602 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides |
Author: Cassell, Paul G. Title: What Caused the 2016 Homicide Spike? An Empirical Examination of the 'ACLU Effect' and the Role of Stop and Frisks in Preventing Gun Violence Summary: Homicides increased dramatically in Chicago in 2016. In 2015, 480 Chicago residents were killed. The next year, 754 were killed-274 more homicide victims, tragically producing an extraordinary 58% increase in a single year. This article attempts to unravel what happened. This article provides empirical evidence that the reduction in stop and frisks by the Chicago Police Department beginning around December 2015 was responsible for the homicide spike that started immediately thereafter. The sharp decline in the number of stop and frisks is a strong candidate for the causal factor, particularly since the timing of the homicide spike so perfectly coincides with the spike. Regression analysis of the homicide spike and related shooting crimes identifies the stop and frisk variable as the likely cause. The results are highly statistically significant and robust over a large number of alternative specifications. And a qualitative review for possible "omitted variables" in the regression equations fails to identify any other plausible candidates that fit the data as well as the decline in stop and frisks. Our regression equations permit quantification of the costs of the decline in stop and frisks. Because of fewer stop and frisks in 2016, it appears that (conservatively calculating) approximately 239 additional victims were killed and 1129 additional shootings occurred in that year alone. And these tremendous costs are not evenly distributed, but rather are concentrated among Chicago's African-American and Hispanic communities. The most likely explanation for the fall in stop and frisks that appears to have triggered the homicide spike is a consent decree entered into by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) with the Chicago Police Department (CPD). Accordingly, modifications to that consent decree may be appropriate. More broadly, these findings shed important light on the on-going national debate about stop and frisk policies. The fact that America's "Second City" suffered so badly from a decline in stop and frisks suggests that the arguably contrary experience in New York City may be an anomaly. The costs of crime - and particularly gun crimes - are too significant to avoid considering every possible measure for reducing the toll. The evidence gathered here suggests that stop and frisk policies may be truly lifesaving measures that have to be considered as part of any effective law enforcement response to gun violence. Details: Salt Lake City: University of Utah, S.J. Quinney College of Law, 2018. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 29, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3145287 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3145287 Shelf Number: 149607 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurdersStop and FriskViolent Crimes |
Author: National Threat Assessment Center Title: Mass Attacks in Public Spaces - 2017 Summary: Between January and December 2017, 28 incidents of mass attacks, during which three or more persons were harmed, were carried out in public places within the United States (see map for locations). These acts violated the safety of the places we work, learn, shop, relax, and otherwise conduct our day-to-day lives. The resulting loss of 147 lives and injury to nearly 700 others had a devastating impact on our nation as a whole. As the uncertainty they caused continues to ripple through our communities, those charged with ensuring public safety strive to identify methods to prevent these types of attacks. To aid in these efforts, the U.S. Secret Service National Threat Assessment Center (NTAC) examined these 28 incidents, to identify key themes for enhancing threat assessment and investigative practices. Regardless of whether these attacks were acts of workplace violence, domestic violence, school-based violence, or terrorism, similar themes were observed in the backgrounds of the perpetrators, including: Nearly half were motivated by a personal grievance related to a workplace, domestic, or other issue. Over half had histories of criminal charges, mental health symptoms, and/or illicit substance use or abuse. All had at least one significant stressor within the last five years, and over half had indications of financial instability in that timeframe. Over three-quarters made concerning communications and/or elicited concern from others prior to carrying out their attacks. On average, those who did elicit concern caused more harm than those who did not. These findings, and others in this report, support existing best practices that the U.S. Secret Service has established in the field of threat assessment. They highlight the importance of gathering information on a person's background, behaviors, and situational factors; corroborating the information from multiple sources; assessing the risk the individual poses for violence; and identifying intervention points to mitigate that risk. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Secret Service, 2017. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://www.secretservice.gov/data/protection/ntac/USSS_NTAC-Mass_Attacks_in_Public_Spaces-2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.secretservice.gov/data/protection/ntac/USSS_NTAC-Mass_Attacks_in_Public_Spaces-2017.pdf Shelf Number: 149673 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass ShootingsPublic SpacesSecret ServiceThreat AssessmentViolence |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: Crime and Development in Africa Summary: Our knowledge on the state of crime in Africa is limited. Given the many development challenges facing the continent, it is not surprising that little attention has been given to crime. But Africa's development challenges are precisely the social factors found to be associated with high crime situations internationally. For example: - Income inequality is one of the most robust quantitative correlates of official crime rates, and Africa hosts some of the most unequal countries in the world: on average, the richest 10% earn 31 times more than the poorest 10%. - Throughout the world, teenaged and young adult males commit most of the crime, and Africa's youthful population (43% under the age of 15) means that a greater part of the society falls into this pool of potential offenders. Many of these young people are not enrolled in educational programmes and cannot find employment. - Rapid rates of urbanisation, a factor that combines elements of population density, cultural clash, and population instability, is also a strong correlate of crime rates. Africa is urbanising at about 4% a year, about twice the global average. - Poor countries have poorly-resourced criminal justice systems, and Africa suffers from the world's least favourable police- and judge-to-population ratios. This ultimately impacts on conviction rates; even if the police perform optimally, offenders in Africa are much less likely to be punished for their wrongdoings than those in the rest of the world. Such a system cannot effectively deter, incapacitate, or rehabilitate criminals. - The proliferation of firearms, related in part to the recurrence of conflict in all regions of the continent and in part to a growing sense of public insecurity, enables and aggravates violent crime. While none of these factors alone causes crime, their presence together does make it more probable that crime will occur, all other things being equal. This does not mean that the continent is doomed to criminality. Rather, it means that crime needs to be anticipated and that development planning should proceed with these dynamics in mind. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2005. 160p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 12, 2018 at: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/African_report.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Africa URL: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/African_report.pdf Shelf Number: 149797 Keywords: Developing CountriesGun-Related ViolencePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Williams, Morgan C., Jr. Title: Gun Violence in Black and White: Evidence from Policy Reform in Missouri Summary: The role of state-level background check requirements for private firearm sales in reducing gun violence remains controversial in both the empirical literature and gun control policy debate. On August 28, 2007 the Missouri General Assembly repealed an 86 year-old "permit-to-purchase" (PTP) law requiring that handgun purchasers possess a permit, and subsequently undergo a background check, for all sales. The vast racial disparities in firearm homicide within Missouri raises important questions concerning the disproportionate impact of the repeal on Black communities throughout the state. Using generalized synthetic control estimation, this paper finds that the PTP repeal led to a modest increase in county-level gun ownership in addition to substantial evidence of increased firearm homicide in the early years of the 2007-2013 post-repeal period. In particular, state-level effects suggests that overall Black firearm homicide increases on average by an additional five deaths per 100,000 while the same rates for Black victims ages 15-24 rise by 29 deaths per 100,000. County-level estimates also show considerable increases in firearm homicide in Black communities within the more urban regions of the state. Treatment effect estimates for state-level Black firearm homicide translate into approximately an additional 260 deaths attributable to the change in the law over the 2007-2013 period. Details: New York: CUNY Graduate Center, Department of Economics, 2018. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 19, 2018 at: http://morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/WilliamsJr_Morgan_WP_April_2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/WilliamsJr_Morgan_WP_April_2018.pdf Shelf Number: 149856 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesRace and Crime |
Author: Lund, Nelson Title: Fourth Circuit Shootout: 'Assault Weapons' and the Second Amendment Summary: Severe restrictions on so-called assault weapons and large-capacity magazines have long been an important agenda item for organized proponents of gun control. For just as long, gun rights activists have accused their opponents of a kind of bait and switch. The main targets of these restrictions have been rifles that look like M16s, AK-47s, and other military rifles, but operate differently. Since 1934, civilians have been required to undergo a costly and burdensome federal licensing process in order to possess fully automatic weapons, commonly referred to as machineguns. Such weapons, which include military rifles, are now rare and expensive because the federal government froze the civilian supply in 1986. The rifles at which more recent laws are aimed, such as the AR-15 and AR-10, have a superficial resemblance to military weapons but use a semi-automatic operating system like those found in many ordinary hunting guns, as well as in a very large proportion of modern handguns. These semi-automatics are now called "modern sporting rifles" by their defenders, who hope to discourage the public from being fooled into mistaking them for machineguns. The debate about this issue assumed national prominence in 1994, when Congress enacted a statute that restricted the sale of semi-automatic rifles with a military appearance and all magazines that can hold more than ten rounds of ammunition. Although the statute contained a grandfather clause exempting weapons already in civilian hands, it provoked a firestorm of criticism, and the Democratic Party promptly lost control of both Houses of Congress for the first time in four decades. When the law expired by operation of a sunset provision ten years later, President Bush advocated its renewal. The Republican Congress ignored him, and the Democrats failed to revive the measure after they regained control of Congress and the presidency in 2009. Evidently regarding such legislation as politically toxic, neither party has enacted a major gun control law at the national level for almost a quarter of a century. Several states, however, have enacted laws that are modeled on the 1994 federal statute. Maryland's version was recently upheld by the Fourth Circuit, sitting en banc, in Kolbe v. Hogan. This decision offers a useful lens through which to view the landmark decision in District of Columbia v. Heller, which recognized a constitutional right to keep a handgun at home for self defense. In Kolbe, the majority concluded that the Second Amendment has no bearing on the Maryland statute. The dissent went almost to the opposite extreme by arguing that the statute should be subjected to strict scrutiny. Both the majority and the dissent went to great lengths to argue that their opposing conclusions were dictated by Justice Scalia's Heller opinion, and both of them are demonstrably wrong about that. Taken as a whole, the Heller opinion is exquisitely equivocal about issues like the ones raised in Kolbe. The large doctrinal space left open by Heller is inevitably being filled according to the policy views of judges on the lower courts. Those views are no doubt influenced to some extent by judges' opinions about the desirability of the gun control regulations they review. In a distinct and more important sense, the approach of the judges is determined by their views about the value of the Second Amendment and the right it secures. Heller contains a lot of rhetoric supporting those, like the Kolbe dissenters, who place a high value on Second Amendment rights. But that rhetoric is undermined by a series of pro-regulation dicta in the opinion. The Supreme Court has declined to back its rhetoric up with any decisions actually rejecting the dismissive approach adopted by the Kolbe majority and many other courts. Justice Thomas, joined by Justice Scalia and now by Justice Gorsuch, has strongly objected to the Court's passive acceptance of such decisions, but there is no sign yet that the Court is prepared to recognize any Second Amendment rights beyond the narrow holding in Heller. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University School of Law, 2017. Source: Internet Resource: George Mason Legal Studies Research Paper No. LS 17-13: Accessed April 25, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3029650 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3029650 Shelf Number: 149890 Keywords: Assault WeaponsGun Control PolicyGun-Related ViolenceGuns and CrimeSecond Amendment |
Author: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in New Jersey: A Business Case for Action Summary: In recent years, New Jersey has experienced an average of 280 gun-related homicides, 184 gun-related suicides, 764 non-fatal interpersonal shootings, and 599 unintentional shootings per year. New Jersey has the sixth-lowest number of gun deaths per capita among the states. Nevertheless, gun violence in the state exacts a high physical, emotional, and financial toll on families and communities. We often hear about the heartbreak and physical pain these shootings cause, but there is another aspect of the gun violence epidemic that doesn't receive as much attention: the overwhelming financial cost. TALLYING THE NUMBERS The 2,014 shootings that occur each year in New Jersey are a serious drain on the state's economy. Based on the expenses we can directly measure, including healthcare costs ($93 million per year), law enforcement and criminal justice expenses ($131 million per year), costs to employers ($8 million per year), and lost income ($918 million per year), the initial price tag of gun violence in New Jersey is over $1.2 billion per year. Much of this tab is picked up by the public. Up to 85% of gunshot victims, for example, are either uninsured or on some form of publicly funded insurance. Additionally, law enforcement efforts are funded entirely by taxpayer dollars. As a result, gun violence costs New Jersey taxpayers approximately $273 million each year. Details: San Francisco: The Center, 2018. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-New-Jersey_Full-Report_4.20.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-New-Jersey_Full-Report_4.20.18.pdf Shelf Number: 150079 Keywords: Costs of Crime Costs of Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: America's Youth Under Fire: The Devastating Impact of Gun Violence on Young People Summary: On February 14, 2018, 14 students and three staff members were murdered at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, by a single shooter armed with an assault rifle. This horrific massacre galvanized the nation's attention to the issue of gun violence, particularly as it affects young people in this country. However, the scope of gun violence as it affects America's youth is much vaster than this most recent mass shooting. Gunfire has officially overtaken car accidents as one of the leading killers of young people in the United States. As of publication time, since the beginning of 2018, 820 teens ages 12 to 17 have been killed or injured with a gun. As mass shootings become more common and more deadly, a staggering 57 percent of teenagers now fear a school shooting. The epidemic of gun violence against America's youth is more than just a disturbing data point. For each bullet fired, there are multiple stories of lives changed forever. When he was just 6 years old, Missouri State Rep. Bruce Franks Jr. saw his brother shot in front of their neighbor's home. Nevada activist Mariam El-Haj witnessed the shooting of her mother by her estranged father, who then turned the gun on Mariam. Oregon youth mentor Jes Phillip's siblings have all had close calls-she has three younger sisters who were present at the Reynolds High School shooting in Troutdale, Oregon, and two bullets landed next to her brother's bed when they came through her family's apartment wall during a neighborhood shooting. Nineteen- year-old student Eli Saldana, a member of the Native American community living in Chicago, was shot on his walk home from work. These stories of gun violence are all too common among young Americans. The United States' gun violence epidemic disproportionately ravages young people, particularly young people of color. In short, gun violence is shattering a generation. Young people are not simply victims of gun violence in this country, they are among the leading voices calling for change to the nation's weak gun laws and deadly gun culture. Organizers of the Black Lives Matter movement; survivors of the Parkland shooting; youth organizers working in cities hardest hit by gun violence, such as Chicago, Baltimore, and St. Louis, have all lent their voices to an increasingly loud call to action. These young people do not just want to reform gun laws-they are also demanding that the issue of gun violence be examined as part of a complex and intersectional web of issues that also include community disinvestment, criminal justice reform, and policing. They are advocating not only for solutions to make schools safer from mass shootings but also for holistic and intersectional solutions that will help make all communities safer. This report breaks down how gun violence is affecting young people, and how young activists are rising to build an intersectional movement working for solutions. It examines the specific impact of gun violence on young people and considers both how young people as a collective are disproportionately affected and how different communities of young people share different aspects of the burden of this violence. This report also highlights examples of young people leading the advocacy efforts around this issue and discusses a number of policy solutions that are crucial to reducing gun violence, reforming the criminal justice system, improving police-community relations, and encouraging reinvestment in impacted communities. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress; Generation Progress, 2018. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: http://genprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/03163735/2018-YouthUnderFire-report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://genprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/03163735/2018-YouthUnderFire-report.pdf Shelf Number: 150119 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass ShootingsViolent Crime |
Author: Weisser, Michael Title: Where are all the Guns? Summary: A detailed analysis of background check data correlated with gun-violence rates and gun laws for all 50 states. Paper shows that gun-violence rates may correlate more positively with gun ownership rates than with the strength of gun regulations. Paper also covers relevant bibliography. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3167983 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3167983 Shelf Number: 150124 Keywords: Crime RatesCriminal Background ChecksGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesRight to CarryViolent Crime |
Author: Doran, Selina Evelyn Margaret Title: News media constructions and policy implications of school shootings in the United States Summary: This thesis focuses on 'school shootings' in the United States. Examined here are the news media constructions and public reactions to such incidents, as they pertain to scholarly conceptualisations of fear, moral panics and vulnerability; as well policy responses relating to emergency management in educational institutions and gun-related legislative proposals and actions. Current literature in the field defines 'school shootings' as a particular type of 'spree' or 'mass' killing, involving the murder or attempted murder of students and staff at an education institution. This phenomenon is most prolific in the United States. Two case studies were selected from a list of possible incidents based on their high profile news media coverage, policy impact and infamous natures. The examples used are the school shootings at Columbine High School, Colorado (1999) and Virginia Polytechnic University, Virginia (2007); although the developments provoked by the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School, Connecticut shooting are noted throughout. The objectives of the research are: exploring the effect of my two case studies on reshaping or entrenching current moral panic and fear debates; whether the two shootings have transformed emergency management and communication practices; the role that fear plays in the concealed carry on campus movement which arose after the Virginia Tech incident; surmising about which gun-related legislative actions are possible in future. Employed here is a theoretical framework pertaining to moral panics, fear of crime risk management, and framing of news media and policy. My methodological approach was qualitative in nature. A total of 14 interviews were conducted with experts in gun violence prevention, and emergency management and communication. Ethnographic research was carried out in the form of participant observations at a school safety symposium and a gun reform activism event. Content and critical discourse analyses were employed to assess 728 news media articles, 286 letters to the editor, comments from 32 YouTube videos, 14 policy documents and 10 public opinion polls. My original contribution to knowledge is the examination of policies that have not received much scholarly attention to date: emergency management plans, training, operation and communications to deal with the possibility of a school shooting incident occurring; the 'concealed carry on campus' movement, where students lobby to carry firearms in higher education institutions as a way to negate potential threats. Relatively uncharted territory in fear of crime research was embarked upon with an examination of YouTube comments relating to: concerns about attending school; insecurities about the ability of law enforcement to offer protection in a school shooting scenario. To offer a predictive angle to the research, the current public sentiments, framing strategies being utilised by interest groups, and Supreme Court rulings shaping the future of gun reform were debated. Further avenues for school shooting research are provided. Details: Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 2014. 295p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 10, 2018 at: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5298/1/2014doranphd.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5298/1/2014doranphd.pdf Shelf Number: 150145 Keywords: Concealed CarryGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass MediaMass ShootingsSchool SecuritySchool Shootings |
Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Effects of Missouri's Repeal of Its Handgun Purchaser Licensing Law on Homicides Summary: In the United States, homicide is a leading cause of death for young males and a major cause of racial disparities in life expectancy for men. There is intense debate and little rigorous research on the effects of firearm sales regulation on homicides. This study estimates the impact of Missouri's 2007 repeal of its permit-to-purchase (PTP) handgun law on states' homicide rates and controls for changes in poverty, unemployment, crime, incarceration, policing levels, and other policies that could potentially affect homicides. Using death certificate data available through 2010, the repeal of Missouri's PTP law was associated with an increase in annual increase in firearm homicides rates of 1.09 per 100,000 (+23%), but was unrelated to changes in non-firearm homicide rates. Using Uniform Crime Reporting data from police through 2012, the law's repeal was associated with increased annual murders rates of 0.93 per 100,000 (+16%). These estimated effects translate to increases of between 55 and 63 homicides per year in Missouri. Details: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2013. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2018 at: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/_pdfs/effects-of-missouris-repeal-of-its-handgun-purchaser-licensing-law-on-homicides.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/_pdfs/effects-of-missouris-repeal-of-its-handgun-purchaser-licensing-law-on-homicides.pdf Shelf Number: 150179 Keywords: Gun Control PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurders |
Author: Tita, George E. Title: Strategies for Reducing Gun Violence: The Role of Gangs, Drugs and Firearm Accessibility Summary: This report on strategies to reduce gun violence begins with a brief overview of recent trends in gun violence with a particular focus on emerging trends and changes in Canada. A review of literature covers the linkages between gangs, drug markets and firearm accessibility and firearm violence. When possible, the impacts of these factors on patterns of violence are explored at both the individual and community levels. Overall, the report highlights the prevalence and patterns of homicide and gun violence in North America, Britain, Mexico, Canada and other countries. Particular attention is paid to the role of gangs and drug markets in facilitating violence. In addition, research findings and program evaluations aimed at reducing gun violence are also included. Given the exceptionally high rates of interpersonal violence (especially gun violence) within the United States, and its long history of gang violence, it is not surprising that much of the literature is centered on programs and interventions in America. If the current trends of gun violence involving youth continue in Canada, it is important that Canadian policies learn from the successes and failures of recent gun violence reduction strategies elsewhere. Drawing from the literature review as well as the first author's experiences in the design, implementation and evaluation of violence reduction strategies, this report includes a broad set of policy recommendations that might prove useful in the effort to control gun violence within the larger census metropolitan areas (CMAs) in Canada. The case is made that before any policies aimed at reducing gun violence are implemented, it is extremely important to conduct basic research into the nature of local gun and gang violence. One must first understand who is involved, and why they are involved in violence, before one can design and implement an effective gun violence strategy. Finally, the report includes an Annotated Bibliography of the most current and useful gun and gang violence prevention and intervention resources. Details: Ottawa: National Crime Prevention Centre, 2007. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report: 2007-3: Accessed May 16, 2018 at: https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/rdcng-gn-vlnc/rdcng-gn-vlnc-eng.pdf Year: 2007 Country: International URL: https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/rdcng-gn-vlnc/rdcng-gn-vlnc-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 150241 Keywords: Crime PreventionDrug-Related ViolenceGang ViolenceGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGuns |
Author: Kleck, Gary Title: How the Hemenway Surveys Distorted Estimates of Defensive Gun Use Frequency Summary: David Hemenway and his colleagues have claimed that two national surveys that they conducted indicated there were few defensive gun uses (DGUs) in the U.S., and that the number of gun crimes committed with firearms greatly is far larger than the number of DGUs. This paper explains how these authors produced extreme underestimates of DGU frequency and gross overstatements of the number of gun crimes. Underestimating DGUs was accomplished by (1) using an eccentric and biased wording of the DGU question, (2) using a trap question that misled Rs with a DGU into thinking they had already reported the DGU, (3) employing a long recall period that increased memory loss, and the (4) selecting a biased sample that systematically underrepresented people likely to have a DGU. Overstating the number of gun crimes was accomplished by (1) mischaracterizing incidents falling into a largely meaningless "hostile display" category as gun crimes, when the authors' own evidence indicated that most of the "victims" of these displays did not regard them as a part of gun crime, and (2) ignoring the far more sophisticated National Crime Victimization Survey estimates of gun crime. Details: Tallahassee, FL: College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida State University, 2018. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 30, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3134859 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3134859 Shelf Number: 150403 Keywords: Crime StatisticsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsNational Crime Victimization Survey |
Author: Silver, James Title: A Study of the Pre-Attack Behaviors of Active Shooters in the United States Between 2000 and 2013 Summary: In 2017 there were 30 separate active shootings in the United States, the largest number ever recorded by the FBI during a one-year period. With so many attacks occurring, it can become easy to believe that nothing can stop an active shooter determined to commit violence. "The offender just snapped" and "There's no way that anyone could have seen this coming" are common reactions that can fuel a collective sense of a "new normal," one punctuated by a sense of hopelessness and helplessness. Faced with so many tragedies, society routinely wrestles with a fundamental question: can anything be done to prevent attacks on our loved ones, our children, our schools, our churches, concerts, and communities? There is cause for hope because there is something that can be done. In the weeks and months before an attack, many active shooters engage in behaviors that may signal impending violence. While some of these behaviors are intentionally concealed, others are observable and - if recognized and reported - may lead to a disruption prior to an attack. Unfortunately, well-meaning bystanders (often friends and family members of the active shooter) may struggle to appropriately categorize the observed behavior as malevolent. They may even resist taking action to report for fear of erroneously labeling a friend or family member as a potential killer. Once reported to law enforcement, those in authority may also struggle to decide how best to assess and intervene, particularly if no crime has yet been committed. By articulating the concrete, observable pre-attack behaviors of many active shooters, the FBI hopes to make these warning signs more visible and easily identifiable. This information is intended to be used not only by law enforcement officials, mental health care practitioners, and threat assessment professionals, but also by parents, friends, teachers, employers and anyone who suspects that a person is moving towards violence. In 2014, the FBI published a report titled A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013. One hundred and sixty active shooter incidents in the United States occurring between 2000 and 2013 were included in the sample. In this first report, the FBI focused on the circumstances of the active shooting events (e.g., location, duration, and resolution) but did not attempt to identify the motive driving the offender, nor did it highlight observable pre-attack behaviors demonstrated by the offender. The 2014 report will be referred to as the "Phase I" study. The present study ("Phase II") is the natural second phase of that initiative, moving from an examination of the parameters of the shooting events to assessing the pre-attack behaviors of the shooters themselves. This second phase, then, turns from the vitally important inquiry of "what happened during and after the shooting" to the pressing questions of "how do the active shooters behave before the attack?" and, if it can be determined, "why did they attack?" The FBI's objective here was to examine specific behaviors that may precede an attack and which might be useful in identifying, assessing, and managing those who may be on a pathway to deadly violence. Details: Washington, DC; U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2018. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 21, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/pre-attack-behaviors-of-active-shooters-in-us-2000-2013.pdf/view Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/pre-attack-behaviors-of-active-shooters-in-us-2000-2013.pdf/view Shelf Number: 150624 Keywords: Active ShootersGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceGunsHomicidesMass ShootingsThreat AssessmentViolent OffendersWeapons |
Author: Schildkraut, Jaclyn V. Title: Can Mass Shootings be Stopped? Summary: The mass shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, happened nearly two decades ago, yet it remains etched in the national consciousness. Columbine spurred a national debate - from personal safety to the security of schools, workplaces, and other locations and to broader considerations of guns and mental illness. To this day, communities still are grappling to find solutions to the complex and multifaceted nature of mass shootings. Exacerbating this already complex issue is the prevalence of social media and neverending wall-to-wall media coverage. Mass shootings, and those that are particularly lethal, are amplified by the news cycle, making them appear more commonplace when they are, in fact, statistically rare. Despite their episodic and highly sensational nature, however, not all mass shootings garner the same attention by the media. Those shootings that are the most lethal may receive more coverage, while those events that are perceived as more "routine" by the media may not even be covered at all. As a result of the intense and often unbalanced media coverage of mass shootings, members of the public may hold disproportional attitudes about the events themselves. Certain shootings, for example, may be perceived as indicators of a broader social problem, while others are considered to be isolated events. Still, the collective phenomenon of mass shootings has been found to produce a host of outcomes for the public, including fear of crime, a potential moral panic, and the general belief that these events are more prevalent than their actual occurrence. Like the public, policymakers also have struggled with how to respond to mass shootings. Most policies center on either further restricting or expanding rights related to gun ownership and carrying, with a lesser emphasis on mental health protocols, regulating violent media, or policies related to security practices. More often than not, in the immediate aftermath of a mass shooting, a flurry of bills are introduced, but few, if any, are ever enacted into legislation.4 Further compounding the issue is that the new laws that are passed, or even those that have been on the books for decades, often are not enforced, leading them to be ineffective at preventing the next mass shooting. Details: Albany: Rockefeller Institute of Government, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 16, 2018 at: http://rockinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/5-22-18-Mass-Shootings-Brief.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://rockinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/5-22-18-Mass-Shootings-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 151138 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMass Shootings |
Author: Bartley, Wm. Alan Title: The Role of Gun Supply in 1980s and 1900s Youth Violence Summary: Youth violence, particularly among young black males, particularly in urban areas, increased radically in the late 1980s and early 1990s and then began to fall. One explanation for this has been the expansion of crack markets in the 1980s; to the degree that increased gun access among young black males was believed to play a role, the implicit assumption was there was a demand shock in gun markets. Using a novel data set of handgun prices for 1980-2000, combined with ATF data on US rearm production quantities, we document that in fact the prices for cheaper "entry-level" guns fell in this period, suggesting a positive supply shock for the bottom end of the market. We argue that in substantial part this was due to a major reduction in the resources and activities of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) in the 1980s. This allowed substantially greater freedom among licensed gun dealers, a pattern which was reversed in the early 1990s (changes in manufacturing also appear to have played a role in the initial expansion). We document that the positive supply shock increased the availability of guns to criminally active youth and led to higher rates of gun access for young black men, particularly for 25 ACP, 380 ACP and 9mm autoloaders. The increase and decrease in gun violence among young black men can be matched to changes along this causal chain. Details: Lexington, KY: Transylvania University, 2016. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Conference Paper: Accessed August 27, 2018 at: www.aeaweb.org Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: www.aeaweb.org Shelf Number: 151263 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesNeighborhoods and CrimeUrban Areas and CrimeViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Devitt Westley, Christine Title: Examining the recidivism of firearm offenders using state criminal history and mortality data Summary: The scourge of gun violence in our streets, schools, places of worship, workplaces, and entertainment venues around the nation has created a sense of urgency to find prevention and intervention strategies. Research is scarce, however, in part due to decades-long Congressional limits on federal funding to support U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention research on firearm-related topics (Sofer, 2017). This study was conducted to demonstrate the usefulness of state criminal history records for examining recidivism of specific criminal justice populations, in this case, gun offenders. Besides gathering information on repeat offending through criminal history and prison records, Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) researchers obtained state death records of deceased individuals in the study sample. These records provided detail on the cause and manner of death not available in criminal justice administrative data. Together, these findings offer relevant insights into first-time firearm-involved arrestees, their recidivism patterns and mortality rates, and inform policy and practice on the issue of guns and violence. Details: Chicago, IL: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2018. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 27, 2018 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Firearm_study_report_073118.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Firearm_study_report_073118.pdf Shelf Number: 151265 Keywords: FirearmsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesRecidivism |
Author: Lott, John R., Jr. Title: Concealed Carry Permit Holders Across the United States: 2018 Summary: Despite the expectations of many after the 2016 elections, the number of concealed handgun permits has increased for the second year in a row. In 2018, the number of concealed handgun permits soared to now over 17.25 million - a 273% increase since 2007. 7.14% of American adults have permits. Unlike surveys that may be affected by people's unwillingness to answer some personal questions, concealed handgun permit data is the only really "hard data" that we have on gun ownership across the United States. Still, an even larger number of people carry because in 14 states people don't need a permit to carry in all or virtually all those states. Permits for women and blacks are increasing much faster than they are for men and whites. There are also significant differences in not only the number of permits issued but also who gets them when politicians have discretion in granting them. We also provide evidence on how incredibly law-abiding permit holders are. Details: s.l.: Crime Prevention Research Center, 2018. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 29, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3233904 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3233904 Shelf Number: 151285 Keywords: Concealed Carry Concealed Handguns Gun Permits Gun Policy Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: The Truth About Kids and Guns Summary: The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's (CDC) National Center for Injury Prevention and Control attempts to collect information and details surrounding these deaths and other injury related deaths - where did they happen? What was the cause? Who was the victim? The truths revealed by this data should give us pause - but also hope. The majority of all child and teen gun deaths happen in a home; it's even more for our youngest children. So although improved legislation is critical to keeping guns out of the hands of dangerous people, it is not the entire answer. When it comes to kids, the danger is rarely outside their own homes, or the homes of their family and friends. That means we don't need to wait for Congress or anyone else to start reducing the toll guns take on our children. The "Truth About Kids & Guns" report catalogues this deadly impact, providing the most recent data available from leading credible sources, such as the CDC, to show where, how and why these deaths and injuries occur. Details: Washington, DC: The Brady Center, 2014. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 20, 2018 at: https://www.bradycampaign.org/sites/default/files/Kids-and-Guns-Report%202016_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.bradycampaign.org/sites/default/files/Kids-and-Guns-Report%202016_final.pdf Shelf Number: 151601 Keywords: Gun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceViolence Prevention |
Author: International Association of Chiefs of Police Title: Taking a Stand: Reducing Gun Violence in Our Communities Summary: Nearly 30,000 American lives are lost to gun violence each year - a number far higher than in any other developed country. Since 1963, more Americans died by gunfire than perished in combat in the whole of the 20th century. The impact goes far beyond the dead and injured. Gun violence reaches across borders and jurisdictions and compromises the safety of everyone along the way. No other industrialized country suffers as many gun fatalities and injuries as the United States. And no community or person in America is immune. Law enforcement understands and embraces its leadership role in combating gun violence. When Federal Bureau of Investigation data for 2006 showed gun violence rates rising for the second year in a row with many Midwest cities leading the trend, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) convened law enforcement leaders and others concerned with gun violence from around the Midwest in Chicago in April 2007 at the Great Lakes Summit on Gun Violence, with support from the Joyce Foundation. Attendees reviewed the research, listened to experts, shared information and worked hand in hand to draft recommendations. This report comes from a regional group, but addresses a national problem, and it demands national attention. Details: Arlington, VA: IACP, 2007. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed october 10, 2018 at: https://www.theiacp.org/sites/default/files/2018-08/ACF1875.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: https://www.theiacp.org/sites/default/files/2018-08/ACF1875.pdf Shelf Number: 139042 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Pelli, Priscilla Alexandra Title: Background Checks and Firearm Registration: How Regulatory Policies Can Affect the Gun Market Summary: Vast literature exists documenting the history of gun control legislation and recent firearm export, import and firearm manufacture information, but lack of current research exists evaluating the impact of implementing gun-restrictive policies. By utilizing quantitative analytical methods, this paper studies in-depth the effectiveness of expanded background checks in regulating the firearm market and further understanding public behavior when these regulatory policies are expanded or put in place. This research evaluates the relationship between expanded background checks, and differing outcomes of interest, while controlling for various demographic factors including race, employment status, partisan composition (gubernatorial political party in power) and number of simple assaults (without a weapon). By running fixed effects models, this analysis found that an expanded background check was associated with a 1,095 increase in registered machine guns per 100,000 inhabitants (p-value = .817), as well as, a 12.55 decrease in aggravated assaults with a weapon per 100,000 inhabitants (p value = .001) and a 104.9873 decrease in the number of federal firearm licensees (p-value = 0.516). This paper contributes greatly to the current field of research by addressing timely issues relevant to the public health and safety of American communities nationwide, through a framework that models the effects of restrictive firearm legislation on people's behavior to register (or theoretically purchase) violent weapons. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown University, 2016. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed November 26, 2018 at: https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/1040800/Pelli_georgetown_0076M_13226.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/1040800/Pelli_georgetown_0076M_13226.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 153843 Keywords: Background Checks Criminal Background Checks Gun Control Policy Gun Markets Gun Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence |
Author: Jack, Shane P.D. Title: Surveillance for Violent Deaths-- National Violent Death Reporting System, 27 States, 2015 Summary: Problem/Condition: In 2015, approximately 62,000 persons died in the United States as a result of violence-related injuries. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) regarding violent deaths from 27 U.S. states for 2015. Results are reported by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, location of injury, method of injury, circumstances of injury, and other selected characteristics. Reporting Period: 2015. Description of System: NVDRS collects data regarding violent deaths obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, law enforcement reports, and secondary sources (e.g., child fatality review team data, supplemental homicide reports, hospital data, and crime laboratory data). This report includes data from 27 states that collected statewide data for 2015 (Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Hawaii, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin). NVDRS collates documents for each death and links deaths that are related (e.g., multiple homicides, a homicide followed by a suicide, or multiple suicides) into a single incident. Results: For 2015, NVDRS captured 30,628 fatal incidents involving 31,415 deaths in the 27 states included in this report. The majority (65.1%) of deaths were suicides, followed by homicides (23.5%), deaths of undetermined intent (9.5%), legal intervention deaths (1.3%) (i.e., deaths caused by law enforcement and other persons with legal authority to use deadly force, excluding legal executions), and unintentional firearm deaths (<1.0%). (The term "legal intervention" is a classification incorporated into the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision [ICD-10] and does not denote the lawfulness or legality of the circumstances surrounding a death caused by law enforcement.) Demographic patterns varied by manner of death. Suicide rates were highest among males, non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Natives, non-Hispanic whites, adults aged 45-54 years, and men aged ≥75 years. The most common method of injury was a firearm. Suicides often were preceded by a mental health, intimate partner, substance abuse, or physical health problem, or a crisis during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks. Homicide rates were higher among males and persons aged <1 year and 20-34 years. Among males, non-Hispanic blacks accounted for the majority of homicides and had the highest rate of any racial/ethnic group. Homicides primarily involved a firearm, were precipitated by arguments and interpersonal conflicts, were related to intimate partner violence (particularly for females), or occurred in conjunction with another crime. When the relationship between a homicide victim and a suspected perpetrator was known, an acquaintance/friend or an intimate partner frequently was involved. Legal intervention death rates were highest among males and persons aged 20-54 years; rates among non-Hispanic black males were approximately double the rates of those among non-Hispanic white males. Precipitating circumstances for legal intervention deaths most frequently were an alleged criminal activity in progress, the victim reportedly using a weapon in the incident, a mental health or substance abuse problem (other than alcohol abuse), an argument or conflict, or a recent crisis (during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks). Unintentional firearm deaths were more frequent among males, non-Hispanic whites, and persons aged 1024 years; these deaths most often occurred while the shooter was playing with a firearm and most often were precipitated by a person unintentionally pulling the trigger or mistakenly thinking the firearm was unloaded. Deaths of undetermined intent were more frequent among males, particularly non-Hispanic black and American Indian/Alaska Native males, and persons aged 3054 years. Substance abuse, mental health problems, physical health problems, and a recent crisis were the most common circumstances preceding deaths of undetermined intent. In 2015, approximately 3,000 current or former military personnel died by suicide. The majority of these decedents were male, non-Hispanic white, and aged 45-74 years. Most suicides among military personnel involved a firearm and were precipitated by mental health, physical health, and intimate partner problems, as well as a recent crisis. Interpretation: This report provides a detailed summary of data from NVDRS for 2015. The results indicate that deaths resulting from self-inflicted or interpersonal violence most frequently affect males and certain age groups and minority populations. Mental health problems, intimate partner problems, interpersonal conflicts, and general life stressors were primary precipitating events for multiple types of violent deaths, including suicides among current or former military personnel. Public Health Action: NVDRS data are used to monitor the occurrence of violence-related fatal injuries and assist public health authorities in the development, implementation, and evaluation of programs and policies to reduce and prevent violent deaths. For example, Virginia VDRS data are used to help identify suicide risk factors among active duty service members, Oregon VDRS suicide data are used to coordinate information and activities across community agencies that support veterans and active duty service members, and Arizona VDRS data are used to develop recommendations for primary care providers who deliver care to veterans. The continued development and expansion of NVDRS to include all 50 states, U.S. territories, and the District of Columbia are essential to public health efforts to reduce deaths due to violence. Details: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, Surveillance Summaries / Vol. 67 / No. 11: Accessed December 6, 2018 at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6181254/pdf/ss6711a1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6181254/pdf/ss6711a1.pdf Shelf Number: 153921 Keywords: Child DeathsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesMurdersPolice Deadly ForcePublic Health IssuesSuicides Violence |
Author: State of Alaska Epidemiology Title: Firearm Injuries in Alaska, 2009-2015 Summary: Introduction The rate of firearm injury mortality in Alaska has consistently been higher than the national rate since at least 1999. In Alaska, firearm injuries are monitored using three surveillance systems, the Alaska Firearm Injury Report Surveillance System (AKFIRSS), the Alaska Trauma Registry (ATR), and the Alaska Violent Death Reporting System (AKVDRS). This Bulletin provides an update on firearm injuries in Alaska. Details: Anchorage, Alaska: Department of Health and Social Services, 2017. 1p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: http://epibulletins.dhss.alaska.gov/Document/Display?DocumentId=1949 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://epibulletins.dhss.alaska.gov/Document/Display?DocumentId=1949 Shelf Number: 154227 Keywords: Alaska Violent Death Reporting SystemFirearm AccidentsFirearm FatalitiesFirearm InjuriesGun ViolenceGun-Related Violence |
Author: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Protecting the Next Generation: Strategies to Keep America's Kids Safe from Gun Violence Summary: The courageous young survivors of the horrific school shooting in Parkland, Florida, have collectively raised their voices and declared that it is time for action-they are calling for gun safety laws proven to save lives from this uniquely American epidemic. No child-in any community-should live in fear of a shooting at their school or in their community. No child should live with the memory of their classmates' deaths. There are simple steps we can take to protect our kids and our communities from gun violence. KIDS AND FIREARMS KEY NUMBERS US children and teens are 17 times more likely to die from gun violence than their peers in other high-income countries. Studies show at least 40% of children in high-violence urban areas have witnessed a shooting. Nearly 60% of high schoolers report concerns about a potential mass shooting in their school or community. Since 1998, nearly 200,000 minors have been shot-a staggering toll-and another 187,000 have experienced a shooting in their schools. Among 14-17 year-olds, 17% have been exposed to gun violence. Shootings Cause Lasting Trauma - Children who survive shootings develop post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and fearfulness, and can experience long-term decreases in academic achievement. One study found a 6% decrease in 9th-grade enrollment at schools that had experienced a deadly shooting. Violence Interferes with Education - Two-thirds of school districts now require schools to conduct active-shooter drills, with kids as young as two participating. These drills, and other costly security measures, can divert funds and time that are needed for education and create a culture of anxiety. Details: San Francisco: The Authors, 2018. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 4, 2019 at: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Giffords-Law-Center-Protecting-the-Next-Generation-7.19.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Giffords-Law-Center-Protecting-the-Next-Generation-7.19.18.pdf Shelf Number: 154483 Keywords: Gun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceSchool ShootingsViolence Prevention |
Author: Circo, Giovanni Title: Detroit Ceasefire: Final Evaluation Report Summary: Detroit Ceasefire has been a cornerstone of Detroit's violence reduction strategies. Ceasefire involves a focused deterrence model aimed at gang- and group- related violence. It involves direct communication of a deterrence message to high-risk individuals and groups, targeted enforcement and response to violent incidents, outreach and services, community partnerships and youth prevention. Detroit Ceasefire was initially developed and implemented in two East side precincts (5th and 9th). As the Ceasefire team developed expertise in the model, associated project management capacity, shared understanding and training in the model, and initial signs of success, Ceasefire expanded to West side precincts (6th, 8th, 12th) and more recently to the 4th and 7th precincts. This report describes the planning, development, initial implementation, and full implementation of Ceasefire and places the initiative in the context of national trends. This is followed by evaluation results at both the community and individual levels. Key findings include: - Detroit has experienced a significant decline in fatal and non-fatal shootings since the implementation of Ceasefire in 2013 and particularly since 2015 when Ceasefire received the support of a project management team and associated capacity building that strengthened implementation of the Ceasefire focused deterrence model. - These trends are particularly impressive when contrasted with national trends in violent crime and with trends in other large Midwestern cities. - The evaluation employed a state-of-the-art "synthetic control" design that compares trends in the Ceasefire precincts with comparable parts of the city that have not participated in Ceasefire. For the original east side Ceasefire precincts, we estimate an overall 13-14 percent decline in fatal and non-fatal shootings. For the specific age group of 15-24, the primary target for Ceasefire, the decline was 22 percent. - The trends in the West side precincts are more difficult to interpret. Simply observing the trends suggest declines following the implementation of Ceasefire. Yet, when using the synthetic controls we do not find evidence of declines. We suggest continued monitoring of the West side precincts to provide a longer implementation and observation period (as well as assessment of trends in the more recent 4th and 7th Ceasefire precincts). - Although Ceasefire clients had a very similar time until re-arrest as a matched comparison group of probationers and parolees, the Ceasefire clients had 23 percent fewer overall arrests and 23 percent fewer arrests for a violent offense. Ceasefire clients did have more arrests for weapons offenses but this may reflect increased scrutiny and surveillance of Ceasefire clients, particularly when they or their associates are involved in violence. Details: East Lansing: Michigan Justice Statistics Center, Michigan State University, 2018. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2019 at: https://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC-Detroit_Ceasefire_-Final_Report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC-Detroit_Ceasefire_-Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 154684 Keywords: CeaseFire Crime PreventionGangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Neighborhoods and Crime Operation CeasefireViolence Prevention Violent Crime Youth Violence |
Author: McLively, Mike Title: A Case Study in Hope: Lessons from Oakland's Remarkable Reduction in Gun Violence Summary: In 2012, after several failures and facing great pressure from community activists, Oakland city leaders committed to launching a citywide violence reduction strategy, known as Oakland Ceasefire, with the help of technical experts from the California Partnership for Safe Communities (CPSC). Oakland Ceasefire is an ongoing partnership between community members, social service providers, and law enforcement officials, who work together to reduce violence, build police-community trust, and improve outcomes for high-risk individuals. The strategy has five main components: Analysis of violent incidents and trends, referred to as a problem analysis, to identify individuals at the highest risk of participating in serious violence. Oakland's problem analysis revealed a number of misconceptions about the city's violence dynamics. It also showed that only 400 individuals-just 0.1% of Oakland's total population-were at the highest risk for engaging in serious violence at any given time. Oakland Ceasefire partners intervene with this population. Respectful, in-person communications with high-risk individuals to warn about the risks of ongoing violence and provide a genuine offer of assistance. With Oakland Ceasefire, these communications primarily take the form of call-ins, interventions in which stakeholders communicate with small groups of those most at risk of serious violence, and custom notifications, a personalized method of heading off imminent violence. Relationship-based social services provided to high-risk individuals through the Oakland Unite network of community-based organizations. Oakland Unite is a unique city agency that uses taxpayer money to fund organizations that provide services like intensive mentoring, economic and educational training, and direct assistance to victims of violence and their families. Narrowly focused law enforcement actions by the Oakland Police Department's (OPD) Ceasefire Section, in addition to ongoing, department-wide training in the principles of procedural justice and other strategies to improve police-community relationships. Since reforming its approach to violence, OPD has seen a dramatic increase in its homicide solve rate, while use-of-force incidents and complaints against the department are on the decline. An intentional management structure built around regular communication between Oakland Ceasefire partners and city leaders to stay on top of changing violence dynamics and track progress toward yearly violence reduction goals. Regular meetings include weekly shooting reviews, bimonthly coordination meetings, and performance reviews led by Oakland's mayor. Details: San Francisco: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2019. 107p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 25, 2019 at: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Giffords-Law-Center-A-Case-Study-in-Hope-Lessons-from-Oaklands-Remarkable-Reduction-in-Gun-Violence.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Giffords-Law-Center-A-Case-Study-in-Hope-Lessons-from-Oaklands-Remarkable-Reduction-in-Gun-Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 155505 Keywords: Community-Based OrganizationsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceOakland CeasefireOperation CeasefirePartnershipsPolice-Community RelationsViolence PreventionViolent Crime |