Date: November 25, 2024 Mon

Time: 8:19 pm

Results for homicides

464 results found

Author: Caldwell-Aden, Laura Title: Preventing First-Time DWI Offenses: First-Time Offenders in CAlifornia, New York, and Florida: An Analysis of Past Criminality and Associated Criminal Justice Interventions Summary: Research suggests that there are far more people driving impaired than arrested each year. Additional data supports that a person arrested for the first time for driving under the influence (DUI) or driving while impaired (DWI) may have driven many times impaired before getting caught. This report details a study that determined if there were common prior offenses among first-time DWI offenders, and to identify strategies that are used to address the identified offenses to determine if there are potential opportunities to expand those efforts to prevent impaired driving. Details: Seabrook, MD: 1 Source Consulting/Marvyn Consulting, 2009. 140p. Source: Sponsoring Agency: National Highway Traffic Safety Administration Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118297 Keywords: Assault Weapons Driving Under the Influence (DUI) Driving While Intoxicated (DWI) Drug Cartels Drunk Driving Gun Violence (Mexico) Homicides

Author: Berk, Richard Title: The Role of Race in Forecasts of Violent Crime Summary: This paper addresses the role of forecasts of failure on probation or parole. Failure is defined as committing a homicide or attempted homicide or being the victim of a homicide or an attempted homicide. These are very rare events in the population of individuals studied, which can make these outcomes extremely difficult to forecast accurately. Building in the relative costs of false positives and false negatives, machine learning procedures are applied to construct useful forecasts. The central question addressed is what role race should play as a predictor when as an empirical matter the majority of perpetrators and victims are young, African-American, males. Details: Philadelphia: Department of Statistics, University of Pennsylvania, 2009. 29p. Source: Working Paper Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118396 Keywords: Crime Forecasting Homicides Race Violent Crime

Author: Wilson, Jeremy M. Title: Community-Based Violence Preventoin: An Assessment of Pittsburgh's One Vision One Life Program Summary: This report assesses the implementation and impact of the One Vision One Life violence-prevention strategy in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. In 2003, Pittsburgh witnessed a 49-percent increase in homicides, prompting a grassroots creation and implementation of the One Vision One Life antiviolence strategy. This initiative used a problem-solving, data-driven model, including street-level intelligence, to intervene in escalating disputes, and seeks to place youth in appropriate social programs. Analysis of the program, which is modeled on similar efforts elsewhere, can help inform other efforts to address urban violence. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2010. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119164 Keywords: Crime Prevention Gun Violence Homicides Problem-Solving Street Workers Violence (Pittsburgh, PA) Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Townsend, Dorn Title: No Other Life: Gangs, Guns, and Governance in Trinidad and Tobago Summary: Gun violence and gun-related homicides in Trinidad and Tobago have continued to increase over the last decade. The twin-island nation now has more gun-related deaths than Jamaica and a murder rate of 42 per 100,000. This report examines the interconnection between the gun violence and the present political situation in Trinidad and Tobago. The publication asserts that the crime-fighting measures of the police force are hampered by financial support to urban gangs via public welfare programs. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2009. 55p. Source: Internet Resource; Working Paper of the Small Arms Survey; accessed August 8, 2010 at http://smallarmssurvey.org/files/sas/publications/w_papers_pdf/WP/WP8-Gangs-Guns-Governance-Trinidad-Tobago-2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Trinidad and Tobago URL: http://smallarmssurvey.org/files/sas/publications/w_papers_pdf/WP/WP8-Gangs-Guns-Governance-Trinidad-Tobago-2009.pdf Shelf Number: 117633 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: SEESAC (South Eastern and Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons) Title: 'The Rifle Has the Devil Inside': Gun Culture in South Eastern Europe Summary: SALW (Small Arms and Light Weapons)control stakeholders and practitioners within South Eastern Europe (SEE) are often told that weapon registration and collection programmes are ineffective because guns are an intrinsic part of ‘cultures’ in the region. In addition, international and local observers often explain high levels of gun ownership and use in SEE by stating there is a strong ‘gun culture’. In contrast, survey results on the public’s perception of guns, suggest that ‘culture’ and ‘tradition’ are not principal reasons for gun ownership in the region. Thus, it is a matter of continued debate to what extent and which types of gun ownership and use are rendered acceptable and legitimate by certain cultural beliefs and practices. This report examines how cultural beliefs and practices influence gun ownership and use in SEE, and how these might affect SALW control interventions. An anthropological approach was taken to better understand the reasons for civilian gun ownership and use, and the ways in which society represents these behaviours, in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Serbia and Montenegro (including the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo). A wide variety of research tools were used including household surveys (HHS) conducted by SEESAC and UNDP, focus group transcripts, secondary literature searches, statistical data, anthropological field studies, the Internet, print and electronic media. The report concludes that the motivations and reasons for gun ownership and use in SEE are complex and suggests that cultural practices and beliefs do not play a central role in justifying gun ownership and use in SEE. There are pockets of culturally motivated gun related behaviours, in very localised areas, which have historical roots, such as celebratory gunfire in the mountainous areas of the peninsula (parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Northern Albania). However, more important are the ways that ‘traditional’ customs and values have interplayed with other factors such as the political or socio-economic situation, or the 1990s conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. People’s behaviours involving guns, and their perceptions of guns, are more to do with the relatively widespread availability of weapons, weak and ineffective law enforcement and the reinvention of history and folklore for political means. Over the years guns have been associated with masculinity and have been a means of defining male attributes but they are not so significant now for ideas of masculinity although gun related activities remain male-oriented. The way guns are represented today, and how society perceives them is largely influenced by the media and how it portrays gun owners and gun use, especially the actions of high profile organizations or individuals who are associated with guns, such as the police, politicians and prominent business people. In general, ‘traditional’ and ‘cultural’ motivations for gun ownership and use in SEE are unlikely to be the principal barriers to SALW control interventions. Security considerations are much more likely to play a significant role with many people unwilling to give up their weapons, which they perceive as providers of security and protection, until they are satisfied that the state can be trusted to provide for their needs. Whilst there are still relatively high crime levels, the unresolved status of territory i.e. the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo, uncertain futures and interethnic distrust (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Southern Serbia and to some extent in Montenegro and Moldova) there will be people who feel that they are justified in keeping their guns. Details: Belgrade: SEESAC, 2006. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2010 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/country/eu_pdf/europe-regional-2006-b.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/country/eu_pdf/europe-regional-2006-b.pdf Shelf Number: 119948 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Violence Guns Homicides Illegal Guns

Author: Aguirre, Katherine Title: Assessing the Effect of Policy Interventions on Small Arms Demand in Bogota, Colombia Summary: In Bogotá, some 50,000 people died in firearm-related events between 1979 and 2009. This constitutes roughly 8% of the total number of deaths, by natural or external causes, registered in the Colombian capital. While the impact of firearms in Bogotá is smaller than in Colombia as a whole, where approximately 11% of deaths have been attributed to firearms, Bogotá contributed 10% of all firearms deaths in Colombia over the period 1979 to 2009. In Bogotá as in the rest of Colombia, homicides are the primary event through which firearms deaths occur (more than 90% of cases). In 2009, there were over 15,000 homicides registered in Colombia. Despite an impressive reduction since 2002 (26.8%), and this figure being the lowest in more than 20 years, the homicide rate in Colombia continues to rank as one of the highest in the world, if not the highest. Improvements in the city of Bogotá have contributed substantially to the overall reduction in homicides. The city has experienced an impressive reduction of homicide violence since its peak in 1993, when the number of homicides rose from 3,000 in 1992 to almost 4,500, a 33% increase. According to the National Police, the figure of 2009 of Bogotá was 1,327 a reduction of around 70% with respect to the 1993 level. The current homicide rate of 18 per 100,000 inhabitants is still quite high, but contrasts with the rate of 1993 of 80 per 100.000. The contribution of Bogotá to the total number of homicides of the country has not declined at the same speed as the level of homicides. For the 2007, the Ministry of Defence says that the capital contribute with 32.7 per cent in the decrease of the homicides in the whole country. Violence in Colombia is a result of two interconnected complex social phenomena. The first is the prevalence of entrenched criminal organisations, mainly involved in the production and transport of illegal narcotics. The second is the three-sided armed conflict between the government, guerrilla groups and paramilitary groups. The situation in Bogotá is influenced more by common urban delinquency by conflict dynamics. In this document, we assess the market associated with the criminal use of firearms. Recent academic studies highlighted demand for firearms for violent use. This assessment will distinguish demand for firearms along two main axes: the markets in which they can be obtained (legal and illegal markets) and how individuals use them (criminally and non-criminally). Specifically, we will explore the impact that active antigun policies and other security interventions, established in the mid-1990s, had on reducing firearm-related homicides in Bogotá. After reviewing the general context, we will introduce the policies that have been implemented by local administrations during the period in which the homicide rate fell drastically. We then use a variety a statistical methods to assess the impact of gun-carrying and violence reduction interventions on homicide in Bogotá. Details: Bogota, Colombia: CERAC - Centro de Recursos para el Analisis de Conflictos, 2009. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Documentos de CERAC, No. 14: Accessed October 19, 2010 at: http://www.cerac.org.co/pdf/CERAC_WP_14_DemandBogotaFinal.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.cerac.org.co/pdf/CERAC_WP_14_DemandBogotaFinal.pdf Shelf Number: 120022 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Violence Guns Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Trans-Border Institute, Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, University of San Diego Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis from 2001-2009 Summary: Mexico closed the decade with an unprecedented level of violence, and a record number of drug-related killings in 2009. In light of the spectacular nature of this violence and the challenge it represents for the Mexican state, it raises serious concerns for the Mexican public, for policy makers, and for Mexico's neighboring countries. This report provides an overview of the trends found in available data on drug-related killings in Mexico, and offers some brief observations about the causes of violence and the effectiveness of recent efforts to combat organized crime. Details: San Diego, CA: Trans-Border Institute, 2010. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2010 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/2010-Shirk-JMP-Drug_Violence.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/2010-Shirk-JMP-Drug_Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 120171 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violence (Mexico) Violent Crime

Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. Regional Office Brazil Title: Country Profile Summary: The Federal Government Multi-year Plan (PPA), 2004-2007, entitled - A Brazil for All - laid out the country's vision for a more equitable, sustainable, and competitive Brazil. Equity is undermined by high crime rates, which affect the poor more deeply. Crime and violence in slum areas remain high and solutions remain elusive. The Government recognizes that crime and violence causes serious economic and social problems that need to be addressed along four broad lines of actions. First, over the long term, social progress at the macro level, with more and better income opportunities would help reduce crime. Second, in the near term, community-based approaches involving the local population and local governments have shown results. Third, urban upgrading programmes in slum areas can also be an entry point for community and cultural activities, micro-credit, and other opportunities. Fourth, improving performance of the police and judiciary will also help lower impunity and crime rates. In opinion polls and consultations, crime and violence are mentioned as one of the most pressing concerns facing Brazilians today. Crime prevention at the local level, combining elements of traditional responses with the targeting of risk factors - such as: easy access to firearms, drugs, and alcohol; high levels of school dropout and unemployment, family violence; and the media portraying violence - represent the emerging international consensus on combating crime and violence. The primary responsibility lies not only with the police, but also with municipalities, state governments and communities. Partnership at all levels needs to be actively engaged. It is important to point out that the average homicide rate of 23.8 per 100,000 inhabitants in Brazil does not provide a complete picture of the situation. This average does not reflect the inequalities that exist between areas in the cities where the middle to upper class population live and the tourists visit - where rates of 5 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants is prevalent while in slums, rates of 100 homicides and above are registered per 100,000 inhabitants. If we consider that, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), for every homicide at least 20 people get injured, the magnitude of the crime and violence in small and big cities acquires a serious dimension. From a gender perspective 82 per cent of the homicides are related to males, and the most affected age group is between 15-29 years old with high incidence in the Afro-Brazilian ethnic group. Unequal distribution of wealth among youth of the upper-middle- class (with the millions of young people living in slums) is a reflection of an unequal society. In this society, 1 per cent of the rich population receives 10 per cent of total national income and 50% of the poor population receives 10% of the national income. Crime prevention experts in Brazil agree that inequality and social exclusion, more than poverty, are the main causes of the involvement of youths in criminal activities. Sustainable development is undermined when crime goes unpunished, since it increases the - Custo Brazil, - (broadly defined as impediments and obstacles to Brazilian competitiveness). Crime depletes resources that could be used for education, health, public safety, generation of employment, etc. Criminal groups are now active in moneylaundering, theft of art and cultural objects, theft of intellectual property, illicit arms trafficking, insurance fraud, computer crime, environmental crime, trafficking in persons, illicit drug trafficking, fraudulent bankruptcy, infiltration of legal businesses, corruption and bribery of public or party officials, etc. These crimes, of a national and transnational nature, provide the criminal groups with most of their illicit money. The national dimension of the economic and social cost of crime has never been assessed. However, based on the sparse data available, it could represent 10 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product. Some of these crimes are white-collar crimes involving mostly middle to upper class, well educated professionals, who count on impunity and low risk of being sentenced for their crimes against the public treasury, financial institutions, etc. Over the last two years, the Brazilian Government has given priority to fighting white-collar crimes with some degree of success. Much remains to be done to recover stolen assets in Brazil and abroad as a measure to show that crime does not pay. Promotion of public ethics is also a work in progress. The success story of Brazil continues to be the control of HIV/AIDS. The mortality from AIDS is now limited to 6 cases in every 100,000 inhabitants. HIV among injecting drugs users has been reduced by half in the last 10 years. A similar national effort is required to control and reduce by half the homicide rate by the year 2015. Details: Brasilia, Brazil: UNODC Regional Office Brazil, 2005. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 4, 2010 at: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/brazil/COUNTRY%20PROFILE%20Eng.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/brazil/COUNTRY%20PROFILE%20Eng.pdf Shelf Number: 120180 Keywords: Crime (Brazil) Criminal Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Rios, Viridiana Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2010 Summary: Since the 1990s, Mexico has experienced a persistent public security crisis involving high rates of violent crime and increased violence among organized crime syndicates involved in drug trafficking and other illicit activities. In recent years, this violence has become so severe that officials in Mexico and the United States have expressed uncertainty about the Mexican state's ability to withstand the effects of this violence. Indeed, 2010 was the worst year on record for such violence, and was marked a sharp increase in politically targeted violence that included numerous assassinations and kidnappings of public officials. Until recently, there has been little detailed data or analysis available to gauge Mexico's drug related violence. Until January 2011, the Mexican government released only sporadic and unsystematic data on drug violence, and tracking by media sources produced widely varying estimates. In the absence of reliable information, sensationalistic reporting and government statements contributed to considerable confusion and hyperbole about the nature of Mexico's current security crisis. Fortunately, in recent months, greater public scrutiny and pressure on Mexican authorities resulted in a wealth of new data on Mexico's drug violence. This report builds on previous research by the Trans-Border Institute's Justice in Mexico Project (www.justiceinmexico.org), compiling much of this new data and analysis to provide a more complete picture of Mexico's drug war and the challenges it presents to both Mexico and the United States. Details: San Diego: Trans-Border Institute, Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, University of San Diego, 2011. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2011 at: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2011/02/2011-tbi-drugviolence2.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2011/02/2011-tbi-drugviolence2.pdf Shelf Number: 120749 Keywords: Assassinations Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Kidnappings Organized Crime Violent Crime (Mexico)

Author: International Federation of Journalists Title: Gunning for Media: Journalists and Media Staff Killed in 2010 Summary: In 2010, 94 journalists and media staff were killed, victims of targeted killings, bomb attacks and crossfire incidents. Three other journalists lost their lives in accidents at work. The details of the losses are spelled out in the enclosed reports from the IFJ regional centres. They show how Pakistan tops the list of the most dangerous zones for journalists in 2010, ahead of Mexico, Honduras and Iraq. Although the numbers are down from the 139 killings recorded a year earlier and are the lowest for eight years, they reveal that regional conflicts, drug wars and political unrest continue to create killing fields for journalists and people who work with them. Details: Brussels: International Federation of Journalists, 2011. 36. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 24, 2011 at: http://www.ifj.org/assets/docs/177/253/f8badb1-e23bbfd.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.ifj.org/assets/docs/177/253/f8badb1-e23bbfd.pdf Shelf Number: 120865 Keywords: Homicides Human Rights Journalists Media Murder

Author: Amnesty International Title: How an Arms Trade Treaty Can Help Prevent Armed Violence Summary: Over the past decade, there has been growing international momentum to conceptualise, document and address the various manifestations of “armed violence”. To date the discourse has focused largely on the causes and effects of armed violence and explored the range of available programming options to prevent and reduce it. Discussions on the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) currently underway in the United Nations (UN) provide an important opportunity to examine armed violence in the context of decisions concerning international transfers and the export and import of conventional arms used in armed violence. One of the objectives of the ATT is to address the “absence of common international standards on the import, export and transfer of conventional arms.” As the UN General Assembly has noted, this absence contributes to “conflict, displacement of people, crime and terrorism” thereby undermining peace, reconciliation, safety, security, stability and sustainable development.” In other words, the absence of such common international standards contributes to armed violence. Common international standards in the ATT should require States to establish and maintain effective national regulatory mechanisms. The ATT should also require States to licence or otherwise authorise exports and other international transfers of conventional weaponry, munitions and related equipment (“conventional arms”) in conformity with an agreed list of clear criteria that take into account the potential risks stemming from such transfers. An ATT establishing such standards and rigorous procedures will help generate consistency in national arms control regulations. Importing States should be required to authorise imports of conventional arms into their jurisdiction. Such authorisations must be in conformity with each State’s primary responsibility to provide for the security of all persons under its jurisdiction and to promote respect for and observance of human rights as affirmed in the UN Charter and in other relevant international law. This report is divided into two parts, and includes three case studies drawn from recent examples of armed violence in Bangladesh, Guatemala and the Philippines. Part I examines how an ATT with a clearly elaborated risk assessment process can make a contribution to the prevention and reduction of armed violence. After a brief discussion of the definitions of armed violence and several forms of armed violence documented in recent years, the report examines the role an ATT can play in preventing and reducing those forms of armed violence in which conventional arms are used and which result in serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Part II focuses on one form of armed violence: firearms-related homicide. Discussions of armed violence have repeatedly noted that the use of firearms in non-conflict settings is the most prevalent form of armed violence and the form that results in the most deaths and injuries. This fact underscores the importance of adopting an approach to addressing armed violence that will encompass violence outside of armed conflict settings. The ATT should be one component of this approach. It should specify and address the serious violations of international law and other harmful impacts caused by conventional arms. Further, if an ATT is to make a significant contribution to the reduction of armed violence, it should require, prior to the issuance of an import authorisation or export licence, an assessment of the risk that the transfer of conventional arms will entail, including the risk presented by a pattern of significantly high levels of firearms-related homicides within the importing State. Details: London: Amnesty International and the International Action Network on Small Arms, 2011. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2011 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ACT30/030/2011/en/d68a9f66-dc78-4ed0-8792-16c1d83a44b8/act300302011en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ACT30/030/2011/en/d68a9f66-dc78-4ed0-8792-16c1d83a44b8/act300302011en.pdf Shelf Number: 120930 Keywords: Arms Control Firearms and Crime Homicides Violent Crime Weapons

Author: World Bank. Social Development Department. Conflict, Crime Title: Violence in the City: Understanding and Supporting Community Responses to Urban Violence Summary: For millions of people around the world, violence, or the fear of violence, is a daily reality. Much of this violence concentrates in urban centers in the developing world. These cities are home to half of the world’s population and are expected to absorb almost all new population growth over the next 25 years. In many cases, the scale of urban violence can eclipse that of open warfare. Some of the world’s highest homicide rates occur in countries that have not undergone wars but have violence epidemics in their urban areas. As one example, between 1978 and 2000, more people (49,913) were killed by violence in the slums of Rio de Janeiro than in all of Colombia (39,000), a country experiencing civil conflict. Concern over these experiences has made urban violence a central preoccupation of policymakers, planners, and development practitioners. This study emerged from a growing recognition that urban communities themselves are an integral part of understanding the causes and impacts of urban violence and for generating sustainable violence prevention initiatives. Participatory appraisals in Latin America and the Caribbean have produced important insights into the manifestations of violence in different contexts. Nevertheless, much still is to be learned in understanding the myriad strategies that communities employ to manage high levels of violence. Coping mechanisms may range broadly from individual strategies, such as changing one’s work or study routine to avoid victimization, to collective strategies that involve formal institutions such as community-based policing, to reliance on traditional or alternative dispute fora. Some coping mechanisms—such as forming extralegal security groups — can be negative and undermine the bases for long-term violence prevention. This study aims to understand how urban residents cope with violence, or the threat of it, in their everyday lives, to inform the design of policies and programs for violence prevention. The study is the first global study on urban violence undertaken by the World Bank and covers three regions. It emerged from the growing demand within the Bank and client governments for a more comprehensive understanding of the social dimensions of urban violence. The study is not an exhaustive review of the topic, but rather is an exploration of the social drivers of violence, and its impact on social relations. The work has been guided by five objectives: Introduce the social dimensions of urban violence and review existing lessons for supporting community capacities to prevent violence. 2. Analyze from the community perspective the experience of violence in five urban areas, including the different forms of violence found there, their prevalence, impacts on different groups, and communities’ perceptions of the driving factors behind the violence. 3. Provide insights into community responses to high levels of violence, including individual and collective help-seeking behavior, and reliance on different informal and formal institutions to deal with and prevent violence. 4. Drawing on these insights, provide orientations to policymakers, especially mayors and municipal authorities, to inform successful violence-prevention interventions. 5. Suggest ways that the World Bank could be more involved in addressing the social dimensions of violence. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2010. 346p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/244362-1164107274725/Violence_in_the_City.pdf Year: 2010 Country: International URL: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/244362-1164107274725/Violence_in_the_City.pdf Shelf Number: 121251 Keywords: Homicides Urban Crime Violence Violent Crime (Brazil, Haiti, South Africa, Kenya,

Author: Women's Institute for Alternative Development Title: Small Arms Proliferation and Misuse Toward a Caribbean Plan of Action Summary: Bank note that murder rates in the Caribbean — at 30 per 100,000 population annually —are higher than for any other region of the world. Understandably, mounting fatalities from illegal weapons worry Caribbean policymakers and citizens alike. In the last two years, at least six Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Member States have held general elections in which crime and security were central issues. The proliferation of illegal small arms threatens the ability of Caribbean states to meet their Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As the World Bank (2007) states, “high rates of crime and violence in the Caribbean are undermining growth, threatening human welfare, and impeding social development.” Crime and violence have become development issues in the Caribbean. A major factor in the surge of gun-related criminality is the trafficking of narcotics. Illicit drugs are transshipped through the region from South America to North America and there is a linked movement of illegal weapons from North America to several destinations in the Caribbean. At the same time, the rise of crime has been characterized by the increased use of more powerful weapons, resulting in higher mortality levels. Caribbean countries exhibit crime patterns similar to those of other countries where low economic growth has coincided with large populations of young men. The Latin America and Caribbean region boasts the highest homicide rate of men between the ages of 15 and 29 in the world, more than three times greater than the global average. Indeed, youth violence is a high-priority, high-visibility concern across the Caribbean. Youth are disproportionately represented in the incidence and severity of gun violence, both as victims and perpetrators, and violent crimes are being committed at younger ages in many countries. A wide variety of risk factors contribute to the prevalence of youth violence, including poverty, youth unemployment, large-scale migration to urban areas, drug trafficking, a weak education system, ineffective policing, the widespread availability of weapons, drug and alcohol use, and the presence of organized gangs. Deaths and injuries from youth violence constitute a major public health, social, and economic problem across the Caribbean. Much of the work that seeks to reveal the use and impact of small arms and light weapons in the region has highlighted the masculine perpetrator and victim. Although this is a legitimate sphere of inquiry, it is important to recognize that a more integrated approach is required. The lives of Caribbean men and women are influenced by the gender disparities and structural inequalities that persist in many facets of Caribbean life. In a post-“structurally adjusted” Caribbean region, and as a result of shifting trading arrangements, there remains the persistent challenge of positioning the economies of the region to address the growing levels of poverty. Over the years, the larger economic shifts have seen the growth of the commoditization of violence, which speaks to the fact that an increasing number of citizens have had to rely on criminal violence of various kinds to survive. Details: Belmont, Trinidad and Tobago: Women's Institute for Alternative Development; Waterloo, ONT: Project Ploughshares, 2008. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: WORKING PAPER 08-1: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.ploughshares.ca/libraries/WorkingPapers/wp081.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Central America URL: http://www.ploughshares.ca/libraries/WorkingPapers/wp081.pdf Shelf Number: 121292 Keywords: Economic Conditions Gun Violence Homicides Illegal Weapons Violence (Caribbean) Violent Crime

Author: Canada. Statistics Canada Title: Family Violence in Canada: A Statistical Profile Summary: This is the thirteenth annual Family Violence in Canada report produced by the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics under the Federal Family Violence Initiative. This report provides the most current data on the nature and extent of family violence in Canada, as well as trends over time, as part of the ongoing initiative to inform policy makers and the public about family violence issues. Each year the report has a different focus. This year, the focus of the report is on self-reported incidents of spousal victimization from the 2009 General Social Survey on Victimization. In addition, using police-reported data, the report also presents information on family violence against children and youth, family violence against seniors (aged 65 years and older), and family-related homicides. Details: Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2011. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-224-x/85-224-x2010000-eng.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-224-x/85-224-x2010000-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 121301 Keywords: Crime Statistics Elder Abuse Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Spouse Abuse Victimization

Author: Royal Canadian Mounted Police Title: RCMP Canadian Firearms Program: Program Evaluation Summary: This report presents a Strategic Evaluation of the Canadian Firearms Program (CFP), in response to a recommendation contained in the Tenth Report of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts1 published in December 2006 in Chapter 4 of the May 2006 Report of the Auditor General of Canada (Canadian Firearms Program (CFP)) and in accordance with the Treasury Board policy on Transfer Payments. The first section of this report includes the profile, performance measures, evaluation, and reporting plans concerning the CFP and has been updated to reflect recent administrative changes and amendments to the day to day operations of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Canadian Firearms Program in the administration of the Firearms Act and the CFP. It also addressees the Auditor General’s recommendation that the CFP develop a results chain and improve performance reporting for the Program. The scope of the strategic evaluation is limited to direct costs incurred by the CFP and RCMP partners in the administration of the CFP (see section 2.5 for a definition of direct and indirect costs). The evaluation covers the key evaluation issues of relevance, success, cost-effectiveness and implementation of the CFP. In October 2007, members of the RCMP’s National Program Evaluation Service (NPES) began conducting provincial interviews for the Canadian Firearms Program. Most of the interviews were arranged in advance and candidates were randomly selected from large groupings where possible. Two (2) opt-in provinces were visited: New Brunswick and Ontario; and three (3) opt-out: British Columbia, Alberta and the territory of Nunavut. The following key findings were summarized from interviews and open source documents. The RCMP’s National Program Evaluation Services reviewed existing literature relating to gun policy and regulatory models, with particular emphasis on public safety issues, including suicide, accidental deaths and homicide. Details: Ottawa: RCMP, 2010. 148p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/pubs/fire-feu-eval/eval-eng.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/pubs/fire-feu-eval/eval-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 121309 Keywords: Firearms (Canada) Gun Policy Guns Homicides Policing Weapons

Author: Serrano-Berthet, Rodrigo Title: Crime and Violence in Central America: A Development Challenge Summary: Central America’s spiraling wave of crime and violence is threatening the region’s prosperity as countries face huge economic and human losses as a result of it. Aside from the pain and trauma inflicted upon victims, violence can cost the region up to 8 percent of its GDP when taking into account law enforcement, citizen security and health care costs. This is no small change for a region that in 2010 grew around 2 percent of GDP, while the rest of Latin America grew around 6 percent. To make matters worse, crime and violence also hampers economic growth, not just from the victims’ lost wages and labor, but by polluting the investment climate and diverting scarce government resources to strengthen law enforcement rather than promote economic activity, argues Crime and Violence in Central America: a Development challenge. But, in a redeeming twist, the study also suggests that a ten percent reduction of murder rates in the region’s most violent countries could boost annual economic growth by as much as a full one percent. Crime rates in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras are among the top five in Latin America. In the region’s other three countries — Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Panama — crime and violence levels are significantly lower, but a spike in recent years has raised serious concerns. Some perspective may help gauge the extent of the problem. While Central America's population is roughly the same size as Spain's, Spain only registered 336 homicides in 2006, in sharp contrast with Central America’s 14,257 homicides – an average of 40 per day. Drug trafficking and a decades-long culture of violence emerge as the main culprits in Central America’s crime predicament. Easy access to firearms and weak judicial institutions are also to blame for the region’s violent state of affairs, according to the report. Narco trafficking ranks as the top cause for the rising crime rates and violence levels in Central America, a reflection in part of the sheer volume of narcotics flows through the area –90 percent of US-bound drugs, according to the study. Inherent traits of drug cartel operations, such as turf wars and vendettas between rival gangs, seem to fuel the region’s murder rates. The complexity of this situation calls for a regional approach and greater emphasis on prevention, at the expense of interdiction, which has proven insufficient to diminish the traffickers’ capacity. Also, successful strategies require actions along multiple fronts, combining prevention and criminal justice reform. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2011. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/FINAL_VOLUME_I_ENGLISH_CrimeAndViolence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/FINAL_VOLUME_I_ENGLISH_CrimeAndViolence.pdf Shelf Number: 121323 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drugs Gangs Gun Violence Homicides Violent Crime (Central America)

Author: Police Executive Research Forum Title: Guns and Crime: Breaking New Ground By Focusing on the Local Impact Summary: This report summarizes the results of a project that the Police Executive Research Forum undertook to explore issues of gun crime in the United States. There are several dynamics that led PERF to think that we needed to do some work on the issue of gun crime: • It seems that the United States has become anesthetized to gun violence. While the 1999 Columbine school massacre in Colorado resulted in widespread demands for action to prevent such tragedies from occurring, it seemed that more recent incidents (Virginia Tech, Northern Illinois University, the nursing home rampage in Carthage, N.C., to name just a few) no longer prompted many calls for reform, because people no longer expect that any reforms will be made. • Even though violent crime in the United States has declined sharply since the 1990s, our nation still endures far higher homicide rates than do other countries — for example, 46 killings per day in the U.S. compared to only 8 killings per day in the entire European Union, which has a population 60 percent larger than the United States’. • Prospects for reform at the federal level seem bleak. In 2009, Washington showed little or no appetite for taking on gun crime issues. In an effort to “get off the dime” on the issue of gun violence, PERF decided to investigate what is happening at the local level on these issues. We wanted answers to questions like these: Are all cities facing the same types of gun violence, or are there significant local differences? In the views of local police executives, what are the most important factors that contribute to their gun problems? What have local police departments done to prevent gun violence? Are there police initiatives that seem especially effective in reducing shootings? What do police chiefs want most from their local, state, and federal governments to help them reduce gun violence? PERF began by conducting a pair of surveys: one to local police departments, and the other to all of the Field Divisions of the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF). Next, we conducted case studies in a number of cities. And finally, we convened a Gun Summit in Washington, D.C. on November 12. We invited local chiefs and ATF officials to share with us and each other their stories detailing exactly how gun crime is damaging their local communities, and what they have been doing about it. And in order to ensure that we would not just have police talking to each other in a sort of echo chamber at our Summit, we also invited representatives of two major gun rights groups and the Brady Center to attend. I know there are people who will ask, “How could you invite ‘those people’ to the table?” And my answer is the same as when I worked in the Middle East: “You don’t make peace with your friends.” So yes, we invited everyone to the table in order to get all sides talking to each other, with the common theme of reducing gun violence across the country. Instead of the same old stale arguments that have been circulating in Washington for years, we hoped to identify new perspectives and new approaches to getting a job done—the job of reducing gun homicides and other shootings. Details: Washington, DC: Police Executive Research Forum, 2010. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Critical Issues in Policing Series: Accessed April 15, 2011 at: http://policeforum.org/library/critical-issues-in-policing-series/GunsandCrime.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://policeforum.org/library/critical-issues-in-policing-series/GunsandCrime.pdf Shelf Number: 121366 Keywords: Gun Violence Guns Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Nigeria Watch Title: Annual Report on Public Violence Summary: The main causes of death due to public violence are, in order of importance, accidents, crime, economic issues, political clashes, and ethno-religious fighting. -Nigerian security forces still contribute substantially to violence. The more they intervene, the bloodier the fighting. Yet violence is decreasing, a trend that obviously impacts on the number of killings by the security forces. Our findings challenge the common assumption according to which criminal and political violence is on the rise. Details: Paris: CEPED (Centre Population & Développement), 2008. 2 vols. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2011 at: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/index.php?html=7 Year: 2008 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/index.php?html=7 Shelf Number: 121383 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Violence (Nigeria) Violent Crime

Author: Oklahoma. Department of Corrections Title: Homicides in Prison Summary: Homicides of prison inmates have decreased dramatically in the last three decades and have consistently been lower per 100,000 population than the general population in recent years. Research into factors associated with inmate homicides has focused on the variables to be considered and/or examination of one or more of those variables. The research indicates that inmate homicides tend to be contextual and not the result of consistently identifiable and preventable influences. The recommended perspective on inmate homicide prevention depends on “the ability of prison administrators to exercise official authority effectively.” Details: Oklahoma City, OK: Oklahoma Department of Corrections, 2009. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: DOC White Paper: Accessed April 27, 2011 at: http://www.doc.state.ok.us/adminservices/ea/Homicides%20White%20Paper.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.doc.state.ok.us/adminservices/ea/Homicides%20White%20Paper.pdf Shelf Number: 121512 Keywords: Correctional Administration Homicides Prison Homicide (Oklahoma) Prison Violence

Author: Guberek, Tamy Title: To Count the Uncounted: An Estimation of Lethal Violence in Casanare Summary: Casanare is a large, rural department in Colombia, with 19 municipalities and a population of almost 300,000 inhabitants located in the foothills of the Andes and on the eastern plains. Multiple armed actors in the Colombian conflict have operated there, including paramilitary groups, guerillas and the Colombian military. Many people of Casanare have suffered violent deaths and disappearances. But how many people have been killed or disappeared? For reasons of policy, accountability and historical clarification, this question deserves a valid answer. The Benetech Human Rights Program has used a statistical technique called Multiple Systems Estimation to estimate the total number of killings and disappearances in Casanare between 1998-2007. This report explains why it is often difficult to calculate an accurate accounting of the killed and missing, and why it is important to make sure these people are accounted for accurately. We then explain a methodology we have developed to estimate both the number of the known victims, and the number of victims who have never been counted. Any accounting of lethal violence will be incorrect if we assume that any one dataset or combination of datasets contains a comprehensive count of killings and disappearances. Registries of violent acts kept by governmental and non-governmental institutions contain some, but not all, of the records of lethal violence. Organizations collecting this data may only have access to certain subsets of a population or geographic areas. Some reports of violent acts may be easier to locate than others and the resulting datasets will be biased toward those cases. How can we overcome these difficulties? Correct answers about the number of killings and disappearances rely on statistical estimation to overcome the complex, incomplete patterns of reporting. Getting the numbers right is extremely important: appropriate estimates can help account for unnamed, unreported victims in the historical record and guide the development of policies to respond to past violence. Using biased or incomplete figures, on the other hand, risks losing all trace of the existence of some victims and generates ongoing trauma for society. Victims who remain undocumented by any dataset become invisible, removed not only from their lives and the lives of their loved ones, but from historical memory. Since we consider individual datasets to be incomplete, we prefer to use all available lists or datasets of killings and disappearances to generate statistical estimates. The estimation procedure used to calculate the magnitude of killings and disappearances for Casanare is called Multiple Systems Estimation (MSE). MSE requires analysts to carefully review all known incidents in multiple lists, in order to determine whether some cases, either within one list or across lists, refer to the same victim. Matching cases that appear on more than one list allows statisticians to model the process by which violent acts are reported and to estimate the number of uncounted cases. MSE then uses the number of unique observations on each list in combination with the number of overlaps to estimate the total number of victims. Using a scientifically rigorous, transparent method to “count the uncounted” means that the results are less vulnerable to claims of partiality or bias. The work presented in this paper builds on a previous study which estimated missing people in Casanare. We chose to continue our research in Casanare for three reasons: 1) The line between killings and disappearances is often indistinct. Some people who are disappeared are presumed to be dead. In order to understand the magnitude of lethal violence affecting Casanare, we decided to analyze killings and disappearances side by side. In all of the following analysis, we present results for killings and disappearances together so that readers can draw a comparison between the pattern and magnitude of the two lethal acts. 2) Since the release of our 2007 report on missing people in Casanare, we have made important methodological improvements to our implementation of MSE. These advances allow us to include all of the available datasets and capture more precisely the range of uncertainty in the estimates. 3) We are integrating into this analysis new data shared with the Benetech Human Rights Program since the 2007 report. In this study, we have used information about victims of killings and disappearances provided by 15 datasets. These 15 sources of data come from state agencies – including government, security, forensic and judicial bodies – and from civil society organizations. Using this data and our methodological developments, we estimate that there were between 3,944 and 9,983 killings in Casanare from 2000-2007. In the period from 1998-2005, we estimate that there were between 1,270 and 5,552 disappearances in Casanare. We present and discuss these estimates in more detail in Section 2. In Section 3, we describe the reported data and how it was processed for use in the analysis. We also show how descriptive summaries of individual datasets may be misleading. In Section 4, we draw some general conclusions. In Section 5, we outline areas where we plan to focus our future work. Lastly, we offer the methodological developments in technical detail in an appendix. Details: Palo Alto, CA: Benetech Human Rights Program, 2010. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2011 at: http://www.hrdag.org/resources/publications/results-paper.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.hrdag.org/resources/publications/results-paper.pdf Shelf Number: 120640 Keywords: Disappearanced Homicides Violence Violent Crime (Colombia)

Author: Peace Studies Group Title: Violence and Small Arms: The Portuguese Case Summary: This issue presents some of the results of the research project “Violence and small arms: the Portuguese case”, which was developed during 30 months, from 2007 to 2010. The idea which gave rise to the project was that the theoretical segmentation between Sociology and International Relations regarding this theme, which expressed an understanding of violence that over-emphasised territorial scale and formal political contexts, should be replaced by a different approach which gives analytical priority to the spiral of violences that put micro and macro social in contact, hence, detaching its analysis from the redactor dichotomy war/peace. We believe that through this different approach can one rigorously analyse the different dimensions of the social reality of firearms violence in formal peace contexts, regardless of their lethal capacity or of their most visible expressions. Our challenge was precisely to question conventional assumptions of conventional studies on small arms. The explicit lack of synchrony between common sense and scientific knowledge has enabled Portuguese society to get in contact with the small arms reality, based on images and representations constructed on the existing ignorance on the dimensions and real complexity of the phenomena. Two elements have been supporting discourses and policies: on one hand, the idea that we live in a peaceful country, and on the other hand, the social fear waves triggered by individual armed urban violence events. These two elements either minimalise the effective importance – quantitative and qualitative - of small arms in Portugal, or assume a reactive and immediate response in face of social unrest. The invisibility of firearms in Portugal – as well as its circumstantial hypervisibility in the media – fail to give an adequate answer to the focus of the phenomena: the four main dimensions of the phenomena in Portugal. Firstly, small arms supply: how many legal small arms are there in Portugal? Based on international knowledge and experience, how can we estimate illegal small arms in Portugal? Which flows fuel both markets? Secondly, small arms demand: what kind of motivations support firearms contact, use and possession in Portugal? Are there differences across distinctive groups of population (men and women, youth and adults, etc.)? Thirdly, what are the impacts of small arms in Portugal? Which costs do firearms imply for the Portuguese economy and society? Who are the direct victims (the dead and the injured) and the indirect victims (the survival, victims relatives) of armed violence in our country? Finally, what kind of public policies, national or international, have been implemented to regulate small arms? To what extent have they succeeded regarding prevention of gun violence and regulation of small arms use and possession? Which forms of social activism have proven efficient in the creation of preventive and reactive contra-cultures in armed violence contexts? Details: Coimbra, Portugal: Peace Studies Group, 2010. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: PAX Online Bulletin No. 15: Accessed May 23, 2011 at: http://www.ces.uc.pt/nucleos/nep/media/Pax15-en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Portugal URL: http://www.ces.uc.pt/nucleos/nep/media/Pax15-en.pdf Shelf Number: 121780 Keywords: Domestic Violence Gun Violence (Portugal) Guns Homicides

Author: Bartels, Lorana Title: Knife Crime: Recent Data on Carriage and Use Summary: In this paper, an overview is presented of recent data on the carriage and use of knives. Analysis of the data indicated an increase in the use of knives as a proportion of all homicides, although the number of homicides remained relatively constant. The proportionate use of knives in robberies, by contrast, remained fairly constant, while the number of robberies decreased dramatically. Responses to the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia program for 2005–09 indicated that only a small proportion of respondents reported owning or using a knife as a weapon in the previous 12 months. The most common justification given for having a knife was self-defence. These findings have implications for legislation on the sale and carriage of knives, as well as for crime prevention measures. In particular, a better understanding of how and why knives are used in the commission of crime is vital when developing policy responses such as knife amnesties and education campaigns, and legislative measures such as stop and search powers and increased prison sentences. The limited information available on the nature, extent, cause, motivation and possible growth of knife carriage highlights the need for improved data collection, along with the development of clearer evidence for what works to reduce knife carrying and knife offences. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, No. 417: Accessed May 23, 2011 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/en/publications/current%20series/tandi/401-420/tandi417.aspx Year: 0 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/en/publications/current%20series/tandi/401-420/tandi417.aspx Shelf Number: 121781 Keywords: Homicides Knifes and Crime (Australia) Robberies Weapons Violent Crime

Author: Hopkins, Matt Title: Exploring the Links Between Homicide and Organised Crime Summary: This report summarises research that explored the links between homicide and organised crime. The study was commissioned in the summer of 2009 as part of the commitment to reduce serious and violent crime and aimed to identify what proportion of homicides involve organised crime and the nature of the relationship between organised crime activity and homicide. The findings are based on analysis of Home Office Homicide Index data for 2005-06 and in-depth interviews with police senior investigating officers. Key findings: Six per cent of all recorded non-terrorist homicides in England and Wales in 2005-06 were assessed as having some link to organised crime. In 13 cases (2% of all non-terrorist homicides), organised crime groups with some recognisable structure were involved in the homicide. However, there was little evidence to suggest that these were large-scale criminal enterprises of the kind associated with populist notions of organised crime such as the Mafia or Mob. In homicide cases overall, victims and suspects were predominantly male and fell within the 18-to-29 age group. These patterns were even more pronounced in cases linked to organised crime. There was also a far higher proportion of Black victims and suspects in organised crime homicides than in homicides which were not linked to organised crime. Homicides linked to organised crime occurred mainly on the street, whereas incidents that were not related to organised crime more commonly occurred in the victim's home. Victims in organised crime homicides were more likely to be stabbed or shot than victims in non-organised crime cases, where other methods (such as beatings and strangulation) were more common. Significantly fewer homicides linked to organised crime were detected compared to those homicides not linked to organised crime. Details: London: Home Office, 2011. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 54: Accessed July 12, 2011 at: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/science-research-statistics/research-statistics/crime-research/horr54?view=Binary Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/science-research-statistics/research-statistics/crime-research/horr54?view=Binary Shelf Number: 122029 Keywords: Homicides Murders Organized Crime (U.K.) Violent Crime

Author: San Francisco. Mayor's Office of Criminal Justice Title: SF Safe City: A Report on Ongoing Initiatives to Reduce Crime and Violence in San Francisco Summary: In the summer of 2006, San Francisco launched SF Safe Summer 2006, a coordinated effort amongst City departments, law enforcement, the courts and the community to combat the high rate of violence plaguing San Francisco. Together, these efforts created new job opportunities for at risk youth and adults, advanced new strategies to combat gun and gang violence, and bolstered social services for families impacted by violence. The summer passed but the city's efforts to stop violence continue to grow. The Mayor's Office prepared SF SAFE CITY to report on San Francisco's ongoing violence prevention and reduction strategies moving forward. These efforts are organized into five key elements: collaboration, prevention, intervention, enhanced criminal justice system effectiveness, and community policing. In 2005, homicides in San Francisco reached a ten-year high, with 96 people slain. So far this year, San Francisco continues to see high numbers of lives lost to violence. Homicides from gun violence constitute the majority of homicides in San Francisco. The violence and homicides disproportionately affect low-income communities of color. Victims of violence need support services to help them heal. Perpetrators must be prosecuted and held accountable for their actions. Youth and young adults need access to positive and productive activities as alternatives to crime and violence. Residents need to be safe in their communities. San Francisco launched SF Safe Summer 2006 to advance the kind of collaboration and innovation needed to solve this intolerable problem. Among other accomplishments, the Juvenile Probation Department and the Department of Children, Youth and their Families spearheaded the most ambitious effort in San Francisco history to provide jobs to youth on probation. The Mayor's Office of Economic and Workforce Development expanded its CityBuild Academy to provide job-training services in the construction field. The Department of Children, Youth and their Families commenced an effort to expand the Community Response Network crisis response program in the Mission and bring this model to the Bayview and Western Addition neighborhoods. The Department of Public Health initiated a new citywide Crisis Response Team to assist family members and witnesses of violent incidents. Operation Ceasefire, a collaboration among local and federal public safety agencies to combat gun and gang violence, began extensive data collection and planning. The District Attorney and Public Defender continued their efforts to improve outcomes for people exiting jail, and Police District Stations carried out violence reduction plans to tackle the unique crime problems in each neighborhood. These initiatives have laid the foundation for change, but a tremendous amount of work lies ahead. The ongoing violence must be stopped through a combination of intensive prevention, intervention, and suppression strategies that can both respond to the immediate crisis on the streets and begin to deal with the underlying social and economic conditions that contribute to instability, violence, and crime. This report, SF SAFE CITY, describes San Francisco's ongoing violence prevention, intervention, and reduction efforts. Details: San Francisco: Mayor's Office of Criminal Justice, 2006. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 22, 2011 at: http://sfmayor.typepad.com/sf_mayor/files/SFSafeCity.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://sfmayor.typepad.com/sf_mayor/files/SFSafeCity.pdf Shelf Number: 122152 Keywords: Collaboration Crime Prevention (San Francisco) Gangs Gun Violence Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Fox, James Alan Title: The Recent Surge in Homicides involving Young Black Males and Guns: Time to Reinvest in Prevention and Crime Control Summary: While overall homicide levels in the United States have fluctuated minimally in recent years, those involving young victims and perpetrators — particularly young black males — have surged. From 2002 to 2007, the number of homicides involving black male juveniles as victims rose by 31% and as perpetrators by 43%. In terms of gun killings involving this same population subgroup, the increases were even more pronounced: 54% for young black male victims and 47% for young black male perpetrators. The increase in homicide among black youth, coupled with a smaller increase or even decrease among their white counterparts, was consistently true for every region of the country and nearly all population groupings of cities. The pattern also held individually for a majority of states and major cities. After some decline during the 1990s, the percentage of homicides that involve a gun has increased since 2000, both among young white offenders and black offenders of all age ranges. The percentage of gun homicides for young black offenders has reached nearly 85%. These trends are concomitant with various legislative initiatives at the federal level that have lessened the extent of surveillance on illegal gun markets. Time-of-day patterns of violent crime victimization for youngsters, ages 6-17, reveal clear differences between school days and out-of-school periods. On school days, the risk spikes during the after-school hours — the primetime for juvenile crime---while the late evening hours are most problematic on non-school days, particularly summertime weekends. Future demographics suggest that the concern for at-risk youth should increase over the next decade. The number of black and Hispanic children should continue to expand, contrasting with the rather limited increase expected among Caucasian children. There is a significant need for reinvestment in children and families — in essence an at-risk youth bailout during these difficult economic times. Federal support for policing and youth violence prevention has declined sharply in recent years, perhaps precipitated by complacency brought about by the significant 1990s decline in crime. The resurgence in homicide, especially among minority youth, signals the importance of restoring federal funds for crime prevention and crime control. Details: Boston, MA: Northeastern University, 2008. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 9, 2011 at: http://www.jfox.neu.edu/Documents/Fox%20Swatt%20Homicide%20Report%20Dec%2029%202008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.jfox.neu.edu/Documents/Fox%20Swatt%20Homicide%20Report%20Dec%2029%202008.pdf Shelf Number: 122335 Keywords: African Americans Gun Violence Homicides Illegal Guns Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Lawrence, Sarah Title: Crime Trends in the City of East Palo Alto Summary: This report presents a comprehensive analysis of crime in East Palo Alto (EPA) to increase knowledge about the scope and nature of crime in the City. The intent is to help City leaders, community groups, and the residents of East Palo Alto make more informed and empirically-based decisions about how to improve public safety. What have been the overall crime trends in the City since the mid-1980s? Included in this report are an examination of crime in the City over the last few decades and comparisons between East Palo Alto and California to understand what has happened in the City in the context of what has happened in the rest of the State. A few questions that are addressed in the report include: What types of crimes have increased during this period? What types of crimes have decreased during this period? How do the trends in the City compare to the rest of the State? What are the demographic profiles and criminal backgrounds of both homicide victims and known homicide victims and how do they compare to one another? Has the level of shootings changed over time? When are shootings most likely to occur? Details: Berkeley, CA: Berkeley Center for Criminal Justice, UC Berkeley School of Law, 2010. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 9, 2011 at: http://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/EPA_Main_Report_Final.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/EPA_Main_Report_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 122340 Keywords: Crime Analysis, High Crime Areas Crime Rates (East Palo Alto, California) Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Olscamp, David M. Title: Project Exile: Beyond Richmond Summary: Over the past four years, the federal government has spent over $1 billion on Project Safe Neighborhoods. The program, which is modeled after Richmond, Virginia’s Project Exile and Boston, Massachusetts’ Operation Ceasefire, is designed to reduce gun violence by integrating federal, state and local resources. Project Safe Neighborhoods was announced by President Bush on May 14, 2001 and has continued to be his administration’s main crime fighting initiative. This paper attempts to resolve whether or not Project Exile is effective at reducing homicides. Even though Project Exile was nationalized through Project Safe Neighborhoods, there has been little academic inquiry on the program. Details: Atlanta, GA: Emory University, Department of Economics, 2006. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2011 at: http://www.economics.emory.edu/Working_Papers/wp/Olscamp.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.economics.emory.edu/Working_Papers/wp/Olscamp.pdf Shelf Number: 119165 Keywords: Gangs Gun Violence Guns Homicides Project Exile Violent Crime

Author: Amnesty International Title: The Time for Justice is Now: New Strategy Needed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Summary: The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo have been beset by violence and human rights abuses for two decades. Crimes under international law – including mass rape, torture and murder – have been committed in almost every corner of the country and are still being committed with alarming frequency. Impunity remains pervasive: while millions of men, women and children have suffered as a result of the violence, only a handful of perpetrators have ever been brought to justice. After decades of neglect, mismanagement and poor governance, the Congolese justice system is largely unable to deliver accountability, address impunity and secure reparation. Its credibility is low because of political and military interference, endemic corruption, lack of personnel, training and resources and its failure to protect victims and witnesses, provide legal aid, enforce its own rulings or even keep convicted prisoners behind bars. Despite some efforts at reform, the government has not shown the clear political and financial commitment necessary to respond to the Congolese population’s need for justice. This report identifies fundamental flaws within the criminal justice system that are more often than not overlooked by current policy and programmes. It examines the complementary role that some proposed transitional justice mechanisms could play. Amnesty International calls for the development of a comprehensive justice strategy that can deliver long-term and sustainable reform of the Congolese justice system in order to overcome impunity. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2011. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 11, 2011 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR62/006/2011/en/6cd862df-be60-418e-b70d-7d2d53a0a2d4/afr620062011en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR62/006/2011/en/6cd862df-be60-418e-b70d-7d2d53a0a2d4/afr620062011en.pdf Shelf Number: 122373 Keywords: Criminal Justice Reform Criminal Justice Systems Criminal Justice, Administration of (Democratic Re Criminal Violence Homicides Rape

Author: Arias, Enrique Desmond Title: Introductory Handbook on Policing Urban Space Summary: Over the past 20 years, Governments and civic actors have focused substantially on the question of crime and urban law enforcement efforts. It has come to be recognized that crime is unevenly distributed throughout the world. In certain countries, such as Guatemala, the homicide rate is higher than 30 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, whereas in many other countries, including in Western Europe or South- East Asia, it is more than 10 times lower. Important disparities are also observed between and within regions: in Africa, Egypt, Mauritius and Morocco have homicide rates that are lower than 3 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, far lower than those in South Africa. Discrepancies can also be significant within the same country. In Colombia, for example, the city of Tunja (population 150,000) has a rate of 7 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, compared with 128 per 100,000 inhabitants in the city of San José del Guaviare (population 50,000). Finally, within the same city, homicide rates can vary significantly from one neighbourhood to another. In Rio de Janeiro, for example, rates vary from 2 to 12 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, depending on the neighbourhood. A recent statistical report of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) shows stable or decreasing global homicide trends over the period 2003-2008 for the majority of countries for which data is available in the Americas, Asia, Europe and Oceania. Exceptions to the trend include a number of Caribbean and Central and South American countries, including Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica and Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), which show significant increases in homicide rates. Research suggests that this may be due, in part, to increases in transnational organized crime, illicit drug trafficking and gang activity. In addition, a slight increase was seen between 2007 and 2008 in a few countries in Europe, demonstrating a need for continued vigilance and effective crime prevention action. Unfortunately, data for a number of countries in Africa and in parts of Asia are not robust enough to provide a clear picture for a useful analysis. Intentional homicide (the intentional killing of one person by another) is one of the most serious forms of crime and a key indicator of violent crime levels in a given country or region. intelligence-led policing, situational crime prevention, the “broken windows” theory and the strategy on crime prevention through environmental design. It also addresses broader principles of managing urban space to control crime and strategies for evaluating crime control programmes. The Handbook includes references to efforts to control crime in an array of countries, including Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, India, Jamaica, Kenya, Mexico, South Africa, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. The overall objective of the Handbook is therefore to outline the new, innovative techniques and to explain how they have been applied to address crime problems in low- and middle-income countries. The various programmes, policies and approaches described here can provide law enforcement policymakers, front-line officers, urban planners and other city authorities as well as civil society organizations with basic information about an array of strategies and good governance practices to control crime in rapidly growing cities in low- and middle-income countries. Details: New York: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2011. 118p. Source: Internet Resource: Criminal Justice Handbook Series: Accessed August 24, 2011 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/crimeprevention/11-80387_ebook.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/crimeprevention/11-80387_ebook.pdf Shelf Number: 122479 Keywords: Crime Prevention Crime Rates Homicides Law Enforcement Policing Urban Crime

Author: Bilbray, Brian Title: Broken Neighbor, Broken Border: A Field Investigation Report of the House Immigration Reform Caucus Summary: Since passage into law of the Border Protection, Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005 and the Secure Fence Act of 2006, illegal entries on the U.S. southern border are down by half. The degree to which these reforms have contributed to this success balanced against the decreased activity of economic illegal aliens due to recession is subject to honest debate. However there is no doubt by any law enforcement agency on the southern border that both reform bills have worked to increase security and reduce illegal entries into the United States, especially at ports of entry. However, the nature of illegal entries has become increasingly dangerous to the homeland security of our nation, based on the near collapse of civil authority in the northern states of Mexico. The Rule of Law in Mexico has degenerated to a point of near anarchy along our shared border. Violent and heavily armed Mexican drug cartel members, human traffickers, and Middle East terrorists are crossing at will, with Al-Qaeda affiliated Somalis the target of Department of Homeland Security alerts in the Houston area. A long-term deployment of a minimum 25,000 armed troops with enforcement power is necessary on our southern border to preserve U.S. sovereignty and the lives of American citizens from organized armed forces hostile to the United States. The southern border of the United States is still being successfully infiltrated by a half million illegal aliens annually, according to Department of Homeland Security statistics. While down from a high mark of over a million in 2006 due to increased manpower and resources of the U.S. Border Patrol and the recession, the nature of illegal crossings has grown far more sinister and threatening. The illegal entrants consist of not just “economic” violators, but also heavily armed drug cartel members and “OTMs” - other than Mexican illegal aliens - from diverse countries including Middle Eastern nations with terrorist factions currently at war with U.S. forces. Mexican drug cartel members now operating inside the United States as a result of these breaches are directly linked to over 28,000 violent murders and executions on the other side of the Rio Grande. According to virtually all law enforcement on the border, Texas and the other border states are in imminent danger of this level of violence exploding across the border into the United States. Kidnappings and murders by the cartels inside the U.S. are already occurring. Both U.S. Border Patrol officers and Texas law enforcement agencies are at present forced to back down from these heavily armed incursions, due to the overwhelming firepower and manpower of the drug cartels. U.S. private property owners on the border have been largely abandoned to defend themselves, and have begun to be murdered. The U.S. Border Patrol is operating under conditions set by the Administration that guarantee hundreds of thousands of illegal aliens will succeed in their effort to infiltrate the United States. The official position of the Administration, which has been forced on the U.S. Border Patrol, is that even after admitting to these conditions, the border is more secure than it has ever been, that U.S. national security needs are being met as well as they can be, and that efforts by the states and local law enforcement to combat this explosive situation beyond the efforts of the Administration should be legally stymied. Texas Sheriffs are now experiencing the first spillovers of the mass murders and executions that have effectively destroyed social order across the border. To place in perspective the degree of anarchy and violence, Mexico has experienced 28,000 murders since the drug wars began in 2006; by comparison, the United States has lost around 6,000 soldiers in both Iraq and Afghanistan since 2001. The U.S. justified going to war against Serbia in 1998 based on an estimated and highly debatable 10,000 civilian casualties in that civil war. Like that conflict, mass graves continue to be found in Mexico, including the most recent discovery of 72 murdered Central and South American immigrants just south of the Texas border. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. House of Representatives, House Immigration Reform Caucus, 2011. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 26, 2011 at: http://www.protectyourtexasborder.com/Portals/6/Documents/Broken%20Neighbor%20Broken%20Border.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.protectyourtexasborder.com/Portals/6/Documents/Broken%20Neighbor%20Broken%20Border.pdf Shelf Number: 122487 Keywords: Border Security (U.S.) Homicides Illegal Aliens Illegal Immigrants Immigration Violence

Author: Chimeli, Ariaster B. Title: The Use of Violence in Illegal Markets: Evidence from Mahogany Trade in the Brazilian Amazon Summary: Agents operating in illegal markets cannot resort to the justice system to guarantee property rights, to enforce contracts, or to seek protection from competitors’ improper behaviors. In these contexts, violence is used to enforce previous agreements and to fight for market share. This relationship plays a major role in the debate on the pernicious effects of the illegality of drug trade. This paper explores a singular episode of transition of a market from legal to illegal to provide a first piece of evidence on the causal effect of illegality on systemic violence. Brazil has historically been the main world producer of big leaf mahogany (a tropical wood). Starting in the 1990s, policies restricting extraction and trade of mahogany, culminating with prohibition, were implemented. First, we present evidence that large scale mahogany trade persisted after prohibition, through misclassification of mahogany exports as “other tropical timber species.” Second, we document relative increases in violence after prohibition in areas with: (i) higher share of mahogany exports before prohibition; (ii) higher suspected illegal mahogany activity after prohibition; and (iii) natural occurrence of mahogany. We believe this is one of the first documented experiences of increase in violence following the transition of a market from legal to illegal. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor, 2011. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper, No. 5923: Accessed September 3, 2011 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp5923.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Brazil URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp5923.pdf Shelf Number: 122631 Keywords: Homicides Illegal Logging Illegal Markets (Brazil) Offenses Against the Environment Timber Violence

Author: United Nations. Office for Disarmament Affairs’ Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean (UNLIREC) Title: Preventing Firearms Proliferation and Armed Violence in Educational Centres of Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: Latin America and the Caribbean is considered to be one of the most violent regions in the world accounting for nearly 42% of annual global homicides. The impact of armed violence on youth is particularly dramatic. In the Caribbean, for example, violence is the leading cause of death among youth and adolescents aged 15-24. There are over 100 million adolescents between 10 and 18 years of age in the region; hardship affects these youth disproportionately with an average of 39% living in poverty. UNICEF has identified two forms of violence in Latin America and the Caribbean that warrant increased attention: gang-related violence linked to the drug trade; and violence in schools. The phenomenon of violence in schools has also gained increased attention in Latin America and the Caribbean in recent years. In Brazil, 84% of students in 143 schools in the capitals of six states consider their school to be violent and 70% admits to having been victims of violence at school. The threat and actual use of firearms in schools have received less specific attention, but now constitutes a substantial and growing challenge to the physical and psychological security of children and educators in Latin America and the Caribbean. Approximately 1.3% of students in Argentina has taken a revolver or pistol to school, according to the Ministry of Education of that country. In 2007, 69 firearms were confiscated by educational authorities in Colombian schools. In Brazil, a UNESCO survey conducted in 2000 reported that 13% of school students had witnessed the presence of firearms on campus. Furthermore, 14% claimed to have easy access to a firearm in their school and its surroundings, and 4% claimed to have brought one to school. In El Salvador, 42 weapons, including guns and grenades, were seized from schools and their immediate surroundings in 2005. In Mexico, 55% of students in Mexico City believes some of their fellow students bring firearms to school. 46 incidents of gun violence in schools and communities were reported in Puerto Rico during 2007. A 2003 representative sample survey of school children in nine Caribbean countries found that one fifth of the males carried weapons to school during the previous 30-day period. UNLIREC staff - undertaking a brief review of online newspaper archives - identified at least 51 reported instances of firearm possession and the death or wounding of 43 individuals from accidental or intentional shootings in Latin America and Caribbean educational centres between 2000 and 2010. Whilst these are only a few examples collected on an ad hoc basis, their sum is suggestive as to the unmeasured scale and severity of armed violence in Latin American and Caribbean schools. The true extent and nature of the problem is difficult to gauge as centralized reporting systems and data sets for these incidents do not exist. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the extent of unreported or undiscovered armed violence in schools may be significant. Details: Lima, Peru: United Nations, 2011. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed September 7, 2011 at: http://www.unlirec.org/Documents/Armed_Violence_in_Schools.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://www.unlirec.org/Documents/Armed_Violence_in_Schools.pdf Shelf Number: 122674 Keywords: Armed Violence Firearms Homicides School Violence (Latin America and the Caribbean) Violent Crime Weapons

Author: Milliken, Jennifer Title: Tackling Violence Against Women: From Knowledge to Practical Initiatives Summary: Although the number of women who are violently injured and killed each year worldwide is not known with any precision, available evidence, while unsystematic and incomplete, already indicates that violence against women (VAW) is ‘a universal problem of epidemic proportions’ (UNIFEM, 2007). VAW occurs in both conflict and non-conflict situations. It is often less evident in its occurrence and effects than the deaths and injuries of men as combatants in armed conflicts or as gang members in violence related to drug wars. Yet women and girls are often victimized or adversely affected in other ways in these and all other armed violence settings. Women and girls are also common targets of sexual violence in armed conflict and fragmented societies, and they suffer disproportionately from its indirect consequences. In non-conflict situations, women are the victims of intimate-partner (or ‘domestic’) and sexual violence, honour killings, and dowry-related violence (GD Secretariat, 2008b). The economic costs associated with armed violence are tremendous. It is estimated that the annual economic cost of armed violence in terms of lost productivity due to violent homicides is between USD 95 billion and USD 163 billion alone (GD Secretariat, 2008b, p. 89). Additional costs include medical costs associated with treating the injured or indirect costs such as loss of income from the victim’s inability to work. However, a focus on costs ignores the wider relationship among armed violence, livelihood perspectives, development, and the (indirect) impact on women and men. The gendered dynamic of these relationships is complex. As the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) states: When husbands are killed, women frequently lose their access to farmlands and the right to live in their marital homes. The resulting survival choice for many affected women and children is prostitution, commercial labour or domestic servitude. This has consequences for ongoing exposure to violence and ill health from communicable diseases and poor working conditions, as well as future community exclusion (OECD, 2009, p. 32). The Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development (GD) is a diplomatic initiative built around the recognition that armed violence and development are closely linked. From its inception, the GD initiative has recognized the importance of the gendered aspect of armed violence. It promotes a comprehensive approach to armed violence reduction issues, recognizing the different situations, needs and resources of men and women, boys and girls, as reflected in the provisions of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1612 (GD Secretariat, 2006). However, (armed) violence against women and its impact on development, while acknowledged since the inception of the GD, has so far been only partially addressed by the GD Secretariat. This Working Paper represents one of the actions by the GD Secretariat to support work on the elimination of (armed) VAW with a view to enhancing development. It is divided into two sections. The first section illustrates the context of the GD, (armed) VAW, and development. The second section sets out five possible initiatives to fill research gaps on VAW: 1. support international initiatives to track VAW globally; 2. promote field-based research on mapping VAW; 3. develop improved costing tools for estimating the effects of VAW on development; 4. extend the work on a contextual appraisal toolkit for implementing VAW interventions; and 5. support a comprehensive evaluation toolkit for VAW prevention and reduction programmes. The first three initiatives focus on filling gaps in mapping VAW; the last two present ways to support VAW reduction and prevention programming. The Working Paper concludes with the observation that further innovative research is needed to understand the scope and scale of VAW, such as its negative impact on development. Research initiatives need to acknowledge the complexity, and the sometimes-apparent paradox, of the phenomenon of VAW, as well as support the development and evaluation of programming efforts to prevent and reduce VAW. Details: Geneva, Switzerland: Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 10, 2011 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/WP-TVAW/GD-WP-Tackling-VAW.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/WP-TVAW/GD-WP-Tackling-VAW.pdf Shelf Number: 122683 Keywords: Domestic Violence Guns and Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Violence Against Women Violent Crime

Author: Title: Violence and Politics in Venezuela Summary: Every half hour, a person is killed in Venezuela. The presence of organised crime combined with an enormous number of firearms in civilian hands and impunity, as well as police corruption and brutality, have entrenched violence in society. While such problems did not begin with President Hugo Chávez, his government has to account for its ambiguity towards various armed groups, its inability or unwillingness to tackle corruption and criminal complicity in parts of the security forces, its policy to arm civilians “in defence of the revolution”, and – last but not least – the president’s own confrontational rhetoric. Positive steps such as constructive engagement with Colombia as well as some limited security reform do not compensate for these failures. While the prospect of presidential elections in 2012 could postpone social explosion, the deterioration of the president’s health has added considerable uncertainty. In any event, the degree of polarisation and militarisation in society is likely to undermine the chances for either a non-violent continuation of the current regime or a peaceful transition to a post-Chávez era. A significant part of the problem was inherited from previous administrations. In 1999, the incoming President Chávez was faced with a country in which homicide rates had tripled in less than two decades, and many institutions were in the process of collapse, eroded by corruption and impunity. During the “Bolivarian revolution”, however, these problems have become substantially worse. Today, more than ten people are murdered on the streets of Caracas every day – the majority by individual criminals, members of street gangs or the police themselves – while kidnapping and robbery rates are soaring. By attributing the problem to “social perceptions of insecurity”, or structural causes, such as widespread poverty, inherited from past governments, the government is downplaying the magnitude and destructive extent of criminal violence. The massive, but temporary, deployment of security forces in highly visible operations, and even police reform and disarmament programs, will have little impact if they are not part of an integrated strategy to reduce crime, end impunity and protect citizens. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2011. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 38: Year: 2011 Country: Venezuela URL: Shelf Number: 122747 Keywords: Criminal Violence (Venezuela) Homicides Organized Crime Political Corruption Violent Crime

Author: Hagedorn, John M. Title: Variations in Urban Homicide: Chicago, New York City, and Global Urban Policy Summary: In the United States during the 1990s, some cities saw drastic drops in violence while others did not. Detroit, Washington DC, and New Orleans, for example, remain among the most violent cities in the world. On the other hand, San Francisco, Houston, Boston, and San Diego have seen rates of violence plummet to European-like lows. Entering the 1990s, Chicago and New York City had similar homicide rates, but the two cities sharply diverged in the next few years, with Chicago’s murder rate hovering at three times New York’s rate or roughly equivalent to homicide rates in Mexico City or Moscow. Notions that policing strategies largely explain variation in rates of violence have been skeptically greeted by criminologists (Blumstein and Wallman 2000). However, no plausible explanation for the stark divergence in U.S. urban homicide rates has been credibly presented. One reason for this may be the narrowness of criminological investigations. In fact, very few studies, in the US of internationally, look at variation in violence between cities, instead focusing on national-level analyses (e.g. Gurr 1989). This essay seeks to supplement the criminological thinking on homicide by adding insights from studies in urban and globalization research. First, we review several literatures relating to violence. Second, we describe the methods of a study of homicide in the 1990s in Chicago and New York City and present its qualitative and quantitative data. Finally, we discuss some implications of our study for policy on urban violence through-out the world. Details: Chicago: University of Illinois at Chicago, Great Cities Institute, 2004. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed SEptember 19, 2011 at: http://www.gangresearch.net/Archives/hagedorn/articles/homvar2.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://www.gangresearch.net/Archives/hagedorn/articles/homvar2.pdf Shelf Number: 122781 Keywords: Gangs Homicides Urban Areas Violence Violent Crime

Author: Acharya, Arabinda Title: India’s States of Armed Violence Assessing the Human Cost and Political Priorities Summary: Some forms of violence get more attention than others. Terrorism and insurgency have effects which go far beyond the direct deaths and injuries that they cause, undermining security and economic development. But for sheer numbers of lives destroyed, criminal violence and suicide deserve more attention. All forms of armed violence require more attention, and more holistic policy. Institutional cooperation — between ministries, the central and state governments, and between government and civil society — is only beginning to occur. Details: New Delhi: India Armed Violence Assessment, 2011. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief No. 1: Accessed September 21, 2011 at: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB1-states-of-armed-violence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: India URL: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB1-states-of-armed-violence.pdf Shelf Number: 122804 Keywords: Armed Violence Gun Violence Guns Homicides Terrorism Violence (India) Violent Crime

Author: Manski, Charles Title: Deterrence and the Death Penalty: Partial Identification Analysis Using Repeated Cross Sections Summary: Researchers have long used repeated cross sectional observations of homicide rates and sanctions to examine the deterrent effect of the adoption and implementation of death penalty statutes. The empirical literature, however, has failed to achieve consensus. A fundamental problem is that the outcomes of counterfactual policies are not observable. Hence, the data alone cannot identify the deterrent effect of capital punishment. How then should research proceed? It is tempting to impose assumptions strong enough to yield a definitive finding, but strong assumptions may be inaccurate and yield flawed conclusions. Instead, we study the identifying power of relatively weak assumptions restricting variation in treatment response across places and time. The results are findings of partial identification that bound the deterrent effect of capital punishment. By successively adding stronger identifying assumptions, we seek to make transparent how assumptions shape inference. We perform empirical analysis using state-level data in the United States in 1975 and 1977. Under the weakest restrictions, there is substantial ambiguity: we cannot rule out the possibility that having a death penalty statute substantially increases or decreases homicide. This ambiguity is reduced when we impose stronger assumptions, but inferences are sensitive to the maintained restrictions. Combining the data with some assumptions implies that the death penalty increases homicide, but other assumptions imply that the death penalty deters it. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper Series, Working Paper 17455: Accessed September 26, 2011 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w17455 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w17455 Shelf Number: 122900 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty Deterrence Homicides

Author: Stambaugh, Hollis Title: Northern Illinois University Shooting: DeKalb, Illinois, February 14, 2008 Summary: On February 14, 2008, less than 1 year after a senior at the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (Virginia Tech) murdered 32 people and committed suicide, the campus community at Northern Illinois University (NIU), in DeKalb, Illinois, faced a similar horror. A former NIU graduate student walked onto the stage of a large lecture hall and began firing on startled students and faculty. The shooter, a 28-year old male, had a history of mental illness. He shot and killed 5 students and wounded 18, some critically. His suicide at the end of the brief attack brought the number of deaths to 6. The building where the shooting occurred, Cole Hall, is centrally located in the interior of the campus and is directly across from a concentration of dormitories identified as Neptune East, West, Central, and North. Cole Hall contains two large lecture halls for large group classes. All of the injured who were transported were taken to Kishwaukee Community Hospital, the only hospital nearby. Several of the most seriously injured were then transferred to five other hospitals in the region—four via helicopter and one via ground ambulance. A close examination of how the emergency medical and hospital services were carried out reveals that the right decisions and actions were taken during triage and treatment, lives were saved, and no one was hurt in the process of providing emergency medical services (EMS) to the victims, transporting them, or safeguarding the rest of the campus immediately after the murders. The City of DeKalb Fire Department, the NIU Department of Public Safety, the hospital, and other mutual-aid responders were prepared. They had practiced emergency drills together and coordinated their planning. They were familiar with the Incident Command System (ICS) and had formally incorporated its use in their plans. The fire/EMS, university police, and university events management partners had worked together frequently in planned and unplanned events, so Command and control procedures were well practiced. They also had studied the official report1 on the Virginia Tech shootings and had integrated the lessons learned enumerated in that report into the university’s and the City of DeKalb’s emergency response plans, especially from the chapters that reported on the law enforcement and EMS response to that April 16, 2007 incident. The value of that report, their training, and their joint planning was apparent in the excellent response to Cole Hall. The DeKalb Fire Department has stated they hope that what they discovered from their internal debriefings and reports can add to the lessons that were documented from Virginia Tech so that the body of experience can expand to include this most recent tragedy and help other universities, law enforcement agencies, and fire departments as the Virginia Tech report helped them. The U.S. Fire Administration (USFA) is pleased to enable the sharing of information from the NIU shooting with emergency response organizations nationwide. Details: Wshington, DC: U.S. Fire Administration, Department of Homeland Security, 2009. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: USEA-TR-167: Accessed September 27, 2011 at: http://www.usfa.fema.gov/downloads/pdf/publications/tr_167.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.usfa.fema.gov/downloads/pdf/publications/tr_167.pdf Shelf Number: 122914 Keywords: Campus Crime (U.S.) Campus Violence Colleges and University Emergency Services Gun Violence Homicides School Violence Violent Crime

Author: Stewart, James K. Title: Independent Board of Inquiry into the Oakland Police Department Incident of March 21, 2009 Summary: This report presents the findings and recommendations concerning the 2009 murder of four Oakland Place Department personnel by a recently paroled prisoner. Details: Alexandria, VA: CNA Analysis & Solutions, 2009. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2011 at: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/Independent%20Board%20of%20Inquiry%20into%20the%20Oakland%20Police%20Department.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/Independent%20Board%20of%20Inquiry%20into%20the%20Oakland%20Police%20Department.pdf Shelf Number: 122915 Keywords: Assaults on Police Homicides Police Deaths Police Officers Police Policies and Procedures Policing (Oakland, California)

Author: Northern Illinois University Title: Report of the February 14, 2008 Shootings at Northern Illinois University Summary: On February 14, 2008, Steven Phillip Kazmierczak entered room 101 in Cole Hall and opened fire in the lecture hall killing five students and wounding 21. He then shot and killed himself. Administrators at Northern Illinois University, the Illinois Governor’s office, and the U.S. Fire Administration have reviewed the response of the University, Police, Fire and Medical departments in regards to this incident. After reviewing hundreds of interviews, phone records, e-mail correspondence and thousands of pages of evidence, what follows is the most recent, up-to-date report of the police investigation. Due to the nature of the ongoing investigation under certain statutes in Illinois, it is imperative that official police reports remain privileged. This report includes as much information as can be released without jeopardizing future potential investigative work. It is the goal of this report to review incidents prior to the shooting as well as in the aftermath, including: • The life and mental health history of Steven Phillip Kazmierczak from early childhood until the days prior to the shooting • Response of the NIU Department of Public Safety to the initial reports of a shooter on campus • Emergency medical response • Incident command and investigative cooperation between the NIU Department of Public Safety (NIUDPS), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), Illinois State Police (ISP), City of Sycamore Police Department, DeKalb County Sheriff’s Office, City of DeKalb Fire Department, and the City of DeKalb Police Department (DPD), as well as other law enforcement agencies • Services provided for surviving victims of the shooting as well as family and friends of the victims and NIU community members • Student affairs policies • Mental health services and prevention programs • Information flow during a crisis • The communiversity response to February 14, 2008 • Academic and campus implications of the 2/14/08 tragedy. Details: DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University, 2010. 322p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 28, 2011 at: http://www.niu.edu/feb14report/Feb14report.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.niu.edu/feb14report/Feb14report.pdf Shelf Number: 122928 Keywords: Campus Crime (U.S.) Campus Violence Colleges and University Emergency Services Homicides School Violence Violent Crime

Author: Kan, Paul Rexton Title: Mexico's "Narco-Refugees": The Looming Challenge for U.S. National Security Summary: Since 2006, when Mexican president Felipe Calderon declared war on the drug cartels, there has been a rise in the number of Mexican nationals seeking political asylum in the United States to escape the ongoing drug cartel violence in their home country. Political asylum cases in general are claimed by those who are targeted for their political beliefs or ethnicity in countries that are repressive or failing. Mexico is neither. Nonetheless, if the health of the Mexican state declines because criminal violence continues, increases, or spreads, U.S. communities will feel an even greater burden on their systems of public safety and public health from “narco-refugees.” Given the ever-increasing brutality of the cartels, the question is whether and how the United States Government should begin to prepare for what could be a new wave of migrants coming from Mexico. Allowing Mexicans to claim asylum could potentially open a floodgate of migrants to the United States during a time when there is a very contentious national debate over U.S. immigration laws pertaining to illegal immigrants. On the other hand, to deny the claims of asylum seekers and return them to Mexico, where they might very well be killed, strikes at the heart of American values of justice and humanitarianism. This monograph focuses on the asylum claims of Mexicans who unwillingly leave Mexico, rather than those who willingly enter the United States legally or illegally. To navigate wisely in this sea of complexity will require greater understanding and vigilance at all levels of the U.S. Government. Details: Carlisle, PA: U.S. Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute, 2011. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 4, 2011 at: http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB1083.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB1083.pdf Shelf Number: 0 Keywords: Border Security Drug Cartels (Mexico) Drug Trafficking Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Dabby, Chic Title: Shattered Lives: Homicides, Domestic Violence and Asian Families Summary: The Asian & Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic Violence has identified and focused on domestic violence related homicides as a critical issue affecting Asian, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander battered women since 2001. Shattered Lives: Homicides, Domestic Violence and Asian Families establishes the complexity of the problem and its far-reaching effects on women, children, families, and communities. This report’s goals are to raise awareness of the problem in order to counter denial and victim-blaming; generate discussions that will inform culturally-specific intervention, prevention and community organizing strategies; influence the field so safety for battered women takes into account an expanded definition of domestic violence related homicides; and develop questions for future research. Newspaper clippings collected over a six year period from 2000-2005 by advocates, state coalitions and the National Domestic Violence Fatality Review Initiative were the primary data source for this report. We included cases where domestic violence or family violence was explicitly mentioned or could reasonably be inferred. Despite a thorough search, we may have missed some newspaper reports. We analyzed data from a total of 160 cases of domestic violence related homicides in Asian, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander families, spanning 23 states. We identified 14 types of homicides, defined by the perpetrator’s relationship to the victim(s). These were differentiated into homicides and homicides-suicides to calculate the number of cases in each type; and further categorized into single and multiple killings, i.e. two or more victims killed by a single perpetrator. Selected Findings -- 160 cases resulted in 226 fatalities, of which 72% were adult homicide victims, 10% were child homicide victims, and 18% were suicide deaths. Three types of homicides dominated: intimate partner homicide with 81 cases, intimate partner homicide-suicide with 34 cases, and non-intimate family killing with 25 cases. 78% of victims were women and girls, 20% were men and boys, 2% unknown. 83% of perpetrators were men, 14% were women, 3% unknown. 68% of victims were intimate partners (either current, estranged, or ex-partners). Almost one-third (59 out of 184) of total homicide victims were wives. Children were the second largest group of homicide victims and the primary victims of familicides (13 out of 20 victims). Over two-thirds (14 out of 22) of all children killed were age 5 and below. Perpetrators’ in-laws and parents of girlfriends were the third largest group of victims. 118 out of 184 victims were killed in the home. Details: San Francisco: Asian & Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic Violence; American Health Forum, 2010. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed Ocboer 4, 2011 at: http://www.apiidv.org/files/Homicides.DV.AsianFamilies-APIIDV-2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.apiidv.org/files/Homicides.DV.AsianFamilies-APIIDV-2010.pdf Shelf Number: 122988 Keywords: Asian-Americans Battered Women Domestic Violence, Asian Victims (U.S.) Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Suicides

Author: Polczynski, Christa G. Title: The Driving Force: A Comparative Analysis of Gang-Motivated, Firearm-Related Homicides Summary: The knowledge of gang homicides is constantly increasing, but one aspect of gangs rarely studied is drive-by shootings (Dedel 2007; Hutson, Anglin, and Pratts 1994; Hutson, Anglin, and Eckstein 1996; Polczynski 2007; Sanders 1994; Sugarmann and Newth 2007). In this paper are comparative analyses of gang-motivated, firearm-related homicides perpetrated through a drive-by shooting to those which are not perpetrated through a drive-by shooting, by spatial and regression analyses. The data used for the analyses are a combination of incident variables, such as victim, offender, and incident characteristics, as well as social and economic characteristics of the communities in which the homicides occurred for a 31 year time period in Chicago. The findings indicate that there are differences in the characteristics and spatial location of gang-motivated, firearm-related homicides whether perpetrated through a drive-by shooting or by some other means. Based on the findings there may be policy implementations that are available in order to reduce the likelihood of a gang-motivated drive-by shooting. Details: Orlando, FL: Department of Sociology, University of Central Florida, 2009. 211p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed October 6, 2011 at: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0002524/Polczynski_Christa_G_200905_PhD.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0002524/Polczynski_Christa_G_200905_PhD.pdf Shelf Number: 122992 Keywords: Drive-By Shootings (U.S.) Gang Violence Gangs Gun Violence Homicides

Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: Global Study on Homicide: Trends, Contexts, Data Summary: The UNODC 2011 Global Study on Homicide brings together global, regional, national and subnational homicide data in one publication. It is hoped that the data and analysis of the most violent crime against the person will assist global efforts to design evidence-based policies to prevent and reduce crime in those areas and population groups where violence is most acute. This study was made possible because of increased efforts by countries to produce and share good quality homicide data. However, homicide data remain far from perfect—indeed, the study draws attention to the large geographic and thematic data gaps in many regions of the world—and comparisons should always be made with caution. This is also true because legal systems and practices, as well as capacities in reporting intentional homicide, can vary significantly between countries and regions. Nevertheless, there are a number of key messages that may be derived from the wealth of data in this study. First, there is a clear link between violent crime and development: crime hampers poor human and economic development; this, in turn, fosters crime. Improvements to social and economic conditions go hand in hand with the reduction of violent crime. The development agenda must also include crime prevention policies and the enhancement of the rule of law at both national and international level. Reducing violent crime should also be a priority for achieving the Millennium Development Goals, particularly in those countries where crime is disproportionally high. The study also represents an important advance in our understanding of the trends and patterns of homicide. One of the most important considerations is the recognition that different factors drive violent crime rates and trends. In some regions, organized crime, drug trafficking and the violent cultures of youth gangs are predominantly responsible for the high levels of homicide; while in others, killings connected to intimate partner and family-related violence account for an important share of homicides. Although it is important to understand that the sharp increase in homicides in some countries, particularly in Central America, are making the activities of organized crime and drug trafficking more visible, it should not be assumed that organized crime is not active in other regions as well. Another aspect is the role played by firearms in violent crime. It is crucial that measures to prevent crime should include policies towards the ratification and implementation of the UN Firearm protocol. Domestic policies in furtherance of the Protocol’s provision can help avoid the diversion of firearms to fuel violence and increase homicides. Knowledge of the patterns and causes of violent crime are crucial to forming preventive strategies. Young males are the group most affected by violent crime in all regions, particularly in the Americas. Yet women of all ages are the victims of intimate partner and family-related violence in all regions and countries. Indeed, in many of them, it is within the home where a woman is most likely to be killed. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2011. 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed october 7, 2011 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/Homicide/Globa_study_on_homicide_2011_web.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/Homicide/Globa_study_on_homicide_2011_web.pdf Shelf Number: 123002 Keywords: Crime Statistics Firearms and Crime Gun Violence Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: International Crisis Group Title: Guatemala: Drug Trafficking and Violence Summary: The bloody eruption of Mexican-led cartels into Guatemala is the latest chapter in a vicious cycle of violence and institutional failure. Geography has placed the country – midway between Colombia and the U.S. – at one of the world’s busiest intersections for illegal drugs. Cocaine (and now ingredients for synthetic drugs) flows in by air, land and sea and from there into Mexico en route to the U.S. Cool highlands are an ideal climate for poppy cultivation. Weapons, given lenient gun laws and a long history of arms smuggling, are plentiful. An impoverished, underemployed population is a ready source of recruits. The winner of November’s presidential election will need to address endemic social and economic inequities while confronting the violence and corruption associated with drug trafficking. Decisive support from the international community is needed to assure these challenges do not overwhelm a democracy still recovering from decades of political violence and military rule. Gangs and common criminals flourish under the same conditions that allow drug traffickers to operate with brazen impunity: demoralised police forces, an often intimidated or corrupted judicial system and a population so distrustful of law enforcement that the rich depend on private security forces while the poor arm themselves in local vigilante squads. Over the past decade, the homicide rate has doubled, from twenty to more than 40 per 100,000 inhabitants. While traffickers contribute to the crime wave in border regions and along drug corridors, youth gangs terrorise neighbourhoods in Guatemala City. The outrages perpetrated by the most violent Mexican gang, the Zetas – who decapitate and dismember their victims for maximum impact – generate the most headlines. Violent drug cartels, however, are only one manifestation of the gangs and clandestine associations that have long dominated Guatemalan society and crippled its institutions. How to change this dynamic will be one of the most difficult challenges facing the winner of November’s presidential election. Both Otto Pérez Molina and Manuel Baldizón have promised to get tough on criminals, but a hardline approach that fails to include a strategy to foster rule of law is unlikely to yield anything more than sporadic, short-term gains. For decades, the state itself was the most prolific violator of human rights. During the 36-year conflict that ended with the peace accords of 1996, the armed forces murdered dissidents in urban areas and razed villages suspected of harbouring guerrilla forces. Just as Guatemala was recovering from years of political violence, control of the South American drug trade was shifting from Colombia to Mexico. Increased interdiction in the Caribbean, plus the arrest of Colombian cartel leaders, allowed Mexican traffickers to begin taking over drug distribution in the late 1990s. Mexican President Felipe Calderón’s crackdown after 2006 forced traffickers to import increasing amounts of contraband into Central America and then move it north over land. The shipment of more drugs through Central America has had a multiplier effect on illegal activities. Violence is especially intense in coastal and border departments, where traffickers and gangs have diversified into other activities, such as local drug dealing, prostitution, extortion and kidnapping. In some regions, narcotics traffickers have become prominent entrepreneurs, with both licit and illicit businesses. They participate in community events, distribute gifts to the needy and finance political campaigns. Their well-armed henchmen offer protection from other gangs and common criminals. Those who finance opium poppy cultivation provide impoverished indigenous communities with greater monetary income than they have ever known. But these domestic trafficking groups also operate with impunity to seize land and intimidate or eliminate competitors. Local police and judicial authorities, under-resourced and widely mistrusted, offer little opposition. There are signs of progress. The attorney general is reviving long-stalled investigations into past human rights abuses while aggressively pursuing the current threat posed by organised crime. A veteran human rights activist was tapped by the outgoing government to reform the police. The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), a UN-Guatemalan initiative, is pursuing high-profile criminal cases. Donors are financing vetted units, providing new investigative tools and building new judicial facilities. Moreover, over the past year, Central American authorities, with international help, have arrested half a dozen high-level Guatemalan traffickers who are awaiting extradition to the U.S. But ending the impunity that has allowed trafficking networks and other illegal organisations to flourish will require a long-term, multi-dimensional effort. To shore up recent gains and lay the ground work for sustainable reform it is urgent that: •the new president allow Attorney General Claudia Paz y Paz to complete her four-year term, fully support Police Reform Commissioner Helen Mack and encourage CICIG’s efforts to pursue high profile cases and build prosecutorial capacity; •political and business leaders work together both to increase government revenues for crime-fighting and social programs and to devise anti-corruption initiatives that will hold officials responsible for their use of public funds; •regional leaders increase cooperation to interdict illegal narcotics shipments and to break up transnational criminal groups through entities such as the Central American Integration System (SICA); •the U.S. and other consuming countries provide financial aid commensurate with their national interest in stopping the drug trade and aimed not just at arresting traffickers but also at building strong, democratically accountable institutions; and •international leaders open a serious debate on counter-narcotics policies, including strategies designed to curtail both production and consumption; it is past time to re-evaluate policies that have failed either to alleviate the suffering caused by drug addiction or to reduce the corruption and violence associated with drug production and trafficking. Details: Bogota; Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 39: Accessed October 18, 2011 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/39%20Guatemala%20--%20Drug%20Trafficking%20and%20Violence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Guatemala URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/39%20Guatemala%20--%20Drug%20Trafficking%20and%20Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 123052 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking (Guatemala) Drugs and Crime Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: The World Bank. Central America Unit, Poverty Reduction Title: Crime and Violence in Central America: Volume II Summary: Central America‘s hopes for a rebirth following the resolution of the region‘s civil wars have been marred by the torrent of violence which has engulfed El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala and begun to threaten Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. In addition to the pain and suffering experienced by victims, crime and violence exacts high costs, diverting investment, reducing economic growth, and undermining confidence in the region‘s fragile democracies. Among the key drivers of crime and violence in the region are drug trafficking, youth violence and gangs, the widespread availability of guns, and weak criminal justice institutions. Proven evidence-based prevention measures coupled with criminal justice reform can reduce crime and violence. Key messages and recommendations from the report include the following: 1) Crime and violence should be understood as a development issue. The high rates of crime and violence in the region have direct effects on human welfare in the short-run and long-run effects on economic growth and social development. Estimates of the effect on violence on growth imply that reducing crime could substantially boost growth in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. 2) The strongest single explanation for the high rates of violence in the region—and their apparent rise in recent years—is drug trafficking, principally the transport of cocaine from producer nations in the south to the consumer market in the United States. The drug trade contributes to the widespread availability of firearms, generates violence within and between drug cartels, and spurs further lawlessness by undermining criminal justice institutions. Controlling for other factors, areas with intense levels of drug trafficking in Central America have homicide rates 65 percent higher than other areas in the same country. Murder rates are also higher in areas with greater shares of female-headed households and larger populations of young men. Overall crime victimization rates are at their most extreme in the region‘s capitals and other large cities. 3) The countries of the region have under-invested in prevention approaches which have proven effective in reducing crime and violence elsewhere. A public expenditure analysis on crime and violence prevention undertaken for this study in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama shows that spending has been modest for crime prevention measures. Crime prevention through environmental design and urban renewal programs can generate rapid decreases in property crime and inter-personal violence. Integrated citizen security approaches, combining modern methods of policing with prevention interventions by both government and non-governmental organizations, have seen initial success in El Salvador and should be tried elsewhere. The public health approach, which focuses on addressing risk factors for violent conduct, is especially promising for addressing violence against women and youth violence. 4) The criminal justice systems of several countries in the region have been deeply corrupted by drug trafficking, enabling traffickers to take advantage of existing institutional weaknesses, and the mano dura (―iron fist‖) approach has proven largely ineffective and possibly counterproductive. In some countries, the police have largely lost the trust of citizens; nearly half of Salvadorans and Hondurans and 2 out of 3 Guatemalans believe their local police are involved in crime. Clearly, improving criminal justice systems is essential. This includes reforming the judiciary, attorneys generals offices, and police forces. An especially urgent priority is ensuring strong accountability of the criminal justice system to citizens. This should be done through an inter-institutional approach, focusing on transparent selection, promotion, and sanctioning mechanisms. The optimization of court administration and case management with internal processes reengineering—such as the development of management information systems and performance indicators—provide important mechanisms to better diagnosis problems, track system outputs, monitor reform programs, and rationalize resources. 5) There are multiple possible entry points to integrate violence and crime prevention into policy. In one instance, the most promising approach may be in the context of a slum upgrading or municipal development project. In another, it may be in the context of reform of the health service. In a third, it may be in the context of reform of the criminal justice system. There is no one ―ideal‖ approach. The common denominator is that successful interventions are evidence-based, starting with a clear diagnostic of types of violence and risk factors and ending with a careful evaluation of the intervention‘s impact to inform future actions. 6) Drug trafficking poses a major challenge to Central American governments. The experiences of Mexico and Colombia, economic theory, and the historical record in the United States all suggest that an escalation of interdiction efforts—at any scale the Central American governments could mount, even with assistance from abroad—would most likely increase levels of violence without diminishing the capacities of drug traffickers. Consequently, marginal funds are more likely to reduce violence if devoted to crime prevention efforts and criminal justice reforms. 7) Gun ownership is an outgrowth of the drug trade and the history of civil conflict in some countries. Within these environments, which promote the demand for weapons, reducing gun ownership is a difficult undertaking. Regional and international evidence shows that the implementation and enforcement of firearms legislation, such as a ban on carrying firearms, combined with supply-side measures, such as controlling secondary firearms markets, are the most promising to reduce availability of firearms and reduce armed violence. National firearms policies are unlikely to reduce the availability of weapons unless they are undertaken as part of a regional approach with international efforts to stem the flow of contraband weapons from abroad, particularly Mexico and the United States. 8) The victims and perpetrators of violent crime are largely young men. In Central America as in the rest of the world, men age 15-34 account for the overwhelming majority of homicide victims, and they also comprise the membership of youth gangs. While gangs are doubtless a major contributor to crime in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, the very limited evidence indicates they are responsible for only a minority share of violence; multiple sources suggest perhaps 15 percent of homicides are gang-related. To address issues of youth violence, policy makers in the short run should borrow from the evidence-based toolkit of programs from other regions, such as early childhood development and mentoring programs, interventions to increase retention of high-risk youth in secondary schools, and opening schools after-hours and on weekends to offer youth activities to occupy their free time. While many programs to reduce youth violence have been introduced in the region, few if any have been subject to rigorous impact evaluation. Impact evaluations should systematically document what works in youth violence prevention in Central America. 9) Major data gaps hinder policy making. Several countries of the region have made substantial progress in recent years in improving their mechanisms for recording crime, particularly homicides. Such efforts should be continued and paired with expanded use of crime information systems, which experience in other areas has shown can be a valuable tool to direct criminal justice efforts. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2010. 187p. Source: Internet Resource: Report No. 56781-LAC: Accessed October 26, 2011 at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Eng_Volume_II_Crime_and_Violence_Central_America.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America URL: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Eng_Volume_II_Crime_and_Violence_Central_America.pdf Shelf Number: 123152 Keywords: Criminal Cartels Drug Policy Drug Trafficking Gang Violence Gun Control Homicides Violent Crime (Central America)

Author: Amnesty International Title: 'Shut Up If You Don't Want To Be Killed!" Human Rights Violations by Police in the Dominican Republic Summary: Hundreds of people are shot and killed every year by police in the Dominican Republic. Members of the national police are responsible, on average, for 15 per cent of all homicides in the country. although the vast majority of these fatal shootings are described by the police as “exchanges of gunfire” with criminal suspects, the evidence suggests that in many cases the killings are unlawful. Widespread corruption within the national police force and aggressive policing methods have undermined public trust and exacerbated the public security crisis in a country where levels of violent crime have increased significantly in recent years. This report details numerous cases of human rights violations by police including unlawful shootings, torture and other ill-treatment, enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention. it analyses the difficulties faced by victims’ families and survivors in getting justice. The report also examines how weak oversight mechanisms have allowed human rights abuses by the police to persist and flourish. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2011. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2011 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AMR27/002/2011/en/6ead3e9d-0684-40ae-aa71-73c3dc5382dc/amr270022011en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Dominican Republic URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AMR27/002/2011/en/6ead3e9d-0684-40ae-aa71-73c3dc5382dc/amr270022011en.pdf Shelf Number: 123234 Keywords: Homicides Human Rights Police Corruption Police Use of Force (Dominican Republic) Violence

Author: Karch, Debra L. Title: Surveillance for Violent Deaths --- National Violent Death Reporting System, 16 States, 2008 Summary: Problem/Condition: An estimated 50,000 persons die annually in the United States as a result of violence-related injuries. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) regarding violent deaths from 16 U.S. states for 2008. Results are reported by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, marital status, location of injury, method of injury, circumstances of injury, and other selected characteristics. Reporting Period Covered: 2008. Description of System: NVDRS collects data regarding violent deaths obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, and law enforcement reports. NVDRS data collection began in 2003 with seven states (Alaska, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Oregon, South Carolina, and Virginia) participating; six states (Colorado, Georgia, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin) joined in 2004, four (California, Kentucky, New Mexico, and Utah) in 2005, and two in 2010 (Ohio and Michigan) for a total of 19 states. This report includes data from 16 states that collected statewide data in 2008; data from California are not included in this report because NVDRS was implemented only in a limited number of California cities and counties rather than statewide. Ohio and Michigan are excluded because they did not begin data collection until 2010. Results: For 2008, a total of 15,755 fatal incidents involving 16,138 deaths were captured by NVDRS in the 16 states included in this report. The majority (58.7%) of deaths were suicides, followed by homicides and deaths involving legal intervention (i.e. deaths caused by police and other persons with legal authority to use deadly force, excluding legal executions) (26.4%), deaths of undetermined intent (14.5%), and unintentional firearm deaths (0.4%). Suicides occurred at higher rates among males, American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs), non-Hispanic whites, and persons aged 45--54 years. Suicides occurred most often in a house or apartment (70.6%) and involved the use of firearms (51.5%). Suicides were precipitated primarily by mental health (45.4%), intimate partner (30.9%), or physical health problems (22.6%), or by a crisis during the preceding 2 weeks (27.9%). Homicides occurred at higher rates among males and persons aged 20--24 years; rates were highest among non-Hispanic black males. The majority of homicides involved the use of a firearm (65.8%) and occurred in a house or apartment (52.5%) or on a street/highway (21.3%). Homicides were precipitated primarily by arguments (41.4%) and interpersonal conflicts (18.4%) or in conjunction with another crime (30.2%). Other manners of death and special situations or populations also are highlighted in this report. Interpretation: This report provides a detailed summary of data from NVDRS for 2008. The results indicate that violent deaths resulting from self-inflicted or interpersonal violence disproportionately affected adults aged <55 years, males, and certain minority populations. For homicides and suicides, relationship problems, interpersonal conflicts, mental health problems, and recent crises were among the primary precipitating factors. Because additional information might be reported subsequently as participating states update their findings, the data provided in this report are preliminary. Details: Atlanta, GA: Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 2011. Source: Internet Resource: MMWR Vol. 60, No. 10: Accessed November 7, 2011 at: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ss6010a1.htm Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ss6010a1.htm Shelf Number: 123256 Keywords: Gun Violence Homicides Violence (U.S.)

Author: Steinberg, Nik Title: Neither Rights Nor Security: Killings, Torture, and Disappearances in Mexico’s “War on Drugs” Summary: Five years since President Felipe Calderón declared “war” on organized crime in Mexico and dispatched the military to confront the country’s drug cartels, the government’s policy is failing on two fronts. It has not succeeded in reducing violence, and has resulted in a dramatic increase in grave human rights violations, which have only exacerbated the climate of violence, lawlessness, and fear that exists in many parts of the country. Based on extensive research in five states — Baja California, Chihuahua, Guerrero, Nuevo León, and Tabasco — Neither Rights Nor Security presents compelling evidence of the systematic use of torture by Mexican security forces, as well as the involvement of police and soldiers in scores of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. These are not isolated acts. Rather as the testimonies of victims, eyewitnesses, and evidence from public information requests and official government statistics show, these abusive tactics are endemic to Mexico’s counternarcotics efforts. The violations persist in large part because the members of security forces who commit them are virtually never held accountable. Many cases languish in the military justice system. And even when investigations are opened in the civilian justice system, prosecutors repeatedly fail to take basic steps such as identifying and interviewing witnesses. Nevertheless, government officials are often quick to dismiss victims’ allegations as false and to cast victims as criminals. Such accusations compound the suffering already inflicted by these serious violations and place the burden on victims and their families to conduct investigations themselves. Neither Rights Nor Security demonstrates how this pattern of abuse and impunity is undercutting Mexico’s efforts to reduce violence, dismantle criminal networks, and restore the rule of law in parts of the country where it has been badly damaged. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011. 218p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2011 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/mexico1111webwcover_0.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/mexico1111webwcover_0.pdf Shelf Number: 123278 Keywords: Disappearances Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Human Rights (Mexico) Organized Crime Police Use of Force Torture Violence

Author: Cassell, Erin Title: Assault-Related Injury Among Young People Aged 15-34 Years that Occurred in Public Places: Deaths and Hospital-Treated Injury Summary: This report presents an analysis of deaths, hospital admissions and emergency department presentations extracted from the National Coroners Information System (NCIS), the Victorian Admitted Episodes Dataset (VAED) and the Victorian Emergency Minimum Dataset (EMD) respectively over the decade 2000/01 to 2009/10. Of the four major scenarios for violence against young people in public places (that covered 94% of fatal assaults), violence instigated/perpetrated by males after intimate relationship breakdowns, or less commonly, during domestic/family disputes accounted for 21% of fatalities recorded over the decade. Details: Melbourne, Vic.: Victorian Injury Surveillance Unit, Monash University Accident Research Centre 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Hazard (Edition, No. 73): Accessed November 10, 2011 at: http://www.monash.edu.au/miri/research/research-areas/home-sport-and-leisure-safety/visu/hazard/haz73.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.monash.edu.au/miri/research/research-areas/home-sport-and-leisure-safety/visu/hazard/haz73.pdf Shelf Number: 123303 Keywords: Assaults Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Violence (Australia) Violent Crimes Youth and Violence

Author: U.S. Senate. Caucus on International Narcotics Control Title: Responding to Violence in Central America Summary: Violence in Central America has reached crisis levels. Throughout Central America, Mexican drug trafficking organizations, local drug traffickers, transnational youth gangs, and other illegal criminal networks are taking advantage of weak governance and underperforming justice systems. This report outlines a series of concrete steps that the United States can take to support the seven countries of Central America as they try to improve security. The report does not call for large amounts of new money but instead recommends investments in key programs with host country partners. Our report synthesizes information gathered by Caucus staff through visits to Guatemala and Honduras, briefings, interviews, and a review of documents from both government and non-government subject matter experts. The report describes the current strategy and provides important recommendations for policymakers in Congress and the Administration. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, 2011. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 19, 2011 at: http://www.grassley.senate.gov/judiciary/upload/Drug-Caucus-09-22-11-Responding-to-Violence-in-Central-America-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://www.grassley.senate.gov/judiciary/upload/Drug-Caucus-09-22-11-Responding-to-Violence-in-Central-America-2011.pdf Shelf Number: 123407 Keywords: Drug Control Policy Drug Trafficking Homicides Violence (Central America) Violent Crime Youth Gangs

Author: Demombynes, Gabriel Title: Drug Trafficking and Violence in Central American and Beyond Summary: This paper examines the relationship between narcotics trafficking and violence in Central America. The first part of the paper addresses particular questions posed for the 2011 World Development Report and examines several competing hypothesis on the drivers of crime in Central America. A key finding is that areas exposed to intense narcotics trafficking in Central America suffer from higher homicide rates. Drug trafficking has corrupted state institutions, which have been overwhelmed by the resources deployed by trafficking organizations. The second part of the paper reviews the reasons drug trafficking and anti-trafficking enforcement are associated with violence in general and considers policy options. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2011. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: World Development Report 2011 Background Case Study: Accessed November 19, 2011 at: http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR_2011_Case_Study_Trafficking_Violence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://wdr2011.worldbank.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/WDR_2011_Case_Study_Trafficking_Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 123408 Keywords: Drug Trafficking (Central America) Drug Trafficking Control Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Burch, Andrea M. Title: Arrest-Related Deaths, 2003-2009 - Statistical Tables Summary: This report provides data on the circumstances of deaths that occur during, or shortly after, state or local law enforcement officers engage in an arrest or restraint process. Data from the Arrest-Related Deaths (ARD) component of the Deaths in Custody Reporting Program (DCRP) represent a national accounting of persons who have died during the process of arrest from 2003 through 2009. The ARD program includes homicides by law enforcement personnel as well as deaths attributed to suicide, intoxication, accidental injury, and natural causes. Data collected include information about the date of death, manner and cause of death, the decedent's demographic characteristics, the decedent's behavior during the events leading up to the death, and the tactics and weapons used by law enforcement personnel. Highlights include the following: A total of 4,813 deaths were reported to the Arrest-Related Deaths program from January 2003 through December 2009. Of reported arrest-related deaths, 61% (2,931) were classified as homicides by law enforcement personnel, 11% (541) were suicides, 11% (525) were due to intoxication, 6% (272) were accidental injuries, and 5% (244) were attributed to natural causes. State and local law enforcement agencies employing 100 or more full-time sworn personnel accounted for 75% of the 4,813 arrest-related deaths reported during 2003-2009. Among reported arrest-related deaths, 42% of persons were white, 32% were black, and 20% were Hispanic. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2011 at: http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/ard0309st.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/ard0309st.pdf Shelf Number: 123453 Keywords: Arrest Statistics (U.S.) Homicides Police Policies and Procedures Suicide

Author: Donohue, John Title: Capital Punishment in Connecticut, 1973-2007: A Comprehensive Evaluation from 4684 Murders to One Execution Summary: This study explores and evaluates the application of the death penalty in Connecticut from 1973 until 2007, a period during which 4686 murders were committed in the state. The objective is to assess whether the system operates lawfully and reasonably or is marred by arbitrariness, caprice, or discrimination. My empirical approach has three components. First, I provide background information on the overall numbers of murders, death sentences, and executions in Connecticut. The extreme infrequency with which the death penalty is administered in Connecticut raises a serious question as to whether the state’s death penalty regime is serving any legitimate social purpose. Specifically, of the 4686 murders committed during the sample period, 205 are death-eligible cases that resulted in a homicide conviction, and 138 of these were charged with a capital felony. Of the 92 convicted of a capital felony, 29 then went to a death penalty sentencing hearing, resulting in 9 sustained death sentences, and one execution (in 2005). A comprehensive assessment of this process of winnowing reveals a troubling picture. Overall, the state’s record of handling death-eligible cases represents a chaotic and unsound criminal justice policy that serves neither deterrence nor retribution. Second, mindful of the Supreme Court’s mandate that “[c]apital punishment must be limited to those offenders who commit ‘a narrow category of the most serious crimes’ and whose extreme culpability makes them ‘the most deserving of execution,’”3I evaluate whether the crimes that result in sustained death sentences are the most egregious relative to other death-eligible murders. Any claim to properly punishing such a narrow and specific category of the most serious offenses can definitively be put to rest. The Connecticut death penalty regime does not select from the class of death-eligible defendants those most deserving of execution. At best, the Connecticut system haphazardly singles out a handful for execution from a substantial array of horrible murders. Third, I conduct a multiple regression to test more formally for the presence of arbitrariness or discrimination in implementing the death penalty. Specifically, I examine the impact on capital charging and sentencing decisions of legitimate factors that bear on the deathworthiness of 205 death-eligible cases, as well as legally suspect variables—such as race and gender of the defendant, race of victim, or judicial district in which the murder occurred. The Connecticut death penalty system decidedly fails this inquiry; arbitrariness and discrimination are defining features of the state’s capital punishment regime. Details: Stanford, CA: The Author, 2011. 456p. Source: Available at the Don M. Gottfredson Library of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 123563 Keywords: Capital Punishment (Connecticut) Death Penalty Homicides

Author: Geneva Declaration Title: Global Burden of Armed Violence 2011 Summary: Drawing on comprehensive country-level data, including both conflict-related and criminal violence, it estimates that at least 526,000 people die violently every year, more than three-quarters of them in non-conflict settings. It highlights that the 58 countries with high rates of lethal violence account for two-thirds of all violent deaths, and shows that one-quarter of all violent deaths occur in just 14 countries, seven of which are in the Americas. New research on femicide also reveals that about 66,000 women and girls are violently killed around the world each year. This volume also assesses the linkages between violent death rates and socio-economic development, demonstrating that homicide rates are higher wherever income disparity, extreme poverty, and hunger are high. It challenges the use of simple analytical classifications and policy responses, and offers researchers and policy-makers new tools for studying and tackling different forms of violence. Details: Geneva: Geneva Declaration, 2012. 175p. (Also available from Cambridge University Press) Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 1, 2012 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/measurability/global-burden-of-armed-violence/global-burden-of-armed-violence-2011.html Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/measurability/global-burden-of-armed-violence/global-burden-of-armed-violence-2011.html Shelf Number: 123918 Keywords: Armed Violence Gun Violence Homicides Violence Violent Crimes

Author: Eavis, Paul Title: Working Against Violence: Practices in Armed Violence Reduction and Prevention Summary: The aim of this working paper, Working Against Violence: Promising Practices in Armed Violence Reduction and Prevention, from the Geneva Declaration is to document promising practices in armed violence reduction and prevention (AVRP). Drawing from experiences across multiple sectors and organizations, it seeks to generate a better understanding of what is working and, in so doing, encourage more effective and efficient AVRP policies and programmes. The selection of promising practice examples contained in the working paper are drawn from a wide range of sources, including the findings of a series of regional ‘promising-/good-practice’ meetings that were held in Brazil, Guatemala, Kenya, Nigeria, Nepal, and Croatia throughout 2010 and 2011, as well as from academic evidence and international experience of AVRP. The paper first sets out a brief characterization of the different categories of AVRP interventions. The subsequent section provides an overview of promising practices, focusing on both direct and indirect AVRP programmes. The final section outlines a number of key recommendations for future AVRP programming. Details: Geneva: Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed February 1, 2012 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/WP-AVRP/GDWP_Working-against-violence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/WP-AVRP/GDWP_Working-against-violence.pdf Shelf Number: 123922 Keywords: Armed Violence Homicides Violent Crimes

Author: Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) Title: Investing in Security: A Global Assessment of Armed Violence Reduction Initiatives Summary: Conservative estimates indicate that at least 740 000 men, women, youth and children die each year as a result of armed violence, most of them in low- and medium-income settings (Krause, Muggah, Wenmann 2008). The majority of these deaths occur in situations other than war, though armed conflicts continue to generate a high incidence of casualties. Approaches to preventing and reducing these deaths and related suffering are becoming increasingly important on the international agenda. The United Nations (UN) Secretary General (2009) and UN General Assembly (2008) highlighted the relationships between armed violence and under-development and various high-level diplomatic processes are drawing more attention to promising solutions. In spite of the global preoccupation with the costs and consequences of armed violence, comparatively little evidence exists about how to stem its risks and effects. Virtually no information is available on armed violence reduction and prevention (AVRP) interventions, much less their effectiveness. This report aims to fill this gap. It seeks to generate more understanding of what works and what does not when it comes to armed violence reduction and prevention (AVRP), to stimulate further evaluation and to contribute to more effective and efficient policies and programmes. The report is based on a large-scale mapping of AVRP activities around the world, focusing primarily on programming trends in six countries – Brazil, Burundi, Colombia, Liberia, South Africa and Timor-Leste. These countries represent the very different programming contexts – from high rates of urban criminal violence to protracted post-conflict insecurity – in which development practitioners are currently engaged. While offering new data and analysis, this assessment builds directly on the report Armed Violence Reduction – Enabling Development produced by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s International Network on Conflict and Fragility (OECD, 2009a). An important evolution of AVRP programming in all six countries over the past decade was detected. Approximately two-thirds of all armed violence prevention and reduction activities reviewed in Brazil occurred between 2005 and 2010. Likewise, in Burundi, Colombia, Liberia, and Timor-Leste, nearly all initiatives began after 2005. Not only does the report highlight the importance of internationally-mediated peace processes and security promotion efforts as important entry points for preventing and reducing violence, it highlights the significant investments made by national governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in more developmental approaches to AVRP over the past decade. This report draws attention to the experimentation and innovation of AVRP initiatives. It finds that many actors are already actively engaged in “direct” and “indirect” AVRP activities, even if they label their initiatives by a different name. Many different practical approaches are used in AVRP activities to achieve the common objective of improving safety and security. Not only are the defence, police and justice sectors involved, but also specialists involved in urban planning, population health, tertiary and secondary education and youth programming. What many have in common is the experience of pursuing common comprehensive interventions to improve safety and security. Implementing agencies are similarly varied, ranging from multilateral and bilateral agencies to governments, NGOs and private organisations engaged in relief, development and social entrepreneurship. The most promising AVRP activities are forged on the basis of inter-sectoral partnerships and evidencebased approaches, and operate simultaneously at the local and national levels. Details: Paris: OECD, 2011. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2012 at: http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/10/0/48927716.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/10/0/48927716.pdf Shelf Number: 124128 Keywords: Armed Violence Criminal Violence Homicides Urban Areas Violent Crime

Author: Nowak, Matthias Title: Femicide: A Global Problem Summary: About 66,000 women and girls are violently killed every year, accounting for approximately 17 per cent of all victims of intentional homicides. While the data on which these conservative estimates are based is incomplete, it does reveal certain patterns with respect to the male v. female victim ratio in homicides, intimate partner violence, and the use of firearms in femicides— defined here as ‘the killing of a woman’. This Research Note examines lethal forms of violence against women. It relies on the disaggregated data on femicides produced for the Global Burden of Armed Violence 2011. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2012. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2012 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-14.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-14.pdf Shelf Number: 124337 Keywords: Femicide Homicides Violence Against Women

Author: Shifter, Michael Title: Countering Criminal Violence in Central America Summary: Violent crime in Central America—particularly in the "northern triangle" of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala—is reaching breathtaking levels. Murder rates in the region are among the highest in the world. To a certain extent, Central America's predicament is one of geography—it is sandwiched between some of the world's largest drug producers in South America and the world's largest consumer of illegal drugs, the United States. The region is awash in weapons and gunmen, and high rates of poverty ensure substantial numbers of willing recruits for organized crime syndicates. Weak, underfunded, and sometimes corrupt governments struggle to keep up with the challenge. Though the United States has offered substantial aid to Central American efforts to address criminal violence, it also contributes to the problem through its high levels of drug consumption, relatively relaxed gun control laws, and deportation policies that have sent home more than a million illegal migrants with violent records. In this Council Special Report, sponsored by the Center for Preventive Action, Michael Shifter assesses the causes and consequences of the violence faced by several Central American countries and examines the national, regional, and international efforts intended to curb its worst effects. Guatemala, for example, is still healing from a thirty-six-year civil war; guns and armed groups remain common. El Salvador's ironfisted response to widespread gang violence has transformed its prisons into overcrowded gang-recruiting centers while doing little to reduce crime. Even relatively wealthy countries like Costa Rica and Panama are threatened by poor police capacity and significant problems with smuggling and money laundering. Virtually all countries are further plagued by at least some level of public corruption. While hard-hitting or even militarized responses to criminal violence often enjoy broad public support, Shifter writes, Nicaragua's experience with crime prevention programs like community policing and job training for youth suggests that other approaches can be more effective at curbing crime. Shortages of local funding and expertise remain problematic, however, and only large-scale, national programs can effectively address national-level problems with corruption or the quality of the legal system. Moreover, many of the root causes of the region's violence are transnational—the international trade in drugs, guns, and other contraband being only the most obvious example. Multilateral organizations have stepped in to support national-level responses, as have Central America's neighbors. The UN's flagship effort, the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, supports domestic prosecutions of organized criminal gangs and their allies in Guatemala's government. In recent years, the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank have contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to efforts to improve regional collaboration on anticrime initiatives; last year they pledged $1.5 billion more over the next few years. Colombia and Mexico have both provided advice and training for Central America's police services and judiciary. The United States is also contributing significant resources. Washington now provides about $100 million annually, targeted mainly at drug interdiction and law enforcement, though some funding also goes toward institutional capacity building and violence protection. Still, much more remains to be done, and Shifter offers several recommendations for U.S. policymakers. Strengthening the judiciary and law enforcement services should, he says, be a central goal; the region's ineffective and corrupt legal systems are severely hampering efforts to curb the violence. He also advocates rethinking U.S. policies that contribute to violence in Central America, including drug laws, gun control policies, and immigration rules regarding violent offenders. Countering Criminal Violence in Central America provides important insights into the varied causes of criminal violence in the region. Its authoritative and nuanced analysis acknowledges the strengths and weaknesses of ongoing efforts to address the problem, and it offers thoughtful recommendations on how those efforts might be built on and improved. Despite the daunting complexity of the challenges underpinning the region's growing violence, this report successfully argues that this trend can—and should—be reversed. Details: Washington, DC: Council on Foreign Relations, 2012. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Council Special Report No. 64: Accessed April 4, 2012 at: http://www.cfr.org/central-america/countering-criminal-violence-central-america/p27740 Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.cfr.org/central-america/countering-criminal-violence-central-america/p27740 Shelf Number: 124814 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Gangs Gun Violence Homicides Police Corruption Violence (Central America) Violent Crime

Author: Dickenson, Matthew Title: Leadership Transitions and Violence in Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations, 2006-2010 Summary: Since President Felipe Calderon took office, over 34,000 murders have been tied to drug tracking organizations (DTO's) in Mexico. In response, the Mexican government -- with assistance from the US -- has targeted DTO leaders for removal. This study identifies 25 leadership removals between 2006 and 2010, and analyzes subsequent changes in drug-related murders using auto-regressive distributed lag (ADL) regression (OLS) models in a monthly time series of 11 states. Persistence dynamics for longer-term effects are also analyzed. Leadership removals generally precede increases in violence. However, the predicted effects of removal differ by the leadership role that the individual performed. Killing leaders is followed by more violence than capturing them. There is no significant change in levels of drug trafficking, as proxied by seizures and retail prices. Public opinion is increasingly dissatisfied with the Calderon administration's approach. Together, these results suggest the ineffectiveness of DTO leadership targeting. Details: Unpublished paper, 2012. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2012 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2001405 Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2001405 Shelf Number: 124854 Keywords: Cartels Drug Trafficking Drugs and Violence (Mexico) Homicides

Author: Taussig, Isabel Title: Sentencing Snapshot: Homicide and Related Offences Summary: This briefing paper describes sentencing outcomes for adult offenders convicted of the offence of homicide and related offences between 2009 and 2010 in the NSW Criminal Courts. Aim: To describe the penalties imposed on convicted homicide offenders. Summary: The average age of an adult offender convicted of homicide in NSW during the years 2009 to 2010 was 35 years. Of these, 84.1 per cent were male, and 59.5 per cent had no prior convictions in the previous five years. The most common penalty imposed on homicide offenders was a full-time prison sentence. Among those that received prison sentences, the average minimum term was just over 8.5 years and the average aggregate sentence was 11.8 years. Of those who committed a murder, 100 percent received a prison sentence, with an average minimum term of 20 years and an average aggregate sentence of 25 years. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2012. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Bureau Brief, Issue Paper no. 76: Accessed April 12, 2012 at: Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 124943 Keywords: Homicides Sentencing (Australia) Violent Crime Violent Offenders

Author: Cano, Ignacio Title: Living Without Arms? Evaluation of the Arms-Free Municipalities Project: An Experience in Risk-Tasking in a Risky Contect Summary: In El Salvador, it is estimated that around half a million firearms are in circulation—arms that cause 80 of every 100 murders that take place in one of the most homicide-prone countries in Latin America, with a rate of over 55 for every 100,000 inhabitants. With exceedingly lax legislation and a segment of the population imbued of an arms culture that considers their need to be armed an indisputable right, few are the practical initiatives undertaken in an attempt to correct this situation. The National Council on Public Security (CNSP), with the support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), put its stakes on a project that was aimed at improving human development in two pilot municipalities—San Martín and Ilopango—through a reduction in armed violence. The project had been conceived of with a dual strategic perspective: on the one hand, to serve as a model to other municipalities, particularly within the country, but also abroad, and on the other, to stimulate greater debate in favour of putting legal limits on the carrying of firearms at the national level. Two years later, several things have shifted in El Salvador regarding the controversial topic of arms. All public opinion polls concur in pointing toward greater public rejection of the carrying of arms in public places (now around 90%), and even of the possession of firearms. The Firearms Law was just amended by the Legislative Assembly at the behest of the National Commission on Citizen Security and Social Peace, created recently by the President of El Salvador, where different political forces, university rectors, churches and private enterprise are represented. The amendment broadened the prohibition on carrying arms to include plazas, parks and petrol stations, and now provides the option of decreeing spatial and temporal moratoriums in determined places and municipalities. The National Commission also recommended that the President analyze the possibility of, at a minimum, extending the Arms- Free Municipalities Project to the 20 localities in the country with the highest rates of violence and crime. No doubt these are small steps, but significant ones, on the road toward prohibiting the carrying of firearms by civilians in public places in El Salvador. Has the Arms-Free Municipalities project been a total success? Although we do not conceal our pride at the results attained by this pilot project, it would be imprudent, even presumptuous, to attribute to this initiative all the progress made over the last two years in building public awareness and in limiting firearms in El Salvador. No, the Arms-Free Municipalities project, with its bright spots and dark spots, its hits and its misses, is not the only thing responsible for these achievements. But, no doubt it has contributed to sparking new local and national debate, not only on the proliferation of firearms, but also on the right way to design the approach to a problem—escalating violence, crime and insecurity—whose magnitude already borders on the tragic. Likewise, it has also contributed to progress in other essential aspects, such as local management of citizen security. The implementation of this initiative and, especially, the astonishing finding of a notable reduction in homicides (47%) in San Martín, in an almost generalized context of mounting lethal violence, has encouraged other localities such as Santa Tecla, Santa Ana and, lately, San Salvador, the capital, to undertake similar initiatives. The people governing these municipalities, against the current in a strongly centralized and centralist country, where the vision and resources for local management of security are almost nonexistent, have begun to take the reins of a politically sensitive issue. Details: San Salvador, El Salvador: United Nations Development Programme, 2008. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 27, 2012 at: http://www.pnud.org.sv/2007/component/option,com_docman/task,cat_view/gid,19/Itemid,56/?mosmsg=Est%E1+intentando+acceder+desde+un+dominio+no+autorizado.+%28www.google.com%29 Year: 2008 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.pnud.org.sv/2007/component/option,com_docman/task,cat_view/gid,19/Itemid,56/?mosmsg=Est%E1+intentando+acceder+desde+un+dominio+no+autorizado.+%28www.google.com%29 Shelf Number: 125071 Keywords: Gun Control Guns Homicides Violence (El Salvador)

Author: Nagin, Daniel S. Title: Deterrence and the Death Penalty Summary: Many studies during the past few decades have sought to determine whether the death penalty has any deterrent effect on homicide rates. Researchers have reached widely varying, even contradictory, conclusions. Some studies have concluded that the threat of capital punishment deters murders, saving large numbers of lives; other studies have concluded that executions actually increase homicides; still others, that executions have no effect on murder rates. Commentary among researchers, advocates, and policymakers on the scientific validity of the findings has sometimes been acrimonious. Against this backdrop, the National Research Council report Deterrence and the Death Penalty assesses whether the available evidence provides a scientific basis for answering questions of if and how the death penalty affects homicide rates. This new report from the Committee on Law and Justice concludes that research to date on the effect of capital punishment on homicide rates is not useful in determining whether the death penalty increases, decreases, or has no effect on these rates. The key question is whether capital punishment is less or more effective as a deterrent than alternative punishments, such as a life sentence without the possibility of parole. Yet none of the research that has been done accounted for the possible effect of noncapital punishments on homicide rates. The report recommends new avenues of research that may provide broader insight into any deterrent effects from both capital and noncapital punishments. Details: Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2012. 127p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2012 at: http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=13363#description Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=13363#description Shelf Number: 125115 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty (U.S.) Deterrence Homicides Murders

Author: SUNY Downstate Medical Center Title: Report on Violence Among Adolescents and Young Adults Summary: Since the early 1990's, the number of violent crimes committed in Brooklyn and elsewhere in New York City has steadily declined. Between 1993 and 2003, for example, the number of homicides committed in Brooklyn fell by 67 percent. Today Brooklyn is a much safer place than it was just a dozen years ago, and as a result, it is a better place to live, work, go to school, visit, and do business. But for all the progress we have made, we can't afford to relax our efforts. In Brooklyn and throughout the City, acts of violence are still far too common. Violence is not just a law enforcement problem—it is a very real public health problem. Homicide is the sixth leading cause of death among all New York residents younger than 65. Each year, tens of thousands of New Yorkers are treated in emergency rooms after being injured in an assault. Thousands are hospitalized for these injuries, and some are permanently disabled. Violence can also cause serious emotional harm, and fear of violence can prevent whole communities from fulfilling their potential. As with other major public health problems such as smoking, substance abuse, and HIV/AIDS, the problem of violence calls for a community-wide response. We believe that with our strengths in research, health care, education, and community outreach, we at Downstate can make a valuable contribution to Brooklyn's campaign against violence—and that we have an obligation to do so. Effective community action begins with a clear understanding of the problem. Strong partnerships are needed to reduce the threat that violence poses to the health of our communities. We are pleased to offer this Report on Violence among Adolescents and Young Adults as a starting point for discussion. Details: Brooklyn, NY: SUNY Downstate Medical Center, 2012. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 3, 2012 at: http://www.downstate.edu/bhr/reports/Violence-Report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.downstate.edu/bhr/reports/Violence-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 125139 Keywords: Homicides Violence (New York City) Violent Crime

Author: United Nations Development Programme Title: Caribbean Human Development Report 2012: Human Development and the Shift to Better Citizen Security Summary: The increase in violence and crime in Latin America and the Caribbean is an undeniable fact that erodes the very foundation of the democratic processes in the region and imposes high social, economic and cultural costs. Our region is home to 8.5 percent of the world’s population, yet it concentrates some 27 percent of the world’s homicides. Violence and crime are therefore perceived by a majority of Latin American and Caribbean citizens as a top pressing challenge. The resulting alarm has often led to short-sighted, mano dura (iron fist) policies, which have proven ineffective and, at times, detrimental to the rule of law. The situation varies much among and within countries. Broadly speaking, there are high- and low-crime countries in the region, and differences exist even within each of the sub-regions (i.e., South America, Central America, and the Caribbean). However perceived insecurity and citizens´ concern are independent of actual crime rates, so that mano dura policies are not exclusive of high-crime countries. In this context, we are confronted by a paradox: Why is it that, despite the democratization process experienced in the region in the last 20 years, citizen security levels, as well as the justice and security institutions in the region, are in crisis? Why is it that, despite the structural and institutional reforms promoted by countries in the region in order to construct governance mechanisms which are more transparent, horizontal and democratic, the justice and security institutions are overwhelmed and confidence in them is shattered? To begin to resolve this paradox and deal effectively with crime and violence, we need accurate assessments that provide evidence for action. To this end, the United Nations Development Programme, in association with governments, civil societies and international agencies, is leading numerous initiatives aimed at improving citizen security in Latin America and the Caribbean. This report is a one of these efforts. Drafted by a team of outstanding scholars building upon previous research and practical experience, this report also reflects findings from the analysis of extensive new survey data and sustained consultations involving over 450 experts, practitioners and stakeholders in seven Dutch- and English-speaking Caribbean countries. Of primary concern with citizen security is the issue of public confidence in state capacity to protect citizens and ensure justice. If citizens lack confidence in the police, the judiciary and other public authorities, no amount of repression will restore security. The success of any law enforcement system depends on the willingness of the people to participate and contribute. For the state to enjoy the trust and commitment of the people, it must strive to eradicate exclusion, improve transparency and create opportunities that encourage a sense of belonging for all. A key message of the report is that Caribbean countries need to focus on a model of security based on the human development approach, whereby citizen security is paramount, rather than on the traditional state security model, whereby the protection of the state is the chief aim. Indeed, the contrast between prevention on the one hand and repression and coercion on the other is ill conceived. Social inclusion to help prevent crime and violence and efficient and effective law enforcement are by no means incompatible or mutually exclusive. In a truly democratic society, broad based social inclusion and swift criminal justice–or “prevention” and “coercion”—serve to reinforce and complement each other. This is one of the most important lessons to be taken from this report – and not only for the Caribbean but for all of Latin America as well. An issue of common interest to Latin America and the Caribbean is security. Organized transnational crime, mainly that which involves drug trafficking, looms large in the security crisis currently affecting an increasing number of countries in both sub-regions. Although this report concentrates on implications for the domestic dimensions of the problem in the Caribbean, especially among youth, it is also important to note that the Caribbean is a critical transit route between drug producers and large-scale consumers. As a result of this geographical positioning, it is necessary for the Caribbean to strengthen cooperation with its Latin American neighbours and project a larger voice in the global dialogue on existing policies and possible alternatives. An improved worldwide policy addressing the problem of addictive drugs could contribute considerably to reducing levels of violence and social disruption in the Caribbean. This belief is substantiated by an encouraging finding presented in the report: despite exceptionally high homicide rates, the overall incidence of crime in the Caribbean as measured by the victimization survey data “compares favourably at the lower end with countries such as Japan,” referring to nations that participated in the 2004-2005 International Crime Victimization Survey This suggests that the spiral of violence generally associated with drug trafficking exists within the context of an otherwise durable social fabric that makes for lesser ordinary “street” crime. Details: New York: UNDP, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at: http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/corporate/HDR/Latin%20America%20and%20Caribbean%20HDR/C_bean_HDR_Jan25_2012_3MB.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/corporate/HDR/Latin%20America%20and%20Caribbean%20HDR/C_bean_HDR_Jan25_2012_3MB.pdf Shelf Number: 125173 Keywords: Crime (Latin American and Caribbean) Drug Trafficking - Economic Development Homicides Transnational Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Gibbons, Cara Title: Corruption, Impunity, Silence: The WAR on Mexico’s Journalists Summary: Sixty-six Mexican journalists have been killed since 20001, at least 34 since President Calderón launched a “war on drugs” after taking office at the end of 2006. During that time, the government’s highly militarized campaigns, particularly in the northern border states, have created staggering levels of violence and an atmosphere in which working journalists face constant threats and vicious, often lethal, attacks. Few of these crimes are investigated properly, much less prosecuted, despite successive administrations’ promises to end the country’s shameful record of impunity. Instead, the government has beguiled international observers and its own citizens with meretricious reforms that do little to halt a grave and worsening human rights crisis. In these extraordinary circumstances, Mexico’s journalists have also contended with laws that limit freedom of expression and muzzle their attempts to expose corruption at both local and state levels. Consequently, accurate reporting on the drug war has become all but impossible. Yet, faced with this crisis, the Mexican government has dithered over reforms that could protect reporters, while prosecuting citizen journalists who run afoul of the country’s labyrinthine communications legislation. This report examines why Mexico has failed to confront the sources of its internal corruption. It also looks at the state’s failure to defend Mexico’s journalists from the extreme violence they face at the hands of drug trafficking organizations and corrupt state agents who carry out the most brazen assaults on free and open communication with almost complete impunity. It finds that Mexico is breaching its binding international human rights obligations, including the right to life and the right to freedom of expression. Details: Toronto: PEN Canada; Toronto: International Himan Rights Program, University of Toronto, Faculty of Law, 2011. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2012 at: http://www.utorontoihrp.com/index.php/resources/working-group-reports/cat_view/10-working-group-and-clinic-reports/28-corruption-impunity-silence-the-war-on-mexicos-journalists Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.utorontoihrp.com/index.php/resources/working-group-reports/cat_view/10-working-group-and-clinic-reports/28-corruption-impunity-silence-the-war-on-mexicos-journalists Shelf Number: 125341 Keywords: Corruption Drug Violence Homicides Human Rights Journalists (Mexico) Media

Author: McClellan, Chandler B. Title: Stand Your Ground Laws and Homicides Summary: Since 2005, eighteen states have passed legislation that has extended the right to self-defense, with no duty to retreat, to places a person has a legal right to be, and several other states are debating to introduce similar legislation. The controversies surrounding these laws have captured the nation’s attention recently. Despite significant implications that they may have on public safety, there has been little empirical investigation of the impact of these laws on crime and victimization. In this paper, we examine how Stand Your Ground laws that extend the right to self-defense to areas outside the home affect homicides using monthly data from the U.S. Vital Statistics. We identify the impact of these laws by exploiting the variation in the effective date of these laws across states. Our results indicate that Stand Your Ground laws are associated with a significant increase in the number of homicides among whites, especially white males. According to our estimates, between 4.39 and 7.44 additional white males are killed each month as a result of these laws. We find no evidence to suggest that these laws increase homicides among blacks. Our results are robust to a number of specifications and unlikely to be driven entirely by the killings of assailants. Taken together, our findings raise serious doubts against the argument that Stand Your Ground laws make America safer. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper No. 18187: Accessed June 26, 2012 at: http://papers.nber.org/papers/w18187?utm_campaign=ntw&utm_medium=email&utm_source=ntw Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://papers.nber.org/papers/w18187?utm_campaign=ntw&utm_medium=email&utm_source=ntw Shelf Number: 125397 Keywords: Homicides Self-Defense Stand Your Ground Laws

Author: Roman, John Title: Post-Conviction DNA Testing and Wrongful Conviction Summary: This study analyzed the results of new DNA testing of old physical evidence from 634 sexual assault and homicide cases that took place in Virginia between 1973 and 1987 in the first study of the effects of DNA testing on wrongful conviction in a large and approximately random sample of serious crime convictions. The study found that in five percent of homicide and sexual assault cases DNA testing eliminated the convicted offender as the source of incriminating physical evidence. When sexual assault convictions were isolated, DNA testing eliminated between 8 and 15 percent of convicted offenders and supported exoneration. Past estimates generally put the rate of wrongful conviction at or less than three percent. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, Justice Policy Center, 2012. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2012 at: http://www2.timesdispatch.com/mgmedia/file/796/urban-institute-report/ Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www2.timesdispatch.com/mgmedia/file/796/urban-institute-report/ Shelf Number: 125445 Keywords: DNA Typing (U.S.) Homicides Sex Crimes Sexual Assault Wrongful Convictions

Author: Just Associates Title: From Survisors to Defenders: Women Confronting Violence in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala Summary: Targeted killing of women—including women human rights defenders—has risen alarmingly in recent years in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala, reaching crisis proportions, says a new report. In January 2012, the Nobel Women’s Initiative and JASS (Just Associates) organized a 12-day fact-finding mission to these countries led by Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Jody Williams and Rigoberta Menchu Tum to review the situation of violence against women. The delegation met with grassroots and national women’s organizations working to end violence against women and their communities and learn about the strategies these women are using to end the violence. The report from this fact-finding delegation documents numerous cases of violence against women and women activists – including disappearances, murder and rape- and examines the efforts of women to address the increased violence, and how militarization and security policies are contributing to the increased violence. The report includes specific recommendations for the governments of Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, Canada and the United States. These findings and conclusions are based on the testimonies and meetings with more than 200 women and government officials from Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala. Details: Just Associates, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 5, 2012 at: http://www.justassociates.org/documents/mesoamerica/Women-Confronting-Violence-Delegation-Report-2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.justassociates.org/documents/mesoamerica/Women-Confronting-Violence-Delegation-Report-2012.pdf Shelf Number: 125480 Keywords: Homicides Human Rights Rape Violence Against Women (Mexico, Honduras, Guatemal

Author: Santos, Rita Title: Women and Gun Violence: Key Findings from Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), San Salvador (El Salvador) and Maputo (Mozambique) Summary: Since men constitute the majority of those who use and are victimised by guns worldwide, prevention and combat policies and programmes have been aimed almost exclusively at men and boys, paying scant attention to the roles and impacts of gun violence on women and girls. However, the continuum of violence experienced by women and girls in these contexts is a synthesis of the main social ingredients of violence and its cultural basis. Thus, alongside sound knowledge of men’s and boys’ involvement in gun violence, a clear understanding of women’s and girls’ needs, rights and vulnerabilities is essential to reduce gun violence in general. This report aims to contribute to fill this gap. This report will concentrate on the analysis of the typologies and motivations for the involvement of women and girls in armed violence (as direct agents who actively participate, or indirect agents who play supporting roles such as in the transportation of firearms, drugs or information), and identify the importance and symbolism which they attribute to firearms; the examination of the direct consequences (death and injuries) and some of the indirect effects of armed violence on the lives of women (guns as instruments of intimidation and sources of insecurity in situations of domestic violence as well as determinants for the condition of survivors or relatives of lethal victims of gun violence); the initiatives, formal and informal, led by women in these contexts in response to gun violence, namely efforts to improve arms control regulations. Details: Brussels: Peace Studies Group, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed july 10, 2012 at: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/IfPEW20110501WomenAndGunViolence.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/IfPEW20110501WomenAndGunViolence.pdf Shelf Number: 125532 Keywords: Arms Control Gun Violence Guns Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Harvard Law School, Human Rights Program, International Human Rights Clinic Title: No Place to Hide: Gang, State, and Clandestine Violence in El Salvador Summary: Fifteen years after the civil war in El Salvador came to an end, violence and insecurity continue to shape the daily lives of many Salvadorans. This report examines the phenomenon of youth gangs and documents human rights violations associated with gang violence and Salvadoran governmental responses to it. Our examination is situated in the context of an assessment of the current state of the rule of law in El Salvador. The war in El Salvador during the 1980s was one of the bloodiest and most brutal in a region gripped with civil conflicts throughout that decade. The Salvadoran conflict gained worldwide notoriety for the prevalence of human rights abuses and death squads, that operated with the apparent acquiescence of state authorities, to terrorize civilian populations. Unfortunately, as discussed in Section I of this report, efforts since the war to build functioning democratic institutions in El Salvador have largely failed to overcome the legacies of institutional incapacity and politicization. Current levels of violence are extraordinarily high. El Salvador’s homicide rate is nearly double the average for Latin America, a region with high levels of violence by global standards. Continued political polarization, weak judicial and law enforcement institutions, and the persistence of extra-judicial violence seriously undermine citizen security and the rule of law in El Salvador. Violent street gangs have grown rapidly in this fractured and dysfunctional socio-political context. The deportation of tens of thousands of Salvadorans from the United States since the late 1990s (a consequence of forced emigration of Salvadoran families during the civil war years and subsequent changes to U.S. immigration laws) helped spur the growth and development of these gangs, a process we describe in Section II. In recent years, and as a result of particularized political conditions and law enforcement responses in El Salvador, the dynamics of the gang phenomenon have evolved. The two major rival gangs – the Mara Salvatrucha and the Mara 18, both of which have U.S. roots and a U.S. presence – engage in brutal battles for control of neighborhoods and communities throughout the country. Gangs’ methods of recruitment, and the sanctions they impose on members who demonstrate disloyalty or who attempt to withdraw from active gang life, are increasingly violent. Active and former gang members report that it is increasingly difficult, if not impossible, for young people to escape the pressure of gang recruitment or to leave a gang. Gangs frequently use extortion to gather funds and solidify territorial control. There is evidence that organized criminal networks are operating with growing sophistication and impunity in El Salvador. The relationship between these organized criminal networks and the upper tiers of gang hierarchies is uncertain, as is the role of state actors in these activities, but the effect on Salvadoran citizens – a deepening sense of impunity and insecurity – is clear. The primary governmental response to the gang phenomenon, which relies heavily on repressive law enforcement-military tactics, mass arrests, and profiling of youth and alleged gang members, has been ineffective and even counter-productive. Governmental responses to the gang phenomenon are explored in great depth in Section III of this report. Homicide rates have soared since 2003, when former President Francisco Flores launched the Mano Dura (“Iron Fist”) crackdown. Meanwhile, the government’s focus on anti-gang efforts has distorted the complex nature of violence in El Salvador. The vast majority of homicides in El Salvador remain in impunity. Human rights organizations and civil society observers believe that some of the upsurge in killings in recent years is attributable to death squads who target alleged gang members or other criminals and who operate with impunity. Also in the past several years, the political roots of violence in El Salvador have become increasingly visible. Clashes between protesters and police on July 5, 2006 are one example of the relationship between political polarization and violence in El Salvador, and spikes in unexplained, brutal homicides in periods prior to national elections are another. In the midst of this social and political conflict, individual Salvadorans living in poor and marginalized communities have no place to hide: they are targeted by violent actors on all sides. Young people and other residents of areas with a gang presence, active gang members, and inactive gang members are targeted for threats, abuses, and even killings by gangs, police, and clandestine actors like death squads. We present narrative excerpts from interviews with victims and witnesses of gang, police, and clandestine violence in El Salvador in Section IV. The report is based on fact-finding visits to El Salvador in March- April and August-September 2006, and months of follow-up research prior to and after these trips. It draws extensively on interviews with current and former gang members and other victims and witnesses of violence in El Salvador, as well as with staff of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and governmental officials. To protect the safety of confidential sources, we refer to them only by pseudonyms and initials. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Law School, Human Rights Program, 2007. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2012 at: http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/hrp/documents/FinalElSalvadorReport(3-6-07).pdf Year: 2007 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/hrp/documents/FinalElSalvadorReport(3-6-07).pdf Shelf Number: 110108 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Violence (El Salvador) Violent Crime

Author: Moreno Gómez, Edgar Title: Staging the War on Drugs: Media and Organised Crime in Mexico Summary: The steep upsurge in the number of drug‐related homicides in Mexico has been matched by an even greater increase in the news coverage of violence and organised crime. However, both journalists and scholars have overlooked how organised crime makes use of the media and vice versa. By drawing on previous research on the relationship between the media, terrorism and public opinion this Working Paper looks into the rise of mass‐mediated organised crime in Mexico. Based on a quantitative analysis of the news coverage of violence and organised crime in three major newspapers as well as a qualitative study of selected events, the paper offers an insight to understand the political ramifications of the news coverage of violence. Even when drug trafficking organisations are not terrorists who seek the publicity of the press to advance a political cause, this paper shows that they have important goals related to the media, the impact of news on public opinion and the consequent influence over policy making. Details: Madrid: Elcano Royal Institute of International and Strategic Studies, 2012. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Elcano Royal Institute Working Papers No. 8: Accessed August 2, 2012 at: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?id=147776 Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?id=147776 Shelf Number: 125843 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Organized Crime (Mexico) Violence Violent Crime

Author: United Nations Economic and Social Council. Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Title: World Crime Trends and Emerging Issues and Responses in the Field of Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Summary: The present document was prepared in accordance with the practice established by Economic and Social Council resolution 1990/18. The document provides information on preliminary results from the United Nations Survey of Crime Trends and Operations of Criminal Justice Systems covering the year 2010, on statistics on trends and patterns in intentional homicide and on the prominent theme of the twenty-first session of the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice: Violence against migrants, migrant workers and their families. The document also includes an overview of some of the methodological challenges in obtaining crime and criminal justice data and improving their quality. Details: Vienna: United National Economic and Social Council, 2012. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 2, 2012 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Crime-statistics/V1250994.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Crime-statistics/V1250994.pdf Shelf Number: 125844 Keywords: Crime Measurement Crime Prevention Crime Rates Crime Statistics Crime Trends (International) Homicides Immigrants

Author: Chadwick-Parkes, Sandra Title: Youth Armed Violence Interventions: The Caribbean and its Toronto Diaspora Summary: With 66 per cent of all homicides occurring in countries not experiencing major violent conflict, armed violence is now a global social problem. Even more alarming is that much of this violence is perpetrated by young people, who are also over-represented among the victims. Youth armed violence is now a grave concern at every level of society and initiatives to deal with this issue have been increasing. More recently, steps have been undertaken to map those initiatives, especially at the community level, and document and disseminate good practice in addressing the problem. In furtherance of the goal of the Small Arms Working Group and Project Ploughshares to reduce violence and build peace, this study presents case studies of two specific programs that are enjoying some measure of success: The Peace Management Initiative (PMI) in Kingston, Jamaica and the Breaking the Cycle (BTC) Project in Toronto. Both programs were selected because of their success with gang-associated, violent youth in Jamaica’s inner city and in Toronto’s Caribbean diaspora communities respectively. Both are linked by the study’s Caribbean youth focus. The link goes even deeper: the perception is that much of the violence in Toronto is perpetrated by youth of Caribbean, particularly Jamaican, heritage. The research highlights several models for addressing youth armed violence. While both programs adopt variations of these approaches, the Armed Violence Reduction and Development (AVR) approach, which aims at reducing the risks and impacts of armed violence, is particularly relevant. PMI intervenes first to quell violence and then offers livelihood opportunities to address poverty. Also acknowledging the direct link between low socio-economic status and violence, BTC offers the opportunity to exit gangs and lead more productive lives through education and by building leadership skills. Both programs also address the psychological issues typical of violence, such as anger management, conflict resolution and the need for life-coping skills. However, because of the complex and interrelated causes of such violence, the models associated with youth armed violence agree on the need for multi-sector, multi-level interventions. Details: Waterloo, ONT: Project Ploughshares, 2012(?). 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 10, 2012 at: http://www.ploughshares.ca/sites/default/files/youth%20violence%20manual%20web%20pdf.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.ploughshares.ca/sites/default/files/youth%20violence%20manual%20web%20pdf.pdf Shelf Number: 125954 Keywords: Gangs Gun Violence Homicides Violent Crime Youth Violence (Jamaica, Toronto)

Author: Roth, Lenny Title: Provocation and Self-Defence in Intimate Partner and Sexual Advance Homicides Summary: The partial defence of provocation [2]: Provocation is a partial defence to murder. If the prosecution or jury accepts the defence, it results in a conviction for manslaughter instead of murder. The defence developed in English courts in the 16th and 17th centuries. At that time, the death penalty was mandatory for persons convicted of murder. In addition, it was considered virtuous for a man of honour to respond with controlled violence to certain forms of offensive behaviour. If he overreacted to some degree, but not disproportionately, such overreaction was considered to be natural human frailty. The current statutory version of the defence in NSW applies where: (a) the act causing death was the result of a loss of self-control on the part of the accused that was induced by any conduct of the deceased towards or affecting the accused; and (b) that conduct of the deceased was such as could have induced an ordinary person in the position of the accused to have so far lost self control as to have formed an intent to kill, or to inflict grievous bodily harm upon, the deceased. Debate about the provocation defence [3]: Several criticisms have been made about the defence including that provocation and a loss of self-control is an inappropriate basis for a partial defence; that the defence is gender-biased; that the test for the defence is conceptually confused and difficult for juries to understand; and that, as there is no longer a mandatory sentence for murder, provocation should be taken into account in sentencing. Concerns have, in particular, been expressed about the acceptance of the defence in cases where men have killed their female partners; and in cases where men have killed in response to a non-violent sexual advance by a homosexual person. Some argue that the provocation defence should be reformed, and others, that it should be abolished. Arguments for retaining the defence include that provoked killers are not 'murderers'; that juries should decide questions of culpability; that abolishing the defence would lead to increased sentences and uncertainty, and that it would also increase community dissatisfaction with sentencing. Statistics on use of provocation defence [4]: A report by the Judicial Commission of NSW contains data on the use of provocation in NSW in the period from 1990 to 2004. The report found that provocation was raised in 115 cases and it was successful in 75 of these cases. Other findings included that: · there were 11 male offenders that successfully relied on provocation in the context of infidelity or the breakdown of an intimate relationship; · there were 3 male offenders that successfully relied on provocation in the context of an alleged violent confrontation with his female partner; · there were 11 offenders who successfully relied on provocation in the context of an alleged homosexual advance; and · there were 10 cases where a woman successfully relied on provocation after killing her violent male partner. Kate Fitz-Gibbon conducted a review of convictions for manslaughter on the basis of provocation in the NSW Supreme Court in the period from January 2005 to December 2012. This review identified 15 cases where the provocation defence was successful. It was noted that five of these cases involved a non-violent confrontation. In three of these cases the victim was the current or estranged female partner of the male defendant; and in two of these cases, the killing resulted from an allegation of infidelity by the defendant. Recent provocation defence cases in NSW [5]: A recent provocation defence case is Singh v R. In that case, Mr Singh had moved to Australia on a spousal visa, his wife having already moved to Australia on a study visa. Their relationship began to deteriorate from the time of his arrival in Australia. During an argument, Mr Singh killed his wife, strangling her and cutting her throat at least eight times with a Stanley knife. According to the offender, during their confrontation, his wife had slapped him several times, and told him that she had never loved him, that she only loved another man, and that she would make sure he was kicked out of the country. The offender was charged with murder but the jury convicted him of manslaughter on the basis of provocation. He was sentenced to eight years imprisonment with a non-parole period of six years. Provocation reform proposals in NSW [6]: In 1997, the NSW Law Reform Commission published a report on provocation, which recommended retaining the defence but reformulating it. The Commission rejected the option of specifically excluding the operation of the defence in cases where men killed female partners after a relationship breakdown, or in cases of killings in response to homosexual advances. It also rejected the option of removing the “loss of self-control” requirement in the defence to make it more available to women who kill their violent partners. In 1998, a Working Party published its report on killings in response to homosexual advances, which recommended amending the defence. The recommendations that were made by the Commission and the Working Party have not been implemented. Provocation reforms in other States [7]: In 2003, Tasmania became the first Australian jurisdiction to abolish the provocation defence. Since then, two other States have also abolished the defence: Victoria in 2005 and Western Australia in 2008. In Queensland, the defence was recently amended to reduce the scope of it being available to those who kill out of sexual possessiveness or jealousy. The Queensland Law Reform Commission had recommended amending, rather than abolishing, the defence but the mandatory life sentence for murder weighed heavily in coming to this conclusion. The Queensland Government has recently stated that, at this stage, it will not amend the defence to expressly exclude cases involving non-violent sexual advances. This is a reform that has been enacted in the ACT and Northern Territory. Provocation reforms in other countries [8]: The defence of provocation was abolished in New Zealand in 2009. In the United Kingdom, provocation was replaced in 2009 with a new partial defence known as "loss of control". This defence only applies if the defendant's loss of self-control had a "qualifying trigger". One of the triggers is that the loss of self-control was attributable to a thing done or said which constituted circumstances of an extremely grave character; and which caused the defendant to have a justifiable sense of being wronged. However, "the fact that a thing done or said constituted sexual infidelity is to be disregarded". The other trigger is if the defendant's loss of self-control was due to the defendant's fear of serious violence from the victim or another person. In 2009, the Law Reform Commission of Ireland recommended retaining but reformulating the partial defence. Self-defence and excessive self-defence [9]: The defence of self-defence is a complete defence to murder. If the jury accepts the defence it results in an acquittal. Previously, the defence was defined by the common law. In 2001, the defence was codified in legislation in NSW. The defence applies if: (a) a person believed that their conduct was necessary to defend themself or another person; and (b) the person's conduct was a reasonable response in the circumstances as they perceived them. In 2001, the partial defence of excessive self-defence was also reintroduced in NSW (as with the defence of provocation, this partial defence reduces murder to manslaughter). The partial defence of excessive self-defence applies if a person believed that their conduct was necessary to defend themself but this conduct was not to a reasonable response in the circumstances as they perceived them. Self-defence and women who kill their violent partners [10]: Longstanding concerns have been held about the difficulties women face in relying on self-defence when they have killed male partners in the context of a prolonged period of domestic violence and for reasons of self-preservation. The difficulties have arisen, in part, because of the traditional association of self-defence with a one-off spontaneous encounter, such as a pub brawl. The legal test for self-defence has evolved over time and may be broad enough to accommodate women's experiences. The current provision does not require that the threat be imminent or that the response be proportionate. However, the application of the defence in this context is still problematic because these continue to be significant factors in determining whether the defence has been made out. In response to the difficulties that women have faced in relying on self-defence, defence lawyers have attempted to call expert evidence showing that a woman who killed her abusive partner was suffering from "battered woman syndrome". One part of this "syndrome" is that women find it difficult to break out of a cycle of violence because of "learned helplessness". In the 1998 decision of Osland v The Queen, the High Court affirmed that this evidence was admissible but Justice Kirby noted that the syndrome was controversial. More recently, reliance on the battered woman syndrome has been criticised, and researchers have called for an acceptance of expert evidence which places greater emphasis on the social realities of a woman's situation and which reflects the current state of knowledge about the dynamics of abusive relationships. The reintroduction of the partial defence of excessive self-defence may assist women who have killed their abusive partner but who cannot satisfy all of the elements of self-defence. However, a concern has been raised that the availability of this defence may prevent women from being acquitted on the basis of self-defence, due to the existence of an 'easy' middle option. A Judicial Commission of NSW study on partial defences found that between 2002 and June 2005, two women had successfully relied on the partial defence of excessive self-defence after killing their male partners. In both cases, the woman was under attack when she killed her partner. Self-defence reforms in other States [11]: Since 1987, most Australian jurisdictions have enacted new statutory provisions on the complete defence of self-defence. Some jurisdictions have also reintroduced the partial defence of excessive self defence. This paper focused on developments in three States: Victoria, Western Australia, and Queensland. Victoria (in 2005) and Western Australia (in 2008) both enacted new provisions on the complete defence of self-defence and they also both reintroduced the partial defence of excessive self-defence (in Victoria, this was achieved by enacting a new provision on "defensive homicide"). Victoria also introduced special provisions that apply when family violence is alleged. The provisions state that a person may have reasonable grounds for believing that their conduct was necessary to defend themself even if they were responding to harm that was not immediate, or their response involved the use of excessive force. The provisions also set out a non-exhaustive list of the kinds of evidence that might be relevant to determining whether the person had the requisite belief and whether there were reasonable grounds for the belief. The way in which the defensive homicide provision has operated in Victoria (being mainly used by men) has attracted criticism and it is currently under review. In Queensland, the provisions on self-defence have not been reformed but in 2011 a new partial defence to homicide was enacted: "killing for preservation in an abusive relationship". This implemented, in part, the recommendations by two academics, who were commissioned by the Attorney-General in 2009 to consider the development of a separate defence for battered persons who kill their abusers. The report by the academics noted that there was a strong preference from within the legal community for a separate defence rather than for reform of the general law of self-defence. The report also noted that there was insufficient support for a separate complete defence. Commentators have been critical of the new partial defence which, they say, is very similar to the defence of self-defence but leads to a different result. Self-defence reports in other countries [12]: There have been no legislative reforms to self-defence in other countries such as New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Ireland and Canada. Of these countries, only in New Zealand and Ireland has the relevant law reform commission considered the issue of self-defence for women who kill their violent partners. In 2001, the New Zealand Law Reform Commission recommended amending the law of self-defence to make it clear that there can be situations in which the use of force is reasonable where the danger is not imminent but is inevitable. A 2009 report by the Law Reform Commission of Ireland did not recommend any major reforms. National report on legal responses to family violence [13]: In October 2010, the Australian Law Reform Commission and the NSW Law Reform Commission jointly published a comprehensive report on family violence. One section of the report examined defences to homicide, including provocation and self-defence. The report made some general recommendations including: that governments should ensure that defences to homicide accommodate the experiences of family violence victims who kill; that governments should review their defences; and also that legislation should provide guidance about the potential relevance of family-violence related evidence in the context of a defence to homicide (along the lines of the Victorian model). Details: Sydney: NSW Parliamentary Research Services, 2012. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper No 5/2012: Accessed August 11, 2012 at: http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/Prod/parlment/publications.nsf/0/F2BA1BFEED2D87EECA257A4800001BD7/$File/briefing%20paper.provocation%20and%20self-defence.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/Prod/parlment/publications.nsf/0/F2BA1BFEED2D87EECA257A4800001BD7/$File/briefing%20paper.provocation%20and%20self-defence.pdf Shelf Number: 125970 Keywords: Homicides Intimate Partner Violence (Australia) Provocation, Criminal Law Rape Self-Defense Sexual Violence

Author: Guzman, Daniel Title: Unobserved Union Violence: Statistical Estimates of the Total Number of Trade Unionists Killed in Colombia, 1999-2008 Summary: Anti-union assassinations may be one of the best documented violations in Colombia. Unions keep track of who has been killed in their community; companies and public institutions know when their employees are no longer alive. Special interest groups have formed to pay even closer attention to violence across unions, labor sectors, years and municipalities. The National Union School (Escuela Nacional Sindical in Spanish) is one such group: they have recorded violence against trade unions since 1986. Human rights groups, such as the non-governmental (NGO) Colombian Commission of Jurists, monitor the killing of unionists in addition to other victims and other violations. The government’s human rights office, led by the Vice President, began pooling together data on Colombia’s anti-union violence in 1999. Yet, even with so many monitors keeping track of the violence experienced by this group, we estimate in this study that in some places and times, as much as 30% of all the killings are not recorded by any of these datasets. Many have attempted to answer the apparently simple question: “how many trade unionists have been killed in Colombia?” Unions, human rights groups and the Colombian government debate the “right” answer. More recently, the political stakes of the answer increased when governments in North America and Europe linked their consideration of free trade agreements with Colombia to the question of whether violence against unionists has been improving or not. As part of the answer, some groups suggest lists of killings. For example, the ENS published a report in 2007 entitled “2.515 o esa siniestra facilidad para olvidar,” emphasizing their recorded death toll through that date [Montoya, 2007]. Their most recent published count is 2,857 union workers killed in the 25 years between 1986-2010 [Escuela Nacional Sindical, 2011]; a recent news article presents a different number, 2,819 unionized workers killed, for the same period [El Espectador, 2011]. Beyond counts, others try to suggest a pattern across time. For example, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights cites 26 union assassinations in 2010 as an increase from the 25 reported in 2009. The ENS disputes those yearly numbers with a higher count on their website - 28 assassinations in 2009 and 51 in 2010. The controversy around this apparently simple question suggests that there may be more killings that are unknown to some of the monitoring organizations. The debate becomes more complicated when researchers attempt to provide explanations about why the killings occur (or why they do not occur), occasionally with politically-charged interpretations. In 2009, for example, a study argued that union violence in Colombia is neither systematic nor targeted, an argument that many have disputed [Mej´ıa and Uribe, 2009]. The Achilles’ heel of all these claims is that the data are incomplete. All of the existing datasets document some killings, but none of the databases include all trade union homicides. Faced with tremendous political pressure to provide statistics – and to defend them – analysts tend to explain differences between their figures and other analysts’ counts as follows. Some analysts claim that competing numbers are inflated because they include deaths of trade unionists killed for non-union-related motives. Other analysts claim that the rival numbers are deflated because they categorically exclude some of the victims. The datasets used in this study included cases of killings against unionists related to their union activity - organizations that contributed data to this study carefully selected cases of killings of unionists which were viewed to be directly related to their union activity, other kinds of killings such as common crime or crimes of passion are not included. However, even with this common definition of what constitutes a ‘case’ we find some disagreement between groups about whether or not a homicide is related to union activity. As a result, we conducted analyses examining the sensitivity of the results and conclusions presented here to differing decisions regarding the inclusion or exclusion of homicides in the datasets used in this report. For more details see Appendices B and C. Although there is general agreement that even with a particular definition, none of the databases includes all of the victims, researchers have yet to sufficiently address this limitation. We have two purposes with this study. The first is to offer statistical estimates of unknown, unreported trade unionists killed. We use a statistical method called Multiple Systems Estimation, explained in detail in Appendix A. By combining an estimate of the number of deaths not recorded in any source with the number of known, recorded deaths, this analysis offers estimated totals for all unionists killed in Colombia between 1999 and 2008. Second, we are concerned that underregistration (deaths not recorded by any source) has not been sufficiently understood in previous studies which aim to measure anti-union violence3, human rights violations4 or war deaths5. In this report, we demonstrate the interpretative problems that result from ignoring underregistration. We show that underregistration of union killings is not constant across the dimensions we are trying to understand including time, space, and type of union. The variation in levels of undercounting is important because it can alter the interpretations we make when comparing across these dimensions. Details: Palo Alto, CA: Benetech, Human Rights Data Analysis Group, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 13, 2012 at: https://www.hrdag.org/resources/publications/uv-estimates-paper.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Colombia URL: https://www.hrdag.org/resources/publications/uv-estimates-paper.pdf Shelf Number: 126003 Keywords: Anti-Union Violence Homicides Human Rights (Colombia)

Author: Michaelsen, Maren M. Title: Mental Health and Labour Supply: Evidence from Mexico's Ongoing Violent Conflicts Summary: In Mexico, conflicts between drug-trafficking organisations result in a high number of deaths and immense suffering among both victims and non-victims every year. Little scientific research exists which identifies and quantifies the monetary and nonmonetary consequences of ongoing violent conflicts on individuals. Using the Mexican Family Life Survey for 2002 and 2005, the causal effect of mental health (symptoms of depression / anxiety) on the extensive and intensive margin of labour supply for work-ingaged men and women is estimated. Measures of the ongoing drug-related violent conflicts both at the macro level using intentional homicide rates by region, and at the micro level indicated by the presence of armed groups in the neighbourhood, serve as instruments for mental health. The results show a significant adverse impact of the conflicts on anxiety for men and women. Based on IV-Tobit model results, a worse mental health state decreases individual labour supply strongly and significantly for men. The findings demonstrate that Mexico's population not only suffers from the violent conflicts between drug-trafficking organisations by anxiety or even depression but also indirectly from less household income through less work which in turn has consequences for Mexico's social development and economic growth. Details: Brighton, UK: Households in Conflict Network, The Institute of Development Studies - at the University of Sussex, 2012. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 16, 2012 at: http://www.hicn.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HiCN-WP-117.zip Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.hicn.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HiCN-WP-117.zip Shelf Number: 126046 Keywords: Drug Trafficking (Mexico) Drug Violence Economic Development Homicides Labor Supply Poverty

Author: Molzahn, Cory Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2011 Summary: This is the third annual report by the Trans-Border Institute (TBI) on drug violence in Mexico. As with previous reports, the purpose of this study is to examine the available data, specific patterns, contributing factors, and policy recommendations related to growing toll of the drug war in Mexico. The report draws from the extensive research and analysis of the TBI Justice in Mexico Project (www. justiceinmexico.org), which in the past year has benefited from the generous financial support of The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, The Tinker Foundation, and the Open Society Initiative. This report was also informed by conferences and workshops hosted by Brown University in April 2011, the United Nations Social Science Research Council in June 2011, Stanford University in October 2011, and the Guggenheim Foundation and the Woodrow Wilson Center in December 2011. Details: San Diego: Trans-Border Institute, Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, University of San Diego, 2012. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 21, 2012 at http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/2012-tbi-drugviolence.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/2012-tbi-drugviolence.pdf Shelf Number: 126086 Keywords: Assassinations Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Kidnappings Organized Crime Violent Crime (Mexico)

Author: United Nations Development Program - San Salvador Title: Regional Forum for the Exchange of Experiences in the Prevention and Control of Armed Violence Summary: Violence is a complex problem, which is influenced by many different factors, among which are firearms. Although these firearms do not generate violence, there is no doubt that they greatly contribute to their deadliness. Approximately 300,000 people die each year in the world because of firearms, according to a report from Small arms Survey (2204). Of those, more than 200,000 are the product of violence and delinquency. Latin America, with almost 48% of the total, is at the head of the distressing world ranking of homicides caused by firearms. Numbers are not very encouraging for El Salvador: To date this year, an average of 12 persons dies every day because of violence. Of those, 10 have been murdered with a firearm, according to official data. Violence and the proliferation of firearms have direct consequences on the life quality of Salvadorans and a marked impact on the economy and development of the country. They generate direct and indirect costs for everyong, discourage capital investment and have an evident impact on the economy, governance and human development. A key factor in the prevention violence, delinquency and insecurity is to promote the control of the free distribution, and the reduction of firearms use by the civilian population. The Regional Forum for the Exchange of Experiences in the Prevention and Control of Armed Violence was held in San Salvador, on August 10 and 11 with the purpose of gathering international experts and representatives from diverse organizations and institutions in one place to work on the prevention and control of firearms in Latin America. Four international specialists delivered several magisterial conferences, which are presented in part one of this publication. Part two of the publication assembles the transcriptions of the expositions that representatives of diverse organizations and institutions in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Brazil, and El Salvador prepared regarding international, national and regional initiatives and projects related with the prevention and control of firearms. Details: San Salvador, El Salvador: United Nations Development Programe, 2006. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 21, 2012 at http://www.pnud.org.sv/2007/index2.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=202&Itemid=56 Year: 2006 Country: Central America URL: http://www.pnud.org.sv/2007/index2.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=202&Itemid=56 Shelf Number: 126087 Keywords: Armed Violence Firearms Homicides Violent Crimes

Author: Lynch, Joseph J. Title: An Examination of Philadelphia Murder: A Quest to Understand the 2004-2006 Surge in Violent Crime Summary: This paper examines the 2004-2006 surge in violent crime, specifically murder in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Interviews were conducted with local prominent criminal justice professionals. Interviewees were asked what they believe is wrong with the local criminal justice system, and how the system can be enhanced. Crime predictors were identified and suggestions for mitigating them were offered. The findings suggest that reduced funding, lack of collaboration amongst component agencies rank as leading causes for ineffectiveness. One person stated that due to the war in Iraq and Afghanistan, funding streams for juvenile justice programs have been reduced, resulting in fewer programs designed to provide these youth with needed resources to steer them away from crime. It was suggested that restructuring these agencies will improve their operational goals, and create better accountability and improved relationships with the community. It is also recommended that the agencies working within the criminal justice system pool their resources and collaborate regularly to enhance their effectiveness. Details: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2007. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Master of Science in Organizational Dynamics Thesis: Accessed September 17, 2012 at: http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1007&context=od_theses_msod&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%2522an%2520examination%2520of%2520philadelphia%2520murder%2522%26source%3Dweb%26cd%3D2%26ved%3D0CCcQFjAB%26url%3Dhttp%253A%252F%252Frepository.upenn.edu%252Fcgi%252Fviewcontent.cgi%253Farticle%253D1007%2526context%253Dod_theses_msod%26ei%3DuBlXUM3tIefy0gH4qoHAAQ%26usg%3DAFQjCNGhm7hMicrO__BANOjfohgyYf0BCA#search=%22an%20examination%20philadelphia%20murder%22 Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1007&context=od_theses_msod&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3D%2522an%2520examination%2520of%2520philadelphia%2520murder%252 Shelf Number: 126358 Keywords: Gun Violence Homicides Violent Crime (Philadelphia)

Author: Alderden, Megan A. Title: Gang Hot Spots Policing in Chicago: An Evaluation of the Deployment Operations Center Process Summary: From 2000 to 2007, Chicago experienced a significant decline in violent crime (murder, criminal sexual assault, robbery, and aggravated assault/battery), particularly gun-related public violence. In public discourse, this decline was attributed to the Chicago Police Department (CPO) and, in particular, to a process spearheaded by the Deployment Operations Center (DOC). The primary mission of the DOC was to analyze crime and intelligence data, identifying areas of the city believed to have a high probability for violent crime (i.e., violent crime "hot spots"). Areas identified by DOC analysts, termed Level II deployment areas, were used to guide deployment decisions for specialized units, whose responsibility was to enter designated hot spots and suppress gang, drug, and gun crime. The primary purpose of this study, funded by the National Institute of Justice, was to evaluate whether the aforementioned crime reductions could be attributed to the DOC process. To accomplish this, researchers used both qualitative and quantitative research methods, collecting data on various elements of the DOC logic model - analysis of crime and intelligence data, identification of hot spots, communication of designated hot spots to CPO personnel, redeployment of officers to hot spots, and engagement in suppression activities. CPO administrators believed that, through this process, gang, drug, and gun-related crime would be reduced. Details: Final Report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2011. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 25, 2012 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239207.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239207.pdf Shelf Number: 126452 Keywords: Crime Hot Spots Gangs (Chicago) Gun Violence Homicides Policing Violence Violent Crime

Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Evaluation of Baltimore's Safe Streets Program: Effects on Attitudes, Participants’ Experiences, and Gun Violence Summary: Cure Violence, formerly CeaseFire, was developed in 1995 to reduce youth violence associated with firearms. The program takes a multifaceted approach to intervention that involves several different components. One of the major components of this program is street outreach workers, many former gang members, who go out into urban areas and develop relationships with at-risk youth. Outreach staff also act as “violence interruputers” who work around the clock to intervene at the site of conflicts and mediate potential violent encounters between individuals or gangs. Dr. Gary Slutkin developed the Cure Violence program by applying public health lessons to gun violence in some of Chicago’s most dangerous neighborhoods. An earlier rigorous evaluation of Cure Violence in Chicago, using a multiple interrupted time series design, found significant reductions in gun violence and retaliatory homicides associated with four of seven intervention neighborhoods studied. Furthermore, when budget cuts reduced program implementation in certain Chicago neighborhoods, shootings increased in these areas. These preliminary results encouraged the Baltimore City Health Department to replicate Chicago’s Cure Violence program in four of Baltimore’s most violent neighborhoods under the name Safe Streets with a grant from the U.S. Department of Justice. This report presents the evaluation findings of Safe Streets, led by Daniel Webster, ScD, MPH, and Jennifer Whitehill, PhD, of Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health with a grant from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. This rigorous multiple interrupted time series evaluation measures Safe Streets' effect on gun violence, attitudes about the acceptability of gun use and impact on the lives of participants after the implementation of the program. Although the evaluation was not funded by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF), Chicago’s Cure Violence model is being replicated in 15 more sites across the country with a $4.5 million RWJF grant. The findings from this evaluation will be used to identify the most effective elements of the Cure Violence model in reducing gun violence and will add to the body of evidence supporting replication efforts. To measure the effect of the Safe Streets program in intervention neighborhoods, the evaluation: reviewed implementation data of the program; did multiple interrupted time series analysis of the effects of the program on homicide and nonfatal shootings; conducted a community survey of attitudes toward gun violence; and interviewed participants to determine their perceptions of the program’s effect on their lives. Details: Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Center for the Prevention of Youth Violence, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2012. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 9, 2012 at: http://www.rwjf.org/content/dam/web-assets/2012/01/evaluation-of-baltimore-s-safe-streets-program Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.rwjf.org/content/dam/web-assets/2012/01/evaluation-of-baltimore-s-safe-streets-program Shelf Number: 126664 Keywords: At-Risk Youth Gang Violence Gun Violence (Baltimore, U.S.) Homicides Safe Streets Program Youth Violence

Author: Mosqueda, Laura Title: Coroner Investigations of Suspicious Elder Deaths Summary: When an older American dies due to abuse or neglect, not only has a tragedy occurred, but a particularly heinous crime may have been committed. Because disease and death are more likely as adults grow older, those who investigate suspicious deaths have a particular challenge when it comes to deciding which elder deaths to scrutinize. Although crimes resulting in the death of an elder are going undetected, there has been little research on the decision-making process of those who are charged with investigating suspicious elder deaths, the coroner/medical examiner (CME) agencies. This project elucidates that process as it occurs in California CME offices by documenting current practices for deciding to investigate an elder’s death, and consolidating data from CA jurisdictions on these investigations and their outcomes. Based on preliminary findings, an intervention to augment the decision-making process was pilot tested in three CME offices. As a result of these activities, the researchers arrived at some new insights and reconfirmed some earlier findings, and these provide some direction for future funding, policy-making and research. The two primary models for the organization of the CME function involve an (1) elected official, or coroner, as an administrator whose forensic training and qualifications vary widely depending on local requirements or mandates; or (2) an appointed medical examiner who is a board certified forensic pathologist, highly qualified in death investigation. In California, CME offices exist in each of the 58 counties. CME agencies receive reports of death, usually by phone, from reporting parties such as police officers or medical personnel. At the time of the call they can either release the body (No Jurisdiction Assumed, NJA or “waived” decision), or decide to assume jurisdiction and conduct an investigation. An investigation at the time of the death report may include a death scene visit, bringing in the body for viewing or autopsy, toxicology, or lesser strategies such as phone research and medical records review. To date, most research that informs CME professionals about how to detect elder suspicious deaths has inquired into deaths of nursing home residents. A 2007 meta-analysis suggests some indicators of fatal neglect, including pressure ulcers, malnutrition and dehydration (Lindbloom et al. 2007, 610-616). In order to differentiate accidental deaths from fatal elder abuse there is a need for more information on accidental, blunt-force trauma induced deaths from nursing homes (Gruszecki et al. 2004, 209-12). A better understanding of these issues would inform those investigating deaths in the community as well. At least since 1999, coroners and medical examiners have participated in Elder Death Review Teams to study and learn from suspicious elder deaths as well as facilitate communication among public agencies to identify barriers and fill systems gaps (County of Sacramento Elder Death Review Team 2008; County of San Diego Elder Death Review Team 2006, 15; Orange County CA Elder Death Review Team 2003-2008). These efforts are bringing concerns to light and generating local improvements. Some examples of observations and recommendations that focus on the CME agency’s decision to investigate a death follow. • Failure of CMEs to be aware of a suspicious death while the death scene is intact and the body available for autopsy • The problem of physicians who sign death certificates despite suspicious circumstances • Acknowledgement that the perpetrator of abuse may report the death and provide false information • Ensure CME investigators are able to determine if a decedent was an APS client This study reconfirmed a finding of Elder Death Review Teams: that CME offices are failing to assume jurisdiction over elder deaths that should be investigated. An expert panel reviewed actual cases from three agencies and determined that elderly decedent’s remains were being released from investigation (NJA) even though there were signs consistent with abuse or caregiver neglect, as well as when abuse and neglect could not be ruled out based on information provided by reporting parties. The most glaring issue was that many elder deaths were ruled NJA when neither the reporting party nor the CME investigator had viewed the entire body – this was true of a majority of the elder deaths that made up the study sample. In addition, CME decision-makers were especially likely to overlook possible signs of caregiver neglect contributing to an elder death, and some investigators denied in interviews that this potential cause of death was in their purview. Some other concerns uncovered in interviews and from data analyses include (1) some agencies’ policy not to investigate all accidental deaths of elders; (2) impediments to getting information from (potentially) the most efficient source of data on the elder deaths, reporting parties already at the death scene; and (3) the lack of data gathering standards among CME agencies complicating any effort to set a baseline or measure future progress toward improving processes for detecting suspicious elder deaths. Details: Irvine, CA: University of California, Irvine, School of Medicine, 2012. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2012 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239923.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239923.pdf Shelf Number: 127046 Keywords: Coroner Elder Abuse Homicides Medical Examiner Suspicious Deaths

Author: Cruz, Jose Miquel Title: Public Insecurity in Central America and Mexico Summary: Criminal violence and insecurity have grown to become some of the main challenges for governance and democratization in Latin America. A recent report released by the UNDP places Central America as the most violent subregion in the world, higher than the Latin American region as a whole, which itself is the most criminally violent of all world regions. According to the data, Central America has a homicide rate of 30 deaths per one hundred thousand people (PNUD 2009). This is three times the overall rate for the world, and places Central America above the Latin American average. The impact of crime on development seems hard to overstate but as violence spreads out and becomes a frequent phenomenon in Latin American societies, public insecurity grows to be a normal feature in social interactions (Bailey and Dammert 2006). Fear of crime can be generated by different variables, not only by crime and violence. Economic security, institutional performance, ecological conditions and individual characteristics may affect levels of public insecurity. All these conditions interact with crime and violence to generate more uncertainty and, in some cases, social unrest. This report in the AmericasBarometer Insights series seeks to explore the conditions that boost feelings of insecurity among the population in Central America and Mexico. We have chosen to focus on these countries because they provide good grounds for comparison regarding different levels of violence. While El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras have the highest crime rates in the hemisphere, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Panama report some of the lowest rates in the Americas. A further reason for focusing on this region is that the surveys carried out in these countries incorporated some questions that were not included in other countries in the 2008 series. Details: Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University, 2009. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: AmericasBarometer Insights: 2009 (No.28): Accessed January 24, 2013 at: http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/I0828en.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America URL: http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/insights/I0828en.pdf Shelf Number: 127395 Keywords: Fear of Crime Homicides Violence Violent Crime (Central American, Mexico)

Author: Sohnen, Eleanor Title: Paying for Crime: A Review of the Relationships Between Insecurity and Development in Mexico and Central America Summary: For Mexico and Central America, insecurity, crime, and violence are major barriers to economic growth and development. Insecurity negatively impacts citizens’ health and quality of life. It erodes trust and cooperation, both interpersonal as well as between citizens and governments and security and judicial institutions. It reduces individuals’ and businesses’ willingness to invest in human and physical capital. And it diverts scarce public resources toward health and security spending — limiting the capacity of government institutions to finance and carry out other critical functions, and often crowding out public investment in human development. In effect, crime, violence, and insecurity can stunt countries’ social, economic, and political growth, rendering them vulnerable to stagnation and decay. If left unchallenged, crime and insecurity can prevent these societies from realizing their full developmental and economic potential. The relationship between violence and development is complicated. Across the world, however, several trends are clear: Countries with lower levels of income inequality and unemployment have lower homicide rates. Meanwhile, countries with higher growth rates have lower crime rates overall — both violent crime and property crime. Furthermore, studies have found a global correlation (though causation cannot be inferred) between relatively high rates of homicidal violence and failure to achieve progress on certain Millennium Development Goals, namely: eradicating extreme poverty, youth unemployment, and hunger; improving primary school enrollment ratios; and reducing infant mortality and adolescent birth rates. Overall, during the period from 1990 to 2008, countries with lower average homicide rates had an 11 percent higher chance of improving their standing in the United Nations’ Human Development Index — a composite measure of social and economic development — than those with higher homicide rates. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center, Migration Policy Institute, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2013 at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-PayingforCrime.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/RMSG-PayingforCrime.pdf Shelf Number: 127406 Keywords: Homicides Poverty Violence (Mexico and Central America) Violent Crime

Author: Seelke, Clare Ribando Title: Gangs in Central America Summary: Congress has maintained an interest in the effects of gang violence in Central America, and on the expanding activities of transnational gangs with ties to that region operating in the United States. Since FY2008, Congress has appropriated significant amounts of funding for anti-gang efforts in Central America, as well as domestic anti-gang programs. Two recent developments may affect congressional interest in Central American gangs: a truce between rival gangs has dramatically lowered violence in El Salvador and the U.S. Treasury Department has designated the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) as a significant transnational criminal organization (TCO). MS-13 and its main rival, the “18th Street” gang (also known as M-18) continue to threaten citizen security and challenge government authority in Central America. Gang-related violence has been particularly acute in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, which have among the highest homicide rates in the world. In recent years, some governments have moved away, at least on a rhetorical level, from repressive anti-gang strategies, with the government of El Salvador now facilitating a historic—and risky—truce involving the country’s largest gangs. The truce has resulted in a dramatic reduction in homicides since March 2012, but carries risks for the Salvadoran government such as what might happen if the gangs were to walk away from the truce and emerge stronger as a result of months of less-stringent prison conditions. U.S. agencies have been engaged on both the law enforcement and preventive sides of dealing with Central American gangs; an inter-agency committee developed a U.S. Strategy to Combat Criminal Gangs from Central America and Mexico that was first announced in July 2007. The strategy focuses on diplomacy, repatriation, law enforcement, capacity enhancement, and prevention. An April 2010 study by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommended that U.S. agencies consider strengthening the anti-gang strategy by developing better oversight and measurement tools to guide its implementation. U.S. law enforcement efforts may be bolstered by the Treasury Department’s October 2012 decision to designate and sanction MS-13 as a major TCO pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13581. In recent years, Congress has increased funding to support anti-gang efforts in Central America. Between FY2008 and FY2012, Congress appropriated roughly $35 million in global International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) funds for anti-gang efforts in Central America. Congress provided additional support in FY2008 and FY2009 for anti-gang efforts in the region through the Mérida Initiative, a counterdrug and anticrime program for Mexico and Central America, and, more recently, through the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). Congressional oversight may focus on the efficacy of anti-gang efforts in Central America; the interaction between U.S. domestic and international anti-gang policies, and the impact of the Treasury Department’s TCO designation on law enforcement efforts against MS-13. This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country and regional approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect to gangs in Central America. Also see: CRS Report R41731, Central America Regional Security Initiative: Background and Policy Issues for Congress, by Peter J. Meyer and Clare Ribando Seelke. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2012. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: CRS RL34112: Accessed January 30, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf Shelf Number: 127358 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs (Central America) Homicides MS-13

Author: Curtis, Melina Title: Statistical Analysis and Summary of Themes Family Violence Death Reviews of Deaths between 2004 – 2011 Summary: This report includes data about family violence deaths that occurred between 2004 and Sept 2011, where a family violence death review was carried out. It does not include all FV deaths that occurred during the period. Family violence death victims were almost evenly proportioned across adult female (36%), adult male (31%) and child deaths (33%). Adult males were more commonly killed by people outside of their immediate family (not people they lived with) while women and children were most commonly killed by people who lived in the same house. Children were more often killed by their mothers than any other group of suspects: Fifteen out of 33 child victims (45%) were killed by their mothers. Five newborn babies (15% of child victims) were killed by women who concealed their pregnancy and killed the baby immediately after birth. Six children were killed by their mothers, prior to the mother committing suicide. Details: Wellington, NZ: New Zealand Police, 2012. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: http://www.police.govt.nz/sites/default/files/resources/family-violence-death-review-2004-2011.pdf Year: 2012 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.police.govt.nz/sites/default/files/resources/family-violence-death-review-2004-2011.pdf Shelf Number: 127569 Keywords: Family Violence (New Zealand) Homicides Infanticide Intimate Partner Violence

Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Gun Deaths Outpace Motor Vehicle Deaths in the DMV in 2010 Summary: Firearm-related fatalities exceeded motor vehicle fatalities in the DMV (District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia) in 2010, the most recent year for which data is available for both products. Firearm-related deaths include homicide, suicide, and unintentional fatal injuries (see chart below).1 Gun deaths outpaced motor vehicle deaths not only in the region as a whole, but in each of the three jurisdictions that comprise the DMV. In 2010, gun deaths in the DMV totaled 1,512 while motor vehicles deaths totaled 1,280. The statistics in the DMV offer a stark illustration of a public health emergency that often receives scant attention from policymakers. Firearms remain the only consumer product not regulated by a federal health and safety agency, while the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) has overseen automobile safety since 1966. Nationally, firearm fatalities almost equal motor vehicle deaths despite the fact that roughly three times as many Americans own automobiles as own firearms. The tolerance for such a high level of gun death is even harder to comprehend when the relative utility of the two products is taken into account. Unlike guns, motor vehicles are essential to the functioning of the U.S. economy. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2012. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/dmv.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/dmv.pdf Shelf Number: 127574 Keywords: Firearms and Crime Gun Control Policy Gun Violence (U.S.) Homicides

Author: Birdsey, Emma M. Title: Criminal Offences Involving Firearms in New South Wales, 1995-2011 Summary: Aim: To investigate trends over time, spatial patterns, and characteristics of criminal offences involving firearms. Method: This study used data from the NSW Police Force Computerised Operational Policing System and the Australian Bureau of Statistics. Characteristics and spatial patterns of offences involving firearms were described and trends across 1995 to 2011 were analysed using Kendall’s rank-order correlation test. Results: The number of incidents involving a firearm declined (48% between 1995 and 2011). Robbery involving a firearm decreased (51%, 1995-2011) and unlawfully discharge firearm decreased (24%, 1995-2011), although discharge firearm into premises increased (144%, 1995-2011). The rate of shoot with intent incidents per 100,000 population in Sydney was greater than the rest of NSW. The average age of male offenders was 24.2 years for robbery, 26.6 years for murder and attempted murder, 30.9 years for assault, and 36.5 years for harassment involving firearms in 2011. Homicide, assault, abduction and kidnapping, and harassment involving firearms occurred mostly in residences in 2011. Robbery involving firearms occurred mostly in business/commercial premises. The rate of firearm theft was lower in Sydney than the rest of NSW in 2011 (0.8 and 6.4 per 100,000 population, respectively). Firearms were most frequently stolen from residences (79%, 2011). Rifles were the most stolen firearm (66%, 2011). Conclusion: Despite the recent upward trend in drive-by shootings, the long-term trend in criminal offences involving firearms is down. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2012. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Bureau Brief; Issue Paper No. 82: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/bb82.pdf/$file/bb82.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/bb82.pdf/$file/bb82.pdf Shelf Number: 127582 Keywords: Drive-By Shootings Firearms and Crime Gun Violence (Australia) Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Molzahn, Cory Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2012 Summary: The year 2012 marked the end of the six-year term of President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012), who was both lauded for his administration's unprecedented assault on organized crime groups and criticized for the loss of human life that accompanied this fight. From the beginning of his presidency, President Calderon made security a primary focus of his administration by doubling national security budgets and deploying tens of thousands of federal forces to the states most impacted by violence among drug trafficking organizations. However, under President Calderon, the number of overall homicides annually increased more than two and a half times from 10,452 in 2006 to 27,213 in 2011, according to figures from the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica y Geografia, INEGI). During the first five full years of Calderon's term - from 2007 through 2011 - INEGI reported 95,646 people killed, an average of 19,129 per year, or more than 50 people per day. By these measures, there was a 24% average annual increase in overall homicides during the Calderon administration. Calculating that overall homicides appear to have dropped by roughly 5-10% in 2012, our estimate is that the total number of homicides during the Calderon administration was likely around 120,000 to 125,000 people killed, depending on whether INEGI or the National System of Public Security (Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Publica, SNSP) data are used. In July 2012, Mexico elected a new president, Enrique Pena Nieto, who took office on December 1, restoring to power the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), which governed Mexico without interruption for over seven decades until it lost the presidency in 2000. For better security coordination among government agencies, President Pena Nieto has instructed the Interior Ministry (Secretaria de Gobernacion, SEGOB) to oversee the creation of a new network, the System of Coordination and Cooperation (Sistema de Coordinacion y Cooperacion). In January 2012, Pena Nieto gave a clear message regarding the direction that his presidency will follow on security policy when he unveiled the "Pact for Mexico" (Pacto por Mexico), an agreement signed along with representatives from Mexico's major political parties. The Pacts 34-page itemized list of policies and reform's set forth proposals in several areas related to security and justice issues, particularly focusing on reducing homicides, kidnapping, and extortion. The Pact outlined steps to establish a 10,000-person National Gendarmerie and a unified police command system at the state-level. Above all, from the outset of his term, Pena Nieto declared that his security strategy would abandon the Calderon administration's heavy dependence on military deployments and its focus on dismantling organized crime groups. This information is part of Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis through 2012, the fourth of a series of reports that the Trans-Border Institute's Justice in Mexico Project has put together each year since 2010 to compile the latest available data and analysis to evaluate these challenges. Details: San Diego, CA: Trans-Border Institute, Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, University of San Diego, 2013. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2013 at: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2013/02/130206-dvm-2013-final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2013/02/130206-dvm-2013-final.pdf Shelf Number: 127699 Keywords: Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Drugs and Crime Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Anderson, James M. Title: Measuring the Effect of Defense Counsel on Homicide Case Outcomes Summary: This study examined the impact of randomly assigned public defenders and court-appointed private attorneys in the outcome of criminal cases in Philadelphia. The study found that there are vast differences in outcomes for defendants assigned different counsel types raises important questions about the adequacy and fairness of the criminal justice system. Details: Final report to the U.S. Department of Justice, 2012. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 26, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/241158.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/241158.pdf Shelf Number: 127721 Keywords: Attorneys Case Processing Defense Counsel (U.S.) Homicides Indigent Defense Public Defenders

Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Southwest Border Security: Data Are Limited and Concerns Vary about Spillover Crime along the Southwest Border Summary: Drug-related homicides have dramatically increased in recent years in Mexico along the nearly 2,000-mile border it shares with the United States. U.S. federal, state, and local officials have stated that the prospect of crime, including violence, spilling over from Mexico into the southwestern United States is a concern. GAO was asked to review crime rates and assess information on spillover crime along the border. Specifically, this report addresses: (1) What information do reported crime rates in southwest border communities provide on spillover crime and what do they show? (2) What efforts, if any, have federal, state, and select local law enforcement agencies made to track spillover crime along the southwest border? (3) What concerns, if any, do these agencies have about spillover crime? (4) What steps, if any, have these agencies taken to address spillover crime? GAO analyzed crime data from all of the 24 southwest border counties from 2004 through 2011 and federal documentation, such as threat assessments and DHS’s plans for addressing violence along the southwest border. GAO interviewed officials from DHS and DOJ and their components. GAO also interviewed officials from 37 state and local law enforcement agencies responsible for investigating and tracking crime in the border counties in the four southwest border states (Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas). While the results of the interviews are not generalizable, they provided insights. GAO is not making any recommendations. DHS provided comments, which highlighted border-related crime initiatives recognized by GAO. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2013. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-13-175: Accessed March 1, 2013 at: http://www.gao.gov/assets/660/652320.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.gao.gov/assets/660/652320.pdf Shelf Number: 127743 Keywords: Border Security Drug Violence Homicides Organized Crime Spillover Crime Violence Crime (U.S. and Mexico)

Author: Florida Stand Youth Ground Task Force Title: Final Report to Governors Task Force Summary: In the years since passage of the drastic revisions to Chapter 776 of the Florida Statute regarding the use of force in self-defense, Floridians have grappled with the tragic consequences of a arguably, ambiguous law which has shown demonstrable confusion within and among police departments, prosecuting offices and the courts. While commonly referred to as the “Stand Your Ground” law, the statutes have not simply helped law abiding citizens protect themselves from attack, but instead, have often been used as cover for the perpetrators of crimes. Each day that goes by without legislative action places innocent lives at stake. While the focus on public safety and the previously well-established principles of self defense are paramount to the Task Force’s review, the evaluation is also concerned with preventing operation of a system tantamount to lawlessness, where any person can, within a matter of seconds, render himself investigator, judge, jury and executioner, all in one. In a civilized society, governing institutions must provide all Floridians with grounds for confidence in the justice system. The work of the Task Force is geared to avoid extreme pendulum shifts, and to ensure the balance which provides all persons in Florida assurance in their safety and the rule of law. The Task Force’s recommendations are arranged in the following order: recommendation unanimously agreed to, consensus recommendations - which had significant debate and dissention, and one discussion item. Details: Tallahassee: Florida Stand Your Ground Task Force, 2012. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed March 5, 2013 at: http://senatorchrissmith.com/standyourground/finalreport.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://senatorchrissmith.com/standyourground/finalreport.pdf Shelf Number: 127832 Keywords: Homicides Self-Defense Stand Your Ground Laws (Florida, U.S.)

Author: Wilhelm, Daniel F. Title: Youth, Safety, and Violence: Schools, Communities, and Mental Health Summary: One of the most shocking elements of the Newtown, Connecticut tragedy is that it took place in what is supposed to be a safe place for children: a school. Understandably, much attention is being paid to how to make and keep schools safe. Some propose that increasing the police presence in schools is necessary. However, in a 2005 national survey of principals, a quarter of those who reported the presence of school-based law enforcement personnel (often referred to as School Resource Officers, or SROs) said that the primary reason for introducing police was not the level of violence in the school, disorder problems, or even requests from parents, but “national media attention about school violence.” In considering this approach, it is important to recognize that little is known about the immediate and long-term effects of such a policy and practice. Intensive information gathering and discussion about the potential implications of allowing or increasing school-based police is needed to ensure that a well-intentioned policy initiative does not have unintended consequences, such as: further criminalizing youth, particularly youth of color from marginalized and under-resourced communities; impeding the development of positive school enviroments; and in some cases, actually reducing the likelihood of achieving the goal of fostering safe school environments. It is also necessary to put school violence in context: according to national data, less than 1 percent of all homicides among school-aged children occur on school grounds or in transit to and from school. This figure does not detract from the tragedy of any death or other violent incidents related to school, but it demonstrates where most lethal violence takes place in young people’s lives: outside school settings. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2013. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed March 12, 2013 at: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/youth-safety-and-violence.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/youth-safety-and-violence.pdf Shelf Number: 127926 Keywords: Homicides Mental Health Services School Crime School Resource Officers School Safety School Violence (U.S.)

Author: Chauhan, Preeti Title: Homicide by Neighborhood: Mapping New York City’s Violent Crime Drop Summary: The United States, and New York City (NYC) in particular, experienced falling rates of violent crime beginning in the 1990s. For two decades, researchers, scholars, and policymakers interested in the NYC crime decline have attempted to pinpoint causes of the downward trend. Discovering the causes of the city’s crime drop may lead to important lessons for the city itself and may influence policy and practice throughout the state, nation, and perhaps other countries. Researchers have suggested a host of mechanisms that may explain the dramatic decline in violence, but two factors—misdemeanor policing and the transformation of drug markets—continue to receive the most attention. This report focuses on these factors in relation to gun-related homicide rates. Specifically, it describes and maps precinct-level relationships between misdemeanor policing, drug markets, and gun-related homicide rates from 1990 to 1999 in NYC. While some precincts demonstrate theoretically expected patterns, others do not. An increase in misdemeanor policing is related to a decrease in homicide in some, but not all, precincts. Similarly, a decrease in drug use (measured by accidental deaths with toxicology reports positive for cocaine and drug arrest rates) is not consistently related to homicide decline. Notably, cocaine consumption demonstrates more theoretically consistent relationships relative to drug arrest rates. Overall, there is substantial heterogeneity in the social processes associated with the decline in violent crime. A few select precincts may be responsible for driving aggregate level trends. Future investigations may be able to develop a more nuanced understanding of the complex systems of crime reduction if they consider micro level, geospatial analyses, in addition to multivariate analyses. Details: New York: Research and Evaluation Center, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, 2012. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2013 at: http://johnjayresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/rec20122.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://johnjayresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/rec20122.pdf Shelf Number: 127932 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun Violence Homicides Neighborhoods and Crime Violent Crime (New York City, U.S.)

Author: McDougal, Topher Title: The Way of the Gun: Estimating Firearms Traffic Across the U.S.-Mexico Border Summary: This new study estimates the volume and value of arms trafficking from the United States to Mexico. We apply a unique GIS-generated county-level panel dataset (1993-1999 and 2010-2012) of Federal Firearms Licenses to sell small arms (FFLs) and we create a demand curve for firearms based on the distance by road from the nearest point on the U.S.-Mexico border and official border crossing. We use a time-series negative binomial model paired with a post-estimation population attributable fraction (PaF) estimator. In this way, we are able to estimate a total demand for trafficking, both in terms of firearms and dollar sales for the firearms industry. Details: Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Igarape Institute; San Diego, University of San Diego, Trans-Border Institute, 2013. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 20, 2013 at: http://pt.igarape.org.br/the-way-of-the-gun-estimating-firearms-traffic-across-the-u-s-mexico-border/ Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://pt.igarape.org.br/the-way-of-the-gun-estimating-firearms-traffic-across-the-u-s-mexico-border/ Shelf Number: 128044 Keywords: Border Security Firearms Trafficking Gun Trafficking Gun Violence (U.S., Mexico) Homicides Murders

Author: Kolbe, Athena R. Title: The Economic Costs of Violent Crime in Urban Haiti. Results from Monthly Household Surveys, August 2011- July 2012 Summary: Crime and victimization are amongst the most pressing concerns cited by Haitian citizens today. Surveys conducted on a monthly basis between August 2011 and July 2012 indicate that violent crime is increasingly common, particularly in the densely packed `popular` zones of Haiti’s largest urban centers. Paradoxically, in spite of increased international investment in restoring the capacities of the Haitian National Police, ordinary Haitians struggle to access basic policing services. This Strategic Brief is the second of a series that features findings from longitudinal surveys using random sampling methods. The assessment is focused principally on households residing in urban areas of Port-au-Prince, Les Cayes, Cap Haitien, Gonaives, St. Marc, Jacmel and Leogane. All respondents were randomly selected and surveyed about their experiences with crime, their quality of life, and their ability to access basic services such as health care. Taken together, these surveys also demonstrate the serious economic costs of insecurity amongst ordinary Haitians. The findings of the Strategic Brief are: • The crude murder rate for Port-au-Prince increased from 60.9 to 76.2 murders per 100,000 between February and July 2012, with residents of “popular zones” being 40 times more likely to be murdered than other urban dwellers. • The costs of a physical or sexual assault on a household member amounts to roughly 20 per cent of the household’s annual income while a murder can leave households with expenses that are 5.5 times the annual average annual income. • Children are particularly vulnerable to adverse outcomes after the victimization of a household member. When compared with children from households not experiencing crime, victimized children were more likely to be sent to live with other families as restaveks (unpaid domestic servants), to experience food insecurity, and to be forced to withdraw from school. • Funeral and burial costs averaged USD $4,958.70. Nearly all of the households surveyed took out loans to pay for the costs of the funeral; the interest charged on loans from moneylenders and morticians ranged from 50-150 per cent. • Reports of police bribes increased between A A ugust 2011 and July 2012. Nearly 25 per cent of victims of physical assaults and 19 per cent of victims of property crime said they were asked for or paid a bribe to police to facilitate the progress of their case. • More than half of sexual assault victims and household members who tried to report the crime to the police complained that officers refused to make a report or tried to dissuade the victim or family members from doing so. Roughly 12 per cent of sexual assault victims reported paying or being asked for bribes by police; the average bribe given was 1,209 gourdes (SD: 744.3 gourdes), about USD $30. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, 2012. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Strategic Note 2: Accessed March 20, 2013 at: http://igarape.org.br/wp-content/themes/igarape_v2/pdf/Strategic_Note_2.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Haiti URL: http://igarape.org.br/wp-content/themes/igarape_v2/pdf/Strategic_Note_2.pdf Shelf Number: 128045 Keywords: Costs of Crime Crime Statistics (Haiti) Homicides Murders Victimization Surveys Violent Crime

Author: Kolbe, Athena R. Title: Haiti's Urban Crime Wave? Results from Monthly Household Surveys August 2011 - February 2012 Summary: Haiti exhibited a dramatic escalation in criminal violence with Haitians reporting declining confidence in police institutions during the last six months (August 2011 to February 2012). For the first time since 2007, the incidence of violent crime and victimization has shown a consistent increase, and confidence in public institutions appears to be dropping quickly. Random household surveys conducted on a monthly basis between August 2011 and February 2012 indicate that violent crime is increasingly common, particularly over the past few months in the densely packed ‘popular’ zones of Haiti’s largest urban centers. This assessment is based on a longitudinal survey using random sampling methods. Specifically, households in the urban areas of Port-au-Prince, Les Cayes, Cap Haitien, Gonaives, St. Marc, Jacmel and Leogane were randomly selected and surveyed about their experiences with criminality and faith in public institutions. The survey sought to measure their exposure to insecurity and opinions regarding future safety. Collectively, these surveys demonstrate an increasing dissatisfaction with the government of Haiti after five years of growing confidence as well as fears that political uncertainty and turmoil will increase crime. The preliminary findings of the assessment are: • The number of reported homicides across all urban settings increased considerably between November 2011 and February 2012. Half of the reported murders occurred during armed robbery or attempted armed robbery. While Port-au-Prince’s overall homicide is low in comparaison to other Caribbean cities, this nevertheless represents a rate of 60.9 per 100,000, one of the highest recorded rates since 2004; • Property crime increased dramatically between October 2011 and February 2012. These property crimes often entailed the theft of modest amounts of cash and personal assets such as mobile phones; • Residents of low-income popular zones were more likely to be victims of crime than others. For instance, in January 2011, residents of these areas were 20 times more likely to be subjected to a property crime, 18 times more likely to be physically assaulted and 27 times more likely to be sexually assaulted than residents in wealthier and less densely populated areas; • Complaints of police misconduct, including being asked for bribes and sexual harassment by uniformed officers, increased during the study period. For the first time since 2007, overall support for the Haitian National Police is on the decline with residents expressing concerns that police are unable or unwilling to protect them from crime. Since November 2011, there has been a marked deterioration in public support for the police. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, 2012. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Strategic Note 2: Accessed March 20, 2013 at: http://igarape.org.br/wp-content/themes/igarape_v2/pdf/Strategic_Note_1.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Haiti URL: http://igarape.org.br/wp-content/themes/igarape_v2/pdf/Strategic_Note_1.pdf Shelf Number: 128046 Keywords: Homicides Murders Urban Areas Victimization Surveys Violent Crime (Haiti)

Author: Cramer, Clayton E. Title: Background Checks and Murder Rates Summary: What is the statistical evidence of the effects of state mandatory firearms background check laws on murder rates? For states that adopted or repealed such laws after 1960 (which consistent and high quality murder rate data becomes available), an interrupted time series analysis shows that five out of nine states have statistically significant changes in murder rates, which three having higher murder rates during the background check period, and two having lower murder rates. Of the four states with statistically insignificant changes in murder rates, two had higher murder rates during the background check period, and two had lower murder rates during the background check period. Details: Unpublished paper, 2013. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2249317 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2249317 Shelf Number: 12361 Keywords: Background Checks (U.S.) Firearms and Crime Gun Control Policies Gun Violence Homicides

Author: Bryant, Rhonda Title: Taking Aim at Gun Violence: Rebuilding Community Education & Employment Pathways Summary: In a single generation, our nation is faced with the prospect of losing over 132,000 black men and boys to gun violence. Moreover, for every black male who dies from gun violence, there are another 24 others who suffer non-fatal injuries - making the impacts of such violence even greater. In black communities, gun violence is about far more than reforming gun control laws and empowering law enforcement. Gun violence for young black males predominates in communities where residents live in concentrated disadvantage with high rates of unemployment, school dropout, and poverty. The absence of opportunities in these communities gives rise to criminal activity and the loss of too many young lives. Solving the crisis of gun violence in communities requires that America address the issue of concentrated poverty and geography. The rebuilding and strengthening of these communities through creating infrastructure to provide improved education and employment opportunities for black youth will significantly reduce issues of gun violence. Details: Washington, DC: CLASP, 2013. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2013 at: http://www.clasp.org/admin/site/publications/files/Taking-Aim-at-Gun-Violence.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.clasp.org/admin/site/publications/files/Taking-Aim-at-Gun-Violence.pdf Shelf Number: 128428 Keywords: Firearms and Crime Gang Violence Gun Violence (U.S.) Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Lamb, Robert Dale Title: Microdynamics of Illegitimacy and Complex Urban Violence in Medellin, Colombia Summary: For most of the past 25 years, Medellin, Colombia, has been an extreme case of complex, urban violence, involving not just drug cartels and state security forces, but also street gangs, urban guerrillas, community militias, paramilitaries, and other nonstate armed actors who have controlled micro-territories in the city's densely populated slums in ever-shifting alliances. Before 2002, Medellin's homicide rate was among the highest in the world, but after the guerrillas and militias were defeated in 2003, a major paramilitary alliance disarmed and a period of peace known as the "Medellin Miracle" began. Policy makers facing complex violence elsewhere were interested in finding out how that had happened so quickly. The research presented here is a case study of violence in Medellin over five periods since 1984 and at two levels of analysis: the city as a whole, and a sector called Caicedo La Sierra. The objectives were to describe and explain the patterns of violence, and determine whether legitimacy played any role, as the literature on social stability suggested it might. Multilevel, multidimensional frameworks for violence and legitimacy were developed to organize data collection and analysis. The study found that most decreases in violence at all levels of analysis were explained by increases in territorial control. Increases in collective (organized) violence resulted from a process of "illegitimation," in which an intolerably unpredictable living environment sparked internal opposition to local rulers and raised the costs of territorial control, increasing their vulnerability to rivals. As this violence weakened social order and the rule of law, interpersonal-communal (unorganized) violence increased. Over time, the "true believers" in armed political and social movements became marginalized or corrupted; most organized violence today is motivated by money. These findings imply that state actors, facing resurgent violence, can keep their tenuous control over the hillside slums (and other "ungoverned" areas) if they can avoid illegitimizing themselves. Their priority, therefore, should be to establish a tolerable, predictable daily living environment for local residents and businesses: other anti-violence programs will fail without strong, permanent, and respectful governance structures. Details: College Park, MD: University of Maryland, 2010. 657p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 6, 2013 at: http://drum.lib.umd.edu/handle/1903/10242 Year: 2010 Country: Colombia URL: http://drum.lib.umd.edu/handle/1903/10242 Shelf Number: 128671 Keywords: Gangs Homicides Militias Organized Crime Paramilitaries Rule of Law Urban Areas Violence (Colombia) Violent Crime

Author: Title: Peña Nieto’s Challenge: Criminal Cartels and Rule of Law in Mexico Summary: After years of intense, cartel-related bloodshed that has claimed tens of thousands of lives and shaken Mexico, new President Enrique Peña Nieto is promising to reduce the murder rate. The security plan he introduced with the backing of the three biggest parties gives Mexico a window of opportunity to build institutions that can produce long-term peace and cut impunity rates. But he faces many challenges. The cartels have thousands of gunmen and have morphed into diversified crime groups that not only traffic drugs, but also conduct mass kidnappings, oversee extortion rackets and steal from the state oil industry. The military still fights them in much of the country on controversial missions too often ending in shooting rather than prosecutions. If Peña Nieto does not build an effective police and justice system, the violence may continue or worsen. But major institutional improvements and more efficient, comprehensive social programs could mean real hope for sustainable peace and justice. The development of cartels into murder squads fighting to control territory with military-grade weapons challenges the Mexican state’s monopoly on the use of force in some regions. The brutality of their crimes undermines civilian trust in the government’s capacity to protect them, and the corruption of drug money damages belief in key institutions. Cartels challenge the fundamental nature of the state, therefore, not by threatening to capture it, but by damaging and weakening it. The military fight-back has at times only further eroded the trust in government by inflicting serious human rights abuses. Some frustrated communities have formed armed “selfdefence” groups against the cartels. Whatever the intent, these also degrade the rule of law. There has been fierce discussion about how to legally define the fighting. The violence has been described as a low-intensity armed conflict, a kind of war, because of the number of deaths and type of weapons used. The criminal groups have been described as everything from gangs, drug cartels and transnational criminal organisations, to paramilitaries and terrorists. The Mexican government, much of the international community and many analysts reject the idea there is anything other than a serious criminal threat, even though those criminal groups use military and, at times, vicious terror tactics. The army and marines, too, thrown into the breach with limited police training and without efficient policing methods, have often used intense and lethal force to fight the groups, killing more than 2,300 alleged criminals in a five-year period. Within the grey world of fighting between rival cartels and security forces, there is much confusion as to who the victims of the violence are, and who killed them or made them disappear. Estimates of the total who have died in connection with the fighting over the last six years range from 47,000 to more than 70,000, in addition to thousands of disappearances. Cartel gunmen often dress in military uniforms and include corrupt police in their ranks, so people are unsure if they are facing criminals or troops. A victims movement is demanding justice and security. Mexico has also lost hundreds of police and army officers, mayors, political candidates, judges, journalists and human rights defenders to the bloodshed that is taking a toll on its democratic institutions. Details: Brussels, Belgium: International Crisis Group, 2013. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 48: Accessed May 13, 2013 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/mexico/048-pena-nietos-challenge-criminal-cartels-and-rule-of-law-in-mexico.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/mexico/048-pena-nietos-challenge-criminal-cartels-and-rule-of-law-in-mexico.pdf Shelf Number: 128724 Keywords: Drug - Related Violence (Mexico) Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Kidnappings Organized Crime Violent Crimes

Author: Planty, Michael Title: Firearm Violence, 1993–2011 Summary: –Firearm-related homicides declined 39 percent and nonfatal firearm crimes declined 69 percent from 1993 to 2011, the Justice Department’s Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) announced today. Firearm-related homicides dropped from 18,253 homicides in 1993 to 11,101 in 2011, and nonfatal firearm crimes dropped from 1.5 million victimizations in 1993 to 467,300 in 2011. For both fatal and nonfatal firearm victimizations, the majority of the decline occurred during the 10-year period from 1993 to 2002. The number of firearm homicides declined from 1993 to 1999, rose through 2006 and then declined through 2011. Nonfatal firearm violence declined from 1993 through 2004 before fluctuating in the mid- to late 2000s. In 2011, about 70 percent of all homicides and eight percent of all nonfatal violent victimizations (rape, sexual assault, robbery and aggravated assault) were committed with a firearm, mainly a handgun. A handgun was used in about 7 in 10 firearm homicides and about 9 in 10 nonfatal firearm violent crimes in 2011. In the same year, about 26 percent of robberies and 31 percent of aggravated assaults involved a firearm, such as handguns, shotguns or rifles. In 2007-11, about one percent of victims in all nonfatal violent crimes reported using a firearm to defend themselves during the incident. A small number of property crime victims also used a firearm in self-defense—about 0.1 percent of all property victimizations. The majority of nonfatal firearm violence occurred in or around the victim’s home (42 percent) or in an open area, on the street, or while on public transportation (23 percent). Less than one percent of all nonfatal firearm violence occurred in schools. From 1993 to 2010, males, blacks and persons ages 18 to 24 were most likely to be victims of firearm-related homicide. In 2011, the rate of nonfatal firearm violent for males (1.9 per 1,000) was not significantly different than the rate for females (1.6 per 1,000). Non-Hispanic blacks (2.8 per 1,000) and Hispanics (2.2 per 1,000) had higher rates of nonfatal firearm violence than non-Hispanic whites (1.4 per 1,000). Persons ages 18 to 24 had the highest rates of nonfatal firearm violence (5.2 per 1,000). In 2004 (the most recent year of data available), among state prison inmates who possessed a gun at the time of the offense, fewer than two percent bought their firearm at a flea market or gun show. About 10 percent of state prison inmates said they purchased it from a retail store or pawnshop, 37 percent obtained it from family or friends, and another 40 percent obtained it from an illegal source. Findings in this report on nonfatal firearm violence are based on data from the BJS National Crime Victimization Survey. Findings on firearm homicide are based on data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Special Report: Accessed May 20, 2013 at: http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/fv9311.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/fv9311.pdf Shelf Number: 128751 Keywords: Crime Statistics Firearms and Crime (U.S.) Guns and Crime Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Pew Research Center Title: Gun Homicide Rate Down 49% Since 1993 Peak; Public Unaware Pace of Decline Slows in Past Decade Summary: National rates of gun homicide and other violent gun crimes are strikingly lower now than during their peak in the mid-1990s, paralleling a general decline in violent crime, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of government data. Beneath the long-term trend, though, are big differences by decade: Violence plunged through the 1990s, but has declined less dramatically since 2000. Compared with 1993, the peak of U.S. gun homicides, the firearm homicide rate was 49% lower in 2010, and there were fewer deaths, even though the nation’s population grew. The victimization rate for other violent crimes with a firearm—assaults, robberies and sex crimes—was 75% lower in 2011 than in 1993. Violent non-fatal crime victimization overall (with or without a firearm) also is down markedly (72%) over two decades. Nearly all the decline in the firearm homicide rate took place in the 1990s; the downward trend stopped in 2001 and resumed slowly in 2007. The victimization rate for other gun crimes plunged in the 1990s, then declined more slowly from 2000 to 2008. The rate appears to be higher in 2011 compared with 2008, but the increase is not statistically significant. Violent non-fatal crime victimization overall also dropped in the 1990s before declining more slowly from 2000 to 2010, then ticked up in 2011. Despite national attention to the issue of firearm violence, most Americans are unaware that gun crime is lower today than it was two decades ago. According to a new Pew Research Center survey, today 56% of Americans believe gun crime is higher than 20 years ago and only 12% think it is lower. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2013. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 25, 2013 at: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/files/2013/05/firearms_final_05-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/files/2013/05/firearms_final_05-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 128824 Keywords: Crime Rates Gun Violence (U.S.) Homicides Victimization Rates Violent Crimes

Author: Robles, Gustavo Title: The Economic Consequences of Drug Trafficking Violence in Mexico Summary: The levels of violence in Mexico have dramatically increased in the last few years due to structural changes in the drug trafficking business. The increase in the number of drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) fighting over the control of territory and trafficking routes has resulted in a substantial increase in the rates of homicides and other crimes. This study evaluates the economic costs of drug-­‐related violence. We propose electricity consumption as an indicator of the level of municipal economic activity and use two different empirical strategies to test this. We utilize an instrumental variable regression using as exogenous variation the instrument proposed by Castillo, Mejía, and Restrepo (2013) based on historical seizures of cocaine in Colombia interacted with the distance of the Mexican border towns to the United States. We find that marginal increases of violence have negative effects on labor participation and the proportion of unemployed in an area. The marginal effect of the increase in homicides is substantive for earned income and the proportion of business owners, but not for energy consumption. We also employ the methodology of synthetic controls to evaluate the effect that inter-­‐narco wars have on local economies. These wars in general begin with a wave of executions between rival criminal organizations and are accompanied by the deterioration of order and a significant increase in extortion, kidnappings, robberies, murders, and threats affecting the general population. To evaluate the effect that these wars between different drug trafficking organizations have on economic performance, we define the beginning of a conflict as the moment when we observe an increase from historical violence rates at the municipal level beyond a certain threshold, and construct counterfactual scenarios as an optimal weighted average from potential control units. The analysis indicates that the drug wars in those municipalities that saw dramatic increases in violence between 2006 and 2010 significantly reduced their energy consumption in the years after the change occurred. Details: Stanford, CA: Stanford University, 2013. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 28, 2013 at: http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/24014/RoblesCalderonMagaloni_EconCosts5.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/24014/RoblesCalderonMagaloni_EconCosts5.pdf Shelf Number: 128839 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime (Mexico, U.S.) Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Economics of Crime Homicides Kidnappings Organized Crime Violent Crimes

Author: Title: Justice at the Barrel of a Gun: Vigilante Militias in Mexico Summary: A rapid expansion in 2013 of vigilante militias – civilian armed groups that claim to fight crime – has created a third force in Mexico’s ongoing cartel-related violence. Some of these militias contain well-meaning citizens and have detained hundreds of suspected criminals. However, they challenge the government’s necessary monopoly on the use of force to impart justice. As the militias spread, there is also concern some are being used by criminal groups to fight their rivals and control territory. The Peña Nieto administration needs to develop a coherent policy for dealing with the vigilantes, so that it can work with authentic community policing projects while stopping the continued expansion of unregulated armed groups; this also requires demonstrating that the state has sufficient capacity to restore law and order on its own. If the government fails to deal with this issue, militias could spread across the country, triggering more violence and further damaging the rule of law. President Peña Nieto had expected to have to cope with the well-armed, ruthless cartels that dominate portions of the country, as well as the problems presented by uncoordinated national, state and municipal law enforcement bodies and a legacy of impunity. The appearance of a growing number of armed groups in at least nine of the 31 states, from close to the U.S. border to the south east, however, has added another dangerous level of complexity to the security challenge. Their epicentre, on which this briefing concentrates, is in the Pacific states of Guerrero and Michoacán, where thousands of armed men participate in a range of vigilante organisations. There have been more than 30 killings there since January 2013, either by or against the vigilantes, and they have become increasingly worrying hotspots of insecurity. While the vigilante killings are still only a fraction of the more than 5,000 cartel-related murders that took place across Mexico in the first five months of Peña Nieto’s administration, the concern is that this new type of violence could expand across the land. The violence has coincided with protests against government reforms in these states, including road blockades and looting of food trucks that are part of a broader challenge to authority. The government launched a major security offensive in Michoacán in May that has weakened the militia presence there, at least in the short term. In Guerrero, the state government has made agreements with some militia leaders in an attempt to lessen their impact. However, various vigilante groups are still active, and some of the core problems of insecurity that led to their presence are unresolved. The vigilantism issue is complicated by the fact that many communities, particularly indigenous, have a centuries-old tradition of community policing. Many groups have shown themselves to be successful and have demonstrated legitimate ways of providing security. However, it is legally ambiguous how far such community groups can go in bearing arms and imparting justice. Furthermore, many of the new militias copy the language and claim the same rights as these community police, even though they do not come from a local tradition or are not even rooted in indigenous communities. The government needs to work with the authentic and unarmed community police and clearly define the parameters of what they can and cannot do. Some rules can be established on the basis of guidelines that are being developed under state and federal laws or by expanding agreements being worked out between state governments and community leaders. In some cases, the government needs to require the disarmament of vigilante groups; in yet others, it needs to more aggressively detain and prosecute militias with criminal links. But the government also needs to significantly improve security in all the communities where militias have been formed. Many residents have taken up arms because the state has systematically failed to protect them. The clamour for security is legitimate; but justice is better served through functional state institutions than the barrels of private guns. Details: Mexico City/Bogota/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Briefing N°29: Accessed May 30, 2013 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/latin-america-caribbean/mexico/b029-justice-at-the-barrel-of-a-gun-vigilante-militias-in-mexico.aspx Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/latin-america-caribbean/mexico/b029-justice-at-the-barrel-of-a-gun-vigilante-militias-in-mexico.aspx Shelf Number: 128879 Keywords: Criminal Cartels Gun Violence (Mexico) Homicides Organized Crime Vigilantes Violent Crime

Author: Wittens, Stefan Title: Drug Related Violence in Mexico: A literature study from 1985-2011 Summary: The explanations for the escalation of drug-related violence that are found in the literature are diverse as well as numerous. Among these explanations two direct causations dominate: first, Mexican government policy and strategy, primarily since Calderon took office in 2006 and to lesser extent during the Fox administration and second, the competition between and within the Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTOs) since 2000. However, when these explanations are compared to the empirical data, the escalation of violence primarily coincides with the policy of Calderon and there are no elevated levels of violence since 2000, which reduces the validity of inter and intra-cartel violence within the timeframe of the literature. The empirical data suggests that since 2004 drug-related violence started rising slightly, with a clear break and an escalation of homicides since 2007. This also adds more weight to two more explanations: first the diversification of DTO modus operandi, a process that has essentially started with the arrival of the Zetas and second, with a decline in demand for Mexican drugs in America since 2006. Furthermore, the findings from the literature study seem best explained by the principle of producer-product, as the direct causality between policy, competition and drug-related violence could hardly exist without the existing environment. Pre-conditions like weak institutional capacity, corruption, availability of weapons, poverty, geography, culture and others are seen as exacerbates and contributors to the escalating levels of drug-related violence. Details: Utrecht: Utrecht University, 2012. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 1, 2013 at: http://igitur-archive.library.uu.nl/student-theses/2012-1126-200608/UUindex.html Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://igitur-archive.library.uu.nl/student-theses/2012-1126-200608/UUindex.html Shelf Number: 128891 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Homicides Organized Crime Zetas

Author: Lenis, David Title: The Effect of the Argentine Gun Buy-Back Program on Crime and Violence Summary: The effect of policies and regulations affecting the availability of guns in the population is an unsettled and controversial issue. In this paper, we contribute to this debate by analyzing the effect of PEVAF, a large national gun buy-back program implemented in Argentina, on crime and violence. The empirical evidence suggests that the program has been successful in reducing the number of deaths from firearm accidents, but has not achieved a reduction in suicides, homicides and car theft. Details: Unpublished paper, 2010. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 1, 2013 at: http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~raphael/IGERT/Workshop/PEVAF_September_27_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Argentina URL: http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~raphael/IGERT/Workshop/PEVAF_September_27_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 128902 Keywords: Gun Control Programs Gun Violence (Argentina) Gun-Buy Back Programs Homicides Violence Prevention Violent Crimes

Author: Edmonds-Poli, Emily Title: The Effects of Drug-War Related Violence on Mexico’s Press and Democracy Summary: This working paper is the product of a joint project on civic engagement and public security in Mexico coordinated by the Mexico Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and the Trans-Border Institute at the University of San Diego. The paper offers an assessment of the impact of criminal violence on journalists and media workers in Mexico, which is now the most dangerous country in the Western Hemisphere for journalists. Dr. Edmonds-Poli concludes with a set of policy recommendations for the Mexican government, Mexican society, and the international community to address the problem of violence against the Mexican media. The wide-ranging recommendations offer concrete steps that individuals and institutions involved may undertake to alleviate the violence, thereby ensuring freedom of expression and public access to information in Mexico, and, ultimately, strengthening Mexico’s democracy. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars; San Diego, CA: Trans-Border Institute, University of San Diego, 2013. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2013 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/edmonds_violence_press_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/edmonds_violence_press_0.pdf Shelf Number: 129002 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Homicides Journalists Media Violent Crime

Author: Franco, Liliana Bernal Title: Urban Violence and Humanitarian Action in Medellin Summary: Colombia has long experienced acute forms of political violence in and at the periphery of its major cities. Humanitarian agencies have also for decades protected civilians in order to minimize suffering within armed conflicts. Yet in recent years, humanitarian organizations have started to engage in settings that are neither war nor peace. These environments feature complex forms of politically - and economically- motivated violence. The city of Medellin (Colombia), in particular, is the paradigmatic example of such an environment where different types of violence come together in complex ways. Details: Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: HASOW (Humanitarian Action in Situations other than War: 2013. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Discussion Paper 5: Accessed June 21, 2013 at: http://www.hasow.org/uploads/trabalhos/104/doc/496869705.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.hasow.org/uploads/trabalhos/104/doc/496869705.pdf Shelf Number: 129121 Keywords: Homicides Urban Areas Violence (Colombia) Violent Crime

Author: Donaldson, William Title: Gangbangers and Politicians: The Effects of Mano Dura on Salvadoran Politics Summary: In 2009, El Salvador’s homicide rate reached seventy-one deaths per 100,000 people, the highest in the world outside of active war-zones. In the same year Mauricio Funes, the candidate of the leftist FMLN party, was elected president, an unprecedented event that marked the end of the right-wing ARENA party’s hold on power since 1989. To describe the political landscape of El Salvador as polarized would be an understatement: the founder of ARENA was responsible for much of the right-wing death squad activity in El Salvador during the 1980s, while the FMLN originally was the umbrella organization of leftist guerrilla groups during the civil war from 1979 to 1992. Veterans of the civil war are involved in both political parties and decades-old grievances between the two sides manifest themselves in the contentious political debates surrounding free trade, El Salvador’s relationship with the United States, and socio-economic inequality among other topics. However, despite rhetoric to the contrary, both previous ARENA administrations and the Funes administration have adopted the same policies in regards to the post-war crime surge, specifically the problem of youth gangs like Mara Salvatrucha (MS13). The policies revolve around the controversial mano dura (“iron fist”) laws that advocate a strong law enforcement approach towards gangs or maras and involve questionable methods such as the arbitrary detention of suspected gang youth for simply wearing baggy pants or sporting tattoos. Details: New Orleans, LA: Tulane University, Stone Center for Latin American Studies, 2012. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://stonecenter.tulane.edu/uploads/Donaldson,_UploadVersion-1368207121.pdf Year: 2012 Country: El Salvador URL: http://stonecenter.tulane.edu/uploads/Donaldson,_UploadVersion-1368207121.pdf Shelf Number: 129131 Keywords: Gangs (El Salvador) Homicides Violence

Author: Muggah, Robert Title: Assessing and responding to youth violence in Latin America: Surveying the evidence Summary: Violence is one of Latin America´s primary challenge in the twentieth century. A significant number of countries, cities and communities in Central and South American regions suffer rates of violence exceeding war zones. In some cases, violence is collective resulting in spectacular atrocities. In others, violence is interpersonal or domestic, contributing to more subtle, most no less significant, suffering. Many of Latin America´s 33 countries register firearm homicide rates that are amongst the highest on the planet. And while some countries in Latin America such as Argentina, Chile, Cuba, Peru and Uruguay report homicide rates closer to the global average, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela exhibit particularly high levels of insecurity.1 Youth violence is one of the top priorities facing Latin American policy makers. Young males from 15-29 constitute the large proportion of both the perpetrators and victims of homicidal violence. According to the United Nations World Report on Violence against Children, Latin America suffers from the highest youth homicide rates in the world (Pinheiro 2006). The costs of youth violence are profound – generating significant humanitarian and development costs spanning generations. The causes of such violence are also far-reaching ranging from social and economic inequality, juvenile un- and under-0employment and high school drop-out rates to disintegrated family structures, and absence of care and attention, the availability of drugs, alcohol and arms, and high rates of police impunity and incarceration. This overview paper is intended to set out the scale and distribution of youth violence in Latin America and highlight innovative strategies to prevent and reduce it. Far from exhaustive, the report highlights descriptive statistics on homicidal violence in countries that report such data. Likewise, it draws attention to direct and indirect interventions that are associated with declines in youth violence. Only those initiatives backed with robust data are noted in this paper, which is not to suggest that they are the only ones that yield positive outcomes. According to a recent review by the Igarapé Institute, there are just 21 robust evaluations of youth violence reduction efforts in Latin America (Moestue and Muggah 2013). The paper is intended to stimulate critical reflection and discussion at a forthcoming UN-led conference on the post-2015 development agenda in Panama. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarapé Institute., 2013. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2013. Year: 2013 Country: Central America URL: Shelf Number: 129141 Keywords: Homicides Juvenile Delinquents Violent Crime Youth Violence (Latin America)

Author: Williams, Mahatma E. Title: Can the Jamaican Security Forces Successfully Reduce the Violent Impact of Gangs? Summary: This research discusses the high murder rate in Jamaica as a consequence of gang activity. It higlights the negative impact of gangs in regard to national security. The complexity of the gang problem is identified by describing the gangs’ connection to political parties and society overall. Further, endemic corruption, a weak justice system, an unreformed security sector and limited social intervention are identified as part of the complexity and facilitates the gang phenonmenon. A case study comparison was done with Jamaica, Brazil and Guatemala to try to identify workable approaches to the gang problem. Although various preconditions were identified which are required for countergang operations to work in a country, the research tried to address the security defense aspect. Various operations were reviewed and an assessment made to the level of effectiveness. Overall the study identified the reason for Jamaica’s failure to address gangs as a national security issue. The paper concluded by identifying the preconditions for successful operations, recommending social programs to be a part of any countergang operations, advocating the establishment of a Joint-Interagency Task Force and a doctrinal shift in an attempt at bringing a new philosophy and practice to countergang approaches within Jamaica. Details: Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://cgsc.contentdm.oclc.org/utils/getfile/collection/p4013coll2/id/2952/filename/3003.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://cgsc.contentdm.oclc.org/utils/getfile/collection/p4013coll2/id/2952/filename/3003.pdf Shelf Number: 129142 Keywords: Gang Prevention Gang Violence Gangs (Jamaica, Brazil and Guatemala) Homicides

Author: Hampton-Gaines, Berthea G. Title: State Capacity and Effectiveness in Combating Crime: A Comparative Study of El Salvador and Guatemala Summary: Less than two decades after the conclusion of brutal civil wars, El Salvador and Guatemala are once again faced with high levels of violence stemming from drug trafficking, organized crime, corruption, and gangs. Overall, El Salvador was more successful in post-war state building. However, despite having stronger institutions and more capabilities, it is not better off when it comes to public security when compared to Guatemala, a state with weaker institutions and fewer resources. In fact, El Salvador’s homicide rates have been consistently higher. According to prevailing conventional wisdom, a country with stronger institutions and more resources should be more capable and effective at maintaining order, but this is not the case. This thesis examines the nature of crime, institutional capacity, and the effectiveness of government responses to reduce violent crime. It argues that decisions made during the transition period set these states on different paths. Furthermore, while strong institutions are important to maintaining order, government policy can strengthen or weaken the effectiveness of the institution. Strong institutions are necessary, but not sufficient. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=719163 Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=719163 Shelf Number: 129145 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Gangs (El Salvador, Guatemala, Central America) Homicides M-18 Mara Salvatrucha MS-13 Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Blessing, Jasmin Title: 'Como te haces entender?': Gender and Gun Cultures in the Caribbean Context Summary: Although Latin America and the Caribbean have not seen interstate conflict for decades, the countries in the region cannot be said to be at peace given the high levels of gun violence. In spite of the magnitude of the problem, there is relatively little research available on the social constructions of gun ownership and the use and abuse of guns, particularly in the Caribbean region. This paper examines some of the gendered impacts and readings of guns in the Caribbean region, looking at the extent at which gun violence has affected Caribbean societies, at cultural and gender norms as well as socioeconomic conditions which determine gun ownership and use and policy responses to the issue, including gender mainstreaming in security sector reform processes and civil society initiatives. The focus is on more urbanised societies in the Caribbean region, with a special focus on gun violence and responses in the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Details: Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: United Nations International Research and Training, Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW), 2010. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: UN‑INSTRAW Working Paper Series: Accessed June 25, 2013 at: http://www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/Resources/UN/un-instraw_gendergunculturescarribbean_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America URL: http://www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/Resources/UN/un-instraw_gendergunculturescarribbean_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 129161 Keywords: Gender Gun Violence (Caribbean) Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions Violent Crime

Author: Cardia, Nancy Title: Exposure to Violence: What impact this has on attitudes to violence and on social capital Summary: The speed of the process of urbanization is one of the causes of the poor quality of urban life in general and this in turn relates to the growth of violence, in particular of violent crime throughout Brazil._In 1940 about a third of Brazilians lived in urban areas (12 million people) and by 1991 that number had increased to 70 percent of the population (123 million people). The speed of the process of urbanization is one of the causes of the poor quality of urban life in general and this in turn relates to the growth of violence, in particular of violent crime throughout Brazil. Lack of political power and of political efficacy by the majority of the population is also the cause of poor urban environments and violence. Details: Sao Paula, Brazil: Center for the Study of Violence University of São Paulo, 2007. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: Year: 2007 Country: Brazil URL: Shelf Number: 129197 Keywords: Homicides Social Capital Urban Areas Violence (Brazil) Violent Crimes

Author: BenYishay, Ariel Title: 1 Homicide and Work: The Impact of Mexico’s Drug War on Labor Market Participation Summary: We estimate the impact of the escalation of the drug war in Mexico on the mean hours worked among the general population. We focus on homicides, which have increased dramatically since 2006. To identify the relationship between changes in homicides and hours worked, we exploit the large variation in the trajectory of violence across states and over time. Using panel and instrumental variables regressions, we find that the increase in homicides has negatively impacted labor force activity. An increase in homicides of 10 per 100,000 in a given state is associated with a decline of 0.3 weekly hours worked among the state’s population. For states most impacted by the drug war, in which homicides per 100,000 inhabitants have increased by 30-50 a year, this implies an average decline in hours worked of one to one and a half hours per week. These impacts are larger for the self-employed and are concentrated among the highest income quartiles. This highlights how the costs of crime tend to be unequally born by certain segments of the population. Details: Unpublished paper, 2013. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: http://www.colgate.edu/docs/d_academics_departments-and-programs_economics_colgate-hamilton-seminar-series/homicide-and-work-the-impact-of-mexico's-drug-war-on-labor-market-participation-2-27-13.pdf?sfvrsn=2 Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.colgate.edu/docs/d_academics_departments-and-programs_economics_colgate-hamilton-seminar-series/homicide-and-work-the-impact-of-mexico's-drug-war-on-labor-market-participation-2-27-13.pdf?sfvrsn=2 Shelf Number: 129205 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug War (Mexico) Drug-Related Violence Economics and Crime Homicides Labor Force Participation

Author: Montoute, Annita Title: A Situational Analysis of Gun Related Crime in the Caribbean: The Case of Trinidad & Tobago; Antigua & Barbuda; St Vincent & the Grenadines and St. Lucia Summary: Crime rates vary across the Caribbean, they vary over time and across nations (Bennett and Lynch 2007: 49). A United Nations Report provides a list of causes of crime in the Caribbean region, including, poverty, unemployment, social marginalization and inequality, the illegal drug trade, corruption, the trafficking of firearms, the deportation of criminals, and the ineffectiveness of the existing criminal justice systems and consequent waiving of sanctions (Harriot 2002:8). Small Island economies in the Commonwealth Caribbean find themselves between a rock and a hard place in their quest for developed country status as crime rates continue to increase. The attention being paid to the relationship between the two factors is not new considering that for the past two decades; scholars in the region have been intrigued by the relationship between societal development and crime (Deosaran 2007). onsistent findings in traditional analyses of police recorded crime rates support the correlation between high crime rates and large urbanized areas. Similarly, studies in Europe confirm the modernist oriented urban-rural divide in crime analysis (Deosaran, 2007)6. According to Mahabir (1985), the modernization perspective at least explains earlier patterns of crime in the region; arguably because crime is partly the result of disintegrated traditional social control mechanism. Intrinsic in this relationship is the concentration of crime and gun related violence in the major cities (hot areas) in all four cases under study. In Trinidad and Tobago, the majority of gun related violence occurred in the Port of Spain district and Western district. Other urbanized cities such as San Fernando and Arima, have witnessed high rates of gun related violence. In Antigua and Barbuda, the concentration of gun related violence is in its capital city St. Johns; in St Vincent and the Grenadines, in the sub urban areas of Kingstown and in St. Lucia, predominantly in the Castries area. Another area of importance in understanding crime is the demographics of crime offenders. It is believed that the majority of offenders as well as victims in all countries are males aged between 15 and 30 years (Adler, Mueller, & Laufer, 1998), to the extent that theft, burglaries and assaults are considered youth-related phenomena. Also, since young people tend to enjoy “nights out” in town more than adults, that makes them more vulnerable to crime than adults. LaFree and Tseloni (2006) cited in Jan Van Dijk (2008) confirm the hypothesis that there is a correlation between relatively high proportions of young males and the incidence of crime. Contemporary research in the region also supports the theory associating young men of low-incomes, low literacy rates and the incidence of violence (Samms-Vaughan 2000). The Caribbean is especially vulnerable to crime for several reasons. It is situated between the world’s supplier of cocaine - the Andean region of South America and its primary consumer markets - the United States and Europe (UNODC and the World Bank 2007). There is general consensus that drugs and arms trafficking are inextricably linked (Harriot 2002; Griffith 2003). It is reported that illegal arms are used to protect the transhipment of illegal drugs as they move from major drug producing countries in South America to the consumer countries in the North. In a large number of cases, a positive correlation is seen between the illegal narcotics trade and the illegal trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons. Details: Trinidad and Tobago: Caribbean Coalition for Development and the Reduction of Armed Violence, 2009. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: www.cdrav.org/upload/Gun_crime_paper_annita09.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America URL: Shelf Number: 129219 Keywords: Crime Rates Gun Trafficking Gun-Related Violence (Caribbean) Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crimes

Author: Cardia, Nancy Title: Urban Violence in São Paulo Summary: Today homicide is the highest cause of death of young people in Brazil. Nancy Cardia, senior researcher at the University of São Paulo’s Center for the Study of Violence, examines urban violence in São Paulo arguing that violence has become a major public health problem. As in other countries, violence in Brazil is not homogeneously distributed throughout society. Violence is concentrated in certain cities and in specific areas of the cities. It victimizes young males living in the poorest areas of cities (the deprived areas at the peripheries of the cities which were opened up and made habitable by the people themselves) where the public services that now exist arrived precariously after people had settled the area. Cardia argues that the growth of violence is also being indirectly encouraged by federal, state and municipal government budget cuts resulting in less resources to invest in law enforcement and in a modicum of social safety networks: health, education, public services, and violence prevention programs. Cardia focuses on violence that is concentrated in the periphery of the Municipality of São Paulo, spilling over the borders to neighboring municipalities of the Metro area. Through an examination of the literature on the impact of violence on individuals and communities and a series of surveys taken in 1999, Cardia investigates why such deprived areas are the loci of this violence and how under stressful circumstances, these conditions can facilitate violence. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2000. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down073.pdf Year: 2000 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down073.pdf Shelf Number: 129220 Keywords: Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Urban Areas Violence (Sao Paulo, Brazil) Violent Crimes

Author: Negroponte, Diana Villiers Title: The Merida Initiative and Central America: The Challenges of Containing Public Insecurity and Criminal Violence Summary: The rising level of violence in Central America, as well as Mexico, has created sensational headlines in the daily press and Hollywood style footage on the nightly news. The focus of this violence has been on the drug cartels and the fights among them for routes to market both in the United States and within the region. However, parallel to the drug related violence caused by the cartels are two distinct, but related issues: a pervasive sense of public insecurity and rising levels of criminal violence. Both are related, but not directly attributable, to the possession and trade in illegal drugs. Intentional homicide, assault, robbery, extortion and fraud have all risen in the last seven years leading us to ask how serious is the problem, what should national governments do to contain, if not prevent their occurrence, and what is the appropriate U.S. contribution. This monograph will examine the reasons for the growth in public insecurity within El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, known as the Northern Triangle, and seek to determine the effectiveness of government policies to restore public trust and security. In the pursuit of greater security, these governments, as well as Mexico, have called upon Washington to assist them.1 The affected governments emphasize a “shared responsibility” to engage in reducing levels of violence, reduce consumption of illegal drugs, regulate the sale of firearms to the cartels and organized crime, as well as to confront corruption and impunity that pervade state institutions.2 The problems are regional, if not global, and to be effective, the response should include both U.S. federal and state authorities. Details: Washington, DC: Foreign Policy at Brookings, 2009. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Number 3: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2009/5/merida%20initiative%20negroponte/05_merida_initiative_negroponte.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Central America URL: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2009/5/merida%20initiative%20negroponte/05_merida_initiative_negroponte.pdf Shelf Number: 129221 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Merida Initiative Organized Crime Violence (Central America) Violent Crime

Author: Bernard van leer Foundation Title: Community Violence and Young Children: Making Space for Hope Summary: Since 2007, one of my responsibilities at the Bernard van Leer Foundation has been supporting advocacy for young kids in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. During this period we have had some success – new policy, a growing coalition of advocates, and a fourfold increase in public childcare provision. But also during this period, Ciudad Juárez recorded a homicide rate about three times that of 13th-century Holland, and well above many current war zones. So, while we are pleased to see progress, it is hard to fully celebrate. Kids are safer in childcare and parents are less stressed, but they are both still scared. The last issue of Early Childhood Matters was devoted to the topic of domestic violence. This time we turn to the effects of community violence on young children. As the authors in this journal confirm, we know that just growing up around this kind of persistent violence changes the architecture of children’s brains, obstructs their ability to learn and literally makes them sick. For example: • Shonkoff and Fox explain how prolonged exposure to fear in early childhood can impair the development of the pre-frontal cortex and future executive function (page 7). • Guerra et al. describe how exposure can be linked to both mental health problems in young children and physical health such as asthma (pages 8–9). • Sharkey finds significant effects on Chicago preschoolers’ cognition when a homicide had occurred in the last week within 1500 feet of a child’s home (pages 10–12). Complementing these scientific accounts, Nashieli Ramirez’s description from Ciudad Juárez (page 13) looks at the problem through the eyes of young children themselves. She puts a human face on how little people experience these big problems, in the same way that the interview with Beth by Hermílio Santos gives a moving account from a mother’s point of view (page 17). These are important reminders of how young children’s lives are affected by violence on a day-to-day basis even though they themselves are not directly involved. In this vein, Robert Muggah and Helen Mostue explore the development of an index that can give voices like these a more systematic treatment, arguing that such an index would be a better barometer for success than simply counting shootings and killings (page 26). One idea that all of the authors in this issue of Early Childhood Matters seem to share is that violence is contagious – something exemplified by the mapping exercise shared in Elizabeth Ward’s article about Jamaica (page 33). The more we see it in the community, the more we see it at home, and vice versa. But, as Susan Lee points out in an article on her experience with the Advancement Project in Los Angeles, in places with exceptionally high levels of community violence we need to stabilise the situation in order to make families’ lives easier. In her words, ‘before we can expect improved educational and health outcomes, the goal must be to achieve a basic level of safety so that children can learn and thrive.’ What I find most compelling in this series of articles, however, is the sense of hope. Hidden between layers of text describing the gravity of the problem, authors in this journal have shown that there are things that we can do to reduce community violence and to mitigate the effects of this violence on young children. We can get away from what Susan Lee denominates ‘a lethal absence of hope’ and we have results to prove it. • Detective Chief Superintendent John Carnochan explains how the Scottish police took the lead on a violence prevention strategy that has led to a 50% reduction in gang violence in Strathclyde (page 36). • Yvonne Bezerra de Mello describes a harm reduction strategy for children who have been witness to violence, implemented through 150 schools in Rio de Janeiro, going into detail about the successful recuperation of three young children who experienced extreme levels of post-traumatic stress (page 40). • Susan Lee writes about a programme run by Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa that has helped reduce homicides by 33% in some of the most violent neighbourhoods of Los Angeles (page 44). • Alicia Lieberman shows evidence from randomised controlled trials of how parent–child psychotherapy has improved child and maternal mental health after exposure to violence, evidence which has informed a Child Development – Community Policing Programme implemented in 16 us sites (page 48). • Charles Ransford recounts the experience of Cure Violence, which has achieved reductions of between 16% and 56% in shootings and killings in Chicago and Baltimore and is now being replicated in South Africa and Iraq (page 54). • Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero of Cali discusses VallenPaz, a strategy that returned 400 families who had been violently displaced to their homes and prevented any further displacement despite the ongoing conflict in the area (page 59). These stories and others like them are the ones that I think we need to help people remember. Explaining the extraordinary impacts on a young child’s brain of just growing up around this kind of violence may get us an extra five minutes of a policymaker’s time, but unless we can offer some semblance of tangible hope then the hard facts will eventually fall on deaf ears. Details: The Hague: Bernard van leer Foundation, 2012. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Early Childhood Matters: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://bernardvanleer.org/Community-violence-and-young-children-making-space-for-hope Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://bernardvanleer.org/Community-violence-and-young-children-making-space-for-hope Shelf Number: 129222 Keywords: Children and Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Zinecker, Heidrun Title: Violence in a Homeostatic System – the Case of Honduras Summary: In Central America there are currently three countries with high levels of violence and two with low levels. Honduras, along with El Salvador and Guatemala, belongs to the countries with high levels of violence, while Nicaragua and Costa Rica have relatively low levels of violence in the context of Central America. After El Salvador, Honduras is the country with the highest incidence of violence not only in Central America, but in Latin America as a whole. Honduras has a homicide rate which is five times higher than the world average. This high rate refers to a violence which is virtually exclusively violent crime, and which has nothing whatsoever to do with civil wars, revolutions or other armed political conflicts. The report begins by discussing empirical findings on violence, before going on to look for the causes of the present violence. It takes as its hypothesis, the fact that a particularly significant cause of the high levels of violence is a state security sector which is failing to function as it should, but which nonetheless does not reflect any fundamental failure of the state as a whole. A homeostatic system which was traditionally characteristic of Honduras operated in the past in such as way as essentially to exclude violence. Nowadays, however, the system integrates violence as one of its sub-systems. The report adopts the aetiological approach as used in criminology, and differentiates between enabling and (absent) preventive structures within the societal structures which cause violence. In its analysis of the enabling structures in Honduras the report initially follows the exclusion principle, by stripping frequently mentioned, anticipated in the long term, but ultimately only putative, enabling structures of any linear-causal sense pertaining to present violence. This involves theories which imply that the present high level of violent crime is a continuation of earlier wartime violence, or that turbulent transitions into democracy simply provide a window of opportunity for high intensity violence in the post-transition phase, or that it is historically handed down economic backwardness, poverty and general inequality of income distribution which cause high levels of violence, or that traditional capacity for reform and political stability are a guarantee of low levels of violence. The fact that Honduras calls these theories into question, and in so doing occupies a key position in a comparison of violence within Central America, is due to the country’s specific historical structural characteristics. These are at the basis of a homeostatic system which for a long time excluded violence over a wide area, because it made reforms, inclusion and conflict mediation possible. These country-specific characteristics are: 1) the absence of an oligarchy as a “national class” and any corresponding mechanisms for rule, 2) relatively widespread democratic traditions and a stable political system, based on two traditional parties, 3) political autonomy for the Army and a “soft”, partially reformist military dictatorship, 4) “well distributed” poverty, 5) a weak left wing, and 6) a democratic transition “from above” with the (armed) support of the USA. Since these long-term anticipations do allow an answer to the question of what is specific to Honduras in the form of a homeostatic system, but not to that of the causes of present violence, the report focuses on new configurations in its quest for enabling structures. These new structures arose from the processes of economic and political transformation at the end of the 1970s and in the 1980s, such as 1) from low to high poverty rates and from a relatively fair to a less fair distribution of income, 2) from old (agrarian) rents to new rents (maquila or sweatshop industry, remittances and financial rent), 3) from agrarian rents to financial rents and from a traditionally non-oligarchic elite to a new (financial) oligarchy, and 4) from an inclusive military dictatorship to a more democratic although still politically exclusive regime, as well as from a politicized, politically active to a de-politicized, politically inactive population. In analyzing the (absent) preventive structures the report concentrates on the state security sector. First of all the point is made that in Honduras there has never been a coherent security policy, let alone any security strategy, to contain the new violence. The Honduran security policy followed the Central American cycle customary in intensely violent countries in the region, namely „creation of a new security sector/making the existing one more democratic – ignorance of the security problem – repressive measures – partial withdrawal of repressive measures”. Instead of bad reality being aligned with good laws, the relatively good laws following transition were aligned with the bad reality. This is illustrated especially by the reform of Article 332 of the Honduran penal code, under which the regulations covering illegal gatherings were extended to include the maras. The report goes on to illustrate the poor performance of the police force (poor investigative action, repressive exercise of violence, loss of independence through involvement of the army in domestic security), judiciary (politicization of the judiciary, exemption from punishment, corruption) and penal system (over-crowding, loss of control, massacres). It will be shown that the police, public prosecutor’s office and judges are linked in their lack of performance capacity not in an anarchic way, but in a clear regulatory logic, with the result that non-regulability arises in the security sector system as a whole. Nonetheless the failure of the security sector in Honduras does not equate to state failure, because the failing security sector is compensated by other, particularly well functioning state (party system, presidency and parliament) and informal structures (clientelism, nepotism, personalism or corruption). Not only the weak security sector, but also nonstate violence itself is closely integrated into the system. Political stability exists not in spite of but because of high rates of violence, at least under the precondition that the violence remains criminal and not political in nature. In this way the homeostatic system, from now on with the inclusion of violence, has a new configuration. As a result, violence simultaneously takes the place of capacity for reform, conflict mediation and inclusion, that is, those earlier props of the system, which collapsed in the late 1970s and 1980s. At the same time this ensured the continuation of regime hybridity. Instead of putting the (democratic) performance capacity of the security sector at risk, it is in the rational interests of the Honduran oligarchy to incorporate the present violence as a new stabilizing sub-system into the homeostatic system which has been knocked offbalance by processes of economic and political transformation. Oligarchies as a minority rule by definition desire no (inclusive) democracy, because they are not interested in abolishing themselves. For this reason, they can also have no interest in making the security sector completely democratic and subject to the rule of law or making it capable of performing better, because this would in the end rebound on them like a boomerang, against their own involvement in corruption, clientelism and organized crime. In the conclusions drawn by the report, the case is put forward for an integrated strategy for containing violence, aimed not only at all the components of the security sector, but also conceived in both the long and medium term, and at both the economic and political level. At the level of economic enabling structures the report recommends strengthening the middle class and the production of capital goods, so that labour is encouraged instead of criminality, and in the medium term a new kind of conditionality which incites the oligarchy to redirect its rents from the speculative finance sector to that of the production of capital goods. At the level of political enabling structures, inclusion by means of elections should be called for. At the level of preventive structures, focus should be directed at developing an integral security concept and supporting the criminal investigation department and the public prosecutor’s office. At the same time, support must be given to those calling for and those practising the rule of law. The report ends with the hypothesis, explosive in terms of development and peace policy, that it is a mistake to believe that poverty must first of all be tackled so as automatically to bring about the containment of violence as a by-product. Not only war and terrorism, but also violent crime generate extremely high levels of violence and can become a security risk well beyond continental boundaries. Details: Frankfurt, Germany: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2008 46p. Source: Internet Resource: PRIF Reports No. 83: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://www.hsfk.de/downloads/prif83.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.hsfk.de/downloads/prif83.pdf Shelf Number: 129231 Keywords: Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence (Honduras) Violent Crime

Author: Jakubowski, Jonathan Robert Title: Do Criminal Deportations Affect Homicide Rates in Central America? Summary: Over the last decade Central America has received the highest number of criminal deportations of any region in the world. At the same time Central America has become one of the most violent regions in the world, with several nations citing homicide rates that are among the world's highest. Governments in Central America have begun to identify the deportation policy as problematic, and recent descriptive studies across the hemisphere have begun to investigate the relationship between deportations and violence. However, at present very little has been done to measure the relationship empirically.; Using data from multiple sources, this study tests the hypothesis that criminal deportations have a positive effect on homicide rates in Central America. The analysis uses multiple regression analysis to measure the effect of criminal deportations on homicide rates. Several other demographic and national characteristics are also included in the model.; Through the use of empirical research, the evidence of this study suggests that increasing amounts of criminal deportations do indeed increase homicide rates, supporting the claims made in the current body of descriptive research. The results of the model show consistent measures of significance for three independent variables in the general model: criminal deportations, primary education rates, and political stability. These findings suggest that multiple factors play a role in the rising homicide rates across Central America.; As the U.S. Government actively pursues peace and stability in the region, it is in the interests of U.S. policymakers to reverse this dangerous trend. However, unilateral policy changes in and of themselves are not sufficient to curb the rising homicide rates of Central America. A successful policy response will be both multilateral and comprehensive, taking all of the determining factors into account. Criminal deportations, as the focal point of this study seem to play a contributing role in the upward trend of this phenomenon. In response to this issue, both the sending and receiving deportation policies in Central America and the United States should be reviewed and revised. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown University, 2010. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed July 3, 2013 at: http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/553786 Year: 2010 Country: Central America URL: http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/553786 Shelf Number: 129238 Keywords: Criminal Deportations (Central America) Homicides Violent Crimes

Author: Fraga, Paulo Cesar Pontes Title: Urban Brazil: Drug Trafficking and Violence Summary: Throughout the 1980s, Brazil has gone through a phenomenon classified by experts as an epidemiological transition. In the beginning of this period, infectious-parasitic diseases were the leading cause of mortality in the population. By the end of the 80s, these had fallen to second place, after external causes or violent deaths. At the beginning of the decade, violence was the fourth cause of death. Aside from being a public health problem, the changes in these indicators brought changes in the behaviour of the population and in inter-institutional, cultural and social relations. Violence has become more visible in Brazilian society. A paradoxical aspect of this phenomenon is that increases in violence, most notably criminal violence, intensified at the end of the military dictatorship and the beginning of the transition to democracy. Coincidentally, it was in 1989 – the year of the first free presidential elections since 1960 – that external causes (violence) became the leading cause of death. In other words, the period of the military regime, which maintained its power through a constant and indiscriminate use of extreme violence – such as arbitrary and illegal persecutions and imprisonment, torture of political and common prisoners, assassinations of leftist political leaders and/or those opposed to the regime – had lower rates of violent death than the civilian government administrations that followed. As we will see further on, in the 1990s there was a new upsurge in these indicators. The fact is that the same system of domination by elites was prevalent under both the military and civilian governments. The reestablishment of open elections was not capable of generating effectively democratic institutions in which the people trusted and which could be controlled by society. Analyses point out that, far from legitimate uses of violence and the construction of a consensus, security forces resorted to abuse of power and torture in order to control certain sectors of the population. Further, corruption also became characteristic of police action – a practice that existed in the authoritarian period and intensified after the end of the dictatorship, representing an institutional continuity. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2004. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Drugs and Conflict No. 11: Accessed July 3, 2013 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/archives/crime-docs/RioDC11.pdf Year: 2004 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/archives/crime-docs/RioDC11.pdf Shelf Number: 129239 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Violence Violent Crime (Brazil)

Author: Imbusch, Peter Title: Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean – a Bibliography Summary: The following bibliography on violence in Latin America and the Caribbean presents an overview about the recently published literature in this academic field. Violence research in Latin America has made great progress since the extent of violence is enormous. No other region of the world knows for example higher homicide rates nor has it such a variety of violence as the Latin American countries. Political violence, guerilla movements and civil wars, bloody revolutions, brutal dictatorships, domestic violence, criminal violence, and youth violence are all well known throughout history. Therefore, efforts to cope with the intellectual output and to overlook the differentiated discussions become ever more difficult. The bibliography wants to alleviate the access to central topics and questions related to the problem of violence in Latin America. In the bibliography, mainly books and articles in journals are cited; articles in books are listed only if the book is not entirely dedicated to the topic of violence. The bibliography starts with general literature on violence in Latin America. It goes on in a regional perspective dealing with Mexico and the Caribbean Basin, Central America, Colombia, Venezuela, the Andean countries (Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru), Brazil, and the Cono Sur States (Argentina, Chile, Uruguay) respectively. Details: Bielefeld, Germany: International Center for Violence Research – ICVR: 2011. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: ICVR Document No. 1/2011: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://internationalviolenceresearch.org/icvr/documents/1_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central America URL: http://internationalviolenceresearch.org/icvr/documents/1_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 129362 Keywords: Homicides Political Violence Violence (Latin America) Violent Crime

Author: Dudley, Steven Title: The El Salvador Gang Truce and the Church - What was the role of the Catholic Church? Summary: El Salvador and its Central American neighbors are experiencing a terrible tide of criminal violence. Homicide rates are some of the highest in the world. This scourge of violent crime is a major concern of policymakers both in the region and in Washington, DC. Indeed, through regional security initiatives the U.S. government has invested more than $500 million in violence reduction programs during the last five years. European development agencies and international NGOs, similarly, have privileged violence reduction in their programs of financial and technical assistance to El Salvador and neighboring countries. Until recently, however, no policy initiatives seem to have made a significant dent in the problem. This paper addresses one development that has been portrayed in some circles as game-changing, and that now constitutes a critical point of reference for violence reduction programs going forward. The truce among rival gangs in El Salvador worked out in March 2012, which has held since that time, has reduced homicides to half their previous levels. The paper examines in particular the widely held belief that the Catholic Church “brokered” that truce in light of the wider set of actors actually responsible and considers the various ways that religion may have an impact on contemporary violence in the region. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Latin American & Latino Studies, American University, 2013. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: CLALS White Paper Series, No. 1: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://www.american.edu/clals/upload/CLALS_White_Paper_Series_No-_1_The_El_Salvador_Gang_Truce_and_the_Church.pdf Year: 2013 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.american.edu/clals/upload/CLALS_White_Paper_Series_No-_1_The_El_Salvador_Gang_Truce_and_the_Church.pdf Shelf Number: 129375 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs (El Salvador) Homicides Religion Violent Crime

Author: Carroll, Theodore Title: Where Do We Go From Here?: Assessing the USAID Crime and Violence Prevention Project in El Salvador and Understanding its Effects on Participating Communities Summary: El Salvador, the smallest nation in Latin America, has the unfortunate distinction of being one of the most violent in the world. In 2010, with a population of 7 million people and an area just smaller than the U.S. state of Massachusetts, this tiny country had a rate of 65 homicides per 100,000 residents; this is one of the highest murder rates in the world. This level of murder is several times higher than the rate of 10 per 100,000 – the rate that the United Nations considers a sign of an epidemic. According to the National Civil Police (PNC for its acronym in Spanish), more than half of the murders are related to gang activity. The Salvadoran Armed Forces state that it is more likely that the figure is closer to 90%. Youth gang violence in Central America is a serious problem. The most well known gangs that operate in this region are the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and 18th Street. These two gangs often engage in violent competition with each other and are involved in various criminal activities including local drug dealing, extortion, assault, rape, and robbery. The violence they perpetrate makes daily headlines in newspapers across from Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador to Los Angeles and Washington, DC. While government in Central America have tried to address the problem with mano dura, iron-fisted policies, many researchers believe that the most effective response to gang violence is a comprehensive, community-based approach that includes prevention, intervention, rehabilitation, in addition to law enforcement. This study will focus on one specific program being implemented at the primary level of prevention in El Salvador by Research Triangle Institute International. Details: Washington, DC: George Washington University, 2012. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin American & Hemispheric Studies Capstone: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: http://elliott.gwu.edu/assets/docs/acad/lahs/el-salvador-usaid-2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: El Salvador URL: http://elliott.gwu.edu/assets/docs/acad/lahs/el-salvador-usaid-2012.pdf Shelf Number: 129377 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs (El Salvador) Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Lopez, Julie Title: Organized Crime and Insecurity in Belize Summary: In this working paper, López offers an in-depth look at the security landscape in Belize, a country too often ignored in regional policy discussions, but one which faces criminal challenges similar to those of its larger Central American neighbors. Combining policy analysis and journalistic accounts based on her recent stint in Belize, López examines the political, social, geographical, and institutional factors that have contributed to Belize’s role as a transit point in the international drug trade. She also discusses the rise of other illicit enterprises, including arms trafficking and human smuggling and looks at the impact of growing gang activity. Finally, López analyzes national policy alternatives being explored in Belize, such as marijuana decriminalization and a state-sponsored gang truce, and the particular challenges the country faces in integrating into the Central American regional security framework. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Dialogue, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed July 13, 2013 at: http://www.thedialogue.org/PublicationFiles/IAD9014_Belize_Lopez_Paper_FINAL.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Belize URL: http://www.thedialogue.org/PublicationFiles/IAD9014_Belize_Lopez_Paper_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 129393 Keywords: Corruption Drug Trafficking Homicides Organized Crime (Belize) Violent Crime

Author: Santacruz-Giralt, Maria Title: Inside the Neighborhood: Salvadoran Street Gangs Violent Solidarity Summary: During the last decade, there has been a considerable increase in the level of violence and victimization among street gangs in El Salvador. According to the Salvadoran Institute of Legal Medicine (1999), the highest mortality rates due to homicide occur in young men aged 15 to 24, 41% of which were committed with a firearm. Many people around this age are currently joining a street gang or are already members of it. Although gang membership is not new for Salvadoran society, there is a great deal of concern because it constitutes one of the major reasons for the premature death of hundreds of young people, insecurity in an increasingly number of areas in the country, and bloody fights between rival groups that usually end tragically. Thus, the relevance of the situation is not only related to the fact that gang membership is becoming one of the options preferred by an increasingly number of adolescents, but also to the fact that the dynamic of violence that distinguishes these groups puts them at risk of violence both as victims and as perpetrators. Objectives Ø To provide and update information on the situation of hundreds of young Salvadoran gang members. Ø To propose an approach to identifying predictors of gang criminal violence and victimization. Ø To provide useful information for policy makers addressed to violence prevention. Method A five-section questionnaire was applied to 938 gang members (82.7% male, 17.3% female), most of whom belong to two of the biggest gangs in the country (the 18th Street and the Mara Salvatrucha). The questionnaire consisted of 75 questions that assessed · demographic information, · process and characteristics of gang membership, · consumption of alcohol and drugs, · type and frequency of violent acts carried out and received, and · history and characteristics of early victimization and exposure to violence at home and in their environment. A probability sampling was not possible in this survey due to the inherent difficulty of interviewing a street-gang member and to the nonexistence of a registry that can give an accurate idea of the number of people involved in gangs. Trained former gang members from the Homies Unidos team were the interviewers. Technical support, training and supervision were done by IUDOP members. Results · The mean age for becoming an active gang member is 15.2 years. · Seven out of ten gang members declared having weapons on them (mostly handguns, knives, "homemade" guns, explosives and rifles). This is most frequent among active, older male gang members. · The number of young people involved in gang activities who do not want to quit behaving violently and consuming drugs has decreased, compared to a previous study carried out in 1996 (1996 = 84.9%; 2000 = 42.8%). · 85% of the interviewees confessed to drug consumption during the 30 days prior to the interview. Among the most frequently consumed drugs were alcohol, marijuana, cocaine, crack, inhalants or combinations of these. · A multiple linear regression model was used to identify those factors more strongly correlated with criminal violence and victimization. The variables detected as more robust for aggression were as follows: - being an active gang member - having been in prison - using and abusing alcohol and drugs - being male - having a history of domestic violence. The predictors detected as more robust for criminal victimization were - being female in the gang - high consumption of illegal drugs - being an active member of the gang - being employed, and - having been a victim of violence at home. Conclusions The problem of gang violence as witnessed and perpetrated within the group, especially toward members of the "rival gang", as well as excessive consumption of alcohol and drugs, have worsened in comparison to previous studies. In addition to this, the study shows an increased number of gang members who want to remain active in his/her gang; thus, the probability of their becoming a lethal victim of street violence has shown an exponential increase. The problem with street gang has worsened, among other things, because the leading factors—both personal and socioeconomic—have not been effectively addressed. Hence, primary prevention becomes an important tool to reduce or avoid gang membership and violent activities. However, gang membership—as any other problem that has its roots in the social structure—has to be taken care of, and prevented, by means of directing efforts and resources towards its multiple dimensions. This study is a valuable source of information for policy-making. Although gang violence is quite complex, it can be understood and potentially prevented by using good and reliable information on its risk factors. This research offers concrete guidelines on factors that increase the likelihood of a young people joining gangs, committing acts of criminal violence, and becoming one more victim of the cycle of violence. Details: Washington, DC: Pan American Health Organization, 2001. (Executive summary available in English; Full report is available in Spanish). 169p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2013 at: http://www1.paho.org/English/AD/DPC/NC/barrio-adentro-exec-sum.pdf Year: 2001 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www1.paho.org/English/AD/DPC/NC/barrio-adentro-exec-sum.pdf Shelf Number: 129398 Keywords: Gangs (El Salvador) Homicides Youth Violence

Author: Centro Internacional para los Derechos Humanos de los Migrantes (International Centre for the Human Rights of Migrants)– CIDEHUM Title: Forced Displacement and Protection Needs Produced by New Forms of Violence and Criminality in Central America Summary: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua have been characterized over the last three years as countries of origin, transit and destination of regular and irregular migrant workers1. The causes of the exit of migrants from their communities of origin are multiple, such as extreme poverty, social exclusion, lack of work, scarce possibilities for settling, intra-family violence, abuse of power and gender violence, etc. The situation of these people with regular or irregular status in the destination countries depends on the new legislation that these countries have about migration. Unlike the situation in decades past, today it can be said that no receiving country for Central American migrants is accepting workers who are not highly qualified. In the last three years the level of violence produced by OC in the countries of Central America‟s Northern Triangle and Mexico has increased. The patterns of exit or displacement of people have changed; now not only the previously mentioned traditional expulsion factors are present, but also forced displacement2 within national territory for causes linked to violence and organized criminality has increased. Although the original socio-economic causes of exit towards the north in search of work or a better life persist, the current scenario in these countries is very different due to the high levels of violence produced by organized crime. However, the variables of internal and regional security do not take into account the human dimension of internal and external forced displacement. The change corresponds to the strengthening of a very significant organized, functional structure at the territorial and social level, which has cut across these countries from another perspective (movement of drugs, arms, migrant smugglers and people traffickers) and affects the dynamics of human mobility, directly linked to violence and lack of security and protection3. Organized crime is concentrated in strategic areas, mainly in border areas and the urban centres of the main cities of the Central American region. In this new scenario, OC weakens the structures of the States whose institutions have been disrupted and experience difficulties in offering effective protection to their own citizens. In this situation it is worth noting that none of the countries of Central America‟s Northern Triangle have accepted or publicly defined the existence of a population forcibly displaced internally or externally by organized crime activity. It is around the existence of the forcibly displaced population on one had and the population at risk from OC activity on the other that this study develops its principal analysis with the aim of highlighting the protection needs of both groups. In the regional Central American framework, the States have incorporated the subject of security as one of their priorities, for example, in SICA Regional Security Strategy and recently in the Presidential Summit held in Guatemala. In turn the Inter-American Human Rights Commission and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights drew up a regional document on citizen security. Details: Geneva, SWIT: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2012. Source: Internet Resource: http://www.rcusa.org/uploads/pdfs/Violence%20in%20CA%20Final20%20July2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.rcusa.org/uploads/pdfs/Violence%20in%20CA%20Final20%20July2012.pdf Shelf Number: 129411 Keywords: Homicides Organized Crime Refugees Violence (Central America) Violent Crime

Author: Barranco, Raymond E. Title: Latinos, Immigration Policy, and Geographic Diversification: Examining the Effects of Concentrated Poverty, Segregation, and Low-skill Employment on Homicide Summary: This study consists of three separate, yet interrelated analyses - all three examine the effects of Latino immigration. Since the mid-1980s, the pattern of settlement by Latino migrants has changed dramatically. These migrants are now settling in parts of the United States that have never before had significant Latino populations. This has led many to fear an increase in crime. Unfortunately, early explanations of immigration and crime focused on the experience of Eastern European immigrants. Therefore, it has not been clear whether the experience of Latino immigrants could be explained in the same way – especially with some researchers finding that immigrants now lower crime rates. However, most recent research on immigration has failed to analyze any of the new areas of settlement. The first study examines immigration‟s effect on Latino homicide victimization by grouping migrants according to their period of entry into the United States. Results show that immigration has no effect in traditional areas, while only recent immigrant arrivals have an effect in new destinations. Preliminary results from an additional analysis suggest this could be due to changing emigration patterns in Mexico. Since 1990, more Mexican migrants have been coming from states with high levels of violence. The second study attempts to explain the effects of immigration on Latino homicide with various measures of segregation. Given the beneficial nature of ethnic enclaves, it is assumed that contact between Latinos will lower homicide victimization. Results support this hypothesis, showing that Latino-Latino contact has a greater effect on homicide than Latino-White contact. However, the effect of recent immigrants in new destinations cannot be explained away by any of the segregation measures. As noted in the first analysis, a possible explanation is the changing emigration patterns of Mexico. The third and final analysis examines how Latino immigration affects black homicide rates through competition for low-skill employment. Results show that when Latinos gain ground in low-skill employment relative to blacks, black homicide victimization increases. However, the findings apply only to metropolitan and new destination areas. Further analysis reveals that among the low-skill industries, the strongest effects are for Manufacturing/Construction and Services. Details: Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2011. 132p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed July 17, 2013 at: http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-03112011-110131/unrestricted/RBarranco_Dissertation.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-03112011-110131/unrestricted/RBarranco_Dissertation.pdf Shelf Number: 129430 Keywords: Employment and Crime Homicides Immigration Latino Migrants Latinos and Crime Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Gray, Sherrian Title: Trends in Urban Crime and Violence in Kingston, Jamaica Summary: This case focuses on examining criminal activity in Jamaica, specifically on the country’s capital city, Kingston. Over the past thirty years, there has been a general increase in rates of serious violent crime in Jamaica, particularly within but not exclusively the Kingston Metropolitan Area (which includes Kingston, St. Andrew and urban St. Catherine), as well as, the country’s second city Montego Bay has experienced increases in crime. This case however will examine specific conditions in the Kingston Metropolitan Area (KMA) relative to types of crime and the possible explanatory factors such as unemployment, socio-economic conditions and migration that may contribute to crime. It will also highlight examples of the Jamaican Government’s efforts to tackle crime and violence in the country. Details: Case study prepared for Enhancing Urban Safety and Security: Global Report on Human Settlements, 2007. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 17, 2013 at: http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/GRHS.2007.CaseStudy.Crime.Kingston.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/GRHS.2007.CaseStudy.Crime.Kingston.pdf Shelf Number: 129432 Keywords: Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence (Jamaica) Violent Crime

Author: Malcolm X Grassroots Movement. Every 36 Hours Campaign Title: Operation Ghetto Storm: 2012 Annual Report on the Extrajudicial Killings of 313 Black People by Police, Security Guards and Vigilantes Summary: The facts presented in Operation Ghetto Storm: 2012 Annual Report on the Extrajudicial Killing of Black People present us with a deeper understanding of the utter disregard held for Black life within the United States. Operation Ghetto Storm is a window offering a cold, hard, and fact‐based view into the thinking and practice of a government and a society that will spare no cost to control the lives of Black people. What Operation Ghetto Storm reveals is that the practice of executing Black people without pretense of a trial, jury, or judge is an integral part of the governments current overall strategy of containing the Black community in a state of perpetual colonial subjugation and exploitation. Details: Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, 2013. 130p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 28, 2013 at: www.mxgm.org Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 129441 Keywords: Bias Extrajudicial Executions Homicides Race/Ethnicity (U.S.) Racial Profiling Vigilantism

Author: Gratius, Susanne Title: Urban Violence in caracas and Rio de Janeiro: Local and European Responses Summary: Caracas and Rio de Janeiro are prominent examples of urban violence. Although local responses vary, police reform is a common strategy applied by the authorities in both cities. While the new peace police (UPP - Unidades de Policia Pacificadora [Peace Police Units]) represent a shift towards early warning and conflict prevention in Rio de Janeiro, the Policía Nacional Bolivariana [National Bolivarian Police] (PNB) operates in one district of Caracas and is still at an initial stage. Decreasing homicide rates and positive public opinion polls in Rio de Janeiro illustrate that UPPs are considered the most successful security initiative in recent decades to prevent and combat urban violence. Alarming homicide rates in Caracas, however, prove that governmental responses have not yet been successful. This report compares both experiences of communitarian policing and identifies possibilities for bilateral cooperation on public security. The publication concludes with a series of recommendations for the European Union and some proposals for the strengthening of tripartite cooperation to tackle urban violence through early warning and conflict-prevention policies. Details: Brussels: Initiative for Peacebuilding - Early Warning, 2011. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2013 at: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/201112IfPEWUrbanViolenceCaracasRioLocalEuropeanResponses.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Venezuela URL: http://www.ifp-ew.eu/pdf/201112IfPEWUrbanViolenceCaracasRioLocalEuropeanResponses.pdf Shelf Number: 129451 Keywords: Homicides Policing Urban Areas Violence (Venezuela) Violent Crime

Author: Goodman, Colby Title: U.S. Firearms Trafficking to Guatemala and Mexico: A Working Paper Summary: Following an 18-month joint investigation between the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), U.S. authorities arrested Joel Linares Soberanis, a Guatemalan national, Fernando Argenis Huezo, and Fernando's common-law wife, Jenni Otilia Cortez, on March 11, 2010 in Conroe, Texas on alleged drug and firearms related crimes. From September 2008 to early 2010, both Huezo and Cortez allegedly purchased scores of firearms at U.S. gun stores in Texas, including Glock semi-automatic pistols and AR-15 assault-type rifles, with the intention of sending them across the U.S. border. At least 15 of these firearms were recovered by law enforcement authorities in both Mexico and in Guatemala. Three of these firearms were found in Guatemala within two weeks of their purchase. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers discovered these activities when they noticed heroin in the drive shaft of a dodge pick-up truck owned by Huezo attempting to enter the United States. In July 2010, Cortez was sentenced to 45 months in prison for falsifying forms to buy a firearm. Although the above case highlights yet another example of U.S. firearms trafficking to Mexico, it also provides a glimpse into a relatively unknown phenomenon: the illicit movement of U.S.-origin firearms to Guatemala. While U.S. public attention has focused on arms, particularly hand and rocket propelled grenades, moving from Guatemala or El Salvador to Mexico, there has been little research into U.S. firearms flowing into Central America, particularly the northern triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Based largely on an ATF examination of just one Guatemalan military bunker with firearms recovered from FY 2006 to FY 2009, ATF determined that 2,687 of the 6,000 firearms (40 percent) had a nexus with the United States (either because the firearms were U.S. manufactured or U.S. imported). In the last few years, there have also been at least 34 U.S. prosecutions related to firearms trafficking to Guatemala involving a total of 604 U.S.-origin firearms trafficked. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 20, 2013 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/US%20Firearms%20to%20Guatemala%20and%20Mexico_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/US%20Firearms%20to%20Guatemala%20and%20Mexico_0.pdf Shelf Number: 129474 Keywords: Firearms Trafficking Gun-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Guns Trafficking in Weapons (Guatemala, Mexico)

Author: Harvard University. Institute of Politics Title: The War on Mexican Cartels: Options for U.S. and Mexican Policy-Makers Summary: The situation in Mexico has become increasingly volatile since 2006. After a semester of research, the National Security Policy Group has come up with a list of recommendations that can help reduce the violence in Mexico and further weaken the cartels. Recommendations to Move Forward: · The Mexican government can better use its military and law enforcement personnel by: o Specializing portions of its military forces to deal with specific facets of the war on drugs by significantly reforming military training procedures, departmentalizing the military and integrating these departments into a larger bureaucratic system, and o Launching a more aggressive public relations campaign specifically targeting the major leaders of the cartels in order to reduce the culture of fear and helplessness created by the cartels. · The Mexican government must fight corruption at all governmental levels. It should: o Revise its federal reelection process to create greater accountability mechanisms for politicians in office, o Implement a more transparent fund flow between federal and state governments, o Allow for greater public participation in the selection of judges, and o Reform the wage system, and improve training, resource allocation and accountability mechanisms for law enforcement officers. · The Mexican government should take action to strengthen its community-level efforts by: o Building strong communities in which people have a wide set of options for legitimate careers by greater subsidizing education and focusing on community initiatives o Maintaining the status quo with regards to community-level self-governance and vigilante efforts. · The United States government should reinforce its counter-financing of narcotics efforts by: o Strengthening its intelligence collection and analysis capabilities, and o Drafting the necessary legislation to compel banks to freeze the assets of individuals associated with narcotics activities. · The United States government should strengthen its efforts to prevent U.S.-made weapons from falling into cartel hands by: o Making identification requirements for firearms and ammunition more stringent, and o Creating a task force to help Central American countries locate, document and secure old stockpiles of U.S. weapons that were abandoned in these countries. · The United States should increase the size and scope of the Mérida Initiative by: o Labeling the Mexican cartels as terrorist organizations, o Focusing on training and equipping Mexican military personnel, and o Tying Mérida Initiative funds to initiatives by local and state Mexican governments. · Lastly, the United States government should continue to place significant emphasis on treatment, prevention and enforcement measures for domestic drug consumers. Details: Cambridge, MA: Institute of Politics, Harvard University, 2012. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2013 at: http://www.iop.harvard.edu/sites/default/files_new/research-policy-papers/TheWarOnMexicanCartels.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.iop.harvard.edu/sites/default/files_new/research-policy-papers/TheWarOnMexicanCartels.pdf Shelf Number: 129510 Keywords: Criminal Cartels (Mexico) Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Nunn, Samuel Title: Indiana Project Safe Neighborhoods Reports on Firearms and Firearm Homicides in Indianapolis, 2004-2011 Summary: This report provides an overview of selected violent crime and firearm crime metrics drawn generally from the Indianapolis Metropolitan Police Department (IMPD) service district. It revises and updates portions of a previous report (CCJR 09-C03) released in 2009. Based on statistical data obtained primarily from the IMPD, this report updates information about firearm recoveries, shots-fired, radio runs, and criminal homicides investigated by IMPD. The primary dates covered are from January 2004 through December 2010. Details: Indianapolis: Center for Criminal Justice Research, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University, 2011. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2013 at: https://archives.iupui.edu/handle/2450/5519 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: https://archives.iupui.edu/handle/2450/5519 Shelf Number: 129542 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence (Indianapolis, U.S.) Guns and Crime Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Kegler, Scott R. Title: Firearm Homicides and Suicides in Major Metropolitan Areas — United States, 2006–2007 and 2009–2010 Summary: Firearm homicides and suicides are a continuing public health concern in the United States. During 2009–2010, a total of 22,571 firearm homicides and 38,126 firearm suicides occurred among U.S. residents. This includes 3,397 firearm homicides and 1,548 firearm suicides among persons aged 10–19 years; the firearm homicide rate for this age group was slightly above the all-ages rate. This report updates an earlier report that provided statistics on firearm homicides and suicides in major metropolitan areas for 2006–2007, with special emphasis on persons aged 10–19 years in recognition of the importance of early prevention efforts. Firearm homicide and suicide rates were calculated for the 50 most populous U.S. metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) for 2009–2010 using mortality data from the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) and population data from the U.S. Census Bureau. Comparison statistics were recalculated for 2006–2007 to reflect revisions to MSA delineations and population estimates subsequent to the earlier report. Although the firearm homicide rate for large MSAs collectively remained above the national rate during 2009–2010, more than 75% of these MSAs showed a decreased rate from 2006–2007, largely accounting for a national decrease. The firearm homicide rate for persons aged 10–19 years exceeded the all-ages rate in many of these MSAs during 2009–2010, similar to the earlier reporting period. Conversely, although the firearm suicide rate for large MSAs collectively remained below the national rate during 2009–2010, nearly 75% of these MSAs showed an increased rate from 2006–2007, paralleling the national trend. Firearm suicide rates among persons aged 10–19 years were low compared with all-ages rates during both periods. These patterns can inform the development and monitoring of strategies directed at reducing firearm-related violence. Details: Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2013. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, August 2, 2013: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/wk/mm6230.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/wk/mm6230.pdf Shelf Number: 129586 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides Suicides Violent Crime

Author: U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy Title: National Southwest Border Counternarcotics Strategy: 2013 Summary: The United States, at the local, state, tribal, and Federal levels, has made a concerted effort to enhance, expand, and codify multiple measures designed to address the serious threats posed by illicit drug trafficking across the Southwest border and violence in Mexico. Despite many successes, improved cooperation, coordination, unity of effort, and information sharing, illicit drug trafficking continues to be a multi-faceted threat to our national security which requires additional focus and effort. Transnational criminal organizations based in Mexico with world-wide international connections continue to dominate the illegal drug supply chain and are continuing to expand their illegal activities throughout the United States. Indeed, 90 to 95 percent of all cocaine that enters the United States continues to pass through the Mexico/Central America corridor from the cocaine source countries further south. Mexico remains the primary foreign source of marijuana and methamphetamine destined for U.S. markets and is also a source and transit country for heroin. The same organizations that traffic in drugs also control the south-bound flow of drug-related bulk currency and illegal weapons. The smuggling and illegal export of weapons from the United States into Mexico is a threat to the overall safety and security of both countries and continues to fuel violence along the Southwest border and in the interior of Mexico. Indeed, weapons smuggled into Mexico often end up in the hands of the Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCOs) or other smuggling organizations where they can be employed against law enforcement officers and citizens in either country. On its northern border with the United States, Mexico experienced a dramatic surge in border crime and violence in recent years due to intense competition between Mexican TCOs that employ predatory tactics to realize their profits. The U.S. Government continues to respond to the challenges posed by transnational criminal organizations through a variety of coordinated activities, both at the operational and national policy levels. The U.S.–Mexico bilateral relationship continues to grow based on increasingly strong, multi-layered institutional ties. The commitment of both governments to improve citizen security in each country is underscored by the Merida Initiative, an unprecedented partnership between the United States and Mexico to fight organized crime and associated violence while furthering respect for human rights and the rule of law. Based on principles of shared responsibility, mutual trust, and respect for sovereign independence, the two countries’ efforts have built confidence that continues to transform and strengthen the bilateral relationship in 2013 and beyond. Details: Washington, DC: ONDPC, 2013. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 10, 2013 at: http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/southwest_border_strategy_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/southwest_border_strategy_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129615 Keywords: Border Security Drug Trafficking (U.S.) Drug-Related Violence Homicides Narcotics

Author: Jenkins, Jack Title: Thou Shall Not Kill: Faith Groups and Gun-Violence Prevention Summary: Rev. Agabus Lartey, pastor of Family Life Fellowship Church in Boston, Massachusetts, left the lights on for his daughter Kristen before going to bed last August. But Kristen, a 22-year-old who had just graduated from college, never came home that night. Instead, she and three other young women were gunned down that evening while sitting in a car on a nearby street. Three of the four women died from their wounds, all victims of senseless—yet, for many Americans, frighteningly frequent—gun violence. “I went into her room, and she wasn’t there,” Lartey told The Boston Globe. “I had an inkling, I started connecting the dots, and at that moment my doorbell rang, and there was a cop, and I knew that she had passed. … My birthday is the day that my daughter died.” Stories such as Kristen’s are all too common in the United States, but they don’t have to be. Millions of Americans have been affected by gun violence in their communities, and millions more are calling for an end to the killing—and their voices are growing louder. In the wake of the tragic mass shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, last December, an overwhelming majority of Americans called for common-sense gun regulations that could help prevent future killings: Polls show that 91 percent of Americans, including 85 percent of gun owners, support universal background checks for gun purchases. But despite such strong public support, the U.S. Senate failed to pass a series of sensible gun regulations last week—including universal background checks for gun purchases. The Senate’s refusal to act has triggered widespread outrage among gun-violence-prevention advocates. Yet now more than ever, advocates are determined to intensify their efforts to defeat the gun lobby and win common-sense regulations to help make America safer. Faith-based groups have long been key partners in these kinds of efforts, bringing a moral voice, firsthand experience, learned expertise, and strategic know-how to the cause. Together with citizen groups, law-enforcement officials, elected leaders, and survivors of shootings, they are decrying the cowardice of senators who voted down gun laws and calling for sensible regulations that will help curb the epidemic of gun violence that haunts neighborhoods across the country. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2013. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 19, 2013 at: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/FaithGunViolence.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/FaithGunViolence.pdf Shelf Number: 129635 Keywords: Faith-Based Groups Gun Control Gun Violence (U.S.) Homicides

Author: Koppensteiner, Martin Foureaux Title: The Effect of Violence on Birth Outcomes: Evidence from Homicides in Rural Brazil Summary: This paper uses microdata from Brazilian vital statistics natality and mortality data between 2000 and 2010 to estimate the impact of in-utero exposure to local violence -measured by homicide rates- on birth outcomes. Focusing on small communities, where it is more plausible that local homicide rates reflect actual exposure to violence, the analysis shows that exposure to violence during pregnancy leads to deterioration in birth outcomes: one extra homicide during the first trimester of pregnancy increases the probability of low birthweight by around 6 percent. Results are particularly pronounced among children of poorly educated mothers, implying that violence compounds the disadvantage that these children already suffer as a result of their households' lower socioeconomic status. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, Institutions for Development, 2013. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: IDB Working Paper Series No. IDB-WP-416: Accessed November 1, 2013 at: http://idbdocs.iadb.org/wsdocs/getdocument.aspx?docnum=37872082 Year: 2013 Country: Brazil URL: http://idbdocs.iadb.org/wsdocs/getdocument.aspx?docnum=37872082 Shelf Number: 131582 Keywords: Children and Violence Homicides Socioeconomic Status Violent Crime (Brazil)

Author: New South Wales. Ombudsman Title: Consorting issues paper: review of the use of the consorting provisions by the NSW Police Force Summary: Consorting with criminals has been an offence in NSW since the late 1920s; however over the years the offence has fallen into disuse. On 9 April 2012 a 'modernised' version of the offence of consorting commenced in NSW. The new consorting provisions are contained in Division 7, Part 3A of the Crimes Act 1900. It is now a criminal offence to continue to associate with two people who have both previously been convicted of an indictable offence if you have been warned by police about their convictions and advised that to continue to associate with them is an offence. Consorting now includes associating in person and communicating by telephone, email or by other electronic means. The offence attracts a possible three year prison sentence and/or a $16,500 fine (150 penalty units). The consorting provisions have been widely used across NSW, although the majority of uses have occurred in the Sydney metropolitan area. The first 12 months of police data indicates in excess of 1,000 official police warnings have been issued, although only 16 charges have been laid. The constitutionality of the provisions is currently subject to challenge in the NSW Court of Appeal with a hearing date of 5 November 2013. Between late 2011 and early 2012 there was a spate of shootings across Sydney. Media coverage of these incidents was extensive and heightened public concern about escalating gun violence and its suspected connection to the activities of criminal gangs. While most categories of crime involving firearms have significantly decreased or remained stable since 1995, the number of incidents of drive-by shootings more than doubled from 41 in 1995 to 100 in 2011. According to recent analysis by the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research: ... the trends in discharge firearm into premises, shoot with intent and unlawfully discharge firearm, individually and in total, have not shown statistically significant increases in the 2 years, 5 years, 10 years or 15 years up to December 2012. Generally speaking the pattern has been one of surges in the frequency of such incidence followed by periods of relative quiescence; ... On 14 and 15 of February 2012, the government introduced a package of reforms designed to 'combat organised crime in further support of police in their war on drive-by shootings'. The reforms included the Crimes Amendment (Consorting and Organised Crime) Bill 2012; the Crimes (Criminal Organisations Control) Bill 2012; and the Firearms Amendment (Ammunition Control) Bill 2012. Details: Sydney: NSW Ombudsman, 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2013 at: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Shelf Number: 131711 Keywords: Drive-By Shootings Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime (Australia) Police Misconduct

Author: Ingram, Matthew C. Title: The Local Educational and Regional Economic Foundations of Violence: A Subnational, Spatial Analysis of Homicide Rates across Mexico's Municipalities Summary: Violence diminishes well-being, and public insecurity erodes the rule of law, undermining the quality of democracy and constraining business and commercial interactions. A better understanding of the origins of violence is therefore crucial. Examining 2010 homicide rates across Mexico's 2455 municipalities, this paper offers a sub-national and spatial study of the patterns and sources of violence. Offering the first spatial Durbin model of homicide in Mexico, the analysis generates novel and rich findings. Core findings include (1) homicide is not randomly distributed across municipalities, (2) homicide rates follow a spatial lag effect, suggesting violence in one community spills over into neighboring communities, (3) education has a meaningful protective effect against violence, but this is only a local, direct effect; and (4) economic inactivity exerts an unexpectedly negative direct effect, but a strong positive indirect effect from neighboring communities; that is, when economic conditions deteriorate in nearby communities, local violence increases, suggesting homicide is committed locally but by individuals in economically depressed, outlying areas. Violence-reduction policies, then, require coordination across nearby communities and should proceed on two fronts: (a) localized improvements in education attainment, which can be addressed within individual jurisdictions, and (b) economic development policies targeted at intermediate regions below the state level but above the municipal level, which require cross-jurisdictional collaboration, even by municipalities across state boundaries - what I refer to as a "local-schools/regional-economy" approach to violence prevention. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 24, 2014 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/mex_hom_analysis_ingram_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/mex_hom_analysis_ingram_0.pdf Shelf Number: 132173 Keywords: Homicides Violence (Mexico) Violence Prevention Violent Crime

Author: Title: Curbing Violence in Nigeria (II): The Boko Haram Insurgency Summary: In its latest report, Curbing Violence in Nigeria (II): The Boko Haram Insurgency, the International Crisis Group examines the emergence, rise and evolution of a movement whose four-year insurgency has killed thousands, displaced close to a million, destroyed public infrastructure and weakened the country's already poor economy, particularly in the North East. The government's failure to provide security and basic services makes poor youth, in particular, an easy recruitment target for anti-state militias. As Boko Haram's network expands into Cameroon and Niger, a military response is not enough. Only deep political and socio-economic reform can ease the injustices that fuel the insurgency. The report's major findings and recommendations are: - Boko Haram's evolution since 2002 is strongly linked to failed governance, economic hardship, rising social inequality, corruption and impunity. Most Nigerians are poorer today than at independence in 1960. Poverty is most dire in the north, where Boko Haram, the latest of many northern fundamentalist movements, has tapped into Muslim revivalism and hopes to establish an Islamic state. - Since 2010, the group's campaign has grown, targeting not only security forces and politicians, but also civilians, traditional and religious leaders, public institutions, the UN presence and schools. It is more dispersed than ever, with many leaders in Cameroon and Niger, both of which are poorly equipped to address an armed Islamist threat. Boko Haram's leader, Abubakar Shekau, seems to have little control over its factions, including Ansaru, which focuses on foreign targets. - Insecurity in much of the north may also worsen political violence and undermine the credibility of the 2015 elections, further damaging government legitimacy. -Federal and state governments must end impunity by prosecuting crimes by security services, government officials and Boko Haram members alike, and urgently develop and implement a socio-economic intervention program for the North East region. - Civic education to halt politicisation of religions, effective development and anti-corruption efforts, and police who are seen as partners to citizens are all vital. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2014. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Africa Report No. 216: Accessed April 28, 2014 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/west-africa/nigeria/216-curbing-violence-in-nigeria-ii-the-boko-haram-insurgency.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/west-africa/nigeria/216-curbing-violence-in-nigeria-ii-the-boko-haram-insurgency.pdf Shelf Number: 1132191 Keywords: Homicides Human Rights (Nigeria) Political Corruption Violence Violent Crimes

Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: Global Study on Homicide 2013: Trends, Contexts, Data Summary: The Global Study on Homicide 2013 seeks to shed light on the worst of crimes - the intentional killing of one human being by another. Beyond resulting in the deaths of nearly half a million people in 2012, this form of violent crime has a broad impact on security - and the perception of security - across all societies. This study, which builds on the ground-breaking work of UNODC's first Global Study on Homicide in 2011, is particularly timely as the international community is engaged in defining the post-2015 development agenda. As United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon has made clear, development progress cannot be achieved or sustained amid violence, insecurity and injustice. By improving understanding of the underlying patterns and trends related to different forms, settings and risk factors of homicide at the global, regional, national and sub-national levels, this study can be a strategic tool in supporting governments' efforts to address root causes and enhance criminal justice responses. Alongside intentional homicide related to other criminal activities and socio-political agendas, the study examines homicide related to interpersonal conflict, which includes homicides perpetrated by intimate partners or family members. Unlike other forms of homicide, which vary significantly across regions and from year to year, intimate partner and family-related homicide remains persistent and prevalent. While the vast majority of global homicide victims are men, it is overwhelmingly women who die at the hands of their intimate partners or family members. Normative standards for improving criminal justice responses to eliminate violence against women have been agreed by all United Nations Member States; clearly more must be done to improve States' capacities to effectively prevent, investigate, prosecute and punish all forms of violence against women. With regard to different settings in which lethal violence occurs, the study indicates that homicide and violence in countries emerging from conflict can become concurrent contributors to instability and insecurity. If we want to build peace, interventions must address not only the conflict itself but also surges in homicide resulting from organized crime and interpersonal violence, which can flourish in settings with weak rule of law. Specific risk factors such as alcohol and drug use and the availability of weapons are also examined in the study in order to improve understanding of how they shape patterns and prevalence of lethal violence. Deeper understanding of these enablers can inform and enhance policies aimed at preventing intentional homicides from happening in the first place. Ultimately, efforts to prevent unlawful homicide will not be effective unless governments and the international community address those who are most at risk, of both offending or becoming a victim of homicide. More than half of all global homicide victims are under 30 years of age. Much of this violence takes place in urban areas. Effective policies and strategies must not only target at-risk young people but involve them and local communities to work together to break the cycle of violence. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2014. 155p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2014 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/gsh/pdfs/2014_GLOBAL_HOMICIDE_BOOK_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/gsh/pdfs/2014_GLOBAL_HOMICIDE_BOOK_web.pdf Shelf Number: 132257 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime, Disorder Crime Statistics Drug Abuse and Crime Homicides Interpersonal Violence Murders Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Torrey, E. Fuller Title: Justifiable Homicides by Law Enforcement Officers: What is the Role of Mental Illness? Summary: As a consequence of the failed mental illness treatment system, an increasing number of individuals with untreated serious mental illness are encountering law enforcement officers, sometimes with tragic results. "Justifiable homicides," in which an individual is killed by a law enforcement officer in the line of duty, may occur when criminals are being pursued, as in a bank robbery, or when an officer is threatened with a weapon, in other situations. We assessed available data on justifiable homicides between 1980 and 2008 and found the following: - Although the total number of justifiable homicides decreased by 5% between 1980 and 2008, those resulting from an attack on a law enforcement officer increased by 67%, from an average of 153 to 255 such homicides per year. - Although no national data is collected, multiple informal studies and accounts support the conclusion that "at least half of the people shot and killed by police each year in this country have mental health problems." - There are suggestions that many of the mentally ill individuals who were shot were not taking their medications. Some of them were also well-known to the law enforcement officers from previous encounters. - Studies suggest that approximately one-third of the shootings by law enforcement officers results from the victim attempting to commit "suicide-by-cop." - The transfer of responsibility for persons with mental illness from mental health professionals to law enforcement officers is both illogical and unfair and harms both the patients and the officers. In view of these conditions, it is recommended that: - The Department of Justice resolve to collect more complete and detailed information on justifiable homicides. - Mental health agencies be clearly assigned the ultimate responsibility for the care of persons with mental illness in their communities and held accountable for providing it. - More widespread use be made of assisted outpatient treatment (AOT) under which at-risk individuals who meet criteria established by the state are court-ordered to remain in treatment as a condition of living in the community - in the 45 states where it is authorized. - The five states without AOT laws on their books (Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Mexico, Tennessee) enact and use them. Details: Arlington, VA: Treatment Advocacy Center and National Sheriffs' Association, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2014 at: http://tacreports.org/storage/documents/2013-justifiable-homicides.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://tacreports.org/storage/documents/2013-justifiable-homicides.pdf Shelf Number: 132264 Keywords: Homicides Mental Health Services Mentally Ill Mentally Ill Offenders Police Use of Force

Author: Hawkins, Sian Title: Women's Access to Justice: From Reporting to Sentencing Summary: The title of the report Access to Justice suggests that justice is not being served at present. Sadly, for too many women this is the case. Considerable progress has been made but too many victims of domestic violence, the majority of whom are women, suffer at the hands of a partner or former partner. On average two women a week are killed as a result, and studies have shown this constitutes a significant proportion of female homicides. Because most abuse usually takes place behind closed doors, the police are rarely called to the first incident. It takes on average 35 incidents for the police to be involved. They have a vital role to play in stopping perpetrators and holding them responsible for their actions. However, the evidence we received highlighted a lack of consistency across police force areas and within forces. The first response a woman receives can mean the difference between stopping abuse in its tracks or failure. More must also be done to break down the barriers to reporting. As parliamentarians, we have a responsibility to ensure the right legislation is in place and that tackling domestic violence remains a priority for government. The All Party Parliamentary Group for Domestic and Sexual Violence was founded to bridge the gap between theory and practice, between law makers, enforcement agencies and the frontline services that play an invaluable role in supporting survivors. The conclusions of this report and the testimony from serving officers, survivors and specialists alone will not solve the problems we have highlighted. Details: Bristol, UK: Women's Aid Federation of England, 2014. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2014 at: www.womensaid.org.uk/ Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: www.womensaid.org.uk/ Shelf Number: 132308 Keywords: Domestic Violence (U.K.) Homicides Police Response Sexual Violence Violent Against Women

Author: Eventon, Ross Title: Eyes Wide Shut: Corruption and Drug-Related Violence in Rosario Summary: Drug trafficking is not a new phenomenon in the Argentinian city of Rosario. Since the 1990s, and largely under the public radar, the distribution of illicit drugs in the poor, peripheral neighbourhoods of the city has been managed by family-run gangs and small-time dealers; poverty and social marginalisation have facilitated the trade; young gang members, known as soldados, have fought over territory; local demand for illegal drugs has provided the engine; illicit profits have been laundered in collaboration with local lawyers and financial advisors; and corruption among the police and local officials has ensured that the main traffickers, while their identities are widely known, can operate with few concerns other than threats from rivals. This last element appears to explain why, until the issue was forced into the public domain, there had been a conspicuous lack of political concern with drug trafficking in the city. The change came on New Year's Day 2012. That day, three community activists were shot and killed in the Villa Moreno neighbourhood by gang members who mistook them for rivals. The killings were not unique, but the victims were: unlike the usual casualties, the activists had a movement behind them. Their deaths led to local demonstrations and calls for action. The press and local officials were suddenly impelled to pay attention to drug trafficking and related violence. Since then, a spate of official investigations has deepened public understanding of the nature of the drug trade in the city. They have also provided further evidence of the complicity of the security forces and the negligence of the state that have long been known to facilitate trafficking. Recommendations - Maintain the focus on the leadership of the most powerful and violent gangs, including following the money trail, and reverse the trend where simply increasing the number of security forces in violent areas is considered a sufficient policy response. - Re-focus the judiciary away from a two-tiered approach: recognize underage gang members as a vulnerable population, and that confronting the culture of violence will require special initiatives. - Root out corruption in the local and provincial security forces, recognise the way the state's approach facilitates this complicity, and produce more reliable statistics to better inform policymakers. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Series on Drug Markets and Violence, Nr 1: Accessed May 10, 2014 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dmv1.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Argentina URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dmv1.pdf Shelf Number: 132314 Keywords: Corruption Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Illegal Drugs Poverty Violent Crime

Author: Heinle, Kimberly Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2013 Summary: Violence is lower in Mexico than elsewhere in the Americas, but average for the region. Levels of violence are relatively lower in Mexico than in several other countries in the Americas, but are about average for the Western Hemisphere. Mexico's 2011 homicide rate of 23.7 was slightly below the region's average of approximately 24.5 homicides per 100,000 people. However, this was up nearly threefold from Mexico's rate of 8.1 per 100,000 in 2007. No other country in the hemisphere has seen such a large increase in the number or rate of homicides over the last decade. Homicides had been declining through the mid-2000s, reaching a record low in 2007. Continuing a long-term trend, the number of intentional homicides documented by Mexico's National Institute of Statistics, Geography, and Information (INEGI) declined significantly under both presidents Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000) and Vicente Fox (2000-2006). Under Zedillo, the number of intentional homicides declined fairly steadily from 15,839 in 1994 to 10,737 in 2000, totaling 80,311 homicides. The annual number of homicides fluctuated somewhat under Fox, but continued to decline generally, with a total of 60,162 homicides. Moreover, the number of homicides actually reached a record low of 8,867 intentional homicides in 2007, the first full year in office for Felipe Calderon (2006-2012). Violence grew dramatically after 2008, with the number of homicides peaking in 2011. After Calderon's first year, the number of intentional homicides documented by INEGI climbed sharply, with year-over-year increases of more than 58% in 2008, 41% in 2009, 30% in 2010, and 5% in 2011. As predicted by last year's Justice in Mexico drug violence report, the number of intentional homicides documented by INEGI declined somewhat in 2012, Calderon's final year in office. Specifically, our March 2013 report predicted that INEGI would register a modest decline for 2012 (no greater than 8.5%). According to figures released in late-2013, the number of intentional homicides documented by INEGI for 2012 declined about 4% to 26,037. All told, throughout the Calderon administration, INEGI reported 121,669 homicides, an average of over 20,000 people per year, more than 55 people per day, or just over two people every hour. The total number of homicides appears to have declined by approximately 15% in 2013. While INEGI's figures are not available for 2013, preliminary data from Mexico's National Security System (SNSP) suggests that the total number of intentional homicides in 2013 declined again this year, and more than in 2012. However, some analysts are skeptical about SNSP's possible manipulation or withholding of data, so these findings should be viewed with caution. This said, at the time of this report, SNSP's tally of all intentional homicides in 2013 was 18,146, down 16.4% from about 21,700 in 2012. If the rate of decline is comparable for INEGI's tally, the total number of intentional homicides in 2012 INEGI will report for 2013 later this year will fall somewhere around 22,000 to 24,000 homicides. Mexico's recent violence is largely attributable to drug trafficking and organized crime. A large part of the sudden increase in violence in Mexico is attributable to drug trafficking and organized crime groups. Tallies compiled independently by media organizations in Mexico suggest that at least a third and as many as two-thirds of all intentional homicides in 2013 bore characteristics typical of organized-crime related killings, including the use of high-caliber automatic weapons, torture, dismemberment, and explicit messages involving organized crime groups. The Mexican newspaper Reforma put the figure at 7,163 organized-crime-style homicides in 2013 (though its coverage appeared to be less complete and less consistent with other sources than previous years), while Milenio reported 10,095 for the same year. Less violence in northern states has increased the spotlight on Pacific coastal states. In 2013, Mexico's violence - especially drug trafficking and organized-crime-style homicides - remained highly concentrated in specific regions, states, and municipalities. The elevated amounts and rates of violence were particularly concentrated in Mexico's Pacific coastal states, as violence in Northern states has diminished significantly. One exception in the north is Baja California, which saw a 31% increase in homicides, particularly as the city of Tijuana saw an increase in violence that ran counter to the significant declines elsewhere in the country. Community self-defense groups grew stronger in Guerrero, Michoacan, and other states. In 2012 and early 2013, public frustration with violence manifested itself in the form of armed community self-defense groups (autodefensas) in states like Guerrero and Michoacan. Particularly in Michoacan, where their presence has expanded into at least 29 of the state's 113 municipalities, such groups grabbed national and international headlines in early 2013 because of their direct clashes with the Knights Templar Organization (Caballeros Templarios, or KTO), a splinter organization that broke from the La Familia Michoacan (LFM) organization in 2010. There are concerns that self defense groups may have ties to organized crime groups and/or engage in acts of vigilante violence, and the Mexican government has tried to set parameters and restrictions on the use of firearms by such groups, so far with mixed results. President Pena Nieto continued to arrest major drug traffickers in 2013 and early 2014. On the campaign trail during 2012, Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto (2012-2018) had pledged to reduce the government's reliance on the counter-drug strategies employed by the Calderon administration. However, with just over one year in office, President Pena Nieto has continued the previous administration's policies, including a heavy reliance on the military and the targeted arrest of major organized crime figures. This paid off in a number of important successes, including the arrest of Miguel Angel "Z-40" Trevino (head of Los Zetas) and Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman (head of the Sinaloa Cartel). In March 2014, the Pena Nieto administration also announced that Mexican authorities had killed two top KTO leaders: Nazario Moreno Gonzalez, a.k.a. "El Chayo," who had been previously presumed dead, and Enrique "El Kike" Plancarte Solis. Recent organized crime arrests have not appeared to produce large spikes in violence. Some experts say that destroying leadership structures leads to greater violence because it contributes to infighting, splintering, and/or encroachment by rival criminal organizations. However, compared to previous years, the Mexican government's arrests of high-level members of organized crime groups have not resulted in such dramatic surges in violence due to infighting, splintering, or encroachment by rival criminal organizations. This may be attributable to a number of factors, including the dwindling size and capacity of criminal organizations in Mexico, the reduction in competition over drug production and trafficking routes, and/or the possible collusion of government officials to broker a peace. U.S.-Mexico security cooperation continues under the framework of the Merida Initiative. At the outset of the Pena Nieto administration, U.S. officials reportedly expressed concerns about the more centralized, "single window" (ventanilla unica) approach of Pena Nieto's administration to bi-national cooperation. However, while the protocols for such cooperation have changed, U.S.-Mexico cooperation has continued across all four "pillars" of the framework established under the Merida Initiative: 1) dismantling organized crime groups, 2) strengthening judicial sector institutions, 3) building a 21st century border, and 4) fostering resilient communities. Mexican security efforts appear more focused on prevention and criminal justice reform. While President Pena Nieto continued the same strategies of the previous administration during his first year in office, he also began to emphasize crime prevention and judicial system reform more strongly than in the past. Important initiatives in this regard include the creation of a new agency for crime prevention headed by Roberto Campa, as well as the introduction of a new, unified federal code of criminal procedure. The creation and training of a much-touted National Gendarmerie and a more unified police command system moved to the back burner but are still ongoing. Concerted implementation and evaluation efforts will be critical to the success of these initiatives. The drug war's future appears somewhat uncertain given changes in U.S. drug policy. Measures to legalize marijuana in 2013 in Uruguay and in two U.S. states - Colorado and Washington - have raised new questions about the future of the drug war. While public support for legalization of other drugs is very low, over half of the U.S. public now supports marijuana legalization. Legalization of marijuana will likely increase its availability and reduce its price, thereby reducing its profitability for the organized crime groups that currently produce, transport, and purvey it on the black market. While this will seriously diminish the capacity of organized crime groups in Mexico, it could also lead to innovation in their criminal activities to make up for lost revenue and other problems. Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico Project, University of San Diego, 2014. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2014 at: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/140415-dvm-2014-releasered1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://justiceinmexico.files.wordpress.com/2014/04/140415-dvm-2014-releasered1.pdf Shelf Number: 147748 Keywords: Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Drugs and Crime Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Agger, Kasper Title: Behind the Headlines: Drivers of Violence in the Central African Republic Summary: The situation in the Central African Republic, or CAR, remains chaotic and violent with public lynchings and daily attacks terrorizing civilians across the country. The United Nations estimates that more than 1 million people - roughly one-quarter of the total population - have been displaced or fled the country. Thousands of people have been killed - at least 2,000 since December alone, although no one knows the exact figure, which is likely much higher. Despite having the largest number of peacekeepers ever deployed to the country, the violence in CAR continues unabated. At least 60 people were killed in the capital city of Bangui over a period of just 10 days in March. Armed groups in CAR are financing their activities in part with significant revenues from natural resources and looting. When the Seleka rebel alliance captured the capital in March 2013, heavily armed and well-trained wildlife poachers and mercenary fighters from Chad and Sudan - some of whom were members of the Sudanese government-supported Janjaweed militia-backed the group. Seleka rebels and foreign fighters have been plundering, looting, and smuggling diamonds and ivory to pay for arms, fuel, food, and soldiers. Meanwhile, Anti-Balaka militias have been looting and killing in Muslim communities and have taken control of diamond-rich areas in the western part of CAR. Seleka forces used violence and threats against local populations in CAR to extract diamond revenues through forced mining, theft, and cheap purchases from local traders. The diamonds were then sold to local traders or taken out of the country and sold to intermediaries, mainly in South Darfur, Cameroon, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC. CAR was suspended in May 2013 from the Kimberley Process, an international certification mechanism designed to prevent conflict diamonds from entering the international market. However, the diamond trade has continued in CAR and conflict diamonds are likely entering markets abroad. Other countries have pursued political and economic interests that have exacerbated violence in CAR and destabilized the country. Neighboring Chad and Sudan provided support to the Seleka with the goal of installing a cooperative government that could help protect Chadian oil interests and prevent CAR from becoming a safe haven for rebels that could potentially destabilize the two countries. South Africa deployed up to 400 soldiers to protect South African investments in the oil and diamond sectors when former President Francois Bozize was in office. South African soldiers fought to protect the Bozize government when Seleka fighters attacked Bangui, leading to the death of 13 South African soldiers. The Chadian and French governments, which also sent soldiers to CAR, did not intervene to save President Bozize, as they had done previously in his decade-long rule. They helped him to capture power in 2003 but gradually withdrew support when he favored South Africa and China for trade and military cooperation arrangements. Bozize's shift, and that of France and Chad, helped enable Seleka forces to capture power. Details: Washington, DC: Enough Project, 2014. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed May 17, 2014 at: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/CAR%20Report%20-%20Behind%20the%20Headlines%205.1.14.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central African Republic URL: http://www.enoughproject.org/files/CAR%20Report%20-%20Behind%20the%20Headlines%205.1.14.pdf Shelf Number: 132386 Keywords: Animal Poaching Conflict Diamonds Homicides Looting Violence Wildlife Crime

Author: Peters, Brittany Title: Violent Crime in Massachusetts: A 25-Year Retrospective. Annual Policy Brief (1988-2012) Summary: The volume of violent crime (26,819 offenses) within the Commonwealth in 2012 represents an 18% decrease since 1988. This is the lowest point since the early 1980's. During the 25-year period from 1988 to 2012, the rate of violent crime per 100,000 persons in Massachusetts dropped 29% from 570 offenses to 404 offenses. The statewide volume of violent crime decreased 3% from calendar years 2011 to 2012, with a decline in murder (-33%) and aggravated assault (-4%); the volume of both forcible rapes and robberies remained consistent from one year to the next with a drop of less than 1%. The rate of violent crime per 100,000 persons in Massachusetts decreased 4% between calendar years 2011 and 2012, with a decline in three of the four major offense categories: murder (-33%), robbery (-1%), and aggravated assault (-5%). The rate of forcible rape remained stable at 24 rapes per 100,000 persons from 2011 to 2012. Details: Boston: Massachusetts Executive Office of Public Safety and Security, 2014. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2014 at: http://www.mass.gov/eopss/docs/ogr/violentcrimeannualpolicybrief-1988to2012.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.mass.gov/eopss/docs/ogr/violentcrimeannualpolicybrief-1988to2012.pdf Shelf Number: 132391 Keywords: Aggravated Assault Crime Statistics Forcible Rape Homicides Robbery Violent Crime

Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Innocents Lost: A Year of Unintentional Child Gun Deaths Summary: Federal data from the Centers for Disease Control indicate that between 2007 and 2011, an average of 62 children age 14 and under were accidentally shot and killed each year. But our analysis of publicly reported gun deaths, highlighted in "Innocents Lost: A Year of Unintentional Child Gun Deaths," shows that the federal data substantially undercount these deaths: - From December 2012 to December 2013, at least 100 children were killed in unintentional shootings - almost two each week, 61 percent higher than federal data reflect. - About two-thirds of these unintended deaths - 65 percent - took place in a home or vehicle that belonged to the victim's family, most often with guns that were legally owned but not secured. - More than two-thirds of these tragedies could be avoided if gun owners stored their guns responsibly and prevented children from accessing them. Details: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2014. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2014 at: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Innocents_Lost.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Innocents_Lost.pdf Shelf Number: 132550 Keywords: Gun Violence Guns Homicides

Author: Gerney, Arkadi Title: Women Under the Gun: How Gun Violence Affects Women and 4 Policy Solutions to Better Protect Them Summary: Violence against women looks very different than violence against men. Whether in the context of sexual assault on college campuses or in the military, violence by an intimate partner, or other types of violent victimization, women's experiences of violence in this country are unique from those of men. One key difference in the violence committed against women in the United States is who commits it: Women are much more likely to be victimized by people they know, while men are more likely to be victims of violent crime at the hands of strangers. Between 2003 and 2012, 65 percent of female violent crime victims were targeted by someone they knew; only 34 percent of male violent crime victims knew their attackers. Intimate partners make up the majority of known assailants: During the same time period, 34 percent of all women murdered were killed by a male intimate partner, compared to the only 2.5 percent of male murder victims killed by a female intimate partner. A staggering portion of violence against women is fatal, and a key driver of these homicides is access to guns. From 2001 through 2012, 6,410 women were murdered in the United States by an intimate partner using a gun - more than the total number of U.S. troops killed in action during the entirety of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars combined. Guns are used in fatal intimate partner violence more than any other weapon: Of all the women killed by intimate partners during this period, 55 percent were killed with guns. Women in the United States are 11 times more likely to be murdered with a gun than are women in other high income countries. Limiting abusers and stalkers' access to firearms is therefore critical to reduce the number of women murdered in this country every year. This idea is not new: Congress first acted 20 years ago to strengthen our gun laws to prevent some domestic abusers from buying guns. But we are still a long way from having a comprehensive system of laws in place at both the federal and state levels that protect women - and children and men - from fatal violence in the context of intimate and domestic relationships. This report provides an overview of the data regarding the intersection of intimate partner violence and gun violence, describing four policies that states and the federal government should enact to reduce dangerous abusers' access to guns and prevent murders of women: - Bar all convicted abusers, stalkers, and people subject to related restraining orders from possessing guns. - Provide all records of prohibited abusers to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, or NICS. - Require a background check for all gun sales. - Ensure that abusers surrender any firearms they own once they become prohibited. Some states have already adopted some of these policies, and in the past 12 months, there has been a growing movement across the country to enact laws closing some gaps related to domestic abusers' gun access in several states, including Wisconsin, Washington, Louisiana, New Hampshire, and Minnesota. This report collected and analyzed data from a variety of sources, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or FBI; the Centers for Disease Control, or CDC; the Office of Violence Against Women; state criminal justice agencies; state domestic violence fatality review boards; and academic research. These data provide a snapshot of women's experiences of violence in this country and show the glaring gaps in state and federal laws that leave victims of domestic violence and stalking vulnerable to gun violence. Many of these data have not been made public prior to the publication of this report and were collected through Freedom of Information Act requests. Among our findings: - In 15 states, more than 40 percent of all homicides of women in each state involved intimate partner violence. In 36 states, more than 50 percent of intimate partner-related homicides of women in each state involved a gun. - A review of conviction records in 20 states showed that there are at least 11,986 individuals across the country who have been convicted of misdemeanor-level stalking but are still permitted to possess guns under federal law. It is likely that there are tens of thousands of additional convicted stalkers who are able to buy guns. - While submission of records regarding convicted misdemeanant domestic abusers to the FBI's NICS Index has increased 132 percent over the past five-and-a-half years, only three states appear to be submitting reasonably complete records - Connecticut, New Hampshire, and New Mexico. Records from these three states account for 79 percent of the total records submitted to the FBI. Every day in the United States, five women are murdered with guns. Many of these fatal shootings occur in the context of a domestic or intimate partner relationship. However, women are not the only victims. Shooters have often made children, police officers, and their broader communities additional targets of what begins as an intimate partner shooting. In fact, one study found that more than half of the mass shootings in recent years have started with or involved the shooting of an intimate partner or a family member. Enacting a comprehensive set of laws and enforcement strategies to disarm domestic abusers and stalkers will reduce the number of women who are murdered by abusers with guns-and it will make all Americans safer. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2014 at: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/GunsDomesticViolence2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/GunsDomesticViolence2.pdf Shelf Number: 132588 Keywords: Family Violence Gun Control Gun Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Violence Against Women

Author: Owens, Kaitlin Title: Honduras: Journalism in the Shadow of Impunity Summary: This report examines the surge in violence directed against journalists following the ouster of President Jose Manuel Zelaya in June 2009. Since then at least 32 Honduran journalists have been killed and many more continue to work in a climate of fear and self-censorship. Reporters who cover corruption and organized crime are routinely targeted for their work and attacked or killed with almost complete impunity. The sources of the violence against journalists are varied. Transnational drug cartels have infiltrated the country so effectively that the present crisis in Honduras cannot be understood in isolation from its Central American neighbours. That said, it is also clear that the absence of reliable institutions has allowed the violence to escalate far more rapidly than many anticipated. Much of the violence is produced by the state itself, perhaps most significantly by a corrupt police force. In a special report on police criminality in Honduras, the Tegucigalpa-based Violence Observatory (Observatorio de Violencia) found that between January 2011 and November 2012 police officers killed 149 civilians, approximately six per month. The taint of corruption and a culture of impunity have undermined trust among state agencies and public confidence in key institutions. Public distrust of the police is so great that crimes are rarely reported. Moreover, due to widespread corruption and inefficiency among the force, only an estimated 20 per cent of crime is reported, and of that less than four per cent gets investigated. According to the State's own statistics, less than one per cent of all crime in Honduras is subject to a police investigation. Procedural flaws are evident throughout the system. Police often say an investigation is underway when there is none; the office of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights (Fiscal�a Especial de Derechos Humanos) does not have the jurisdiction to try those responsible for the murders of journalists, and lacks resources to conduct even the most basic investigations into other human rights violations. On the other hand, while some legal initiatives are under-resourced, there is also a proliferation of competing agencies that notionally address the same problem. This has created a situation in which institutional responsibility has been so widely diffused that no one is ultimately accountable for the high level of impunity. With current levels of funding, the office of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights, which was nominally responsible for over 7,000 investigations in 2012, can only investigate a small percentage of these cases each year. While the office continues to operate with a serious shortage of funds, the Honduran state is able to argue that it has made progress in addressing human rights violations through the establishment of a Special Prosecutor for Human Rights. Given these crises, this report finds that the Honduran judiciary faces significant challenges in establishing an independent legal culture capable of ensuring accountability for human rights abuses. Furthermore, legal mechanisms to protect journalists are needlessly complicated and often confusing. Even international mechanisms such as the precautionary measures issued by the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (iachr) are poorly understood by local police and, at least as currently implemented, offer little real protection. Deep divisions among the journalists themselves hinder the fight against impunity. A striking absence of camaraderie within the profession has impaired its ability to collaborate effectively in protesting violence against journalists and in promoting protection mechanisms. Mutual suspicion is evident in many journalists' scepticism towards the official Association of Journalists of Honduras (Colegio de Periodistas de Honduras - cph) - an institution that has noticeably failed in its legislative mandate to "promote solidarity and mutual assistance among the media." This failure has meant that there is no united front pressing for greater accountability and an end to the violence. The coup that unseated President Zelaya in 2009 brought these problems into the spotlight, but the roots of the crisis lie further back in Honduras' history, notably in its failure during the demilitarization process that began in the 1980s to hold those who had committed serious human rights violations accountable for their actions. A legacy of failed reforms left the state incapable of dealing with rights violations that took place during and after the 2009 coup. As a result, the recent wave of murderous violence has been met with a familiar mixture of inadequate resources, bureaucratic ineptitude, blame-shifting and denial. The coup interrupted the demilitarization of Honduras. One human rights worker we interviewed spoke of the return of a security-state mindset in which peaceful dissent is often met with reflexive violence. Others noted that the re-emergence of the security state had been justified - as in Colombia and Mexico - as an antidote to pervasive corruption and organized crime. But the real lesson to be drawn from the use of force to compensate for the failures of transitional justice is that state actors no longer need to fear being held to account for their actions. As Bertha Oliva, co-ordinator of the Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared in Honduras (Comite de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos en Honduras - cofadeh) put it: "When we allow impunity for human rights violations, we see the crimes of the past translated into the crimes of the future." Details: Toronto: PEN Canada; London: PEN International, 2014. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 7, 2014 at: http://www.pen-international.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Honduras-Journalism-in-the-Shadow-of-Impunity1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.pen-international.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/Honduras-Journalism-in-the-Shadow-of-Impunity1.pdf Shelf Number: 132630 Keywords: Drug Cartels Homicides Human Rights Abuses Journalists Organized Crime Political Corruption Violence Violence Crime

Author: Cannon, Ashley Title: Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters & Large-Capacity Magazines Summary: Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, large-capacity ammunition magazines-which hold more than 10 rounds-have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. As the following analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans. As part of our non-partisan mission to prevent violence at the Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, we track mass shootings. Our Mass Shooting Incidents in America database catalogs shootings in which four or more victims were killed in a public place unrelated to another crime since 1984. Between 1984 and 2012, there were 64 such incidents-33 of which involved a perpetrator armed with a large-capacity magazine. Large-capacity ammunition magazines were outlawed for 10 years between 1994 and 2004 as part of the federal Assault Weapons Ban, providing us with periods for comparison in order to determine the ban's impact on mass shooting casualties. The results are startling. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission on New York City, 2014. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2014 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Shelf Number: 132636 Keywords: Assault Weapons Gun Violence Homicides Mass Murder Violence Violent Crime

Author: Borda, Sandra Title: The Search for a Negotiated Peace in Colombia and the Fight Against Illegal Drugs Summary: The issue of illicit drugs has played a radically different role in the ongoing peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana compared with the peace process in El Caguan ten years ago. There are two differences. Firstly, while in El Caguan President Pastrana aligned himself with the war on drugs as it stood at the time through the design and implementation of Plan Colombia in order to strengthen the state's military apparatus, President Santos has adopted a more revisionist attitude by calling for a global debate intended to produce changes to the current war on drugs. And secondly, in contrast to Pastrana, Santos has chosen not to dwell on claims about the close links between the FARC's insurgent activity and the production and trafficking of illicit drugs. Additionally, the report suggests that these differences are explained by the role the U.S. played in both negotiations: while it was active and crucial in El Caguan, its absence from the Havana talks has been notable, but also rather convenient. This absence, in turn, is explained by the fact that Washington has fewer interests at stake and more limited resources for intervening, at the same time as the Colombian government no longer has an urgent need for aid. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), 2013. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/8927ac64693ffbc3b7191d6b5b132d3e.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/8927ac64693ffbc3b7191d6b5b132d3e.pdf Shelf Number: 132700 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Drugs (Colombia) Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia War on Drugs

Author: Campo, Joe Title: Firearm Deaths in Washington State Summary: Mass murders - senseless semi-automatic assault-style rifle attacks in movie theaters, shopping malls and even elementary schools - have, sadly, become staples on the evening news. Seemingly before one town's mourning can come to a close, another town's begins anew. And yet the dark shadows cast by these horrific events may cloak other equally senseless - and much more prevalent - firearm-related deaths. In this research brief, we examine firearm deaths by magnitude and intent, gender and age, race and ethnicity, and by regional and small areas. We also identify potential risk factors, compare Washington's rates with those in British Columbia and our nation, and assess the trend in hand gun purchases within our state. Broadly we find that contrary to the general public's perception, firearm deaths are more of a rural than urban blight, and the victims are, in fact, overwhelmingly themselves the perpetrators. We also find that while males are more likely to be killed by a firearm than are females, it is the elderly males (those ages 65 and older) who have the highest rates of all. Details: Olympia, WA: Washington State Office of Financial Management, 2013. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Brief No. 71: Accessed July 17, 2014 at: http://www.ofm.wa.gov/researchbriefs/2013/brief071.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ofm.wa.gov/researchbriefs/2013/brief071.pdf Shelf Number: 132709 Keywords: Crime Statistics Firearms Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Mass Murders

Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Analysis of Recent Mass Shootings Summary: Using FBI data and media reports, Everytown for Gun Safety developed an analysis of mass shootings that took place between January 2009 and July 2014. The analysis found that there have been at least 110 mass shootings in this five and a half-year period. The FBI defines a "mass shooting" as any incident where at least four people were murdered with a gun. Below are some of the report's more surprising findings: - Mass shootings represent a small share of total US firearm homicides. - There is a strong connection between mass shooting incidents and domestic or family violence: at least 57% of mass shootings surveyed were related to domestic or family violence. - Perpetrators of mass shootings are generally older than perpetrators of gun violence in the US as a whole. While the median age of known overall gun murderers in the U.S. is 26, the median age of perpetrators of mass shootings was 34. Details: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2014. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 21, 2014 at: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/analysis-of-recent-mass-shootings.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://3gbwir1ummda16xrhf4do9d21bsx.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/analysis-of-recent-mass-shootings.pdf Shelf Number: 132722 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun Violence Homicides Mass Shootings (U.S.) Violent Crime

Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Young Guns: How Gun Violence is Devastating the Millennial Generation Summary: American children and teenagers are 4 times more likely to die by gunfire than their counterparts in Canada, 7 times more likely than young people in Israel, and 65 times more likely to be killed with a gun than children and teenagers in the United Kingdom. Even though violent crime has steadily declined in recent years-overall violent crime declined 19 percent between 2003 and 2012, and the murder rate declined 17 percent during that period-rates of gun violence remain unacceptably high. On average, 33,000 Americans are killed with guns each year, and the burden of this violence falls disproportionately on young people: 54 percent of people murdered with guns in 2010 were under the age of 30. Young people are also disproportionately the perpetrators of gun violence, as weak gun laws offer easy access to guns in many parts of the country. Far too often, a gun not only takes the life of one young American but also contributes to ruining the life of another young person who pulls the trigger. And while guns play a role in so many deaths of America's youth, very few public health research dollars are spent to understand the causes of this epidemic and develop policy solutions to address it. In the wake of the tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School in December 2012, the issue of gun violence has received renewed attention in this country, and many voices are now calling for solutions to this public health crisis. In this environment of increased focus on gun violence, Millennials' voices are crucial. As discussed in detail below, young Americans suffer disproportionately from gun violence. Beyond the numbers, which are startling, the voices of young people must be heard and the stories told about the effect of this violence on their lives and communities. In this report, we present data on the disproportionate impact of gun violence on young people; discuss the prevalence of young people as perpetrators of such violence and the ramifications of involvement in the criminal justice system; and highlight poll numbers indicating that Millennials are increasingly concerned about the presence of guns in their communities. With an American under the age of 25 dying by gunfire every 70 minutes, we must all recognize that gun violence among youth is an urgent problem that must be addressed. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 28, 2014 at: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/CAP-Youth-Gun-Violence-report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/CAP-Youth-Gun-Violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 132786 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Violent Crimes

Author: Paul, Christopher Title: Mexico Is Not Colombia: Alternative Historical Analogies for Responding to the Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations Summary: Drug-related violence has become a very serious problem in Mexico. Of particular concern to U.S. policymakers, violent drug-trafficking organizations produce, transship, and deliver tens of billions of dollars' worth of narcotics into the United States annually. The activities of these organizations are not confined to drug trafficking; they extend to such criminal enterprises as human trafficking, weapon trafficking, kidnapping, money laundering, extortion, bribery, and racketeering. Then, there is the violence: Recent incidents have included assassinations of politicians and judges; attacks against rival organizations, associated civilians, and the police and other security forces; and seemingly random violence against innocent bystanders. Despite the scope of the threat to Mexico's security, these groups are not well understood, and optimal strategies to combat them have not been identified. Comparison between Mexico and Colombia is a tempting and frequently made analogy and source for policy recommendations. A review of these approaches, combined with a series of historical case studies, offers a more thorough comparative assessment. Regions around the world have faced similar challenges and may hold lessons for Mexico. One point is clear, however: Mexico is not Colombia. In fact, Mexico is not particularly like any other historical case characterized by "warlordism," resource insurgency, ungoverned spaces, and organized crime. Despite the lack of a perfectly analogous case, Mexico stands to benefit from historical lessons and efforts that were correlated with the greatest improvements in countries facing similar challenges. A companion volume presents in-depth profiles of each of these conflicts. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2014. 136p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 4, 2014 at: http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR500/RR548z1/RAND_RR548z1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR500/RR548z1/RAND_RR548z1.pdf Shelf Number: 132898 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking (Mexico) Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Paul, Christopher Title: Mexico Is Not Colombia: Alternative Historical Analogies for Responding to the Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations. Supporting Case Studies Summary: Drug-related violence has become a very serious problem in Mexico. Of particular concern to U.S. policymakers, violent drug-trafficking organizations produce, transship, and deliver tens of billions of dollars' worth of narcotics into the United States annually. The activities of these organizations are not confined to drug trafficking; they extend to such criminal enterprises as human trafficking, weapon trafficking, kidnapping, money laundering, extortion, bribery, and racketeering. Then, there is the violence: Recent incidents have included assassinations of politicians and judges; attacks against rival organizations, associated civilians, and the police and other security forces; and seemingly random violence against innocent bystanders. Despite the scope of the threat to Mexico's security, these groups are not well understood, and optimal strategies to combat them have not been identified. Comparison between Mexico and Colombia is a tempting and frequently made analogy and source for policy recommendations. A series of historical case studies offers a foundation for a more thorough comparative assessment. Regions around the world have faced similar challenges and may hold lessons for Mexico. One point is clear, however: Mexico is not Colombia. As the historical record shows, Mexico is not particularly like any other case characterized by "warlordism," resource insurgency, ungoverned spaces, and organized crime. Despite the lack of a perfectly analogous case, Mexico stands to benefit from historical lessons and efforts that were correlated with the greatest improvements in countries facing similar challenges. A companion volume describes the study's approach to assessing each historical case and presents findings from the overall analyses. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2014. 285p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR500/RR548z2/RAND_RR548z2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR500/RR548z2/RAND_RR548z2.pdf Shelf Number: 132899 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking (Mexico) Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Barrick, Kelle Title: Assessing Crime, Resident Trust, and Police Effectiveness in Tegucigalpa, Honduras Summary: According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Central American countries are faced with some of the highest homicide rates in the world (UNODC, 2007). With more than 87 homicides per 100,000 residents, Honduras is one of the region's most violent countries (Arce, 2012). Honduras's proximity to Mexico makes it highly susceptible to the influences of transnational drug trafficking organizations. Recent enforcement efforts in Mexico have disrupted and displaced drug trafficking patterns and Honduras is increasingly being utilized as a transshipment point for Andean cocaine. According to recent estimates, 42% of all cocaine entering the United States first passes through Central America (INL, 2012). Youth street gangs and concentrated levels of poverty are also assumed to be at the center of the country's ongoing struggle with crime (UNODC, 2007; Seelke, 2011). Moreover, there is evidence that the problems associated with violent crime are increasing in Honduras. Whereas violent crime has decreased in Colombia, a country notorious for its violence, in recent years Honduras has experienced a significant increase in homicides and now has the highest per capita homicide rate in the world (U.S. Department of State, 2012). To assist Honduras in addressing these public safety and security issues, the U.S. Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), has provided funding to establish a Model Precinct in Tegucigalpa's San Miguel Police District. A review of documents provided by INL indicates that as part of the Model Precinct initiative, INL is working with the Polic�a Nacional de Honduras (PNH) to create a higher level of integrity in the national police force by vetting police officers using background checks and polygraph testing. Police officers will also be trained in management practices, community policing, public relations, report taking, and tactical operations. In addition, police departments will be provided with a variety of equipment, including vehicles, office equipment, tactical and technological equipment, database systems, and street surveillance cameras. INL initiatives are also attempting to prevent and reduce participation in local gangs by providing school-aged children and youth with training in the Gang Resistance Education and Training (GREAT) and Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE) programs. Collectively, these Model Precinct activities are intended to result in a number of benefits for the San Miguel target area in Tegucigalpa. These include reductions in crime and gang activity, enhanced crime fighting and crime prevention capabilities for the police, and improved community perceptions and trust of the police. Details: Research Triangle Park, NC: RTI International, 2013. 168p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: http://rti.org/pubs/hte024_baseline_english_final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Honduras URL: http://rti.org/pubs/hte024_baseline_english_final.pdf Shelf Number: 132905 Keywords: Crime (Honduras) Drug Trafficking Homicides Police Effectiveness Police-Community Relations Policing Street Gangs Violent Crime

Author: Main, Alexander Title: Still Waiting for Justice: An Assessment of the Honduran Public Ministry's Investigation of the May 11, 2012 Killings in Ahuas, Honduras Summary: On May 11, 2012, a joint Honduran and U.S. counternarcotics operation in the remote Ahuas municipality of northeastern Honduras resulted in the killing of four indigenous villagers with no apparent ties to drug trafficking. The four individuals - a 14-year-old boy, two women and a young man - were traveling in a small passenger boat when they were shot and killed by counternarcotics agents. Three other boat passengers were badly injured. According to Honduran authorities, the operation included 13 Honduran police agents, four State Department helicopters with mounted machine guns, eight U.S. government-contracted pilots and 10 U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents. In February 2013, DEA spokeswoman Dawn Dearden stated that the Honduran investigation of the incident had "concluded that DEA agents did not fire a single round" and that "the conduct of DEA personnel was consistent with current DEA protocols, policies and procedures." Though 58 members of Congress recently requested a U.S. investigation of the Ahuas killings, a State Department spokesperson has said "there will be no separate investigation." In the following issue brief we take a look at how the Honduran Public Ministry's investigation of the incident was conducted and examine the report on the investigation that the Honduran Attorney General (Fiscal general in Spanish) submitted to the State Department. We find that both the investigation and report have serious flaws including major omissions of key testimony and forensic exams, a one-sided description and analysis of events, and "observations" (in lieu of conclusions) that aren't supported by the evidence that is cited. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research and Rights Action, 2013. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/honduras-ahuas-2013-04.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/honduras-ahuas-2013-04.pdf Shelf Number: 132907 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Trafficking (Honduras) Homicides Police Misconduct Police Use of Force

Author: Bumpus, John Title: Best Practices in Reducing Violent Homicide Rates: Honduras, El Salvador, Mexico Summary: The 2011 World Development Report aptly points out that the nature of violent conflict has changed, warning that the 20th century tools developed to prevent, mitigate, and manage traditional forms of violence may no longer be up to the task. The report's evidence shows that while interstate and civil wars are on the decline, 1.5 billion people worldwide continue to live in areas severely affected-and even debilitated- by persistent gang violence and organized crime. In Central America alone, homicides related to organized crime have increased every year since 1999. This worrying trend is evident even in states that have simultaneously made progress addressing traditional forms of political violence. This disconnect raises the question: what new policy tools are needed to prevent, mitigate, and manage contemporary forms of violence? One way that victims and states are grappling with this dilemma is by leveraging the power of local actors to forge local solutions. Some subnational authorities have taken on the responsibility of reducing gang violence in their own communities. Experiments led by innovative coalitions of mayors, private sector leaders and associations, churches, and other community groups seem to have had some positive effects in Latin American countries. Also of note, some of the best police practices and judicial approaches have occurred at the municipal level. This study identifies and assesses some of these local and innovative efforts in El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico. Despite differences in the composition of violent actors and the nature of violence across these three countries, researchers set out to identify how local communities and nontraditional actors are addressing gang violence in their particular contexts. Findings indicate that non-traditional approaches must carefully consider the specific realities of their contexts, thus having implications for external donors and influential state actors like the United States. Summaries of country assessments, findings, and recommendations follow. Full treatment of these topics is available in each country report. Details: Princeton, NJ: Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University, 2014(?). 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: https://wws.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/content/591g%20Homicide%20Reduction%20in%20Honduras_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Central America URL: https://wws.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/content/591g%20Homicide%20Reduction%20in%20Honduras_1.pdf Shelf Number: 132911 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Chaowsangrat, Chaowarit Title: Violence and Forced Internal Migrants with Special Reference to the Metropolitan Area of Bogota, Colombia (1990-2002) Summary: This thesis addresses topics of violence and forced internal migrants with special reference to the metropolitan area of Bogota, Colombia between 1990 and 2002. While there is much scholarly debate by historians and political scientists about conflict between the state, guerrillas and paramilitaries in rural areas, urban violence has been relatively neglected. Violence caused many people to migrate from rural to urban areas, so that, Colombia had by 2002 more internally displaced persons than any country except Sudan. The main aims of the thesis are 1) to analyse trends in violent crime; 2) to discuss citizen security strategies that were pursued between 1990 and 2002; and 3) to examine the survival strategies of forced internal migrants in Bogota comparing them to the strategies adopted by voluntary migrants and native residents. Chapter 1 focuses on urban homicide and kidnapping. In Colombia, 40 percent of the 25,000 annual homicides were committed in the ten largest cities during the late 1990s. The problem of kidnapping is examined by analysing changes in Colombian anti-kidnapping legislation and its application and by focusing on the authors, the victims and the risk-zones involved. Chapter 2 looks at the issue of perception and fear of violent crime. The concept of risk and the subjectivity of decision-making when facing insecurity are examined. Chapter 3 investigates citizen security strategies during the administrations of Presidents Cesar Gaviria (1990-1994), Ernesto Samper (1994- 1998) and Andres Pastrana (1998-2002). Chapter 4 develops an analysis of patterns of selectivity based on the notions of forced vis-a-vis voluntary migration and economic vis-a-vis non-economic migration. A research design collecting comparative data on households with diverse migration experiences residing in three locations within the metropolitan area of Bogota is applied. Chapter 5 explores the socioeconomic characteristics of forced migrants and compares them to voluntary migrants from outside and migrants who moved within Bogota. Details: London: University College London, 2011. 472p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1331874/1/1331874.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Colombia URL: http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1331874/1/1331874.pdf Shelf Number: 131358 Keywords: Homicides Kidnapping Migration and Crime Urban Areas Urban Security Urban Violence Violence Violent Crime (Colombia)

Author: Academic Council on the United Nations System (ACUNS) Vienna Liaison Office Title: Femicide: A Global Issue that Demands Action Summary: Femicide is the ultimate form of violence against women and girls and takes multiple forms. Its many causes are rooted in the historically unequal power relations between men and women and in systemic gender-based discrimination. For a case to be considered femicide there must be an implied intention to carry out the murder and a demonstrated connection between the crime and the female gender of the victim. So far, data on femicide have been highly unreliable and the estimated numbers of women who have been victims of femicides vary accordingly. Femicides take place in every country of the world. The greatest concern related to femicide is that these murders continue to be accepted, tolerated or justified - with impunity as the norm. To end femicide we need to end impunity, bring perpetrators to justice, and every individual has to change his/her attitude towards women. To date, the United Nations has not adopted a resolution directly addressing gender-related killings. According to the declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, violence against women "means any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women and girls, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life". This definition fails to include explicitly violence that can lead to death and consequently misses an important component of violence against women. On the occasion of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, the Vienna Liaison Office of the Academic Council on the United Nations System (ACUNS) organized a one-day symposium on femicide in the United Nations (UN) Office in Vienna, with the kind support of the Austrian Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs; the Permanent Missions to the UN Office at Vienna of Austria, Argentina, Philippines, Thailand, and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; Small Arms Survey and the Vienna NGO Committee on the Status of Women. Member State representatives, social scientists, NGO representatives, law enforcement officials, prosecutors and feminist activists had the opportunity to speak about femicide, explain its meaning and causes, and presented examples of best practice in fighting femicide. Participants agreed in the VDF that there are at least 11 forms of femicide and that the UN must do more to conduct research on the extent of these killings and evaluate programmes set up to combat femicides. This publication is the result of this symposium and comprises the speeches and presentations of the various experts of the symposium. They discussed the issue of femicide from different perspectives, addressed the problems related to femicide including impunity and proposed comprehensive ways to fight this crime efficiently. In addition to the speeches this publication contains further information about the major forms of femicide. These short articles give an overview of the various crimes, including a description of the extent of the respective form of femicide and best practice examples to fight this crime. Details: Vienna: The Council, 2013. 156p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2014 at: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/Co-publications/Femicide_A%20Gobal%20Issue%20that%20demands%20Action.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.genevadeclaration.org/fileadmin/docs/Co-publications/Femicide_A%20Gobal%20Issue%20that%20demands%20Action.pdf Shelf Number: 129902 Keywords: Femicide Gender-Based Violence Homicides Violence Against Women and Girls

Author: Chi, Jocelyn Title: Reducing Drug Violence in Mexico: Options for Implementing Targeted Enforcement Summary: Between 2006 and 2012, drug-related violence in Mexico escalated to unprecedented levels. During this time, five of the top ten most violent cities in the world were found in Mexico, and over 60,000 Mexicans were killed at the hands of Violent Drug Trafficking Organizations (VDTOs). This reign of terror has expanded to include other types of violence, such as extortion, robbery, kidnapping, and spectacular public displays of violence. Most alarmingly, VDTO victims increasingly include ordinary citizens, journalists, law enforcement and military, and other government officials. To date, enforcement efforts in the United States (U.S.) have focused almost exclusively on reducing the flow of drugs from, and through, Mexico. Violence reduction has been a secondary concern, and has been mostly considered as a potential side-benefit of flow reduction policies. Until recently, Mexican authorities have focused their attacks on the upper leadership of major organized crime groups as a method of reducing flows, and in an effort to address threats to public safety. However, freshly elected President Enrique Pena Nieto has indicated that his administration will shift focus away from drug flows, in order to prioritize crime prevention and violence reduction. Given that both the Bush and Obama Administrations have acknowledged that the U.S. market for illegal drugs is largely responsible for fueling the Mexican drug trade, and that the U.S. has a strategic interest in Mexican security, the U.S. may have a currently-unexploited opportunity to reduce violence in Mexico. In this project, we explore whether the adoption of targeted enforcement in the Unites States could theoretically effect a reduction in violence in Mexico, and, if so, what form that strategy might take. We consider the operational and informational requirements for implementation, as well as the information a decision-maker would require in order to elect targeted enforcement as a strategy for addressing the security problem in Mexico. Targeted enforcement is novel in several respects. While it is not inconsistent with flow-reduction goals, the strategy leverages enforcement resources in the United States to effect violence reduction in Mexico. Furthermore, because it is a deterrent strategy, targeted enforcement requires authorities on both sides to clearly and publicly identify the target and communicate that violence will no longer be accepted as a method of conducting business. Finally, the target will encompass entire VDTOs, and not just individual offenders, which increases the cost of individual offending through internal organizational pressure. Keeping in mind current budgetary constraints, we develop four design options for violence-focused U.S.-side targeted enforcement. We evaluate our options with reference to the potential for crime and violence reduction, intelligence demands, implementation and political feasibility, and community impacts. Through a series of interviews with experts in the field, and an exhaustive review of secondary sources, we find that not only is U.S. adoption of targeted enforcement possible within existing frameworks, but that this approach has great potential for reducing Mexican-side violence. Our findings suggest: - First and foremost, we note that the adoption of a targeted violence-reduction approach need not conflict with current U.S. efforts to reduce drug flows; thus, there should be no cost in terms of drug abuse in the U.S. - While a short-term surge in violence is possible, attacking drug-trafficking revenues in the U.S. could incentivize VDTOs away from using violence to advance their drug-trafficking interests. Authorities would need to better understand the revenue portfolios of VDTOs in order to estimate how responsive organizations might be to attacks on revenues, and measure the cost-effectiveness of such a strategy. - Successful implementation requires sophisticated intelligence, and while there is some indication that both the U.S. and Mexico possess the capacity to gather this intelligence, this capacity would likely need to be refined and/or expanded. - The necessary administrative and enforcement infrastructures appear to be in place in the U.S., though resources would need to be reallocated, and additional funding might be necessary. - In the U.S., policies targeting drug flows are popular due to a perception that they decrease drug consumption; a shift towards violence reduction would probably require intensive outreach to educate stakeholders. In Mexico, current distrust in government would require clear and public communication about target selection and the role of Mexican authorities in U.S.-side enforcement. - Finally, a number of possible community impacts exist, and U.S. and Mexican authorities would need to establish mechanisms for collecting data and tracking trends in order to respond to negative externalities. Details: Los Angeles: UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, 2013. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/reducing_drug_violence_mexico.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/reducing_drug_violence_mexico.pdf Shelf Number: 129923 Keywords: Criminal Networks Drug Markets Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Homicides Kidnappings Organized Crime Targeted Law Enforcement Violence Violence Prevention Violence Reduction Violent Crime

Author: Moor, Marianne Title: The Dark Side of Coal: Paramilitary Violence in the Mining Region of Cesar, Colombia Summary: PAX Netherlands - the Dutch section of Pax Christi International - is calling on Essent, Nuon, E.ON, Delta and Electrabel to stop buying Colombian "blood coal" from the mining companies Drummond and Prodeco. These mining companies must first contribute to the acknowledgment and compensation of the thousands of victims of paramilitary violence around their mines in the 1996-2006 period, and actively oppose the current human rights abuses. Drummond and Prodeco paid the paramilitaries and exchanged strategic information with them, according to statements from perpetrators and witnesses in the investigation report "The Dark Side of Coal", which PAX presented today, 30 June 2014, to the Dutch Minister of Development Cooperation, Lilianne Ploumen. Between 1996 and 2006 paramilitaries murdered a total of 3100 people and drove 55,000 farmers from their land. The victims have never received compensation or acknowledgment. To this day the mining companies benefit from these gross human rights abuses. Some of the land that was seized is within the companies' territory. The trade union has been systematically weakened by lethal violence; any critics have been silenced by threats. Perpetrators and witnesses say the collaboration between the coal mining companies and the paramilitaries in the Colombian department of Cesar consisted of financial and material support and the exchange of strategic information. The main focus of the investigation "The Dark Side of Coal" is Drummond. There are fewer sources for Prodeco's involvement, but the information available warrants further investigation. "The Dark Side of Coal" presents previously unreported testimonies of perpetrators and victims, and is the first systematic investigation into the abuses surrounding the coal mines in Cesar. Details: Utrecht: PAX, The Netherlands, 2014. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 10, 2014 at: http://actie.paxvoorvrede.nl/actie/stop-bloedkolen/ Year: 2014 Country: Colombia URL: http://actie.paxvoorvrede.nl/actie/stop-bloedkolen/ Shelf Number: 133255 Keywords: Coal Mining Homicides Human Rights Abuses Natural Resources (Colombia) Paramilitary Groups Violence

Author: U.S. Department of Defense Title: Internal Review of the Washington Navy Yard Shooting: A Report to the Secretary of Defense Summary: On September 16, 2013, Aaron Alexis, a Navy contractor employee with a Secret security clearance, shot and killed 12 U.S. Navy civilian and contractor employees and wounded several others at the Washington Navy Yard. Alexis was also killed. Alexis was employed by The Experts, Inc., a private information technology firm cleared under the National Industrial Security Program. The Experts was a subcontractor to Hewlett-Packard Enterprise Services, which was performing work under a contract with the Department of the Navy. Pursuant to his employment with The Experts, Alexis was assigned to a project at the Washington Navy Yard and began working there on September 9, 2013. On September 14, 2013, Alexis purchased a Remington 870 12-gauge shotgun and ammunition at a gun shop in Northern Virginia. He also purchased a hacksaw and other items at a home improvement store in Northern Virginia, using the hacksaw to modify the shotgun for concealment. On the morning of September 16, Alexis arrived at the Washington Navy Yard. He had legitimate access to the Navy Yard as a result of his work as a contractor employee and used his valid building pass to gain entry to Building 197. Shortly after his arrival in the building and over the course of about one hour, Alexis used the Remington 870 shotgun and a Beretta handgun he obtained during the attack to kill 12 individuals and wound 4 others before he was shot and killed by law enforcement officers. On September 30, 2013, the Secretary of Defense initiated concurrent independent and internal reviews to identify and recommend actions that address gaps or deficiencies in DoD programs, policies, and procedures regarding security at DoD installations and the granting and renewing of security clearances for DoD employees and contractor personnel. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Defense, 2013. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2014 at: http://www.defense.gov/pubs/DoD-Internal-Review-of-the-WNY-Shooting-20-Nov-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.defense.gov/pubs/DoD-Internal-Review-of-the-WNY-Shooting-20-Nov-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 133310 Keywords: Active Shooter Gun-Related Violence Homicides Internal Security National Security Security Policies Workplace Violence

Author: Howell, Embry Title: State Variation in Hospital Use and Cost of Firearm Assault Injury, 2010 Summary: The consequences of gun violence differ significantly by location and social circumstances. Understanding these social and geographic variations is important in helping policymakers understand the scope of gun violence and identify sound policy solutions. This brief looks at who visits the hospital for firearm-assault injuries and what percentage of that hospital cost is borne by the public in six different states: Arizona, California, Maryland, New Jersey, North Carolina, and Wisconsin. Findings build on national estimates of firearm-assault injury prevalence and hospital cost developed by Howell and Abraham (2013). In 2010, the total cost, including societal cost, of firearm violence was estimated at $174 billion (Miller 2012). Though the monetary costs imposed by gun violence are large, the physical injuries are not distributed evenly: gun violence is often concentrated in a small number of places and within a small set of communities. In Boston, for example, more than half of gun violence is clustered around less than 3 percent of streets and intersections (Braga, Papachristos, and Hureau 2010), and in a Chicago community, 41 percent of gun homicides occurred in social networks containing just 4 percent of the population (Papachristos and Wildeman 2014). Youth are also disproportionately affected by gun violence. In 2010, homicide was the third-leading cause of death for youth ages 10 to 24, greater than the next seven leading causes of death combined (David-Ferdon and Simon 2014). Given these variations, documenting the distribution and hospital costs of firearm-assault injury at the state level is important for understanding the varied effects of gun violence and the costs the public pays because of it. Highlights - Among the six states studied, there are substantial differences in firearm-assault injury hospital use, hospital mortality, and the percentage of firearm-assault injury hospital costs borne by the public. - Hospital use for firearm-assault injury is disproportionately concentrated among young males, particularly young black males, in all six study states. - Uninsured victims have higher hospital mortality rates for firearm-assault injury in five of six study states. - The public pays a substantial portion of the hospital cost for injuries caused by firearm assault. Public health insurance paid 52 percent of the cost nationally in 2010 (19 to 64 percent across the six study states). The uninsured, whose care is often paid by the public, represented 17 to 59 percent of costs. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2014. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2014 at: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/413210-State-Variation-in-Hospital-Use-and-Cost-of-Firearm-Assault-Injury-2010.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/413210-State-Variation-in-Hospital-Use-and-Cost-of-Firearm-Assault-Injury-2010.pdf Shelf Number: 133367 Keywords: Costs of Crime Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides Hospitals

Author: Sethi, Dinesh Title: European report on preventing violence and knife crime among young people Summary: This report highlights interpersonal violence as the third leading cause of death and a leading cause of disability among people aged 10-29 years in the 53 countries of the WHO European Region. This burden is unequally distributed, and 9 of 10 homicide deaths in the Region occur in low- and middle-income countries. Irrespective of country income, interpersonal violence disproportionately affects young people from deprived sections of society and males, who comprise 4 of 5 homicide deaths. Numerous biological, social, cultural, economic and environmental factors interact to increase young people's risk of being involved in violence and knife-related crime. Factors that can protect against violence developing among young people include good social skills, self-esteem, academic achievement, strong bonds with parents, positive peer groups, good attachment to school, community involvement and access to social support. Good evidence indicates that reducing risk factors and enhancing protective factors will reduce violence among young people. The experience accumulated by several countries in the Region and elsewhere shows that social policy and sustained and systematic approaches that address the underlying causes of violence can make countries in the Region much safer. These make compelling arguments for advocating for increased investment in prevention and for mainstreaming objectives for preventing violence among young people into other areas of health and social policy. Details: Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2010. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 23, 2014 at: http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0012/121314/E94277.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0012/121314/E94277.pdf Shelf Number: 121192 Keywords: Homicides Interpersonal Violence Juvenile Offenders Knife Crime (Europe) Violence Prevention Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Blair, J. Pete Title: A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013 Summary: "A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013" contains a full list of the 160 incidents used in study, including those that occurred at Virginia Tech, Sandy Hook Elementary School, the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, Fort Hood, the Aurora (Colorado) Cinemark Century 16 movie theater, the Sikh Temple of Wisconsin, and the Washington Navy Yard, as well as numerous other tragic shootings. Here are some of the study's findings: - Active shooter incidents are becoming more frequent - the first seven years of the study show an average of 6.4 incidents annually, while the last seven years show 16.4 incidents annually. - These incidents resulted in a total of 1,043 casualties (486 killed, 557 wounded - excluding the shooters). - All but six of the 160 incidents involved male shooters (and only two involved more than one shooter). - More than half of the incidents - 90 shootings - ended on the shooter's initiative (i.e., suicide, fleeing), while 21 incidents ended after unarmed citizens successfully restrained the shooter. - In 21 of the 45 incidents where law enforcement had to engage the shooter to end the threat, nine officers were killed and 28 were wounded. - The largest percentage of incidents - 45.6 percent - took place in a commercial environment (73 incidents), followed by 24.3 percent that took place in an educational environment (39 incidents). The remaining incidents occurred at the other location types specified in the study - open spaces, military and other government properties, residential properties, houses of worship, and health care facilities Details: Washington, DC: Texas State University; Washington, DC: Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department of Justice, 2014. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2014 at: http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/september/fbi-releases-study-on-active-shooter-incidents/pdfs/a-study-of-active-shooter-incidents-in-the-u.s.-between-2000-and-2013 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/september/fbi-releases-study-on-active-shooter-incidents/pdfs/a-study-of-active-shooter-incidents-in-the-u.s.-between-2000-and-2013 Shelf Number: 133454 Keywords: Active Shooter Incidents Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides School Violence Violent Crime Workplace Violence

Author: American Psychological Association Title: Gun Violence: Prediction, Prevention, and Policy Summary: This report summarizes the psychological research that has helped develop evidence-based programs that can prevent violence through both primary and secondary interventions. Primary prevention programs can reduce risk factors for violence in the general population. Secondary prevention programs can help individuals who are experiencing emotional difficulties or interpersonal conflicts before they escalate into violence. Details: Washington, DC: APA, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2014 at: http://www.apa.org/pubs/info/reports/gun-violence-report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.apa.org/pubs/info/reports/gun-violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 134223 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides Violence Prevention

Author: Carvajal, Roger A. Title: Violence in Honduras: An Analysis of the Failure in Public Security and the State's Response to Criminality Summary: The incidence of violence in Honduras currently is the highest in Honduran history. In 2014, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reported the Honduras homicide rate, at 90.4 per 100,000 inhabitants, as the highest in the world for nations outside of war. It is the foundation of this thesis that the Honduran security collapse is due to unresolved internal factors - political, economic, and societal - as well as the influence of foreign factors and actors - the evolution of the global illicit trade. Two of the most important areas affecting public security in Honduras are the challenges posed by transnational organized crime and the relative weakness and fragility of the Honduran state to provide basic needs and security to the population. The emergence of criminal gangs and drug traffickers, and the government's security policies, are all factors that have worsened public security. The crime environment has overwhelmed the police, military, judicial system and overcrowded the prison system with mostly juvenile petty delinquents. Moreover, with a high impunity rate of nearly 95 percent for homicides, killing in Honduras has become an activity without consequences. The latest state's response is with re-militarization of security, highlighting the dilemma of the challenges of combatting internal violence and transnational organized crime in a weak state. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 10, 2014 at: https://calhoun.nps.edu/bitstream/handle/10945/42596/14Jun_Carvajal_Roger.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Honduras URL: https://calhoun.nps.edu/bitstream/handle/10945/42596/14Jun_Carvajal_Roger.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 133901 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Violence (Honduras) Violent Crime

Author: Aurora Fire Department (Colorado) Title: Century Theater Shooting: Aurora Fire Department Preliminary Incident Analysis Summary: On July 20th, 2012, at approximately 12:40 am, a gunman opened fire in Century 16 Theater #9 where more than 400 people were attending the premier of The Dark Knight Rises. By 12:46 am the Aurora Fire Department and Rural Metro Ambulance were on scene and treating injured patients. By 1:33 am 70 patients were transported to area hospitals. 12 people died from their injuries. Each section of this preliminary incident analysis (PIA) evaluates a different aspect of the response. - Initial Response - ICS structure - Emergency Medical Services Details: Aurora, CO: Aurora Fire Department, 2014. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2014 at: https://www.llis.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/Aurora%20Colorado%20Theatre%20Shooting.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.llis.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/Aurora%20Colorado%20Theatre%20Shooting.pdf Shelf Number: 133913 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Murders Mass Shootings (Colorado) Murders

Author: System Planning Corporation, TriData Division Title: Aurora Century 16 Theater Shooting: After Action Report for the City of Aurora, Colorado Summary: The City of Aurora chose to conduct an independent after action review (AAR) of its response to the July 20, 2012 mass shooting at the Century 16 Theater movie complex, and the associated threat of explosive devices at XXXXXXX apartment on Paris Street. The City competitively selected TriData Division, System Planning Corporation, to undertake the review. TriData had completed over 50 after action reviews of major emergency incidents, including previous mass shootings at Virginia Tech, Northern Illinois University, and Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado. Scope The After Action Review started in May 2013, almost a year after the incident. The delay was due to a court-imposed gag order on information connected with the case, which had not yet come to trial. The case still had not yet come to trial during this review, which confined the scope to the response, and not the investigation or background of XXXXXXX. The review focused primarily on the response of the City's emergency forces during the first three days, including actions by police, fire and emergency medical services (EMS), private ambulances, hospitals, public safety communications, and public information personnel. Also included was the first week of family and victim assistance, assistance to first responders, and healing support for the community. The roles played by regional and national agencies and other city departments were reflected in the review. The investigation of the crime itself was largely outside the scope of the review, except for initial steps taken to gather and organize theater witnesses, and the actions of the coroner. XXXXXXX background and motivation were outside the scope, as was the issue of preventing these types of incidents. The charge to the team was to first describe the event and actions taken by the City's emergency personnel, then to evaluate what was done, draw lessons learned, and make recommendations for the future. The project team was also to review measures taken by the City after the incident to improve future emergency responses. The report attempts to make a reasonable compromise between level of detail and readability. The goal was to provide a sufficiently detailed description of events so that readers would understand the key aspects. In some cases, details were withheld out of concern that they might be too useful to future perpetrators. Some timeline information is provided in each chapter to help the reader understand the flow of events. The Appendix has a detailed combined timeline developed by the Aurora Police Department that is based largely on radio transmissions, telephone recordings, the automated vehicle location system, and interviews of participants. Details: Arlington, VA: System Planning Corporation, 2014. 188p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2014 at: http://www.courts.state.co.us/Media/Opinion_Docs/14CV31595%20After%20Action%20Review%20Report%20Redacted.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.courts.state.co.us/Media/Opinion_Docs/14CV31595%20After%20Action%20Review%20Report%20Redacted.pdf Shelf Number: 133912 Keywords: Emergency Response Teams Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Murders Mass Shootings (Colorado) Murders

Author: Livingston, Stephen Title: Africa's Information Revolution: Implications for Crime, Policing, and Citizen Security Summary: Violent crime represents the most immediate threat to the personal security of most Africans. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 36 percent of all homicides globally occur in Africa. With 17 deaths per 100,000, the homicide rate in Africa is double the global average. Rates of robberies and rape in Africa also exceed global norms. The problem is worse in urban areas, with many of Africa's urban-dwellers often worrying about crime. The risk of violent crime has implications for Africa's development, governance, and stability. Crime ranks as one of the major inhibitors to investment on the continent according to private business owners. Parents choose not to send children to school rather than put them at risk in high-crime areas. Countries with higher rates of violent crime tend to make less progress in reducing poverty and expanding development. Closely linked to the threat of violent crime is the weakness of many of Africa's police forces. They are often underfunded, understaffed, and undertrained. Surveys show that a majority of Africans see police only infrequently, and therefore do not view the police as a source of protection. In addition to being ineffective in combatting crime, inadequate police training contributes to unprofessional behavior. In some cases, police are active participants in criminal activity. In others, corruption permeates the force. In still others, police use extrajudicial violence to intimidate and coerce suspected criminals, potential witnesses, and even victims. This generates high levels of distrust of the police in many African countries. The acuteness of the crime challenge has grown with rapid urbanization and the expansion of slums lacking basic services, including police presence. In many urban centers, this vacuum has been filled by gangs and organized criminal organizations that profit from extortion, kidnappings, and violence against the local population. At times these gangs are protected by corrupt police or politicians. As these criminal groups expand into trafficking of illicit goods - drugs, cigarettes, medicines, and arms - they tend to link up with transnational criminal networks, posing an even more formidable security problem. Consistently high levels of violence have far-reaching implications for how youth learn to resolve conflict-perpetuating tolerance for higher levels of violence in a society. This, in turn, fosters the acceptability of political violence and threatens the viability of democratic governance, which relies on dialogue, free speech, tolerance of opposing perspectives, and protection for minorities. The rapid expansion and accessibility of mobile communications technology in Africa is creating new opportunities for combatting crime and strengthening police accountability. Twitter, SMS, and event-mapping technologies are being used to connect communities with police and security forces as never before. This is precedent setting for many citizens, especially those in rural areas who have grown accustomed to fending for themselves. Now at least they are more able to alert one another to potential threats, mobilize the community in self-defense, and inform security sector authorities in the interest of gaining protection. In urban areas, citizens who would not normally have many interactions with the police now have a number they can call in times of trouble. Information and communications technologies (ICTs) are also connecting societies horizontally in real time. This is forging cross-regional ties and linkages that may not have previously existed and historically have emerged only with the development of a national transportation infrastructure. In the process, both economic and social integration are facilitated. This enhanced cohesiveness can contribute directly to greater stability. ICTs, often tapping into their crowdsourcing capabilities, also offer opportunities to improve police responsiveness and accountability. Crime maps provide the basis for allocating resources to match prevailing threats. They also establish a benchmark from which to assess the effectiveness of police responses. Bribe-reporting websites create a record and pattern of illegal police behavior that raise the profile of what are often treated as isolated events into a broader, measurable phenomenon requiring a policy response. While opening opportunities to enhance security and accountability, ICTs are not a panacea for resolving crime and corruption. Information is solely a tool and not the driver of reform. ICTs can be used for nefarious purposes - both by criminal organizations as well as unaccountable police forces. Rather, ICT-generated change requires an organized body of committed individuals who can use the increased accessibility of information to educate the public, engender popular participation, and press authorities for reform. It is this sustained engagement of on-the-ground actors, typically in the form of civil society organizations, that transforms information accessibility into concrete improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens. By lowering information barriers, ICTs are bringing discussion and analysis of crime in Africa out of the shadows, enhancing the potential for oversight of the security forces, and elevating citizen security. ICTs, therefore, are contributing to improved security through both internal channels via the strengthening of the state's crime data gathering capacity as well as external mechanisms to monitor, critique, and hold the security sector accountable. Details: Washington, DC: Africa Center for Strategic Studies, 2013. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Paper No. 5: Accessed October 20, 2014 at: http://africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/ARP5-Africas-Information-Revolution1.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Africa URL: http://africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/ARP5-Africas-Information-Revolution1.pdf Shelf Number: 131514 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gang Violence Homicides Organized Crime Policing Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime (Africa)

Author: Donges, Hannah Title: Women and Gun Ownership Summary: Policy and research on the role of firearms in women's lives usually stress women as victims of gun violence. Around the world, firearms are used in roughly 40 per cent of the estimated 66,000 annual homicides with female victims. Guns are even more commonly used to injure, intimidate, and coerce women (Alvazzi del Frate, 2011, pp. 117, 131-32). Although women own and use guns, or live in households where firearms are present, firearms policy and research tend to focus on the role of and effects on men, who are the majority of firearm owners worldwide (Alvazzi del Frate and McDonald, 2014, p. 2). While relevant data is scarce, it reveals a substantial gap between male and female civilian firearm owners and users. As shown in this Research Note, women account for a smaller proportion of gun owners than men, and they are not as aware of or not as willing to acknowledge the presence of firearms in homes and communities. Bridging this gender gap will help shed light on perceptions of and attitudes towards firearms, which could help to inform the agenda for women, peace, and security as well as the development of comprehensive and efficient safety policies. By showing what can be said with relative certainty, this Research Note establishes a baseline for systematic analysis and careful policy-making. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes, No. 45: Accessed October 22, 2014 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-45.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-45.pdf Shelf Number: 133788 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Ownersehip Gun Policies Gun Violence Guns Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Felbab-Brown, Vanda Title: Changing the Game or Dropping the Ball? Mexico's Security and Anti-Crime Strategy under President Enrique Pena Nieto Summary: ANALYSIS - Even as the administration of Mexico's President Enrique Pena Nieto has scored important reform successes in the economic sphere, its security and law enforcement policy toward organized crime remains incomplete and ill-defined. Preoccupied with the fighting among vicious drug trafficking groups and the rise of anti-crime vigilante militias in the center of Mexico, the administration has for the most part averted its eyes from the previously highly-violent criminal hotspots in the north where major law enforcement challenges remain. - The Pena Nieto administration thus mostly continues to put out immediate security fires - such as in Michoacan and Tamaulipas - but the overall deterrence capacity of Mexico's military and law enforcement forces and justice sector continue to be very limited and largely unable to deter violence escalation and reescalation. - Identifying the need to reduce violence in Mexico as the most important priority for its security policy was the right decision of the Pena Nieto administration. But despite the capture of Mexico's most notorious drug trafficker, Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman, much of the security policy reform momentum that surrounded the Pena Nieto administration at the outset of its six-year term has prematurely dissipated. Key pillars of the policy are plodding along meekly, including the national gendarmerie, the new intelligence supercenter, and the mando unico. The October 2013 deadline to vet all police units for corruption and links to organized crime was missed once again and extended until October 2014. As with many institutional reforms in Mexico, there is large regional variation in the quality and even design of the reforms being implemented. At least, however, the Mexican Congress, overall a weak player in setting and overseeing anti-crime policy in Mexico, approved a new criminal code in the spring of 2014. The so-called National Code of Penal Procedure (Codigo Nacional de Procedimientos Penales) will be critical in establishing uniform application of criminal law across Mexico's thirty-one states and the Federal District, and standardizing procedures regarding investigations, trials, and punishment. - Instead of pushing ahead with institutional reforms, the Pena Nieto administration has highlighted poor coordination among national security agencies and local and national government units as a crucial cause of the rise of violent crime in Mexico. It has thus defined improving coordination as a key aspect of its anti-crime approach. - Despite its rhetoric and early ambitions, the Pena Nieto administration fell straight back not only into relying on the Mexican military in combination with the Federal Police to cope with criminal violence, but also doing so belatedly and with an essentially analogous lack of planning and prepositioning, and with essentially the same operational design as the previous Felipe Calderon administration. - Although homicides, including those perpetrated by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), have decreased in Mexico, the drop did not reach the 50% reduction in the first six months in office that the Pena Nieto administration had promised. Moreover, in various parts of Mexico, the violence reduction cannot be necessarily attributed to government policies, but rather is the outcome of new balances of power being established among criminal groups in previously highly contested hotspots. Many of these balances of power among the DTOs had emerged already in the last years of the Felipe Calderon administration. In these areas of newly established criminal control and deterrence, even kidnapping and extortion might be leveling off and becoming more predictable, even as they are overall on the rise in Mexico. - In its security and law enforcement efforts, the Pena Nieto administration has largely slipped into many of the same policies of President Felipe Calderon. In particular, the current administration has adopted the same non-strategic high-value targeting that defined the previous administration. Perhaps with the exception of targeting the Zetas and Los Caballeros Templarios, this interdiction posture mostly continues to be undertaken on a non-strategic basis as opportunistic intelligence becomes available and without forethought, planning, and prepositioning to avoid new dangerous cycles of violence and renewed contestation among local drug trafficking groups. This development is partially the outcome of institutional inertia in the absence of an alternative strategy, and of operational simplicity, compared to, for example, a more effective but also more demanding policy of middle-level targeting. - Importantly, the Pena Nieto administration has sought to pay greater attention to and respect for human rights issues, such as by allowing civilian claims of human rights violations by Mexico's military forces to be tried in civilian courts and establishing a victims' compensation fund. But the efforts to increase rule of law, justice, and the protection of human rights and to reduce impunity and corruption remain very much a work in progress, with the government's resolve, policies, and outcomes varying widely among Mexico's states. - The Pena Nieto administration's focus on socio-economic anti-crime policies and other crime prevention measures is highly laudable. But its signature anti-crime socio-economic approach - the so-called poligonos program - has not been well-operationalized and is not integrated with law enforcement efforts. The discreet efforts remain scattered. The theory, implementation, and monitoring parameters of the national crime prevention strategy are not yet adequately worked out. These deficiencies undermine the program's effectiveness and risk dissipating the dedicated yet relatively small resources allocated to the effort as well as the effort's energy. Monitoring and evaluation of the effectiveness of socio-economic anti-crime efforts, including the poligonos approach, is particularly weak and nebulous. Details: Washington, DC: Latin American Initiative, Foreign Policy at Brookings, 2014. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 13, 2014 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2014/11/mexico%20security%20anti%20crime%20nieto%20felbabbrown/mexico%20security%20anti%20crime%20nieto%20v1%20felbabbrown.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2014/11/mexico%20security%20anti%20crime%20nieto%20felbabbrown/mexico%20security%20anti%20crime%20nieto%20v1%20felbabbrown.pdf Shelf Number: 134070 Keywords: Criminal Justice Policy Criminal Networks Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Kidnapping Organized Crime Violence (Mexico) Violent Crime

Author: Perez, Maria Fernanda Tourinho Title: Firearm-related violence in Brazil Summary: This report provides a summary of the major findings and conclusions of a research effort to create a comprehensive profile of firearm-related violence in Brazil. The research was undertaken and coordinated by the Centre for the Study of Violence at the University of Sao Paulo, and received technical support from the World Health Organization (WHO), and the Small Arms Survey (SAS). The WHO has drawn attention to the fact that violence is a major global public health problem through a variety of World Health Assembly resolutions and comprehensive reports such as the World report on violence and health. The statement that violence is a public health problem may not, at first view, be easily understandable. In Brazil, as in many other countries around the world, violence is traditionally approached almost exclusively as a public security problem, with major responses focused on police action and judicial mechanisms. However, this view is beginning to change, and there is increasing recognition of the role of the public health sector and perspective in preventing violence. A public health approach to violence promotes analysis of the distribution of violence and it's determinants, and advocates drawing from this analysis coherent preventive strategies which involve a variety of sectors, including the health sector. This does not mean that violence should be viewed only as a health problem, but that it is important to consider the effects of violence on public health and the potential contributions for preventing violence that can be made through the public health sector. In sum, a public health approach to violence advocates understanding violence through the study of its social determinants, knowing its frequency and distribution in population groups, identifying its risk factors, proposing preventive measures and evaluating and monitoring preventive actions. Thus, far from viewing violence only as a health problem, the public health approach argues that violence must be understood in terms of it's distribution and determinants, and that from understanding these complexities societies can engage in preventive measures. This is neither an easy task, nor is it the task of a single sector. Violence is a social problem with public health, development and security dimensions, and rising to meet this challenge will require the combined and coherent efforts of a broad variety of sectors - both governmental and non-governmental. While there have been a number of studies addressing violence within Brazil, particularly since the late 1980's, the specific issue of firearm-related violence has not always been addressed. Over and above this, many academic studies have tended to circulate mainly within academic networks, with relatively little impact on policy-making or practitioners of violence prevention. The purpose of this publication is to provide a means for the broad dissemination of the summary results of an extensive research undertaking regarding firearm-related violence in Brazil, and in particular to underline the policy-oriented relevance of this work. We hope to contribute to the public debate, as well as towards the formulation of new proposals for such a serious problem in the country. Preventing firearm-related violence will require multi-sectoral approaches. The WHO's World report on violence and health rightly draws attention to the fact that no single factor is responsible for any form of violence. Firearm-related violence, like all other forms of violence, arises from a complex interaction of determinants that can be situated at the level of the individual, their relationships, the community, and society. Multi-sectoral and integrated preventive measures that include structural measures to reduce inequity are essential. Furthermore, the reduction of impunity, reforms within police, judicial and penitentiary systems are all necessary to reduce perceived insecurity within the Brazilian population, particularly since perceived insecurity is the fundamental driver of demand for firearms. Ample evidence indicates that ready access to firearms dramatically increases the lethality of violent encounters, thereby augmenting feelings of fear and insecurity. As a result the demand for firearms fuels increasing insecurity, which fuels further demand for firearms and so on and so forth. The pages of this report demonstrate clearly that firearm-related violence has become an everyday fact of life within Brazilian society, and that this tragedy is experienced most acutely by Brazil's urban youth. Illicit trafficking in drugs and firearms, limited opportunities and perspectives on life for the young population, combined with a social context characterized by unemployment and huge socioeconomic disparities, all contribute to the strikingly high levels of firearm-related violence among Brazil's urban youth. It is beyond the scope of this work to answer all questions about armed violence in Brazil, and this has not been our intent. Our intent has been - through the presentation of a comprehensive profile of firearm-related violence within the country - to contribute to the recognition of the scale and characteristics of this problem, and to advance the case that a broad grouping of sectors within Brazil need to move forward in developing coherent solutions to the problem of firearm-related violence. Details: Sao Paulo: Universidade de Sao Paulo, 2004. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 20, 2014 at: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down131.pdf Year: 2004 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down131.pdf Shelf Number: 134182 Keywords: Firearms Gun Violence (Brazil) Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Peters, Danya J. Title: Public Acquiescence of Police Brutality and Extrajudicial Killings in Sao Paulo, Brazil Summary: The purpose of the current research was to take a social psychological approach to understanding public acquiescence and support for extra legal police violence in Brazil. Data were drawn from research conducted by NEV- CEPID/FAPESP. The sample consisted of 1000 youth and adults age 16 and greater in the city of Sao Paulo who were representative of the general population based on sex, age, education level, occupation, and geographic area (with an oversampling of people from violent neighborhoods). T-tests and ANOVA techniques were utilized to explore group differences in support for citizen and police extra-legal violence based on race, social class, and gender. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was then used to estimate a mediational model of the relationships between environmental influences (direct and indirect victimization, as well as the presence of neighborhood incivilities), general justice related judgments and paradigms (the justice system as inefficient and ineffective, the traditional human rights paradigm, and the emerging human rights paradigm) and support for specific kinds of extra legal violence (support for citizen vigilante justice, support for procedural violence by the police, and support for retributive violence by the police). As hypothesized, direct victimization, indirect victimization, and neighborhood incivilities were all positively associated with fear of crime. In turn, fear of crime was negatively associated with adopting the emerging human rights paradigm and positively associated with viewing the justice system as inefficient and ineffective. Unexpectedly, fear of crime was not associated with a more traditional human rights paradigm. However, the emerging human rights paradigm was negatively associated with support for citizen vigilante justice, as well as support for procedural and retributive violence by the police. Conversely, the traditional human rights paradigm was positively associated with support for all three types of violence. Furthermore, viewing the justice system as inefficient and ineffective was positively associated with support for citizen vigilant justice and retributive violence, but, unexpectedly, was not related to support for procedural violence. Theoretical implications of the results are discussed. Details: Reno, NV: University of Nevada, Reno, 2006. 125p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed November 21, 2014 at: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down159.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down159.pdf Shelf Number: 134184 Keywords: Extrajudicial Homicides Homicides Police Brutality (Brazil) Police Misconduct Police Use of Force Urban Areas Vigilantism Violence

Author: Sedensky, Stephen J., III Title: Report of the State's Attorney of the Judicial District of Danbury on the shootings at Sandy Hook Elementary School and 36 Yogananda Street, Newtown, Connecticut on December 14, 2012 Summary: The purpose of this report is to identify the person or persons criminally responsible for the twenty-seven homicides that occurred in Newtown, Connecticut, on the morning of December 14, 2012, to determine what crimes were committed, and to indicate if there will be any state prosecutions as a result of the incident. The State's Attorney for the Judicial District of Danbury is charged, pursuant to Article IV, Section 27 of the Constitution of the State of Connecticut and Connecticut General Statutes (C.G.S.) Sec. 51-276 et seq., with the investigation and prosecution of all criminal offenses occurring within the Judicial District of Danbury. The Connecticut State Police have the responsibility to prevent and detect violations of the law and this State's Attorney has worked with and relied upon the Connecticut State Police since the incident occurred. Since December 14, 2012, the Connecticut State Police and the State's Attorney's Office have worked with the federal authorities sharing responsibilities for various aspects of this investigation. Numerous other municipal, state and federal agencies assisted in the investigation. The investigation materials reflect thousands of law enforcement and prosecutor hours. Apart from physical evidence, the materials consist of more than seven-hundred individual files that include reports, statements, interviews, videos, laboratory tests and results, photographs, diagrams, search warrants and returns, as well as evaluations of those items. In the course of the investigation, both state and federal law enforcement personnel received a large number of contacts purporting to provide information on the shootings and the shooter. Although many times these "leads" would go nowhere, each one was evaluated and often required substantial law enforcement time to pursue. An abundance of caution was used during the investigation to ensure that all leads were looked into, despite the fact that more than 40 such "leads" proved, after investigation, to be unsubstantiated. Information that was substantiated and relevant was made part of the investigation. It is not the intent of this report to convey every piece of information contained in the voluminous investigation materials developed by the Connecticut State Police and other law enforcement agencies, but to provide information relevant to the purposes of this report. While no report is statutorily required of the State's Attorney once an investigation is complete, it has been the practice of State's Attorneys to issue reports on criminal investigations where there is no arrest and prosecution if the State's Attorney determines that some type of public statement is necessary. Given the gravity of the crimes committed on December 14, 2012, a report is in order. On the morning of December 14, 2012, the shooter, age 20, heavily armed, went to Sandy Hook Elementary School (SHES) in Newtown, where he shot his way into the locked school building with a Bushmaster Model XM15-E2S rifle. He then shot and killed the principal and school psychologist as they were in the north hallway of the school responding to the noise of the shooter coming into the school. The shooter also shot and injured two other staff members who were also in the hallway. Details: Hartford, CT: State of Connecticut, Division of Criminal Justice, 2013. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 25, 2014 at: http://www.ct.gov/csao/lib/csao/Sandy_Hook_Final_Report.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ct.gov/csao/lib/csao/Sandy_Hook_Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 134233 Keywords: Gun Violence Homicides Mass Murders Sandy Hook Elementary School School Shootings (Connecticut) School Violence

Author: Haider-Markel, Donald P. Title: Attributing Blame in Tragedy: Understanding Attitudes About the Causes of Three Mass Shootings Summary: Individuals develop causal stories about the world around them that explain events, behaviors, and conditions. These stories may attribute causes to controllable components, such as individual choice, or uncontrollable components, such as systematic forces in the environment. Here we employ motivated reasoning and attribution theory to understand causal attributions the 2007 Virginia Tech shootings, the 2009 Fort Hood shootings, and the 2011 Tucson, Arizona shootings. We argue that causal attributions stem from individual reasoning that is primarily motivated by existing dispositions and accuracy motives. Both motivations are present for attributions about these mass shootings and we seek to understand their significance and whether dispositional motives condition accuracy drives. We are able to test several hypotheses using individual level survey data from several national surveys to explain attributions about the shootings. Our findings suggest a substantial partisan divide on the causes of the tragedies and considerable differences between the least and most educated respondents. However, our analyses also reveal that while education has virtually no influence on the attributions made by Republicans, it heightens the differences among Democrats. We discuss these findings for the public's understanding of these tragedies and more broadly for attribution research. Details: Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas, Department of Political Science, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: APSA 2011 Annual Meeting Paper: Accessed November 25, 2014 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1901759 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1901759 Shelf Number: 134235 Keywords: Gun Violence Homicides Mass Homicides Mass Shootings (U.S.) Violent Crimes

Author: Kollmann, Stephanie Title: Combating Gun Violence in Illinois: Evidence-Based Solutions Summary: Although we are all deeply disturbed by gun violence - each death is another tragedy and a call for action - our responses must be smart, strategic and grounded in evidence-based solutions. The evidence indicates, repeatedly, that mandatory minimum sentences will not reduce gun violence. On the contrary, such restrictions are not only costly, but also counterproductive. But there is good news: other approaches to reducing gun violence show great promise. Conducted outside of the criminal court process - in the real world, where effects are more concrete and immediate - these approaches have been proven to reduce risky behavior and violence, with significantly less damage to our justice and corrections systems as well as our social fabric. Together with targeted enforcement of existing Illinois laws that provide for harsh gun sentences where appropriate, these initiatives offer real solutions to gun violence. Details: Chicago: Northwestern School of Law, Bluhm Legal Clinic, 2013. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2014 at: http://www.law.northwestern.edu/legalclinic/cfjc/documents/Gun%20Violence%20Memo%20-%20Final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.northwestern.edu/legalclinic/cfjc/documents/Gun%20Violence%20Memo%20-%20Final.pdf Shelf Number: 134259 Keywords: Evidence-Based Policies Gun Violence (Illinois) Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: World Health Organization Title: Global Status Report on Violence Prevention 2014 Summary: Despite indications that homicide rates decreased by 16% globally between 2000 and 2012, violence remains widespread. Released today, the "Global status report on violence prevention 2014" reveals that 475 000 people were murdered in 2012. Homicide is the third leading cause of death globally for males aged 15-44 years. These facts highlight the importance of creating more decisive action to prevent violence. Jointly published today by WHO, the United Nations Development Programme, and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the report indicates that: only one third of the 133 countries surveyed are implementing large-scale initiatives to prevent violence, such as bullying prevention programmes, visits by nurses to families at risk, and support to those who care for older people; just over half the countries are fully enforcing a set of 12 laws generally acknowledged to prevent violence, although 80% of countries have enacted them; only half of all countries have services in place to protect and support victims of violence The "Global status report on violence prevention 2014" is the first report of its kind to assess national efforts to address interpersonal violence, namely child maltreatment, youth violence, intimate partner and sexual violence, and elder abuse. Individual country profiles reflect the extent to which key violence prevention programmes and laws and selected services for victims of violence are being implemented. Details: Geneva, SWIT: WHO, 2014. 292p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 10, 2014 at: http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/status_report/2014/en/ Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/status_report/2014/en/ Shelf Number: 134305 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Child Maltreatment Elder Abuse Homicides Interpersonal Violence Sexual Violence Violence Violence Prevention Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Operation Likofi: Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: On November 15, 2013, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo launched "Operation Likofi," a police operation in Congo's capital, Kinshasa, aimed at ending crime by members of organized criminal gangs known as "kuluna." Gen. Celestin Kanyama, currently the police commissioner for all of Kinshasa, was the primary commander of the operation. Over the course of three months, police officers who participated in the operation extrajudicially executed at least 51 young men and teenage boys and forcibly disappeared 33 others. In raids across the city, police in uniform, often with black masks covering their faces, and with no arrest warrants, dragged suspected kuluna at gunpoint out of their homes at night. In many cases, the police shot and killed the unarmed youth outside their homes, while others were apprehended and executed in the open markets where they slept or worked or in nearby fields or empty lots. Many others were taken to unknown locations and forcibly disappeared. Police warned family members and witnesses not to speak out about what happened, denied them access to their relatives' bodies and prevented them from holding funerals. Congolese journalists were threatened when they attempted to document or broadcast information about Operation Likofi killings. Operation Likofi: Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kinshasa is based on interviews conducted in Kinshasa with over 100 witnesses to abuses, family members of victims, police officers who participated in Operation Likofi, government officials, and others. Human Rights Watch calls on the Congolese government to hold those responsible for these abuses to account. General Kanyama should be suspended immediately pending a judicial investigation. The government should also provide information to family members on the fate or whereabouts of the victims. Details: Hew York: HRW, 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc1114_forUpload_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc1114_forUpload_0.pdf Shelf Number: 134403 Keywords: Disappearances Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Police Brutality (Congo, Democratic Republic) Police Misconduct Police Use of Force

Author: Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics Title: Family Violence in Canada: A statistical profile, 2013 Summary: Section 1 Overview of family violence - In 2013, police reported that there were 87,820 victims of family violence in Canada. This represents a rate of 252.9 victims of family violence for every 100,000 individuals in the population. In comparison, the rate of victimization for violent crimes that were not family-related was 712.8 per 100,000 population. - Spousal violence was the most common form of family violence in 2013, with nearly half (48%) of family violence occurring at the hands of a current or former spouse (married or common law). - Following spousal violence, victimization by a parent was the next most common form of police-reported family violence, representing 17% of family violence victims. - In 2013, more than two-thirds (68%) of all family violence victims were female. - The risk of family violence varies with age and overall, tends to be lowest for seniors, followed by young children (9 years and under), and highest for adults in their 30s. While this pattern was generally similar for male and female victims, female rates of family violence peaked at age 30 to 34, whereas for males, rates were highest from age 15 to 19. - Common assault was the most frequent form of family violence reported to police, experienced by over half (58%) of victims, followed by intimidation offences (17%), such as criminal harassment, indecent telephone calls or uttering threats. - More than half (55%) of family violence victims suffered no physical injury. For those that sustained injuries, the vast majority of these injuries were minor, calling for no professional medical treatment or first aid only. When injuries were sustained, they were much more likely the result of the use of physical force (84%) against the victim, rather than the use of a weapon (16%). - Charges were laid more often in police-reported family violence incidents (56%) than in violent incidents that were not family-related (46%). - Trend data indicate that police-reported incidents of family violence have decreased in recent years. From 2009 to 2013, rates for the most prevalent form of police-reported family violence, physical assault, dropped 14%, spousal victimization declined 17% and incidents involving other family members fell 10%. - Rates of homicides committed by family members continue to fall for both male and female victims. Family-related physical and sexual assaults have also declined modestly in recent years. Section 2 Intimate partner violence - In 2013, there were more than 90,300 victims of police-reported violence by an intimate partner (including spousal and dating partners) accounting for over one quarter of all police-reported victims of violent offences. - Dating violence accounted for 53% of police-reported incidents of intimate partner violence, while spousal violence represented 47%. - As with violent crime in general, adults in their twenties and thirties experienced the greatest risk of violent victimization by an intimate partner. In particular, rates of intimate partner violence were highest among 20- to 24-year olds. - Similar to previous years, common assault (level 1) was the most frequent type of police-reported intimate partner violence. Major assault (levels 2 and 3), uttering threats and criminal harassment were the next most frequent offences. - Charges were laid or recommended in the majority (71%) of intimate partner violence incidents reported to police. - Rates of intimate partner homicide have remained stable in recent years. In 2013, the rate of homicides committed against a female intimate partner stood at 3.74 per million population. The rate of intimate partner homicide was 4.5 times higher for female victims than for male victims. - Between 2009 and 2013, the rate of the most prevalent form of police-reported intimate partner violence, common assault (level 1), fell 11%. Section 3 Family violence against children and youth - According to police-reported data for 2013, about 16,700 children and youth, or 243.5 for every 100,000 Canadians under the age of 18, were the victims of family-related violence. This represented over one-quarter (29%) of all children and youth who were the victims of a violent crime. - Physical assault was the most common type of police-reported family violence against children and youth. Sexual offences were the second most common type of police-reported family violence against children and youth. - Parents (60%) were the family members most often accused of violence against children and youth, especially in incidents involving children under the age of four. - The rate of police-reported family violence committed against children and youth tends to increase with age of the victim. However, when younger children (i.e., under the age of four) were victimized, they were more likely to be victimized by a family member. - Overall, homicides against children and youth are relatively rare. When they do occur, unlike with other types of family violence, familial homicides were more common among younger age groups, with children under the age of one at greatest risk. - Girls were more likely than boys to be victims of police-reported family violence, especially sexual assault. In 2013, the overall rate of police-reported family violence victimization for girls was 1.5 times higher (298.2 per 100,000) than the rate for boys (191.5 per 100,000); and the rate of sexual victimization by a family member was four times higher for girls (125.0 per 100,000) compared to boys (30.2 per 100,000). - Physical injuries were reported for about 4 in 10 victims of family violence against children and youth; the vast majority of these were minor, requiring no medical treatment or requiring first aid. - Charges were laid in less than half (45%) of family violence incidents against children and youth, compared to 59% of police-reported family violence involving adult victims aged 18 years and over. Section 4 Family violence against seniors - Seniors represented a relatively small proportion of all family violence victims, out 3%, and had lower rates of family violence than any other age group. - Rates of police-reported family violence are generally highest among younger seniors and gradually decline with age. - In 2013, the police-reported rate of family violence for senior women (62.7 per 100,000) was higher (+26%) than the rate for senior men (49.7 per 100,000). Nevertheless, the difference between female and male rates of family violence among seniors is notably smaller than the gap observed between the sexes for younger victims. - Similar to previous years, family members made up one-third of those accused in police-reported incidents of violent crime against seniors (aged 65 and over) in 2013, with just over 2,900 seniors (56.8 victims per 100,000 seniors) victimized by a family member that year. In total, nearly 8,900 (173.9 victims per 100,000 seniors) of persons aged 65 and over were the victims of a violent crime in Canada in 2013. - Senior victims of family violence were most likely to be victimized by their own adult children. About 4 in 10 senior victims of police-reported family violence indicated that the accused was their grown child; spouses (28%) were the second most likely family members to be identified as perpetrators of family violence against seniors. - Common assault accounted for more than half (55%) of violence committed against seniors by family members. Weapons were involved in fewer than one in six (15%) family violence incidents against senior victims. Most incidents (85%) involved the use of physical force or threats. - A majority (61%) of senior victims of family violence did not sustain physical injuries. Among those who were injured, most sustained minor injuries requiring little or no medical attention (e.g., some first aid). - Family violence against seniors that escalates to homicide continues to be rare. In 2013, the overall rate of family-related homicides was 3.2 for every 1 million persons aged 65 and over. Details: Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 2015. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Juristat vol. 34, no. 1: Accessed January 21, 2015 at: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/14114-eng.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Canada URL: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/14114-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 134432 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Crime Statistics Criminal Victimization Elder Abuse and Neglect Family Violence (Canada) Gender-Related Violence Homicides Interpersonal Violence Intimate Partner Violence Sexual Violence Spouse Abuse

Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in British Columbia, Canada Summary: 1. This report addresses the situation of missing and murdered indigenous women in British Columbia, Canada. It analyzes the context in which indigenous women have gone missing and been murdered over the past several years and the response to this human rights issue by the Canadian State. The report offers recommendations geared towards assisting the State in strengthening its efforts to protect and guarantee indigenous women's rights. 2. Indigenous women and girls in Canada have been murdered or have gone missing at a rate four times higher than the rate of representation of indigenous women in the Canadian population which is 4.3%. The most comprehensive numbers available were collected by the non-profit organization Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC) through an initiative financed by the governmental entity Status of Women Canada. As of March 31, 2010, NWAC has gathered information regarding 582 cases of missing or murdered indigenous women and girls across the country from the past 30 years. Civil society organizations have long claimed that the number could be much higher, and new research indicates that over 1000 indigenous women could be missing or dead across Canada. Although high numbers of missing and murdered indigenous women in Canada have been identified at both the national and international levels, there are no trustworthy statistics that could assist in reaching a fuller understanding of this problem. The Government itself recognizes that Canada's official statistics do not provide accurate information regarding the true numbers of missing and murdered indigenous women. In addition, there is no reliable source of disaggregated data on violence against indigenous women and girls because police across Canada do not consistently report or record whether or not the victims of violent crime are indigenous. 3. As the report explains, the numbers of missing and murdered indigenous women are particularly concerning when considered in light of the fact that indigenous people represent a small percentage of the total population of Canada. Although the information received by the Commission indicates that this could be a nationwide phenomenon, this report is focused on the situation in British Columbia, because the number of missing and murdered indigenous women is higher there in absolute terms than any other province or territory in Canada. 4. British Columbia accounts for 160 cases, 28% of NWAC's total database of 582 and is followed by Alberta with 93 cases, 16% of the total. The high numbers of missing and murdered indigenous women in British Columbia are concentrated in two different areas of the province: Prince George, in the northern part of the province; and the Downtown East Side, an area of downtown Vancouver, the largest city and metropolitan area in the province. 5. The disappearances and murders of indigenous women in Canada are part of a broader pattern of violence and discrimination against indigenous women in the country. Various official and civil society reports demonstrate that indigenous women are victims of higher rates of violence committed by strangers and acquaintances than non-indigenous women. During the IACHR visit the Canadian government indicated that indigenous women are significantly over-represented as victims of homicide and are also three times more likely to be victims of violence than non-indigenous women. Also, indigenous women suffer more frequently from more severe forms of domestic violence than non-indigenous women. 6. According to the information received, the police have failed to adequately prevent and protect indigenous women and girls from killings and disappearances, extreme forms of violence, and have failed to diligently and promptly investigate these acts. Family members of missing and murdered indigenous women have described dismissive attitudes from police officers working on their cases, a lack of adequate resources allocated to those cases, and a lengthy failure to investigate and recognize a pattern of violence. Also, the existence of multiple policing jurisdictions in British Columbia resulted in confusion between the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Vancouver Police Department regarding responsibility for investigation. This situation in turn has perpetuated the violence; as the failure to ensure that there are consequences for these crimes has given rise to both real and perceived impunity. The kinds of irregularities and deficiencies that have been denounced and documented include: poor report taking and follow up on reports of missing women; inadequate proactive strategies to prevent further harm to women in the Downtown Eastside; failure to consider and properly pursue all investigative strategies; failure to address cross-jurisdictional issues; ineffective coordination between police; and insensitive treatment of families. 7. Canadian authorities and civil society organizations largely agree on the root causes of these high levels of violence against indigenous women and the existing vulnerabilities that make indigenous women more susceptible to violence. These root causes are related to a history of discrimination beginning with colonization and continuing through inadequate and unjust laws and policies such as the Indian Act and forced enrolment in residential schools that continue to affect them. In this regard, the collection of laws determining Aboriginal status established in the Indian Act restricted the freedom of women who identified themselves as indigenous to be recognized as such. Additionally, the residential schools program separated indigenous children from their families, communities, and cultural heritage. 8. As a consequence of this historical discrimination, the IACHR understands that indigenous women and girls constitute one of the most disadvantaged groups in Canada. Poverty, inadequate housing, economic and social relegation, among other factors, contribute to their increased vulnerability to violence. In addition, prevalent attitudes of discrimination - mainly relating to gender and race - and the longstanding stereotypes to which they have been subjected, exacerbate their vulnerability. 9. The OAS Charter and the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man constitute sources of legal obligation for OAS Member states including Canada. The organs of the international and regional human rights systems for the protection of human rights have developed jurisprudence that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples as well as the obligation to guarantee women's rights, both of which encompass rights to equality, nondiscrimination and non- violence. In this regard, international and regional human rights systems have developed a set of principles when applying the due diligence standards in cases of violence against women, as well as particular standards in relation to missing women. 10. International and regional systems have also emphasized that a State's failure to act with due diligence with respect to cases of violence against women is a form of discrimination. The lack of due diligence in cases of violence against indigenous women is especially grave as it affects not only the victims, but also their families and the communities to which they belong. In addition, given the strong connection between the greater risks for violence that indigenous women confront and the social and economic inequalities they face, when applying the due diligence standard, States must implement specific measures to address the social and economic disparities that affect them. 11. The IACHR stresses that addressing violence against indigenous women is not sufficient unless the underlying factors of racial and gender discrimination that originate and exacerbate the violence are also comprehensively addressed. A comprehensive holistic approach applied to violence against indigenous women means addressing the past and present institutional and structural inequalities confronted by these women. Elements that must be addressed include the dispossession of their land, as well as historical laws and policies that have negatively affected indigenous women, put them in an unequal situation, and prevented their full enjoyment of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Details: Washington, DC: Organization of American States, 2014. 127p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 21, 2015 at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Indigenous-Women-BC-Canada-en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Indigenous-Women-BC-Canada-en.pdf Shelf Number: 134433 Keywords: Gender-Based Violence Homicides Indigenous Peoples (Canada) Missing Persons Violence Against Women Violent Crime

Author: Wilson, Christopher Title: Plan Tamaulipas: A New Security Strategy for a Troubled State Summary: Recognizing that the situation in Tamaulipas had reached crisis levels, in May, 2014, Mexico's top security officials met with their state level counterparts in Tamaulipas to unveil a new security strategy. At the heart of the conflict between the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas, Tamaulipas suffers from high rates of violent crime, including the nation's highest for kidnapping, large-scale cases of migrant abuse, and extremely weak state and local level law enforcement institutions and governance. By sending significant additional resources to Tamaulipas, the federal government made a strong and much needed commitment to support efforts to restore public security in the state. This short report analyzes the new strategy, describes the challenging local context, and offers a few recommendations that could serve to strengthen the effort. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute, 2014. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 9, 2015 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/New_Security_Strategy_Tamaulipas.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/New_Security_Strategy_Tamaulipas.pdf Shelf Number: 134580 Keywords: Homicides Kidnapping Public Security Violence (Mexico) Violent Crime

Author: Santacruz-Giralt, Maria Title: Summary: The lives and situation of the women in the maras or gangs is a dimension that has been, to date, explored little by empirical research and, in general, little is known about it in civil society. Stereotypes and social images that have been built up around them are, in essence, masculine. The socio-cultural identities prevalent in the social imaginaries are those of young men that are covered in tattoos, are extremely violent and are linked to delinquent activities. Actually, although El Salvador has advanced in its understanding of the phenomenon, from the perspective of academic research, most of the studies have focused their sights on the analysis of its characteristics, the group logic, and the violent social dynamics that are built up within these organizations. The emphasis on these aspects has given rise to great voids in terms of the factors that pressure girls and adolescents to join these groups, the conditions they are inserted in, and the ruptures and contradictions they face once they have joined. The IUDOP, based on a line of investigation about juvenile violence developed since 1996, has sought in most of its research to reveal the gender differences that exist inside these groups, considering the limitations imposed by the study of groups where there are enormous disparities between men and women. In this sense, this approach to the lives of a group of women gang-members who have been deprived of liberty, from the perspective of qualitative research, has made it possible to penetrate the subjective aspects of their lives, and firmly denude the circles of violence, exclusion, oppression, and abandon that they are exposed to from early childhood. The analysis of these personal stories and their life experiences offer clues to the complex processes of group socialization experienced by the girls and adolescents who comprise the gangs, and the breakages with their families and the rest of society following their membership in these groups. Likewise, this paper shows the gains and profit that these groups offer them, in a context of multiple shortages and weaknesses, but above all, the multiple vulnerabilities and risks the adolescents and youth are subjected to once they have entered the gangs. With this as a background, the paper that is being shared presently offers a first approximation to the life and role of the women in these groups, based on their own life experiences and personal stories, in order to contribute to formulating policy that addresses differentially the needs and risks faced by the girls and youth that are inserted in these aggregations. Details: San Salvador: The University Institute of Public Opinion (Instituto Universitario de Opinion Publica-IUDOP), 2010. 400p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 25, 2015 at: http://www.uca.edu.sv/publica/iudop/libros/SegIN.pdf Year: 2010 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.uca.edu.sv/publica/iudop/libros/SegIN.pdf Shelf Number: 134670 Keywords: Female Gang Members Gang-Related Violence Gangs (El Salvador) Homicides Youth Gangs

Author: Carter, Adam Title: The Use of Crime Scene and Demographic Information in the Identification of Sexual Homicides Summary: It is often the case that those convicted of sexual offences find it difficult to discuss their offending and those who have committed a sexual homicide can be particularly reluctant to talk about their criminal behaviour. As a result, forensic practitioners frequently rely upon crime scene information to identify any sexual behaviour associated with a homicide. The study aimed to look for discernable patterns and victim and perpetrator characteristics that may serve to delineate sexual homicide without relying on disclosure from the perpetrators of the crime. A second aim of the study was to test the hypothesis that the majority of sexual homicide cases can be captured using Ressler, Burgess, and Douglas's (1988) definition of sexual homicide. A sample of 65 sexual killers and 64 cases of men convicted between 1966 and 2005, of what were considered on the basis of available evidence to be non-serial, non-sexual homicides were used. Details: London: National Offender Management Service and Ministry of Justice, 2015. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Analytical Summary: Accessed February 26, 2015 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/406945/crime-scene-and-demographic-information-in-sexual-homicides.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 134676 Keywords: Homicides Sex Offenders (U.K.) Sexual Violence

Author: International Crisis Group Title: Back from the Brink: Saving Ciudad Juarez Summary: Just four years ago, Ciudad Juarez was under siege from criminal gang members and being sabotaged by crooked cops. Killings and kidnappings spiralled out of control despite the deployment of thousands of soldiers and federal police. Today Juarez is on the path to recovery: public investments in social programs and institutional reform plus a unique model of citizen engagement have helped bring what was once dubbed the world's "murder capital" back from the brink. Daunting problems persist. Juarez remains an unruly frontier city of great inequalities, where traffickers and other criminals can too easily find recruits among a largely young population, many of whom still lack good jobs or education. To sustain progress, citizens and local policymakers need to assess achievements and obstacles, relaunching their partnership and upgrading efforts to strengthen local institutions and address social inequities. Though Juarez remains fragile, there are reasons for guarded optimism: civil society leaders - including business and professional groups, non-profit organisations and academics - hold the government accountable for any increase in crime, meeting regularly with municipal, state and federal officials in a unique Mesa de Seguridad y Justicia (Security and Justice Working Group), an independent body including citizens and authorities. All three levels of government remain committed in principle to addressing the causes of violence through social programs aimed at the poor communities that have borne the brunt of the killings. President Felipe Calderon's administration invested more than $380 million in 2010-2011 under its Todos Somos Juarez (TSJ, We are all Juarez) initiative to finance social programs designed to make communities, especially their young people, more resistant to violent crime. Much of the money went to expanding existing programs for the urban poor and building or renovating community centres, schools and hospitals. But the impact of these efforts was never evaluated, largely wasting the opportunity to create innovative, sustainable programs, subject to outside review and evaluation. When he took office in December 2012, President Enrique Pena Nieto promised to make crime and violence prevention central to his security strategy, adopting and adapting some of the strategies initiated by his predecessor. Among his first acts was to order nine ministries to join forces on a national program. Its objectives are sweepingly ambitious: promote citizen participation and a culture of peace and respect for the law; address the risk factors that render children, adolescents, women and other groups vulnerable to violence; create and reclaim public spaces to foster peaceful coexistence; and strengthen institutional capacity at the federal, state and municipal level. The National Program for the Social Prevention of Violence and Delinquency channels funding into high-risk zones chosen to serve as laboratories for social change, including three within Ciudad Juarez. This "socio-urban acupuncture" approach holds promise. Officials say crime rates have already fallen within many of the target zones and promise that detailed surveys will measure impact going forward. But the effort in Juarez itself has been plagued by delays and controversy. The lack of transparency in project selection and monitoring has given rise to accusations of mismanagement and political favouritism. Local authorities are justifiably proud of progress in reducing homicide and other high-impact crimes, such as kidnapping, but more is needed to keep Ju�rez from again falling victim to a surge of violence. The model of citizen participation embodied in the Mesa de Seguridad y Justicia should be extended to the neighbourhood level, so that working class and poor communities are empowered to monitor violence- prevention projects and work with law enforcement to combat crime. Local police must play a more important role. Authorities on the municipal, state and federal levels should open their efforts to greater scrutiny, crafting long-term strategies that can be continued past the next electoral cycle. The achievements of Juarez and the surrounding state of Chihuahua offer hope for other Mexican cities and regions still suffering epidemic rates of violent crimes, including murder, often at the hands of criminals in league with local authorities. The focus of federal action has shifted to the north east, where the state of Tamaulipas now leads the country in kidnappings, and the south west, where the state of Guerrero and the city of Acapulco have the highest rates of homicides per capita. National authorities have poured soldiers and police into these regions while promising funding for social programs, much as they did a few years ago in Chihuahua. But they have not been able to stem the crisis of confidence in government at all levels: municipal, state and federal. The kidnapping and apparent killing of 43 students from the rural teaching college of Ayotzinapa by a criminal gang allegedly backed by corrupt police has sparked violent protests in Guerrero and mass marches in Mexico City. Perhaps the most important lesson of Juarez is that crime must be tackled through the combined effort of authorities and citizens. Opaque, top-down solutions that fail to address the concerns of local communities - eliciting their ideas and soliciting their support - are unlikely to produce sustainable progress against the scourge of violent crime. Details: Brussels, Belgium: International Crisis Group, 2015. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Latin America Report No. 54: Accessed February 26, 2015 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/mexico/054-back-from-the-brink-saving-ciudad-juarez.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/latin-america/mexico/054-back-from-the-brink-saving-ciudad-juarez.pdf Shelf Number: 134679 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Gangs (Mexico) Homicides Kidnappings Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Banks, Duren Title: Arrest-Related Deaths Program Assessment: Technical Report Summary: The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) designed the Arrest-Related Deaths (ARD) program to be a census of all deaths that occur during the process of arrest in the United States. The manner in which these data were collected varied from state to state, and often depended on the data systems available to the state reporting coordinators (SRCs) responsible for data collection throughout the state, the involvement of local law enforcement agencies or medical examiner's/coroner's offices, and other support that the SRC may have had to conduct the data collection. This variability in approach has led to questions about whether these data collection methods were capable of capturing the universe of arrest-related deaths and law enforcement homicides in particular. BJS requested RTI International to conduct an assessment of the ARD program to evaluate (1) the coverage of the program in comparison to Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHRs) maintained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and (2) various aspects of the current program methodology. The coverage assessment matched law enforcement homicides captured by the ARD program to those found in the SHR justifiable homicide file, followed by a capture-recapture analysis to provide information on the scope and characteristics of cases eligible for inclusion in the ARD program that are captured in one or both of these data systems. The ARD law enforcement homicides and SHR justifiable homicide files are similar; however, some law enforcement homicides that were not classified as justifiable are not identified in the SHR. RTI calculated the size of the law enforcement homicide population in the United States and the ARD program coverage using two methods to estimate the lower and upper bounds of ARD coverage. We found that over the study period from 2003 through 2009 and 2011, the ARD program captured, at best, 49% of all law enforcement homicides in the United States. The lower bound of ARD program coverage was estimated to be 36%. These findings indicate that the current ARD program methodology does not allow a census of all law enforcement homicides in the United States. The ARD program captured approximately 49% of law enforcement homicides, while the SHR captured 46%. An estimated 28% of the law enforcement homicides in the United States are not captured by either system. However, the methodology for identifying ARD cases has changed over the observation period. In 2011, the ARD program was estimated to cover between 59% and 69% of all law enforcement homicides in the United States, depending on the estimation method used. While this coverage estimate still does not result in a census, it does suggest improvements over time in the overall approach to identifying law enforcement homicides and reporting them to the ARD program. We found considerable variability between states in the proportion of law enforcement homicides that are reported to the ARD program only, the SHR only, or to both sources in 2011. Twelve states reported only to the ARD program in 2011, while no states reported cases only to the SHR. Additional analyses to explore the effect of case identification methodology and SRC affiliation failed to identify a specific ARD methodology that was associated with better program coverage in 2011. The current analyses only compared ARD program coverage to the SHR. Other sources may also provide additional information about the extent of law enforcement homicides in the United States or in selected jurisdictions, and coverage of the various data collection systems. These sources include the Fatal Injury Reports that are part of the National Vital Statistical System maintained by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and direct reports from local law enforcement agencies. In addition, the ARD program assessment examined only arrested-related deaths that are the result of law enforcement homicides. Arrest-related deaths due to illness, overdose, accidents, and other manners of death are likely even more difficult to identify and, if included, could have a significant downward impact on our coverage estimates. However, no other national data collection exists that examines arrest-related deaths due to a manner other than law enforcement homicide. If BJS pursues a collection to measure law enforcement homicides or all manners of arrest-related deaths in the United States, changes must be made to the data collection methodology to support more complete coverage. Details: Research Triangle Park, NC: RTI International, 2015. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2015 at: http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ardpatr.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/ardpatr.pdf Shelf Number: 134760 Keywords: Arrest-Related Deaths Arrests (U.S.) Homicides Law Enforcement Homicides

Author: Peeters, Timo Title: Truce on a tightrope: risks and lessons from El Salvador's bid to end gang warfare Summary: On 14 March 2012, current affairs website Elfaro broke the story of a truce facilitated by the government between El Salvador's two most powerful gangs, leading to an instant reduction in the country's homicides. Over one and a half years later, the truce is still intact. However, the government's reluctance to take full responsibility for the pacification process, the lack of a comprehensive policy to address root causes of violence, and the fear that the process might strengthen gangs by giving them political power have placed numerous pitfalls in its path. Neither the El Salvadorean public nor the inter-national community is united in its support for negotiating with the maras. Even so, the truce serves as an important example of a more balanced approach to gang violence, and a source of insight into how local patterns of marginalisation and crime, fuelled by rapid urbanisation of the world's population, may on occasion be managed through dialogue. Details: The Hague: Clingendael Institute, 2013. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: CRU Policy Brief No. 27: Accessed April 2, 2015 at: http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/CRU%20Policy%20Brief%2027.pdf Year: 2013 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/CRU%20Policy%20Brief%2027.pdf Shelf Number: 135130 Keywords: Gang Violence Gangs Homicides Violence Violence Crime

Author: Police Foundation Title: The Wilmington Public Safety Strategies Commission: Final Report Summary: The City of Wilmington is the largest and the most culturally and economically diverse city in Delaware. The ability of the City to grow and improve the lives of its residents depends on its ability effectively to provide public safety. The residents, employers, and civic and community leaders with whom we speak routinely cited public safety as a principal concern affecting their decisions about where to live, where to locate their business, and how to lead the City to a better future. Like many cities, Wilmington experiences a significant amount of crime, including crimes of violence, drug crimes and nuisance crimes. However, many cities across the country have experienced significant reductions in crimes in all categories in recent years - often attributed to improved policing strategies. Wilmington is not one of those cities. According to the FBI, Wilmington ranks third in violence among 450 cities of its size and sixth among all cities over 50,000. Crime in Wilmington - and particularly homicides - has reached record numbers in recent years. Over the past decade, the City of Wilmington has averaged 118 shooting victims per year, reaching a record high of 154 shootings victims in 2013. In 2014 alone, there were 127 shooting victims and 23 shooting deaths in the City. The principal questions facing the Wilmington Public Safety Strategies Commission are why the City of Wilmington has not experienced the same crime reductions enjoyed by similarly situated municipalities across the country and what Wilmington can do about that. This report offers our examination of the strategies currently being employed by the City and the WPD, and our proposal of strategies that might be employed to better address the WPD's core mission of creating a safer Wilmington. Improving public safety in Wilmington is challenging, but it is certainly not impossible. Wilmington has three built-in advantages. First and most significantly, Wilmington has a sufficiently large police force to bring appropriate resources to bear on this issue. While we make clear in this report that there are several areas of police work that deserve additional resources, and that a reorganization of some functions would assist the Department, the WPD begins this work with a force large enough to effectively patrol and fight crime in Wilmington. Second, as the Crime Analysis and CAD Incident Analysis done by Temple University's Jerry Ratcliffe, Ph.D. make clear, "[s]mall areas of the city account for a large proportion of the crime and community harm." As a result, if appropriate strategies are brought to bear on those small areas, significant reductions in crime can be obtained. Third, many people with whom we spoke in the WPD, from the leadership to rank-and-file officers, recognize that there is a need for and opportunity to change for the better. Significant cultural and organizational changes can be made only with buy-in from those tasked with the need to lead and implement those changes, and the recognition of the need for and inevitability of change was evident in many of the law enforcement professionals with whom we spoke. Generally, we found that WPD has a respond-and-react orientation and structure that focuses on resolving calls for service rather than proactively implementing crime reduction strategies. Although WPD is sufficiently staffed, the department does not deploy sufficient officers in patrol and key investigatory functions. WPD is behind other law enforcement agencies in its use of technology (some of which it already owns) to both analyze and predict crime, as well as to provide accountability of its officers as to there whereabouts and activities. The WPD's investigatory units do not solve a sufficient number of crimes - particularly homicides - and can improve its investigatory functions and victims' services. The Wilmington community appreciates the dedication and effort of the Department's officers, but some community relationships have become strained and can be improved. All of the issues identified in this report are fixable, and none is exclusive to Wilmington. Many of the building blocks for reform are already in place - a city and community that recognizes the need for change, a WPD administration that is open to new strategies, and supportive local partners. Details: Washington, DC: Police Foundation, 2015. 200p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2015 at: http://www.policefoundation.org/sites/g/files/g798246/f/201504/WPSSC%20Final%20Report%203_31_15.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.policefoundation.org/sites/g/files/g798246/f/201504/WPSSC%20Final%20Report%203_31_15.pdf Shelf Number: 135155 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun-Related Violence Homicides Police Reform Police Response Police-Community Relations Policing Policing Strategies Public Safety Violent Crime

Author: McCutcheon, James Chandler Title: Firearm Lethality in Drug Market Contexts Summary: The current study examines firearms' impact on the relationship between illegal drug markets and homicide. At the county-level, Iowa and Virginia are analyzed using crime data from the National Incident Based Reporting System. More specifically, gun availability is tested as a mediator for county drug crime rates and homicide counts. Variable selection and prediction is based on routine activity and social disorganization theories. I argue that social disorganization allows the context for which criminal opportunity presents itself through routine activities. I posit gun availability mediates a positive relationship between illegal drug markets and homicide, with differences between urban and rural communities. Details: Orlando, FL: University of Central Florida, 2013. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0004888/Firearm_Lethality_in_Drug_Market_Contexts.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0004888/Firearm_Lethality_in_Drug_Market_Contexts.pdf Shelf Number: 135407 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Drug Markets Social Disorganization

Author: Yocco, Victor Title: Gun Violence in Ohio Summary: Gun violence is an issue that touches communities across the United States. Ohio's communities are no exception. Capturing data on the nature, extent, and frequency of gun violence is a vital first step to conducting research and developing strategies and policies aimed at gun violence prevention. Data on gun violence are collected by a number of criminal justice and non-criminal justice sources. Some of the data are specific to Ohio or regions within Ohio and some are representative of the U.S. as a whole. This report pulls together statistics from numerous sources to present a snapshot of gun violence in Ohio and the United States. Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio Office of Criminal Justice Services, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://www.ocjs.ohio.gov/GunViolence_Ohio_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ocjs.ohio.gov/GunViolence_Ohio_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 135412 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence (Ohio) Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Kasang, Nicholas Title: Socio-spatial violence prevention: Inhibiting violence in Caracas, Venezuela through spatial planning Summary: Contemporary urban growth in many cities in Latin American and Africa has been accompanied by unprecedented levels of urban violence. Latin America epitomizes this trend as three of the world's most dangerous cities, Ciudad Juarez, San Pedro Sula, and Caracas, are located within this region (JACOME; GRATIUS, 2011, p. 2). Of these three, Caracas is notable because its exorbitant homicide rate cannot be explicitly attributed to the illicit drug trade-cartel wars that consume Mexico, nor is it represented by the civil conflict-gang violence that afflicts Central America. Moreover, the Venezuelan context is further distinguished as inequality, which is consistently cited as the primary catalyst for the emergence of everyday reactionary violence, is not overtly characteristic of the contemporary situation. Rather, caraque�o insecurity has largely been attributed to the exacerbation of social factors that perpetuate violence as "(...) an end in itself or a [mechanism] to injure/ eliminate another person in order to resolve an interpersonal conflict (...)" (SANJUAN, 2002, p. 95). Based on this reality, this work proposes the inclusion of socio-spatial interventions into contemporary prevention initiatives. Spatial interventions have shown a "(...) significant capacity to prevent the occurrence of violence in areas that are either totally or partially excluded from economic development and larger society (...)� (DIAZ; MELLER, 2012, p. 23). Implications of this work have the capacity to augment predominantly technical violence prevention precedent and enhance knowledge on alternative mechanisms to prevent insecurity. This study employs a comprehensive literature review in conjunction with data analyses in the development of a spatial proposal for Caracas. Details: urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestao Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/urbe/v6n2/07.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Venezuela URL: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/urbe/v6n2/07.pdf Shelf Number: 135421 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Urban Areas Urban Violence (Brazil) Violent Crime

Author: Dube, Arindrajit Title: Cross-Border Spillover: U.S. Gun Laws and Violence in Mexico Summary: To what extent, and under what conditions, does access to arms fuel violent crime? To answer this question, we exploit a unique natural experiment: the 2004 expiration of the U.S. Federal Assault Weapons Ban exerted a spillover on gun supply in Mexican municipios near Texas, Arizona and New Mexico, but not near California, which retained a pre-existing state-level ban. We find first that Mexican municipios located closer to the non-California border states experienced differential increases in homicides, gun-related homicides and crime gun seizures in the post-2004 period. Second, the magnitude of this effect is contingent on political factors related to Mexico's democratic transition. Killings increased substantially more in municipios where local elections had become more competitive prior to 2004, with the largest differentials emerging in high narco-trafficking areas. Our findings are consistent with the notion that political competition undermined informal agreements between drug cartels and entrenched local governments, highlighting the role of political instability in mediating the gun-crime relationship. Details: Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2012. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 7098: Accessed April 30, 2015 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp7098.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp7098.pdf Shelf Number: 135425 Keywords: Assault Weapons Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Gun Control Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Arizona Firearm Injury Prevention Coalition Title: Firearm Injuries in Arizona: With a Focus on Children Summary: Firearm injuries have recently replaced auto accidents as the most frequent injury causing deaths in Arizona. Too often the victims are young children or teens. In this booklet, Arizona Firearm Injury Prevention Coalition cites multiple sources, including Arizona Department of Health Services; Centers for Disease Control; Arizona Criminal Justice Commission; Phoenix Police Department; Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms; National Opinion Research Center; and Arizona Child Fatality Review, to outline the extent of the problem of firearm injuries in Arizona children and to guide future interventions to reduce those injuries. Arizona always ranks near the top of states with high firearm death rates, and we also have very high rates of nonfatal firearm injuries. Survivors often incur permanent disabilities associated with chronic pain and limitation of activity. Gunshot wounds can profoundly reduce the lifetime potential of children. Parents may suffer financially from large medical bills, and they often suffer emotional trauma from the knowledge that greater vigilance could have prevented their child's tragedy. We hope this booklet will raise awareness of the danger of firearms that are easily accessible to young children and teens, and that readers, especially firearm owners, will be moved to take measures to make firearms inaccessible to children. Details: AFIPC, 2010. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 30, 2015 at: http://afipc.typepad.com/files/2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://afipc.typepad.com/files/2010.pdf Shelf Number: 135432 Keywords: Child Protection Firearms Gun-Related Injuries Gun-Related Violence (Arizona) Homicides

Author: Smith, Erica L. Title: Homicide in the U.S. Known to Law Enforcement, 2011 Summary: In 2011, an estimated 14,610 persons were victims of homicide in the United States, according to FBI data on homicides known to state and local law enforcement (figure 1). This is the lowest number of homicide victims since 1968, and marks the fifth consecutive year of decline. The homicide rate in 2011 was 4.7 homicides per 100,000 persons, the lowest level since 1963. This homicide rate was also 54% below its peak of 10.2 per 100,000 persons in 1980 and 17% below the rate in 2002 (5.6 homicides per 100,000). These findings are based on analyses conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) using data from the FBI's Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR). The SHR collects detailed information on each homicide reported to state and local law enforcement in the United States, including victim and suspected offender demographic characteristics, the type of weapon used during the incident, and the number of victims killed during the incident. This report describes homicides known to law enforcement in 2011, the most recent year for which detailed data are available, and examines homicide trends from 1992 to 2011, with selected findings from 1960. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 18, 2015 at: http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/hus11.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/hus11.pdf Shelf Number: 135704 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Violent Crimes

Author: Levy, Horace Title: Youth Violence and Organized Crime in Jamaica: Causes and Counter-Measures. An Examination of the Linkages and Disconnections Summary: This Project emanated from the need to establish research-based grounds of solid value for an alternative to the mano dura approach, elements of which the authorities planned to continue using, or even extending, to address Jamaica's high homicide rates. The objective, therefore, was to investigate the relationship between youth violence and organized crime, with special attention given to the role of women and best practices and with the aim of influencing policy. Enabled by the Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) qualitative methodology, the Institute of Criminal Justice and Security (ICJS) research team was able, through focus groups and interviews with key informants, to engage directly with gangs and crews in communities in Kingston, and to a lesser extent, those in Spanish Town. The team encountered "defence crews" that were aligned to communities. These crews did not exhibit behaviour similar to that of illegal, wealth-seeking criminal gangs and, indicated no movement in that direction. Instead, they were strongly supported by women and responded positively to the mediatory and developmental "best practices" of state and non-state agencies. A significant number of criminal gang members also showed interest in pursuing an alternative and legal lifestyle. Women, for their part, were not associated with personal weapon usage. They tried to discourage conflicts and played an important part in community bonding. However, by having sexual relationships with "the enemy", they were often the ones blamed for provoking conflicts. For inner-city people, the community is of prime importance and defence crews and sometimes gangs are embedded in it. The various crews provide a constant source of enjoyment for inner-city people who live in depressed conditions. The research team recommends a national security policy that, rather than focusing simply on attacking the gangs, proposes the combination of community policing with community development and firmly asserting the central authority of the state. In the series of public forums held with security officials, the researchers received support for this approach from high-ranking officers of the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF). A number of specific recommendations include the provision of additional resources to "best practices", and women's empowerment, as well as ceasing to grant contracts to criminal gangs. Details: Ottawa: International Development Research Centre (IDRC), 2012. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 22, 2015 at: https://idl-bnc.idrc.ca/dspace/bitstream/10625/51348/1/IDL-51348.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Jamaica URL: https://idl-bnc.idrc.ca/dspace/bitstream/10625/51348/1/IDL-51348.pdf Shelf Number: 135756 Keywords: Gangs Homicides Juvenile Offenders Organized Crime Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime Youth Gangs

Author: Steele, Paul D. Title: The Strategic Approaches to Community Safety Initiative in Albuquerque: Project Activities and Research Results Summary: The Strategic Alternatives to Community Safety Initiative (SACSI) was established by the U.S. Department of Justice in 1998. Implemented in ten cities, SACSI was a coordinated effort to reduce and prevent firearm and firearm-related violent crime. The initiative was notable for its innovative organization and approach. First, SACSI relied upon the participation of a core group of decision makers in each SACSI service area. These decision makers included local, state and federal law enforcement, prosecutorial, and corrections personnel as well as service providers and representatives from the community. Together, they constituted a working group that was charged with the responsibility of implementing new and potentially effective approaches to dealing with crime in the area served by the initiative. Second, the working group was supported by the U.S. Attorney's Office, which was charged with the responsibility of facilitating and coordinating the working group's efforts. The U.S. Attorney's Office also had the opportunity to provide resources to local violence reduction strategies, and served as a member agency in the working group. Third, a research partner also supported the working group. The research partner's role included providing information concerning general crime patterns in the community, more focused analysis in support of strategic and tactical planning, knowledge concerning best practices for reducing gun violence, and assessment of local efforts to deal with violent crime. Ten cities were selected as SACSI sites; the first five (Indianapolis, Memphis, New Haven, Portland, and Winston-Salem) were funded in 1998, and the second five (Albuquerque, Atlanta, Detroit, Rochester, and St. Louis) were funded in 2000. From the perspective of the research partner, this report describes SACSI in the Albuquerque service area, which consists of Bernalillo County, New Mexico. Of particular note is the evolution of the local SACSI effort, including the development of the working group and various project initiatives in the community. Also highlighted are findings of research about criminal activities in the community, criminal justice responses to crime, and assessment of SACSI initiatives. To address these topics, the report is organized into four sections. The current section is comprised of three chapters. The current chapter concludes with a review of relevant literature concerning firearm, firearm-related, and other violent crime that was useful in orienting the project. Chapter II describes the development and implementation of the SACSI working group and initiatives in the Albuquerque service area, and Chapter III discusses research activities in the service area. The next section of the report describes crime offender, victim and crime episode patterns within the service area, highlighting trends and spatial distribution of serious violent crimes. It also covers the movement of homicide and aggravated assault cases in the service area reported to or detected by the police through the criminal justice system. Section three describes and assesses the various SACSI initiatives implemented in the community to respond to violent crime. The report concludes with a final section summarizing the findings and making recommendations for future activities. Details: Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Criminal Justice Analysis Center, Institute for Social Research, University of New Mexico, 2005. 333p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2015 at: http://isr.unm.edu/reports/2005/sacsi.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://isr.unm.edu/reports/2005/sacsi.pdf Shelf Number: 135762 Keywords: Community Participation Firearms and Crime Gang-Related Violence Gangs Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Mexico's Disappeared: The Enduring Cost of a Crisis Ignored Summary: When Enrique Pena Nieto took office in December 2012, he inherited a country reeling from an epidemic of drug violence. The "war on drugs" launched by his predecessor, Felipe Calderon, had not only failed to reduce violence, but also led to a dramatic increase in human rights violations. Throughout most of his presidency, Calderon denied abuses had occurred and failed to take adequate steps to ensure they were prosecuted. That responsibility now falls to President Enrique Pena Nieto. And nowhere is it more urgent than in the crime of disappearances: where people have been unlawfully taken against their will and their fate is still unknown. Mexico's Disappeared documents nearly 250 "disappearances." In 149 of these cases, evidence suggests that these were enforced disappearances, carried out with the participation of state agents. In virtually all of the cases documented by Human Rights Watch, authorities failed to promptly and thoroughly search for the disappeared person, instead blaming the victim and passing the responsibility to investigate onto families. The limited investigative steps prosecutors took were undermined by delays, errors, and omissions. These lapses only exacerbate the suffering of victims' families, for whom not knowing what happened to their loved ones is a source of perpetual anguish. Another path is possible. In the state of Nuevo Leon, responding to pressure from victims' families and human rights defenders, prosecutors have broken with a pattern of inaction and begun to seriously investigate a select group of disappearances. While progress thus far has been limited, it is an encouraging first step. Ultimately, enforced disappearances are a national problem, and the success of state-level efforts will depend in large measure on whether the federal government is willing and able to do its part. If, like its predecessor, the Pena Nieto administration fails to implement a comprehensive strategy to find the missing and bring perpetrators to justice, it will only worsen the most severe crisis of enforced disappearance in Latin America in decades. Details: New York: HRW, 2013. 176p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/mexico0213_ForUpload_0_0_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/mexico0213_ForUpload_0_0_0.pdf Shelf Number: 127733 Keywords: Disappearances Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Missing Persons Murders War on Drugs

Author: Simmons, Krista Title: The State and Youth Violence:A Socio-Political Approach to Understanding Youth Violence in Rio de Janeiro's Favelas Summary: Drug trafficking has drastically increased levels of violence in Rio de Janeiro since the arrival of the cocaine trade in the early 1980's. The rate of homicides in Rio de Janeiro in the late 1990's and early 2000's marked the city as one of the most violent urban centers in the world. Even today, there is an average of 20 homicides each day in Rio de Janeiro, a city of just under 12,000,000 people. The rate of death as a result of violence and other demographic factors such as an overabundance of male recorded deaths between the ages of 15-24, a deficit of young men, an imbalanced sex ratio, and a rise in youth mortality since the 1980's more closely mirror warzone demographics than those of a city in a modern, stable state such as Brazil. For example, between 1998 and 2000 there were between 2,000 and 5,000 violent deaths, in Yugoslavia, and roughly 11,000 in Angola. In the same period, Rio de Janeiro saw 7,465 citizens die as a result of violence. Of grave concern to children's rights activists has been the accompanying spike in violence against and among children and youth. Deaths by external causes among individuals under 18 years of age in Rio de Janeiro have increased from 8.1% in 1979 to 26.4% in 2002, with violent causes predominating external causes of death increasingly with time. The increased involvement of children in violent drug gangs is reflected in the testimony of local favela dwellers (or favelados), as well as Rio de Janeiro crime statistics. In 1980, there were 110 registered convictions of minors for drug related crime. By 2001, there were 1,584 convictions of minors for drug related crimes: a number shocking, although decreased from a high of 3,211 in 1998. This translates to a 1340% increase in drug related convictions among minors in Rio de Janeiro between 1980 and 2001. It is estimated that 5,000-6,000 children are currently working for drug factions within Rio de Janeiro's favelas (poor shanty towns). The realities faced by youth involved in organized drug violence in Rio de Janeiro are similar to those of child soldiers elsewhere in the world, with whom they share the dynamics of "voluntary" recruitment, a hierarchical structure of orders and punishment, access to and use of firearms and other weapons, kill-or-be-killed surroundings, and involvement in large-scale armed confrontations. Despite the similarities, however, the children of Rio's drug gangs cannot be classified as child soldiers because the drug factions for which they work have no political objectives or desire to replace the state. Furthermore, labeling them child soldiers runs the risk of legitimizing lethal state force against them. However, these children are clearly more than "delinquents." A call for a category all their own has grown in recent years, with Brazilian NGO, Viva Rio, developing a working definition for these children which can be applied in similar circumstances around the world: "Children and Youth in Organized Armed Violence (COAV) - Children and Youth employed or otherwise participating in Organized Armed Violence where there are elements of command structure and power over territory, local population, or resources." Details: Washington, DC: American University, 2010. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://auislandora-dev.wrlc.org/islandora/object/0910capstones%3A108 Year: 2010 Country: Brazil URL: http://auislandora-dev.wrlc.org/islandora/object/0910capstones%3A108 Shelf Number: 129786 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Favelas Homicides Urban Areas Violence Violent Crime Youth Gangs Youth Violence

Author: Eguizabal, Cristina Title: Crime and Violence in Central America's Northern Triangle: How U.S. Policy Responses are Helping, Hurting, and Can Be Improved Summary: Throughout the spring and summer of 2014, a wave of unaccompanied minors and families from Central America began arriving at the U.S.-Mexican border in record numbers. During June and July over 10,000 a month were arriving. The unexpected influx triggered a national debate about immigration and border policy, as well as an examination of the factors compelling thousands of children to undertake such a treacherous journey. Approximately two-thirds of these children are from Central America's Northern Triangle-El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. According to interviews with the children their motives for migrating ranged from fleeing some of the world's highest homicide rates, rampant extortion, communities controlled by youth gangs, domestic violence, impunity for most crimes, as well as economic despair and lack of opportunity. Many hoped to reunite with family members, especially parents, who are already in the United States. The wave of migrants has underscored chronic problems in the region that stem back decades. It is often assumed that international drug trafficking explains the surge in violence since 2009, but other important factors are also at play. Drug trafficking is certainly a factor, especially in areas where criminal control of territory and trafficking routes is contested, but drugs do not explain the entirety of the complex phenomenon. Other factors have also contributed. While there are important differences among the three countries, there are also common factors behind the violence. Strong gang presence in communities often results in competition for territorial and economic control through extortion, kidnapping and the retail sale of illegal drugs. Threats of violence and sexual assault are often tools of neighborhood control, and gang rivalries and revenge killings are commonplace. Elevated rates of domestic abuse, sexual violence, and weak family and household structures also contribute as children are forced to fend for themselves and often chose (or are coerced into) the relative "safety" of the gang or criminal group. Likewise, important external factors such a weak capacity among law enforcement institutions, elevated levels of corruption, and penetration of the state by criminal groups means impunity for crime is extraordinarily high (95 percent or more), and disincentives to criminal activity are almost non-existent. Public confidence in law enforcement is low and crime often goes unreported. U.S. policy and practice are also a major contributing factor to the violence. U.S. consumption of illegal drug remains among the highest in the world, and U.S. and Mexican efforts to interdict drug trafficking in the Caribbean and Mexico has contributed to the trade's relocation to Central America. Furthermore, the policy of deporting large numbers of young Central Americans in the 1990s and 2000s, many of them already gang members in the United States, helped transfer the problem of violent street gangs from the United States to Central America's northern triangle. El Salvador now has the largest number of gang members in Central America followed close behind by Honduras and Guatemala. Finally, the trafficking of firearms, especially from the United States, has also contributed to the lethality and morbidity of crime. Efforts to slow firearms trafficking from the United States have encountered many domestic and political barriers and continue largely unchecked. Over the past year, the Woodrow Wilson Center's Latin American Program has undertaken an extensive review of the principal United States security assistance program for the region-the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). This review has focused on the major security challenges in the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras and how CARSI seeks to address these. This publication includes country reports on each country including a review of the current in-country security context, as well as assessing CARSI's effectiveness for addressing these challenges. The report also includes a chapter providing an in-depth analysis of the geographic distribution of homicides and an examination of how such an analysis can help policy makers design more effective targeted strategies to lower violence. A final chapter outlining policy options for the future completes the report. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2015. 155p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/FINAL%20PDF_CARSI%20REPORT_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/FINAL%20PDF_CARSI%20REPORT_0.pdf Shelf Number: 135789 Keywords: Border Security Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Illegal Immigration Immigration Kidnapping Organized Crime Trafficking in Firearms

Author: Physicians for Human Rights Title: Patterns of Anti-Muslim Violence in Burma: A Call for Accountability and Prevention Summary: Violence against ethnic and other minority groups living in Burma (officially the Union of Myanmar) has marked the country's history over the past several decades. Burma's former military regime made common practice of targeting ethnic communities for forced labor, sexual violence, and other serious crimes. Under Burma's current nominally democratic government, violence against marginalized groups has escalated to an unprecedented level as Rohingyas and other Muslims throughout Burma face renewed acts of violence. Persecution and violence against Rohingyas, a Muslim group long excluded from Burmese society and denied citizenship, has spread to other Muslim communities throughout the country. Serious human rights violations, including anti-Muslim violence, have resulted in the displacement of nearly 250,000 people since June 2011, as well as the destruction of more than 10,000 homes, scores of mosques, and a dozen monasteries. The successive waves of violence too often go unpunished by the Burmese government. At times, the crimes have even been facilitated by the police. The failure of the Burmese government to properly protect its people and address human rights violations committed by police officers signals serious obstacles ahead on the path from military dictatorship to a truly democratic country where everyone has a voice and the rights of all people are respected and protected. One of the most extreme and alarming examples of anti-Muslim violence was the March 2013 massacre of dozens of Muslim students, teachers, and other community members in Meiktila, a town in central Burma. Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) conducted an in-depth investigation into those killings and released a report in May 2013 detailing the crimes. In an effort to place this particular incident in the wider context of ongoing violence, PHR produced this report to analyze and asses patterns of extreme violence from various sites across the country, which indicate that the government has consistently failed to properly address attacks driven by hate speech and racism. Further investigation by an independent commission is necessary to uncover additional details about the organization and motivation behind the recent violence. There are no simple solutions to stem rising tides of religious hatred and violence. The people of Burma face the significant task of choosing how to grapple with intolerance and anti-Muslim hatred, as well as myriad abuses by the government against other marginalized groups. The ultimate responsibility, however, rests with the Government of Burma, which must ensure that people are protected from violence and that any perpetrators are investigated, arrested, and charged according to fair and transparent legal standards. As this report demonstrates, while there have been several arrests following some of the most extreme outbreaks of violence, the government must do more not only to respond to the individual acts of violence, but also to promote an atmosphere of tolerance and acceptance where the rights of all people are protected. The Burmese government also has the responsibility to find durable solutions to end violence that respect ethnic diversity. Institutionalized displacement and segregation are abhorrent and unsustainable responses that have devastating consequences for those displaced by violence or fear of persecution. PHR conducted eight separate investigations in Burma and the surrounding region between 2004 and 2013. PHR's most recent field research in early 2013 indicates a need for renewed attention to violence against minorities and impunity for such crimes. The findings presented in this report are based on investigations conducted in Burma over two separate visits for a combined 21-day period between March and May 2013. The Government of Burma, civil society leaders, and the international community must act immediately to stop anti-Muslim violence in the country. The unhampered spread of violent incidents across Burma exposes concerning indicators of future violence. There is, for instance, rapid dissemination of hate speech against marginalized groups, widespread impunity for most perpetrators, and inaction or acquiescence by many leaders in government and the democracy movement. As we have witnessed in the past, these elements are ingredients for potential catastrophic violence in the future, including potential crimes against humanity and/or genocide. If left unchecked, this particular combination could lead to mass atrocities on a scale heretofore unseen in Burma. Details: New York: Physicians for Human Rights, 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: https://s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Burma-Violence-Report-August-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Burma URL: https://s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Burma-Violence-Report-August-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129780 Keywords: Bias-Related Crimes Ethnic Groups Hate Crimes Homicides Human Rights Abuses Minority Groups Muslims Religion Violence Violent Crime

Author: Paparazzo, John Title: Strategic Approaches to Preventing Multiple Casualty Violence: Report on the National Summit on Multiple Casualty Shootings. Summary: Immediately following the tragic shooting on July 20, 2012, at the Century movie theater in Aurora, Colorado, and in recognition of increased public alarm over multiple casualty violence in the United States, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's (DHS) Federal Law Enforcement Training Center (FLETC) began partnering with the U.S. Department of Justice's (DOJ) Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) and the Johns Hopkins University, School of Education, Division of Public Safety Leadership (JHU-PSL), to bring together a cross-section of stakeholders from a variety of disciplines, including law enforcement, health care, law, social sciences, education, and academia, for the purpose of improving the nation's ability to prevent such incidents. The three partners worked over the next several months to plan and coordinate the National Summit on Multiple Casualty Shootings, held at the FLETC's headquarters in Glynco, Georgia, December 11-13, 2012. More than two dozen experts from multiple disciplines assembled in an effort to advance the safety and security of the nation's communities: educational institutions, workplaces, public venues, places of worship, recreational areas, etc. The summit goal was to bring together a cadre of leaders and subject-area authorities to develop and propose a national dialogue on multiple casualty violence and to create a path forward. During the preliminary meeting phase of the summit, the planners developed a set of definitions to serve as a framework for discussions about preventing multiple casualty violence. The FLETC, COPS Office, and JHU-PSL invited subject-matter experts from a wide range of disciplines to engage a cross-section of professions positioned to help facilitate the prevention of multiple casualty violence. Over the course of the three-day summit, these participants further refined and structured the national dialogue on multiple casualty violence and discussed, debated, and built consensus on potential strategies for preventing such incidents. Through careful examination of voluminous summit notes and documentation, summit partners synthesized definitions into a common framework and developed recommendations for future actions. These delineate the direction of future conversations and meetings on preventing multiple casualty violence. Summary of Summit Recommendations Summit recommendations fell into a framework comprising one set focused on what institutions, including governmental and non-governmental organizations, can do to improve the prevention of multiple casualty violence, and one set centered on improving prevention efforts pertaining to individual subjects: Institution-focused 1. Maintain a multidisciplinary focus on preventing escalation toward a violent act. 2. Identify and promote the use of interdisciplinary models designed to prevent multiple casualty incidents through threat assessment and intervention. 3. Develop a public service campaign with a focus on the identification and notification of potential threats to begin a cultural shift toward the acceptability of reporting. 4. Better educate health care practitioners; school administrators, faculty, and staff; and law enforcement professionals about the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA), and the Privacy Act to alleviate misperceptions or perceived barriers to sharing information across disciplines. 5. Draft a model statute establishing affirmative requirements for pertinent professions to report bona fide indicators of potentially violent behavior. Details: Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2013. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 27, 2015 at: https://www.fletc.gov/sites/default/files/imported_files/publications/summits-on-preventing-multiple-causality-violence/e021311546_MultiCasualty-Violence_v508_05APR13.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.fletc.gov/sites/default/files/imported_files/publications/summits-on-preventing-multiple-causality-violence/e021311546_MultiCasualty-Violence_v508_05APR13.pdf Shelf Number: 129823 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Violence Multiple Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Levy, Horace Title: Inner city, killing streets, reviving community Summary: Jamaica stands out world-wide for its extremely high rate of homicides. Less known but no less significant is the steady and threatening rate of homicidal increase - and beyond the numbers the daily, endless weeping, the habituation to violence and its ingraining in the life of a people. Still less accessible to the world have been the predictions of knowledgeable observers on the ground for more than a decade that worse was to come. What did these observers see - who evidently did not find the source of the problem all that abstruse - that those did not who might have been able to check the increase, head off the consequences and prevent the pain? Or if they did, were slow or unwilling to act? And why so unseeing - and unwilling? Over 40 per cent of the homicides in Jamaica - it used to be 70 per cent until the epidemic spread - occur in the communities of Kingston's inner city and in a context of community violence. It is clearly necessary, if this current of homicidal violence is to be checked, to examine the community context, the possible sources there of the violence and any countering attempts that have been made, those in particular that have been effective. Hopefully any conclusions reached will have some impact on policy with those who make it. The task then is to trace, even if fairly briefly, the trajectory of violence since the formation of political parties in the late 1930s and early 1940s, while paying special attention to the underlying continuity factor, which is community. A theoretical framework highlighting the importance of the community in civil society as well as the contrary significance of violence will also be tentatively and summarily advanced. This study, then, adopts as a working hypothesis that, however insufficiently recognised by policy makers, community plays a critical role in local homicide. Historically on a national scale community has been paid enormous attention from the days of Jamaica Welfare, which was started in 1937 by Norman Manley, one of the "fathers of the nation". The specific quasi-community or anti-community formation playing a role in homicide is the "garrison". It came into existence between 1965 and 1975 - the major exemplars, that is, and since then most of lower-income Kingston has been garrisoned - but had its foundations laid much earlier. The organization and structure of governance of the garrison are carefully scrutinized in this paper, with examination of actual instances leading to the identification of a typology that explains much of garrison behaviour. Details: Kingston, Jamaica: Arawak, 2009. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Arawak Monograph Series: Accessed May 29, 2015 at: http://sta.uwi.edu/conferences/12/icopa/documents/Horace%20Levy%20PAPER%20Inner%20city%20killing%20streets%20reviving%20the%20community.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Jamaica URL: http://sta.uwi.edu/conferences/12/icopa/documents/Horace%20Levy%20PAPER%20Inner%20city%20killing%20streets%20reviving%20the%20community.pdf Shelf Number: 135799 Keywords: Communities Gangs Homicides Urban Areas and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Amiot, Michel Title: Jamaica Constabulary Force: Three Year Anti-Gang Strategic Plan Summary: In 2009, the Ministry of National Security (MNS) held a Symposium on Criminal Gangs in Jamaica. Among the key findings were: - Over the past two decades, Jamaica has experienced an increase in criminal gang activity, especially in the Kingston Metropolitan Area, where on average 80% of all murders occur annually; - The signing of a Peace Treaty between feuding gangs in St. Andrew Central, the control of bus terminals in Spanish Town by the major organized gangs and the rise of several gangs in St. James and Clarendon highlight the phenomena of gangs as an ongoing social crisis that critically and directly impacts on the state of crime and public safety in Jamaica; - Gangs are seen to be involved not only in traditional forms of criminal activity but also have expanded their range of activities to include sophisticated and technologically driven crimes; - The Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) estimated that there were at least two hundred (200) established gangs operating in Jamaica, mainly comprising of young men between the ages of 16 �V 30 years old1. Intelligence estimates showed that one hundred and twenty (120) of these gangs were actively engaged in shootings, murders, and other serious crimes such as car-jacking and theft, robberies, extortions, contract killings, and drug and gun smuggling; and, - Despite the impact that gangs have on crime in Jamaica, there remain gaps in the understanding of the structure and organization of gangs, how gangs might be defined in the Jamaican context, and consequently how the issues might be effectively dealt with to ensure public safety and a reduction in crime and violence. The following three-year Anti-Gang Strategic Plan combines the following 12 strategic measures: - Establish a gang unit within Organized Crime Investigation Division (OCID); - Establish a dedicated uniformed gang enforcement unit in each of the 19 Geographic Divisions; - Develop and dedicate covert evidence gathering and covert tactical resources within the current Flying Squad; - Designate one company of the Mobile Reserve as a Gang Response Unit; - Conduct Gang Specific Training; - Strengthen the intelligence gathering and dissemination process; - Create operational Implementation Working Group; - Widen and strengthen Social Services umbrella group, under PIOJ's Community Renewal Program (CRP) as a basic coordination mechanism; - Ensure that S&JWG adapted, empowered and motivated to oversee implementation of anti-gang Strategic Plan; - Establish or strengthen a fully operational, independent and universal body, with the official mandate and competence to investigate and prosecute all Economic & Financial Crime offenders, wherever they may be in Jamaica; - Strengthen the Judiciary; and, - Employ an Anti-Gang programme manager. Details: Kingston: Jamaica Constabulary, 2011. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 29, 2015 at: http://www.santarosa.fl.gov/coad/documents/threeyearantigangstrategy.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.santarosa.fl.gov/coad/documents/threeyearantigangstrategy.pdf Shelf Number: 135800 Keywords: Anti-Gang Prevention Crime Prevention Gang Violence Gangs Homicides Policing

Author: Santamaria, Gema Title: Drugs, gangs and vigilantes: how to tackle the new breeds of Mexican armed violence Summary: Since 2007 Mexico has experienced a steady increase in lethal and non-lethal forms of violence, including kidnappings, extortion, extra-judicial killings and forced disappearances. This spiral of violence has been driven by the consolidation and expansion of non-conventional armed actors operating in an institutional and political climate characterised by pervasive levels of corruption, impunity and criminal collusion. Public indignation over this state of affairs reached a high after the disappearance of 43 trainee teachers in the town of Iguala in September 2014. This report analyses the objectives, structures and impact of non-conventional armed actors in Mexico, focusing on drug-trafficking organisations, street gangs and so-called self-defence forces. It examines the pitfalls and lessons learned from the country's past and present security strategies, and lays out the basis for an alternative approach to understanding and tackling non-conventional armed violence. Based on a careful analysis of the dynamic and hybrid character of these groups, the report argues for an approach that prioritises the fight against corruption and the protection of embattled communities through localised prevention, geographic sequencing and knowledge-based policing. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre, 2014. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 2, 2015 at: http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/Santamar%C3%ADa_NOREF_Drugs%2C_gangs_and_vigilantes_December%202014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.clingendael.nl/sites/default/files/Santamar%C3%ADa_NOREF_Drugs%2C_gangs_and_vigilantes_December%202014.pdf Shelf Number: 135843 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Kidnapping Organized Crime Political Corruption Violence Violent Crime

Author: Gutierrez, Michel Estefan Title: Violence, In Mexico? Homicide in a Democratizing Society Summary: Scholars who study Mexico have recently argued that the process of democratization the country went through in the past three decades contributed to the upsurge in violence we are currently witnessing. As one regime collapsed and the other emerged, change begot violence. Amid the flood of unequivocal assertions, however, a simple question remains: exactly how violent is Mexico? So far, the academic literature has failed to paint a systematic picture of patterns of violence in Mexico. In this thesis, I set the record straight regarding violence in Mexico and its connection to the country's transition to democracy. I make two empirical contributions that are theoretically consequential. First, I show that regardless of the data source used, violence in Mexico as measured by homicide rates decreased steadily since the early 1990s until 2007. Second, using a series of multiple regression models to determine the effect of political competition and voting participation on homicide rates, I show that democracy has not made Mexico more violent, but less. These findings force us to revisit our understanding of late twentieth century Mexico as a violent, unruly society, as well as debates on the causes of violence in the last few years. They also open new paths for theoretical reflection, raising the puzzle of change without disruption. Details: Berkeley, CA: University of California, Berkeley, 2011. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: accessed June 3, 3015 at: http://www.cdeunodc.inegi.org.mx/articulos/doc/tesis2estefan.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cdeunodc.inegi.org.mx/articulos/doc/tesis2estefan.pdf Shelf Number: 129729 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Murders Violent Crime

Author: Ferguson, Claire Title: Arson-associated homicide in Australia: A five year follow-up Summary: Arson homicides are rare, representing only two percent of all homicides in Australia each year. In this study, data was collected from the AIC's National Homicide Monitoring Program (NHMP) to build on previous research undertaken into arson-associated homicides (Davies & Mouzos 2007) and to provide more detailed analysis of cases and offenders. Over the period 1989 to 2010, there were 123 incidents of arson-associated homicide, involving 170 unique victims and 131 offenders. The majority of incidents (63%) occurred in the victim's home and more than half (57%) of all victims were male. It was found that there has been a 44 percent increase in the number of incidents in the past decade. It is evident that a considerable proportion of the identified arson homicides involved a high degree of premeditation and planning. These homicides were commonly committed by an offender who was well known to the victim, with over half of the victims (56%) specifically targeted by the offender. This paper therefore provides a valuable insight into the nature of arson homicides and signposts areas for further investigation. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2015. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 484: Accessed July 9, 2015 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi484.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi484.pdf Shelf Number: 135982 Keywords: Arson Arsonists Homicides

Author: Livingston, Andrew Title: A Reputation for Violence: Fractionalization's Impact on Criminal Reputation and the Mexican State Summary: Friday night, July 8th 2011 - gunmen aligned with Los Zetas smash their way into a bar in the Northern Mexican city of Monterrey. They open fire and kill 20 people while wounding even more. The next morning, in an unrelated incident, police find 10 people shot and left to rot in an abandoned SUV. In just 24 short hours, 30 people are added to the ever-expanding casualty count. Horrific days of violence like these have become more frequent over the past few years. The Government of Mexico responds to violent organized criminal groups (OCGs) by increasing enforcement and the OCGs retaliate with brazen acts of aggressive defiance. The 15,000 that died in 2010 alone, elevates the death toll from the Mexican Drug War to around 35,000 since 2007. These huge numbers have a way of desensitizing us to the reality of death. That cannot be allowed to happen. On average, 14 sons, daughters, husbands, wives, friends and neighbors are murdered every day in the violent border city of Juarez. Fourteen died yesterday and more will perish today, tomorrow, and the day after. In an effort to reduce violence and the power of criminal organizations, US and Mexican strategy has focused primarily on removing high valued targets within an OCG's top leadership in order to fracture the organization's power structure. Mexican President Felipe Calderon believes breaking up the gangs will turn a criminal problem that threatens Mexican national security into a regional safety issue. But in the short run fragmentation causes spikes in violence because conflicts arise within and between criminal organizations. After the pre-existing power relationship disintegrates, leaders of criminal groups attempt to increase their market share by muscling out the competition. The United States Drug Enforcement Administration views this escalation in violence as "a sign of success in the fight against drugs" an instance of "caged animals, attacking one another." But this view may be oversimplified. Organized crime groups are horizontally structured for-profit criminal businesses that operate to maximize revenues gained from illegal activities. They typically engage in violence only when it serves a specific business purpose. The strategy of continually breaking apart criminal organizations has kept the balance of power from reaching a stable equilibrium. These uncertain conditions incentivize OCGs to forcefully take advantage of their rivals' unstable control over market share. But physical violence is only one way to increase market share and control competitors. Establishing a threatening reputation from past displays of violence and corrupting government officials are integral components of a combined strategy that allow an OCG to attain a dominant status within the market hierarchy without having to resort to expensive warfare. The following analysis considers criminal violence in Mexico from an economic perspective of illegal firms' incentives to build violent reputation capital. Studying the costs and benefits of utilizing violent intimidation and institutional corruption to gain an economic advantage provides an objective point from which the success or failure of the US-Mexican strategy of fragmentation can be analyzed. Reputation building by criminal organizations will be discussed in the context of their effect on the local population, the government and rival OCGs. This analysis will attempt to answer the central question of whether President Calderon's war against the organized crime groups increases violence and destabilizes the Mexican state. In the end, the continuous periods of intense violence that occur when government enforcement keeps the market destabilized perpetuates an environment where reputation must be constantly rebuilt and reaffirmed with actual displays of violence. This violent environment selects for the most aggressive and brutal leaders all while overburdening criminal justice system and eroding public confidence in the rule of law. Going after the dangerous criminals that control Mexico's illicit underworld sounds like a reasonable and responsible plan to weaken their power over the state but in the end, constantly breaking apart criminal organizations exacerbates many of the problems the government is trying to solve. Details: Hamilton, NY: Colgate University, 2011. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2015 at: http://www.colgate.edu/portaldata/imagegallerywww/096e1793-d3a4-43b3-b7fa-bd595c56c799/ImageGallery/LivingstonA(1)FinalCopy.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.colgate.edu/portaldata/imagegallerywww/096e1793-d3a4-43b3-b7fa-bd595c56c799/ImageGallery/LivingstonA(1)FinalCopy.pdf Shelf Number: 135999 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime War on drugs

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Summary: Between 2002 and 2008, army brigades across Colombia routinely executed civilians. Under pressure from superiors to show "positive" results and boost body counts in their war against guerrillas, soldiers and officers abducted victims or lured them to remote locations under false pretenses - such as with promises of work - killed them, placed weapons on their lifeless bodies, and then reported them as enemy combatants killed in action. Committed on a large scale for more than half a decade, these "false positive" killings constitute one of the worst episodes of mass atrocity in the Western Hemisphere in recent decades. In September 2008, a media scandal over army troops' killings of young men and teenage boys from the Bogota suburb of Soacha helped force the government to take serious measures to stop the crimes, including by dismissing three army generals. Prosecutors are now investigating more than 3,000 alleged false positives by military personnel. Upwards of 800 army members have been convicted for extrajudicial killings committed between 2002 and 2008, most of them low-ranking soldiers. The convictions have covered a handful of former battalion and other tactical unit commanders, but not a single officer who was commanding a brigade or holding a position higher up the chain of command at the time of the crimes. Of the 16 active and retired army generals under investigation, none have been charged. This report provides the most detailed published account to date of criminal investigations into many specific brigades and battalions responsible for large numbers of alleged false positive killings, lays out the now substantial evidence that senior army officers were responsible for many of the killings, and assesses the obstacles that so far have impeded such officers from being held accountable. The report is based on our extensive review of criminal case files, judicial rulings, and data on prosecutors' investigations into false positives; witness testimony, much of it previously unpublished; and our interviews with more than 40 prosecutors, witnesses, victims' family members, and lawyers, among others. Our analysis of the Attorney General's Office's work shows that prosecutors have identified more than 180 battalions and other tactical units, attached to 41 brigades, operating under all of the army's then-seven divisions, which allegedly committed extrajudicial killings between 2002 and 2008. The patterns in these cases strongly suggest that commanders in tactical units and brigades responsible for a significant number of cases at least knew or should have known about the wrongful killings, and therefore may be criminally liable as a matter of command responsibility. This report profiles 11 such brigades and many of the specific tactical units operating under them implicated in the killings. Some of the commanders of those 11 brigades subsequently rose to the top of the military command. For example, Attorney General's Office data shows prosecutors are investigating: - At least 44 alleged extrajudicial killings by 4th Brigade troops during the period retired General Mario Montoya commanded it. He became the army�s top commander in 2006-2008; - At least 113 alleged extrajudicial killings by 4th Brigade troops during the period retired General Oscar Gonzalez Pena commanded it. He became the army's top commander in 2008-2010; - At least 28 alleged extrajudicial killings by 4th Brigade troops during the period General Juan Pablo Rodriguez Barragan commanded it. As the current commander of the armed forces, he is now Colombia's top military official, and oversees all three military branches, including the army; and - At least 48 alleged extrajudicial killings by 9th Brigade troops during the period General Jaime Lasprilla Villamizar commanded it. He is now the army�s top commander. Human Rights Watch also identified witness testimony and prosecutor� files naming three of these, as well as other, generals and colonels who allegedly knew of, or planned, ordered, or otherwise facilitated false positives. Their positions at the time of the crimes included battalion, brigade, and division commanders, as well as one head of the army. Indeed, the apparently widespread and systematic extrajudicial killings by troops attached to virtually all brigades in every single division across Colombia point to the conclusion that the highest levels of the army command at least should have known about the killings, and may have ordered or otherwise actively furthered their commission. Our research also shows that prosecutors pursuing false positive cases confront serious obstacles, ranging from military authorities' lack of cooperation with investigations, to threats and attacks on key witnesses. Furthermore, many cases remain in military courts. This undercuts accountability because military justice system personnel have historically failed to investigate the crimes, and continue to lack independence and credibility. There have also been shortcomings within the Attorney General's Office, including what some prosecutors describe as overwhelming caseloads. Moreover, cases from the same army unit are generally distributed among different prosecutors, which prevents them from conducting the kind of contextualized and systematic investigations necessary to identify high-ranking perpetrators. Attorney General's Office officials said they are in the process of adopting measures to remedy these internal problems. Seven years after the false positives scandal erupted, there is abundant evidence indicating that numerous senior army officers bear responsibility and it is imperative that the government do more to ensure they are held accountable. Important steps include ordering military authorities to cooperate with false positive investigations, assigning sufficient prosecutors to pursue them, protecting witnesses and their families, and making sure that any transitional justice legislation implemented as part of a peace agreement with guerrillas does not hinder accountability for the crimes. Bringing to justice those most responsible for one of the darkest chapters in Colombia's long war will not be easy, but it is entirely within the government's control to do so. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2015 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/colombia0615_4up.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Colombia URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/colombia0615_4up.pdf Shelf Number: 136001 Keywords: Extrajudicial Killings Homicides Political Corruption

Author: Athwal, Harmit Title: Investigated or ignored? An Analysis of race-related deaths since the Macpherson report Summary: Investigated or ignored? An analysis of race-related deaths since the Macpherson report, analyses the criminal justice system's response to racist murders, or attacks with a known or suspected racial element, since the publication of the Macpherson report. Details: London: Institute of Race Relations, 2014 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2015 at: http://www.irr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Investigated-or-ignored.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Arab Emirates URL: http://www.irr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Investigated-or-ignored.pdf Shelf Number: 136071 Keywords: Homicides Race/Ethnicity

Author: Miraglia, Paula Title: Drugs and Drug Trafficking in Brazil: Trends and Policies Summary: Key Findings - Brazil is one of the most violent countries in the world with a national homicide rate of 27.1 per 100,000 inhabitants. A large part of this violence and criminality can be linked to arms and drug trafficking operations by organized crime groups. - Brazil's increased domestic drug consumption in recent years has affected the domestic drug market and changed the structure, profile, and modes of operation of organized crime groups. - In 2006, Brazil adopted a new drug law intended to make a clear and definitive distinction between drug users and dealers. However, a discriminatory culture in the justice system, combined with great discretion given to the authorities to classify offenses as trafficking, resulted in increased imprisonment of addicts. - Today, Brazil has the world's fourth largest imprisoned population, which points to the need for alternatives in dealing with violence and crime, particularly when related to drug consumption. - Brazil boasts innovative programs, such as the Sao Paulo de Bracos Abertos program and the Unidades de Pol�cia Pacificadora in Rio de Janeiro, but each of these faces complex challenges to their success. Policy Recommendations - Brazil needs criminal justice system reform, together with improved drug legislation that classifies offenses more precisely, to minimize the discretionary imprisonment of addicts. - Brazil should develop improved mechanisms to prevent police brutality and lethality, and should also adopt reforms to improve police efficiency and effectiveness. - Brazil should mainstream the concept of prevention in its domestic drug policy programs. Details: Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2015. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 20, 2015 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Research/Files/Papers/2015/04/global-drug-policy/Miraglia--Brazil-final.pdf?la=en Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Research/Files/Papers/2015/04/global-drug-policy/Miraglia--Brazil-final.pdf?la=en Shelf Number: 136103 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Policy Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime

Author: Calderon, Gabriela Title: The Beheading of Criminal Organizations and the Dynamics of Violence in Mexico Summary: In 2006 the Mexican government launched an aggressive campaign to weaken drug- trafficking organizations (DTOs). The security policies differed significantly from those of previous administrations in the use of a leadership strategy (the targeting for arrest of the highest levels or core leadership of criminal networks). While these strategies can play an important role in disrupting the targeted criminal organization, they can also have unintended consequences, increasing inter-cartel and intra-cartel fighting and fragmenting criminal organizations. What impact do captures of senior drug cartel members have on the dynamics of drug-related violence? Does it matter if governments target drug kingpins vs. lower ranked lieutenants? We analyze whether the captures or killings of kingpins and lieutenants have increased drug-related violence and whether the violence spills over spatially. To estimate effects that are credibly causal, we use different empirical strategies that combine difference-in-differences and synthetic control group methods. We find evidence that captures or killings of drug cartel leaders have exacerbating effects not only on DTO-related violence, but also on homicides that affect the general population. Captures or killings of lieutenants, for their part, only seem to exacerbate violence in "strategic places" or municipalities located in the transportation network. While most of the effects on DTO-related violence are found in the first six months after a leader's removal, effects on homicides affecting the rest of the population are more enduring, suggesting different mechanisms through which leadership neutralizations breed violence. Details: Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, 2015. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: CDDRL Working Paper: Accessed July 20, 2015 at: http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/publication/beheading-criminal-organizations-and-dynamics-violence-mexico%E2%80%99s-drug-war Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/publication/beheading-criminal-organizations-and-dynamics-violence-mexico%E2%80%99s-drug-war Shelf Number: 136109 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime

Author: Teplin, Linda A. Title: Violent Death in Delinquent Youth After Detention Summary: This bulletin examines the results of the Northwestern Juvenile Project - a longitudinal study of youth detained at the Cook County Juvenile Temporary Detention Center in Chicago, IL. Among the issues under examination, the authors looked at mortality rates among the youth enrolled in the project. Some findings include the following: - The standardized mortality rate for delinquent youth is more than four times the rate for youth in the general population. - The mortality rate for delinquent female youth is nearly eight times the rate in the general population. - The vast majority of deaths among delinquent youth were homicides from gunshot wounds. - African American youth continue to experience the highest mortality rate. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2015. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: OJJDP Juvenile Justice Bulletin: Accessed July 20, 2015 at: http://www.ojjdp.gov/pubs/248408.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.ojjdp.gov/pubs/248408.pdf Shelf Number: 136113 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Juvenile Offenders Racial Disparities Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Heinle, Kimberly Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2014 Summary: - Violence is lower in Mexico than elsewhere in the Americas, but average for the region. Levels of violence are relatively lower in Mexico than in several other countries in the Americas, but are about average for the Western Hemisphere. Mexico's 2012 homicide rate of 21.5 was just above the region's average of approximately 21.4 homicides per 100,000 people. However, this was up nearly threefold from Mexico's rate of 8.1 per 100,000 in 2007. No other country in the hemisphere has seen such a large increase in the number or rate of homicides over the last decade. - Homicides had been declining through the mid-2000s, reaching a record low in 2007. Continuing a long-term trend, the number of intentional homicides documented by Mexico's National Institute of Statistics, Geography, and Information (INEGI) declined significantly under both presidents Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000) and Vicente Fox (2000-2006). Under Zedillo, the number of intentional homicides declined fairly steadily from 15,839 in 1994 to 10,737 in 2000, totaling 80,311 homicides. The annual number of homicides fluctuated somewhat under Fox, but continued to decline generally, with a total of 60,162 homicides. Moreover, the number of homicides actually reached a record low of 8,867 intentional homicides in 2007, the first full year in office for Felipe Calderon (2006-2012). - Violence grew dramatically after 2008, with the number of homicides peaking in 2011. After Calderon's first year, the number of intentional homicides documented by INEGI climbed sharply, with year-over-year increases of more than 58% in 2008, 41% in 2009, 30% in 2010, and 5% in 2011. As predicted by last year's Justice in Mexico drug violence report, the number of intentional homicides documented by INEGI declined somewhat in 2012, Calderon's final year in office. Specifically, our March 2013 report predicted that INEGI would register a modest decline for 2012 (no greater than 8.5%). According to figures released in late-2013, the number of intentional homicides documented by INEGI for 2012 declined about 4% to 26,037. All told, throughout the Calderon administration, INEGI reported 121,669 homicides, an average of over 20,000 people per year, more than 55 people per day, or just over two people every hour. - The total number of homicides appears to have declined by nearly 15% again in 2014. While INEGI's figures are not available for 2014, preliminary data from Mexico's National Security System (SNSP) suggests that the total number of intentional homicides in 2013 declined again this year by about the same proportion as in 2013. However, some analysts are skeptical about SNSP's data because of concerns about possible political manipulation by the Peea Nieto administration, so these findings should be viewed with caution. Keeping such concerns in mind, at the time of this report, SNSP's tally of all intentional homicides in 2014 was 15,649, down 13.8% from the 18,146 reported for 2013 the same time last year. The authors estimate a more modest rate of decline (about 9%) for INEGI's figures, to be released later in 2015. - Mexico's recent violence is largely attributable to drug trafficking and organized crime. A large part of the sudden increase in violence in Mexico is attributable to drug trafficking and organized crime groups. Tallies compiled independently by media organizations in Mexico suggest that at least a third and as many as half of all intentional homicides in 2014 bore characteristics typical of organized-crime related killings, including the use of high-caliber automatic weapons, torture, dismemberment, and explicit messages involving organized-crime groups. The Mexican newspaper Reforma put the figure at 6,400 organized-crime-style homicides in 2014 (though its coverage appeared to be less complete and less consistent with other sources than previous years), while Milenio reported 7,993 for the year. - Amid declining violence, serious security crises continued in central & Pacific states. Even amid the overall reduction in violence, there were serious security crises in central and Pacific states, notably the states of Guerrero, Mexico, and Michoacan. In early 2014, clashes broke out between the Knights Templar Organization (Caballeros Templarios, or KTO) and local "self-defense" (autodefensa) groups in Michoacan, causing the federal government to intervene and deputize some self-defense groups, creating official Rural Defense Forces. In late 2014, there were a series of violent crackdowns by authorities that resulted in the deaths of scores of people - including both alleged criminals and innocent civilians - in the states of Mexico and Guerrero, provoking national and international condemnations. In particular, when municipal authorities in the town of Iguala, Guerrero allegedly turned over dozens of student protestors to a local organized crime group known as the Guerreros Unidos, the perceived corruption and ineptitude of government officials led to massive protests and even acts of violence throughout the country. - The Mexican government arrested major drug traffickers, including "El Chapo" Guzman. Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto (2012-2018) has continued the previous administration's efforts to arrest major organized crime figures. In early 2014, the Pena Nieto administration succeeded in arresting Mexico's most notorious drug trafficker Joaqu�n "El Chapo" Guzman (head of the Sinaloa Cartel). In 2014, federal authorities also eliminated key leaders of the Knights Templar Organization, killing Nazario Moreno Gonzalez, a.k.a. "El Chayo" (who had been previously presumed dead) and Enrique "El Kike" Plancarte Solis. In early 2015, authorities continued to make important arrests targeting the Knights Templar Organization, the Gulf Cartel, the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion, and the Zetas. - Recent organized crime arrests have not appeared to produce large spikes in violence. Some experts say that destroying leadership structures leads to greater violence because it contributes to infighting, splintering, and/or encroachment by rival criminal organizations. However, compared to previous years, the Mexican government's arrests of high-level members of organized crime groups have not resulted in such dramatic surges in violence due to infighting, splintering, or encroachment by rival criminal organizations. This may be attributable to a number of factors, including the dwindling size and capacity of criminal organizations in Mexico, the reduction in competition over drug production and trafficking routes, and/or the possible collusion of government officials to broker a peace. - Mexican security efforts appear more focused on prevention and criminal justice reform. While President Pena Nieto continued the same strategies of the previous administration during his first year in office, he also began to emphasize crime prevention and judicial system reform more strongly than in the past. Indeed, both the federal and state governments have moved into high gear in the effort to transition Mexico to a new oral, adversarial criminal procedure - popularly referred to as "oral trials" (juicios orales) - that proponents believe will provide greater transparency, efficiency, and fairness in the Mexican criminal justice system. In 2014, the Pena Nieto administration moved these efforts forward considerably by approving a Unified Code of Criminal Procedure that will be implemented at the federal and state levels throughout the country by June 2016. Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico Project, University of San Diego, 2015. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 23, 2015 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/2015-Drug-Violence-in-Mexico-final.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/2015-Drug-Violence-in-Mexico-final.pdf Shelf Number: 136142 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Drugs and Crime Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "They Burned It All": Destruction of Villages, Killings, and Sexual Violence Summary: In late April, 2015, South Sudan's government began a multi-pronged military campaign in Unity state to recapture territory under the control of rebels headed by the country's former vice president Riek Machar. In the course of the military operations in central Unity state, government forces, fighting alongside militia from the Bul Nuer ethnic group, committed serious violations of international law that may constitute both war crimes and crimes against humanity. The violations include killings of civilians, widespread violence against women and girls, including rape, the systematic pillage of civilian property including theft of cattle and routine burning of civilian homes and infrastructure. Government soldiers also killed civilians and burned civilian property during their attacks into southern Unity state. The result has been the forced displacement of tens of thousands of people who have lost the homes and food they need to survive. Based on over 170 interviews conducted in June and July with survivors and witnesses who were displaced by fighting or attacks on their villages, "They Burned It All": Destruction of Villages, Killings, and Sexual Violence in South Sudan's Unity State documents more than 60 unlawful killings of civilian women, men and children, including the elderly, some by hanging others by shooting, or being burned alive. Human Rights Watch calls on all parties to the conflict to immediately end the serious abuses that have persistently characterized South Sudan's current conflict, and for all stakeholders to take meaningful steps to provide justice to the victims through the establishment of an independent hybrid court and/or the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. Human Rights Watch also urges the United Nations Security Council and African Union to immediately impose a comprehensive arms embargo on South Sudan. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 24, 2015 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/southsudan0715_web_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Sudan URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/southsudan0715_web_0.pdf Shelf Number: 136157 Keywords: Homicides Human Rights Violence Against Women, Girls

Author: Beittel, June S. Title: Mexico: Organized Crime and Drug Trafficking Organizations Summary: Reversing a fairly robust record of capturing and imprisoning leaders of Mexico's drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), the escape of notorious cartel leader Joaquin El Chapo Guzman on July 11, 2015, was a huge setback for the Mexican government already beleaguered by charges of corruption and low approval ratings. Mexico's efforts to combat drug traffickers have touched all of the major organizations that once dominated the illicit drug trade: for example, the February 2014 capture of Guzman who leads Sinaloa, Mexico's largest drug franchise; top leaders of Los Zetas in 2013 and March 2015; the October 2014 arrests of Hector Beltran Leyva of the Beltran Leyva Organization and, later, of Vicente Carrillo Fuentes of the once-dominant Juarez cartel. The DTOs have been in constant flux in recent years. By some accounts, in December 2006 there were four dominant DTOs: the Tijuana/Arellano Felix organization (AFO), the Sinaloa cartel, the Juarez/Vicente Carillo Fuentes organization (CFO), and the Gulf cartel. Since then, the more stable large organizations have fractured into many more groups. In recent years, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) identified the following organizations as dominant: Sinaloa, Los Zetas, Tijuana/AFO, Juarez/CFO, Beltran Leyva, Gulf, and La Familia Michoacana. In some sense, these might be viewed as the traditional DTOs. However, many analysts suggest that those 7 seem to have now fragmented to 9 or as many as 20 major organizations. Several analysts estimate there have been at least 80,000 homicides linked to organized crime since 2006. Few dispute that the annual tally of organized crime-related homicides in Mexico has declined since 2011, although there is disagreement about the rate of decline. It appears that the steep increase in organized crime-related homicides during the six-year administration of Mexican President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012) is likely to trend down far more slowly than it rose. The Mexican government no longer publishes data on organized crime-related homicides. However, the government reported the rate of all homicides in Mexico has declined by 30% since 2012 (roughly 15% in 2013, and another 15% in 2014). Although murder rates have diminished, the incidence of other violent crimes targeting Mexican citizens, such as kidnapping and extortion, has increased through 2013 and stayed elevated. Notably, questions about the accuracy of the government's crime statistics persist. Former President Calderon made his aggressive campaign against the DTOs a defining policy of his government, which the DTOs violently resisted. Operations to eliminate DTO leaders sparked organizational change that led to significantly greater instability among the groups and continued violence. Since his inauguration in December 2012, Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto has faced an increasingly complex crime situation. The major DTOs have fragmented, and new crime groups have emerged. Meanwhile, the DTOs and other criminal gangs furthered their expansion into other illegal activities, such as extortion, kidnapping, and oil theft, and the organizations now pose a multi-faceted organized criminal challenge to governance in Mexico no less threatening to the rule of law than the challenge that faced Pena Nieto's predecessor. According to the Pena Nieto Administration, 93 of the 122 top criminal targets that their government has identified have been arrested or otherwise "neutralized" (killed in arrest efforts) as of May 2015, although Guzman's escape confounds that achievement. Congress remains concerned about security conditions inside Mexico and the illicit drug trade. The Mexican DTOs are the major wholesalers of illegal drugs in the United States and are increasingly gaining control of U.S. retail-level distribution through alliances with U.S. gangs. This report provides background on drug trafficking and organized crime inside Mexico: it identifies the major DTOs, and it examines how the organized crime "landscape" has been significantly altered by fragmentation. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2015. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: R41576: Accessed July 28, 2015 at: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf Shelf Number: 136160 Keywords: Border Patrol Border Security Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime

Author: Krouse, William J. Title: Mass Murder with Firearms: Incidents and Victims, 1999-2013 Summary: In the wake of tragedy in Newtown CT, Congress defined "mass killings" as "3 or more killings in a single incident" (P.L. 112-265). Any consideration of new or existing gun laws that follows mass shootings is likely to generate requests for comprehensive data on the prevalence and deadliness of these incidents. Despite the pathos of mass shootings, only a handful of researchers and journalists have analyzed the principal source of homicide data in the United States-the Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR) compiled by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)-to determine whether those incidents have become more prevalent and deadly. According to the FBI, the term "mass murder" has been defined generally as a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered, within one event, and in one or more locations in close geographical proximity. Based on this definition, for the purposes of this report, "mass shooting" is defined as a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered with firearms, within one event, and in one or more locations in close proximity. Similarly, a "mass public shooting" is defined to mean a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered with firearms, within one event, in at least one or more public locations, such as, a workplace, school, restaurant, house of worship, neighborhood, or other public setting. This report analyzes mass shootings for a 15-year period (1999-2013). CRS analysis of the FBI SHR dataset and other research indicates that offenders committed at least 317 mass shootings, murdered 1,554 victims, and nonfatally wounded another 441 victims entirely with firearms during that 15-year period. The prevalence of mass shooting incidents and victim counts fluctuated sporadically from year to year. For the period 2007-2013, the annual averages for both incidents and victim counts were slightly higher than the years from 1999-2007. With data provided by criminologist Grant Duwe, CRS also compiled a 44-year (1970-2013) dataset of firearms-related mass murders that could arguably be characterized as "mass public shootings." These data show that there were on average: - one (1.1) incident per year during the 1970s (5.5 victims murdered, 2.0 wounded per incident), - nearly three (2.7) incidents per year during the 1980s (6.1 victims murdered, 5.3 wounded per incident), - four (4.0) incidents per year during the 1990s (5.6 victims murdered, 5.5 wounded per incident), - four (4.1) incidents per year during the 2000s (6.4 victims murdered, 4.0 wounded per incident), and - four (4.5) incidents per year from 2010 through 2013 (7.4 victims murdered, 6.3 wounded per incident). These decade-long averages suggest that the prevalence, if not the deadliness, of "mass public shootings" increased in the 1970s and 1980s, and continued to increase, but not as steeply, during the 1990s, 2000s, and first four years of the 2010s. Mass shootings are arguably one of the worst manifestations of gun violence. As discussed in this report, statute, media outlets, gun control and rights advocates, law enforcement agencies, and researchers often adopt different definitions of "mass killing," "mass murder," and "mass shooting," contributing to a welter of claims and counter-claims about the prevalence and deadliness of mass shootings. With improved data, policymakers would arguably have additional vantage points from which to assess the legislative proposals that are inevitably made in the wake of these tragedies. Toward these ends, Congress could consider directing one or several federal agencies, including but not limited to the FBI and BJS, to improve collection of data on multiple-victim homicides. Congress could also direct federal agencies, possibly the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, to report annually on firearms-related mass murders, including data on (1) offender acquisition of firearms, (2) types of firearms used, (3) amounts and types of ammunition carried and shots fired, (4) killed and wounded counts, (5) offender histories of mental illness and domestic violence, and (6) victim-offender relationships. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2015. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 3, 2015 at: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44126.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44126.pdf Shelf Number: 136296 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Mass Homicides Mass Murders Violent Crimes

Author: Ingram, Matthew C. Title: Homicide in El Salvador's Municipalities: Spatial Clusters and the Causal Role of Neighborhood Effects, Population Pressures, Poverty, and Education Summary: Violence directly affects individual and community well-being, and is also increasingly understood to undercut democracy and development. For public health scholars, violence presents a direct harm to health and well-being. In the worst cases, violence is lethal. Violence also generates serious costs to democracy. Fear and insecurity erode public trust and interpersonal confidence, hindering civic engagement and participation in public life. Further, low public trust undermines the legitimacy of democratic institutions, and persistent insecurity can generate support for heavy-handed or authoritarian policies. Indeed, in some new democracies in the region, including El Salvador, frustration with criminal violence has led majorities to support a return to authoritarian government. Across the region, polls identify crime and citizen security as top policy priorities. Thus, the prevention and reduction of violence is crucial to democratic stability. Lastly, violence generates heavy economic costs, dampening development. In the U.S., Miller and Cohen (1997) estimated the annual financial costs of gun shots alone at $126 billion. Similarly, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) found that the health care costs of violence constituted 1.9 percent of Gross Domestic Product in Brazil, 5.0 percent in Colombia, 4.3 percent in El Salvador, 1.3 percent in Mexico, 1. percent in Peru and 0.3 percent in Venezuela5. Along with law enforcement costs, costs to the court system, economic losses due to violence, and the cost of private security, violent crime has been estimated to cost Brazil 10.5 percent of GDP, Venezuela 11.3 percent, Mexico 12.3 percent, and El Salvador and Colombia more than 24 percent of GDP. Restating, violence costs several countries, including El Salvador, 10-20 percent of GDP. Given that GDP growth rates of three to four percent would be considered healthy, a substantial reduction of violence in these countries would have dramatic benefits for development. In sum, concerns about public health, democracy, and development motivate the need for a better understanding of the patterns and causes of violence, and of the need to translate this understanding into improved violence-reduction policies. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Latin American Program, 2014. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed August 4, 2015 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Homicides_El_Salvador.pdf Year: 2014 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Homicides_El_Salvador.pdf Shelf Number: 136308 Keywords: Homicides Murders Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: del Frate, Anna Alvazzi Title: Every Body Counts: Measuring Violent Deaths Summary: September 2015 world leaders will meet at the UN to adopt the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),which will be the international development framework that will replace the current Millennium Development Goals. The seventeen proposed goals and associated targets are planned to run until 2030. Among them, Goal 16 focuses on peaceful and inclusive societies, access to justice, and accountable institutions. The inclusion of Goal 16 in the reflects the growing acceptance that issues related to peace, security, and good governance should play a role in the post-2015 development framework. This progress of a global agenda on peace and development has been possible thanks to the work of several processes, including the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development (GD), which calls for measurable reductions in the burden of armed violence that humankind faces. The Small Arms Survey has been the leading research partner of the Geneva Declaration's 'measurability pillar' since the beginning of the initiative. The Global Burden of Armed Violence reports (2008, 2011 and 2015) have used 'violent deaths' as the main indicator for measuring and monitoring the scope and impact of armed violence globally, and refined a methodology for its collection and analysis. The violent death of a human being is the most extreme consequence of armed violence, and is treated seriously in all societies. For this reason it is likely to be recorded more accurately than other violent events. As a consequence, the number of persons who die violently is frequently used as a proxy measure for insecurity in both conflict and non-conflict settings. The Global Burden of Armed Violence reports focus on lethal violence shows that 'violent deaths' is a realistic indicator for policy-making (towards goals and targets) and for the purpose of measuring the results of armed violence prevention and reduction programmes. This experience is of great value to the current discussion around targets and indicators for Goal 16. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes, No. 49: Accessed August 5, 2015 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-49.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-49.pdf Shelf Number: 136341 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Violent Crime Weapons and Violence

Author: Carapic, Jovana Title: Violent Deaths Due to Legal Interventions Summary: Killings during 'legal interventions' - the 'killing of civilians by law enforcement officials, or killings of law enforcement officials on duty' -accounted for an estimated 19,000 violent deaths each year during 2007-2012; which is 4 per cent of the 508,000 total violent deaths each year during that period. Such events raise questions about security policy, the role and accountability of the state and law enforcement agencies, the legitimacy of certain state actions, and potential avenues for security sector reform. The use of lethal force by law enforcement officers, including their use of firearms, may be the norm in situations where police face high levels of violence and where law enforcement agencies have adopted highly militarized tactics, however police forces operating under other circumstances seldom resort to the use of firearms. Violent Deaths due to Legal Interventions, a new Research Note by the Small Arms Survey and the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development, summarizes key findings of the research on legal interventions conducted for the 2011 and 2015 editions of the Global Burden of Armed Violence, with a view to advancing the debate on the coherence, comprehensiveness, and comparability of relevant data within and across countries. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Small Arms Survey Research Notes No. 53: Accessed August 5, 2015 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-53.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-53.pdf Shelf Number: 136342 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Violence Crime Weapons

Author: Amnesty International Title: You Killed My Son: Homicides by Military Police in the City of Rio de Janeiro Summary: Extrajudicial executions at the hands of police officials are frequent in Brazil. In the context of the so-called "war on drugs", military police forces have unnecessarily and excessively used lethal force, resulting in the deaths of thousands of people over the past decade. The authorities often use the legal term of "resistance followed by death" as a smokescreen to cover up killings committed by the police officers. This report is based on a series of cases of police killings that occurred during 2014 and 2015 in the city of Rio de Janeiro, particularly in the favela of Acari. Details: London; Amnesty International, 2015. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 14, 2015 at: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/youkilled_final_bx.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/youkilled_final_bx.pdf Shelf Number: 136430 Keywords: Deadly Force Homicides Police Brutality Police Use Force War on Drugs

Author: Althaus, Dudley Title: Mexico's Security Dilemma: Michoacan's Militias. The Rise of Vigilantism in Mexico and Its Implications Going Forward Summary: Since 2006, violence and criminality in Mexico have reached new heights. Battles amongst criminal organizations and between them have led to an unprecedented spike in homicides and other crimes. Large criminal groups have fragmented and their remnants have diversified their criminal portfolios to include widespread and systematic extortion of the civilian population. The state has not provided a satisfactory answer to this issue. In fact, government actors and security forces have frequently sought to take part in the pillaging. Frustrated and desperate, many community leaders, farmers and business elites have armed themselves and created so-called "self-defense" groups. Self-defense groups have a long history in Mexico, but they have traditionally been used to deal with petty crime in mostly indigenous communities. These efforts are recognized by the constitution as legitimate and legal. But the new challenges to security by criminal organizations have led to the emergence of this new generation of militias. The strongest of these vigilante organizations are in Michoacan, an embattled western state where a criminal group called the Knights Templar had been victimizing locals for years and had co-opted local political power. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute, 2014. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 17, 2015 at: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/MichSelfDefense_Althaus_Dudley.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/MichSelfDefense_Althaus_Dudley.pdf Shelf Number: 136439 Keywords: Gangs Homicides Militias Organized Crime Vigilantism Violence

Author: Australia. Senate Finance and Public Administration References Committee Title: Domestic violence in Australia Summary: In 2013, the World Health Organisation found that more than one third of all women have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence and that these findings show it is a 'global public health problem of epidemic proportions requiring urgent action'. In Australia, women are over-represented in intimate partner homicides. 89 women were killed by their current or former partner between 2008-10 which equates to nearly one woman every week. However, in 2015, the statistics to date shows that this number is increasing with two Australian women killed by domestic violence each week. Australia's National Research Organisation for Women's Safety (ANROWS) notes that data from the 2012 Australian Bureau of Statistics Personal Safety Survey shows that one in three Australian women have experienced physical violence and Australian women are most likely to experience physical and sexual violence in their home at the hands of a male current or ex-partner. The most commonly reported reason for seeking assistance from specialist homelessness services was domestic and family violence. A study of Victorian women demonstrated that domestic violence carries an enormous cost in terms of premature death and disability. As VicHealth stated: 'It is responsible for more preventable ill-health in Victorian women under the age of 45 than any other of the well-known risk factors, including high blood pressure, obesity and smoking'. In addition, more than one million children in Australia are affected by domestic violence which can leave them with serious emotional, psychological, social, behavioural and developmental consequences. The committee acknowledges that the cost of domestic and family violence is great in terms of lives lost, the effects on children, physical and mental health, employment, risk of homelessness and financial security. The economic cost is also substantial with a 2009 study by KPMG finding that violence against women, including domestic violence, cost the nation $13.6 billion and this was expected to reach $15.6 billion in 2021-22 if steps were not taken. The committee heard there are a broad and complex range of social and personal factors that can contribute to the incidence and severity of domestic and family violence. These include gender inequality, social norms and attitudes as well as exposure to violence, social isolation, relationship conflict, income, divorce or separation and the use of alcohol and drugs. The committee is particularly concerned by the statistic that alcohol is involved in up to 65 per cent of family violence incidents reported to police (see chapter 10). The terms of reference referred to the prevalence of domestic violence as it affects vulnerable groups including 'women living with a disability' and 'women from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander backgrounds'. The committee recognises these are not the only vulnerable groups which also include culturally and linguistically diverse, non-English speaking new and emerging migrant communities, people experiencing mental health issues, people in same sex relationships, transgender and intersex persons. The committee recognises that there is no silver bullet to stop domestic and family violence. Rather, a coherent, strategic and long term effort by all levels of governments and the community is required to take effective action. The committee heard the areas which will make a real difference are: - understanding the causes and effects of domestic violence (chapters 1 and 2) - the need for cultural change which involves prevention work to change attitudes and behaviours towards women (chapter 6); - a national framework and ensuring ongoing engagement with stakeholders (chapter 3); - early intervention measures (chapter 7); - effective data collection to ensure programs and policies for women, their children and men are evidence-based (chapters 4 and 5); - coordination of services (chapter 8); - more information sharing between stakeholders (chapter 8); - better legal responses/enforcement to hold perpetrators to account (chapter 9); - sufficient and appropriate crisis services (chapter 8); and - providing long term support to victims of domestic and family violence (chapter 10). Work in these areas is underway and it will take time to see the effects of this work flow through. The long term nature of this challenge is recognised in the National Plan to reduce Violence against Women and their Children which spans the period 2010-2022. Over the course of the inquiry the committee spoke to many people working in the sector, policy and law makers, victims, as well as people in the community who have been appalled at the unacceptable toll domestic and family violence has taken in women and children's lives. The committee was heartened by their view that there is the beginning of a genuine shift in attitudes on violence and also the will to fund, educate and resource the programs, services and victims of domestic and family violence. Details: Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2015. 208p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2015 at: http://apo.org.au/files/resources/senate_finance_and_public_administration_references_committee/56741-domestic_violence_in_australia.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/files/resources/senate_finance_and_public_administration_references_committee/56741-domestic_violence_in_australia.pdf Shelf Number: 136572 Keywords: Children Exposed to Violence Domestic Violence Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Violence Against Women

Author: Ferguson, Brodie Title: Estimating Potential Gains in Life Expectancy by Reducing Violent Deaths in Selected Countries Summary: Injuries account for some 5 million deaths in the world each year, and nearly a third of these (1.6 million) are recognizable intentional. We assess the immediate demographic cost of mortality due to intentional violence in over 90 countries using population and mortality data collected from international organizations and country statistical offices for the year 2004, and attempt an economic costing valuation. We employ multiple decrement life table analysis to estimate the potential gains in life expectancy (PGLEs) that could be achieved by reducing the risk of intentional injury deaths to a proposed "regular" level of 1.27 deaths per 100,000 persons. Regional PGLEs range from 0.44 years for men in the Americas to 0.02 years for women in the Western Pacific. Violence prevention programs are likely to have the highest overall impact in countries such as Jamaica, Colombia, and Brazil characterized by both relatively high life expectancies and high levels of homicides. Details: Unpublished paper, 2009. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2015 at: https://www.diw.de/documents/dokumentenarchiv/17/diw_01.c.346948.de/restrepo_conflict_gecc.pdf Year: 2009 Country: South America URL: https://www.diw.de/documents/dokumentenarchiv/17/diw_01.c.346948.de/restrepo_conflict_gecc.pdf Shelf Number: 136577 Keywords: Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI) Title: Ayotzinapa Report: Research and intial conclusions of the disappearances and homicides of the normalistas from Ayotzinapa Summary: The report issued on September 6 by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI) concludes that the Mexican government's version of the fate of the 43 forcibly disappeared students from Ayotzinapa is wrong and not substantiated by scientific evidence. The Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) is deeply troubled by the government's grave mishandling of the case and supports the experts' call for the government to pursue further lines of investigation to clarify what happened to the students and provide truth and justice to their families. Mexico's Attorney General, Arely Gomez, who replaced former Attorney General Jesus Murillo Karam shortly after he presented the Mexican government's grossly flawed version of the students' disappearance, affirmed that her office will analyze all aspects of the report to determine whether to incorporate them into the investigation but refrained from making any statements about the government's grave errors in the case. "Rather than doing new tests to prove a theory that has already been discarded, the Mexican government should work to restructure the investigation and pursue all of the proposed lines of investigation," affirmed Maureen Meyer, WOLA Senior Associate for Mexico. "Given the multiple failures of the government's investigators, a new team should be created within the Attorney General's Office to be in charge of this next stage of the investigation," she stated. The group of five renowned experts on criminal prosecutions and human rights was formed by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) based on an agreement with the students' families, their representatives, and the Mexican government. They began their work on March 2, 2015 and have been providing vital technical assistance for the case. Their report reflects six months of extensive work to search for the students, investigate those responsible, provide attention to the surviving victims of the attacks and victims' families, and to develop proposals regarding enforced disappearances in Mexico. The report negates the Mexican government's narrative that after the students had been forcibly disappeared by municipal police they were handed over to a criminal group and subsequently incinerated in a trash dump. "'The experts' report makes clear that the government attempted to sell to the families, Mexican society, and the international community a version of the events that, far from being the truth, is not backed up by scientific evidence," affirmed Meyer. "The government preferred expediency over veracity and went to great lengths, including likely torture, to back up their version of the events," she said. The report also shows that several areas of investigation remain unexplored. In particular, the experts suggest that the extreme violence that was used against the students may have been related to the fact that buses were being used by organized criminal groups in Iguala to transport heroin. Lastly, the report also makes clear that state and federal security forces knew that the students were being pursued and attacked by the municipal police yet they did nothing to come to the students' aid. Details: Grupo Interdisciplinario de Expertos Independientes. Ayotzinapa (GIEI),2015. 35p. (English summary) Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 11, 2015 at: http://media.wix.com/ugd/3a9f6f_e1df5a84680a4a8a969bd45453da1e31.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: http://media.wix.com/ugd/3a9f6f_e1df5a84680a4a8a969bd45453da1e31.pdf Shelf Number: 136721 Keywords: Criminal Investigation Disappearances Homicides Organized Crime

Author: McEwen, Tom Title: Evaluation of the Phoenix Homicide Clearance Project. Volume 1 Summary: This report prepared by the Institute for Law and Justice, Inc. (ILJ) provides the results of an evaluation of the Homicide Clearance Project in the Phoenix, Arizona, Police Department. In 2004, the department received a grant from the Bureau of Justice Assistance providing support for the assignment of four crime scene specialists directly to the department's Homicide Unit. Responsibilities of the crime scene specialists were to collect evidence at homicide scenes, prepare scene reports, develop scene diagrams, and other supportive activities. Prior to the project, homicide investigators were responsible for evidence collection, which reduced the time they could devote to investigations. The primary objective of the Homicide Clearance Project was to improve homicide clearance rates by increasing investigative time through the addition of the four crime scene specialists. ILJ evaluated the Homicide Clearance Project under a grant provided by the National Institute of Justice. As described in this report, the evaluation consisted of process and impact assessments of the project. Because of the excellent cooperation of the Phoenix Police Department, ILJ expanded the evaluation to conduct research on several other aspects of homicide investigations, including an analysis of investigative procedures for closed cases, a summary of obstacles faced in solving open cases, a comparison of homicide characteristics in Phoenix with other research studies, a detailed breakdown of evidence collected at homicide scenes, and a review of the role of forensic evidence in homicide investigations and trials. Transfers of the four crime scene specialists were effective on July 1, 2004. The crime scene specialists were assigned to two of the four investigative squads within the homicide unit. They began on-the-job training immediately upon their transfers by accompanying investigators to scenes and observing the collection and storage of evidence. The training proceeded quickly because they were familiar with homicide scenes and because they generally knew departmental procedures from their years of experience in the crime laboratory. By September 2004, the crime scene specialists were able to handle homicide scenes with minimal supervision from investigators, and they had learned how to prepare scene reports documenting the evidence. Prior to the grant, the role of crime scene specialists was limited to photographs and latent prints. Investigators were responsible for evidence collection. Investigators marked each item of evidence, placed the evidence in appropriate evidence containers, transported the evidence to headquarters, and turned the evidence over to the property room. They later prepared scene reports that described the evidence collection process and provided details on each item of evidence collected (type of evidence, description, exact location, etc.). Assignment of crime scene specialists to the unit was seen as a way to relieve a considerable amount of workload from investigators. The decision to assign the four crime scene specialists to two of the four squads provided an opportunity to compare performance between the two pairs of squads. As with other investigative units, the primary performance measure was homicide clearance rates-the percentage of cases that homicide investigators solve. The hypothesis was that the squads with crime scene specialists would do better than the other squads compared against their performance prior to the grant project. In theory, investigators in the experimental squads would have more time for investigations, which in turn would lead to higher clearance rates. The comparison squads would continue to operate as in the past with investigators having responsibility for evidence collection and with crime scene specialists assigned to take photographs and dust for latent prints. With the Homicide Clearance Project, the Phoenix Police Department was also testing whether crime scene specialists could work effectively within the environment of the homicide unit. It was the department's first test for assigning civilian personnel from the crime laboratory to an investigative unit. The crime scene specialists reported to supervisory personnel who headed the experimental squads. The department also wanted to be sure that the four crime scene specialists were capable of preparing the same quality of scene reports that homicide investigators produced. The evaluation addressed both these objectives. Details: Alexandria, VA: Institute for Law and Justice, 2009. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2015 at: http://www.ilj.org/publications/docs/EvalReport_Volume_I.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.ilj.org/publications/docs/EvalReport_Volume_I.pdf Shelf Number: 136776 Keywords: Clearance Rates Crime Scene Investigation Criminal Investigations Homicides Police Investigations

Author: Ley, Sandra Title: Violence and Citizen Participation in Mexico: From the Polls to the Streets Summary: How do citizens cope politically with violence? In the face of rising insecurity, Mexican citizens, particularly victims, have poured into the streets to demand an end to violence and ask for peace and justice. However, as organized crime groups attempt to influence local elections and target political candidates and public officials, citizens have not felt equally encouraged to cast ballots on election day. Elections in Mexico, as well as in other Latin American countries such as Brazil and Guatemala, have been marked by criminal violence. Voters, public officials, and candidates alike have been threatened or attacked by organized crime groups. It is, therefore, important to examine how violence shapes various forms of participation. This paper seeks to provide a broad view of political participation in the midst of Mexico's current security crisis, with the goal of understanding the effects of violence on civic activism. Overall, the paper shows that violence, particularly that directed against party candidates and public officials, threatens the electorate and depresses voter turnout. At the same time, violence has stimulated non-electoral forms of participation that attempt to bring the issue of crime and insecurity onto the political agenda and to hopefully achieve peace and justice. Such demands, however, have not been met yet and much remains to be done. In addition, citizens who take part of these efforts are further exposed to violence and retaliation by criminals and colluded officials. In preparation for the upcoming Mexican midterm elections, this paper also examines the prospects for Mexico's 2015 midterm elections in view of the recent trends in violence and civic protests. Out of the seventeen states that will hold local elections in 2015, six have a particularly alarming violent profile. Guerrero and Michoacan have homicide rates well above the national average. Politicians in both states have also been direct targets of criminal violence. Similarly, in Nuevo Leon, Jalisco, the State of Mexico, and Morelos, criminal groups have made an explicit attempt to influence politics and elections in recent years. Special attention must be paid to these regions. Political authorities must begin developing effective solutions that can effectively keep voters safe and encouraged. The conclusion outlines some policy recommendations on how to generate the necessary conditions for citizens to exercise their right to vote freely. Finally, as a result of the disappearance of the 43 students in Iguala, Guerrero, massive mobilizations have taken place across and outside of Mexico. In the face of the upcoming elections and given the prevailing weaknesses of the instruments so far created for the attention of victims - the General Law of Victims and Provictima - it will be important for these new citizen mobilization efforts to demand the commitment of political candidates and future elected authorities to increase financial and human resources for the effective operation of these institutions, and most important, the fair resolution of their cases. Civil society is a fundamental element for the achievement of political accountability, particularly in a violent context such as the one many Mexican citizens currently live under. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute; San Diego: University of San Diego, Justice in Mexico Project, 2015. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper Series: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Ley_Violence-and-Citizen-Participation-in-Mexico.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Ley_Violence-and-Citizen-Participation-in-Mexico.pdf Shelf Number: 136951 Keywords: Homicides Political Violence Violence Violent Crime

Author: Heinle, Kimberly Title: Citizen Security in Michoacan Summary: Arguably the most intractable security issue facing the administration of Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto has been the dynamic and dangerous situation in the state of Michoacan, located on the Pacific in the southwestern portion of the country. During Pena Nieto's first two years in office, the state has seen a significant increase in violence and criminal activities; the emergence, evolution, and internal struggles of armed "self-defense" groups (grupos de autodefensa, commonly referred to as autodefensas); and concerted federal government efforts to gain control and restore order in certain parts of the state, particularly in the state's western Tierra Caliente region. While certain crime indicators - notably homicide - have fallen significantly throughout much of Mexico since 2011, Michoacan is one of the states where problems of crime and violence have been most intractable. It is also one of the places where citizen mobilization has manifested most visibly through self-defense forces and vigilantism, with entire communities rising up to take the law into their own hands because of the real or perceived inability of authorities to address the problem of organized crime. Over the course of 2014, the worsening situation in Michoacan led the Mexican government to intervene heavily and try to regain the trust of the citizenry. The federal government must be exceedingly careful and deliberate in its strategy for intervening in state and local security matters, its approach to dealing with armed citizens taking the law into their own hands, its efforts to empower state and local authorities to pick up the reigns, and its efforts to rebuild civic engagement and social trust. The authors offer three guiding recommendations: First, since achieving success will require that the Mexican government have clear targets focused on outcomes and performance for social development programs aimed at strengthening community resilience (e.g., the relationship between farm subsidies and poppy cultivation, the relationship between the number of student scholarships and gang membership, etc.), the authors recommend that the Pena Nieto administration should conduct and present regular evaluation and assessment of the outcomes of its programs using precise, program-specific performance metrics. Second, a core challenge in Michoacan, as elsewhere in Mexico, is the lack of institutional integrity, which has contributed to often visible corruption of local officials and widespread support for vigilantism. Unfortunately, recent developments have delayed implementation of Michoacan's judicial reform, which was due for implementation in February 2014, pushing back urgently needed reforms to introduce greater transparency and accountability into the state's criminal justice system. Given the state's complex security situation, it is critically important that operators of the criminal justice system - particularly prosecutors, public defenders, and court personnel - be adequately trained and prepared for the transition. Third, the Pena Nieto administration's intervention in Michoacan positions the federal government to help resolve these problems, but it also runs the risk of unwittingly stifling civic engagement. The federal government's liaison should work intently to create spaces and regular opportunities for dialogue and collaboration among citizens and civic organizations, and should particularly empower the state and local citizen security counsels to provide consistent communication and constructive feedback on the progress of security measures. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute; San Diego: University of San Diego, Justice in Mexico Project, 2015. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper Series: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Heilnle-Molzahn-Shirk_Citizen-Security-in-Michoacan.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/2015_Heilnle-Molzahn-Shirk_Citizen-Security-in-Michoac�n.pdf Shelf Number: 136952 Keywords: Homicides Political Violence Vigilantes Violence Violent Crime

Author: Godoy, Angelina Snodgrass Title: God Alone was with Us: The Santa Cruz massacre Summary: This report represents the first attempt to systematically document the massacre of Santa Cruz, which occurred in the context of a November 1981 scorched earth operation in Cabanas department in northern El Salvador. The massacre is the subject of an ongoing criminal investigation in El Salvador; survivors attribute command responsibility for the atrocity to Col. Sigifredo Ochoa Perez (Ret.), currently a member of the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly, among other parties. The research presented here draws on numerous sources. First, we have collaborated extensively with the Instituto de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Centroamericana "Jose Simeon Canas," whose lawyers represent several victims seeking justice in this case and whose research team conducted related investigations in 2013. We also draw on conversations our research team has held with survivors in both El Salvador and the United States, some of whom have given public testimony about these events, and others with whom our researchers spoke to in confidence, due to ongoing concerns for their safety. We have conducted extensive research through declassified documents from various United States government agencies, using documents that were already public as a result of requests from past researchers, as well as documents we obtained through over one hundred Freedom of Information Requests filed since 2012. Lastly, we consulted news media from the period, reviewed the reports by human rights organizations, and perused scholarly publications for additional information pertaining to these events. Taken together, these sources provide powerful evidence that crimes against humanity occurred in the area surrounding Santa Marta, in the municipality of Victoria, Cabanas, during the military operation of November 11-19, 1981. While this report documents significant evidence of major atrocities, it is offered in full recognition of the fact that further investigation remains necessary to establish the details of everything that transpired. Indeed, such a task is urgent, both to preserve historical memory and to pursue legal accountability for these crimes. We hope that our efforts here might help spur those with the responsibility to conduct a thorough investigation, including forensic exhumations of the numerous reported gravesites, to do so. Details: Seattle, WA: University of Washington, Center for Human Rights, 2015. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 5, 2015 at: http://unfinishedsentences.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/GodAloneWasWithUs.pdf Year: 2015 Country: El Salvador URL: http://unfinishedsentences.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/GodAloneWasWithUs.pdf Shelf Number: 136962 Keywords: Homicides Human Rights Abuses Mass Murders

Author: Goel, Rashmi Title: Women Who Kill Women Summary: This article focuses on the phenomenon of women who kill women in the context of India's dowry murders. Killing by females is rare, and killing of other females is rarer still. India's dowry deaths, where mothers-in-law are, next to husbands, the most accused and convicted, represents a unique opportunity to examine the mechanics around women who kill, especially in the context of a gender violence crime. The article examines both the roots of the dowry system and the current anti-dowry and dowry-violence legislation to demonstrate the implicit and accepted gender inequities within marriage that serve to under gird an overall system of female oppression within the marital relationship. This inequity is understood to be a positive aspect within marriage, but ironically negative within public Indian society. The article then considers various theories of agency and motivation from social science and feminist literature to answer why some women participate in oppressing other women in Indian society. Finally, the article notes some of the ways in which Indian courts are contributing to the oppressive power structure by limiting the application of the anti-dowry and dowry-violence laws. Details: Denver, CO: University of Denver Sturm College of Law, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: University of Denver Legal Studies Research Paper No. 15-22: Accessed October 15, 2015 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2668379 Year: 2015 Country: India URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2668379 Shelf Number: 136986 Keywords: Dowry Female Offenders Gender-Based Violence Homicides Marriage Violence Against Women Women Who Kill

Author: Karp, Aaron Title: Unheard and Uncounted: Violence against Women in India Summary: Violence against women, and the reluctance of authorities to deal with it, present a serious challenge to Indian society, law enforcement, and judicial affairs. Numerous incidents involving group rapes and rape and murder-such as the Nirbhaya case in New Delhi in 2012-have captured national and international attention. While domestic violence and public intimidation are familiar to women across India, statistics remain scarce and unreliable. A new Issue Brief from the Small Arms Survey's India Armed Violence Assessment project, Unheard and Uncounted: Violence against Women in India, discusses the prevalence of violence against women in India and the status of research to date. The Issue Brief finds: Underreporting appears to affect virtually all forms of violence against women in India, including rape. Estimates of the proportion of rapes in India reported to police range from 1 in 10 to 1 in 200. Such estimates suggest as many as several million rapes are unreported annually. A range of violent social practices, including selective abortion and foeticide, regional cultures of violence, and armed conflict, elevate the danger of violence in India, specifically against women. Improved monitoring and measurement of trends in violence against women are essential to improve policy-making and interventions for victims. Comprehensive police reform-including more police, including more women staff, who are dedicated to serving victims and are free of corruption-is essential for responding to violence against women. In addition to institutional reforms, social change is a key part of the solution to problems of violence against women in India, from changing attitudes towards women in general to assumptions about domestic relations. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2015. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: India Armed Violence Assessment Issue Brief, no. 5: Accessed October 26, 2015 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/IAVA-IB5-unheard-and-uncounted.pdf Year: 2015 Country: India URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/IAVA-IB5-unheard-and-uncounted.pdf Shelf Number: 137056 Keywords: Domestic Violence Homicides Rape Violence Against Women

Author: Briscoe, Ivan Title: New humanitarian frontiers: Addressing criminal violence in Mexico and Central America Summary: Parts of Central America and Mexico are suffering a humanitarian crisis which stems directly from expanding criminal violence. In vulnerable communities in the region there are mass casualties on a par with conflicts elsewhere in the world - rape, kidnapping, human trafficking, extortion, forced displacement (both internally and across borders), migration of unaccompanied minors from crime-ravaged communities and exploitation and murder. The report pinpoints three structural challenges to a stronger humanitarian agenda in response to criminal violence in the region: the features and characteristics of criminal violence, the presence of self-sustaining regional mixed migration and the flow of narcotics and the extremely fragile nature of Central American states. The case for a reinvigorated humanitarian approach to criminal violence is stronger than ever. There are notable opportunities. This report argues that the existing strengths of humanitarian organisations in addressing criminal violence could be responsibly enhanced. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2015. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 27, 2015 at: http://www.internal-displacement.org/assets/publications/2015/201510-am-central-americas-violence-en.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America URL: http://www.internal-displacement.org/assets/publications/2015/201510-am-central-americas-violence-en.pdf Shelf Number: 137158 Keywords: Drug-Related Violence Extortion Homicides Human Trafficking Kidnapping Violence Violent Crime

Author: Langley, Marty Title: Lost Youth: A County-by-County Analysis of 2013 California Homicide Victims Ages 10 to 24 Summary: Homicide is the second leading cause of death for California youth and young adults ages 10 to 24 years old. In 2013, the most recent year for which complete data is available from the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), homicides in California were outpaced only by unintentional injuries-the majority of which were motor vehicle fatalities-as the leading cause of death for this age group. Of the 613 homicides reported, 86 percent were committed with firearms. Nationally in 2013, California had the 17th highest homicide rate for youth and young adults ages 10 to 24. Broken out by gender, homicide retains its number-two ranking for males and drops to number four for females for this age group in California. For males, of the 553 homicides reported, firearms were the weapon used in 87 percent of the killings. For females, of the 60 homicides reported, firearms were the weapon used in 72 percent of the killings. When analyzed by race and ethnicity, however, the rankings become less uniform and the severe effects of homicide on specific segments of this age group increasingly stark. For blacks ages 10 to 24 in California in 2013, homicide was the leading cause of death. For Hispanics it was the second leading cause of death. For American Indian and Alaskan Natives it was the third leading cause of death. For whites and Asian/Pacific Islanders it was the fourth leading cause of death. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2015. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 24, 2015 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cayouth2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cayouth2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137332 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gang Violence Homicides Murders Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: Murder and Extremism in the United States in 2015 Summary: When it came to domestic terrorism and extremism, the year 2015 was a grisly one for the United States. In the past twelve months, the names of a number of American cities became unwelcome shorthand for the carnage that extremist killers wreaked in them: Charleston, Chattanooga, Colorado Springs, San Bernardino. Each of these cities became scenes of tragedy and death, thanks to the cold-hearted ideological motivations of angry killers. It is thus no surprise that these and other domestic extremist killers have collectively amassed a higher number of victims in 2015 than in any previous year since 1995, the year of the Oklahoma City bombing. Preliminary tallies by the Anti-Defamation League's Center on Extremism indicate that a minimum of 52 people in the United States were killed by adherents of domestic extremist movement in the past 12 months. This number is bound to grow further still, as extremist connections to some murders often take years to be revealed - and there are likely still other murders whose extremist connections may never see the light of day. Still, the 52 people known to have died at the hands of domestic extremists are disturbing enough, more than the numbers killed in 2013 and 2014 put together. The victims included police officers, government workers, service members, and civilians from all walks of life. Key Findings of Report - In 2015, the 52 deaths came at the hands of adherents of four domestic extremist movements: white supremacists, anti-government extremists, domestic Islamic extremists, and anti-abortion extremists. - As has been the case every year since 1995, white supremacists have been responsible for the largest number of deaths, at 20. One incident, the June 17 mass shooting at the Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, which killed nine, was responsible for almost half of these deaths. - Usually, right-wing anti-government extremists account for the next highest number of murders each year, but in 2015, in a disturbing development, domestic Islamic extremists were responsible for 19 deaths, virtually the same as white supremacists. All of these deaths stemmed from two shooting rampages: the July 16 attacks by Muhammad Youssef Abdulazeez on military targets in Chattanooga and the December 2 rampage by Syed Rizwan Farook and his wife Tashfeen Malik at the Inland Regional Center in San Bernardino, California. - The 52 murders occurred in 17 separate incidents, with nine of the incidents involving multiple murders. This is unusual, in that most extremist-related examples of murder involve a single victim. - Ideology played a primary or substantial role in 10 of the 17 incidents in 2015, accounting for 34 of the 52 victims. Non-ideological killings by extremists, which accounted for the remainder, tend to involve group-related killings (such as killing a suspected informant or a rival gang member) or traditional criminal violent activity (in which extremists also often engage). - Overwhelmingly the extremist weapon of choice in 2015 - as in virtually every year - was firearms. In fact, 48 of the 52 victims were killed by firearms. The other four victims were killed by a variety of means, including two stabbings, a blunt instrument killing, and a motor vehicle incident. All of the multiple murder incidents involved the use of one or more firearms. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2015. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/Murder-and-Extremism-in-the-United-States-in-2015-web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/Murder-and-Extremism-in-the-United-States-in-2015-web.pdf Shelf Number: 137452 Keywords: Domestic Terrorism Extremist Groups Gun Violence Homicides Radical Groups Terrorism Terrorists Violent Crime

Author: Front Line Title: Front Line Brazil : murders, death threats and other forms of intimidation of human rights defenders, 1997-2001. Summary: The defence of human rights in Brazil is a dangerous undertaking. In virtually every context in which human rights defenders operate-whether rural conflicts, the fight against urban police brutality and the violence of organised criminal elements, the defence of the environment and of indigenous peoples, or on parliamentary human rights commissions-they face harrassment, intimidation by unwarranted lawsuits, death threats, physical attacks and even murder. This report analyzes fifty-six separate incidents of violence and harrassment of human rights defenders-nineteen instances of homicide, causing twenty-three deaths, and thirty-seven other incidents including attempted murder, death threats and other forms of harassment-over the past five years. These were not the only such cases during this period, but rather represent a frightening national tendency. Still, the numbers are impressive: twenty-three deaths, thirty-two death threats, four instances of attempted murder, four unjustified prosecutions, four beatings, one kidnapping, one disappearance and one unjustified detention. This report sheds light on a series of aspects of the defence of human rights in Brazil that merit attention. First, human rights defenders are a varied lot in Brazil. While most pertain to some form of organised civil society group, such as nongovernmental organisations or unions, many are public authorities, prosecutors, and elected officials. What they have in common is their labour in defence of one or more of the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Second, while public authorities, prosecutors and elected officials may enjoy an additional level of protection not afforded to non-state members of civil society groups, even these public authorities are not immune from attacks. This report considers the dangers of human rights defence in Brazil by analyzing instances of abuse and intimidation affecting human rights defenders since 1997, as well as the response of relevant authorities to these incidents. Global Justice chose to limit this report to cases from the past five years due to the existence of literally hundreds of instances over the past decade. Beginning with this universe of cases, we tried to focus on 1) the most serious abuses; 2) instances of abuse that were most representative of the kinds of difficulties faced by defenders; 3) cases that represented the diversity of contexts in which defenders face risks in Brazil; 4) cases that demonstrated the regional diversity of abuses; 5) cases that were well documented and 6) cases known to authorities. Unfortunately, we were forced to eliminate a number of instances that should be in this report due to the lack of corroborating information. As such, while the report includes nineteen cases involving twenty-three homicides, and dozens of incidents of death threats and other forms of intimidation, those figures are not exhaustive, but rather a sampling of the many instances of abuses of the rights of defenders in Brazil. Details: Blackrock : Front Line : Global Justice Center, 2002. 229p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/files/en/1564_FrontLineBrazil_0.pdf Year: 2002 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/files/en/1564_FrontLineBrazil_0.pdf Shelf Number: 137463 Keywords: Civil Rights Deadly Force Homicides Human Rights Human Rights Abuses Police Use of Force Violence

Author: Police Foundation Title: Police Under Attack: Southern California Law Enforcement Response to the Attacks by Christopher Dorner Summary: For nine days in early February 2013, like millions of Americans, was glued to news reports of a former police and naval officer who was targeting police officers and their families. It was one of the most bizarre and violent acts of vengeance against law enforcement officers this country has experienced. By the time he was finally stopped, Christopher Dorner had murdered four people and wounded several others. His threats and actions put Southern California policing agencies in an unprecedented collective state of alert - one in which both excellent and heroic police work was done and some regrettable decisions were made. This incident represents a sentinel event in American policing - one that serves as a warning of needed changes in parts of our public safety system. For the first time, a trained former police officer was hunting cops and their families, exploiting jurisdictional boundaries and using legally-acquired sophisticated, high-powered weaponry. And he did this in a highly public way that provided a template for others who may seek to terrorize this great country and target the people charged with protecting its citizens. The challenges confronting the principal law enforcement agencies in this incident were immense. It took place over a wide expanse of Southern California where more than 20 million people live, work and play. It encompassed urban, suburban and mountainous geography. It was worked in balmy weather and a freezing blizzard. It required the coordination of thousands of hard-charging police officers, sheriff's deputies, highway patrol officers and state and federal special agents. And they engaged the incident with different policies and practices, from differing organizational cultures and utilizing frequently incompatible communications systems. Bringing new advances to policing is the core of the Police Foundation's mission. Central to our research and work with police agencies is the idea that new learning - and therefore advancements - can be acquired through examining policing-involved critical incidents. This is certainly true of this incident. Reviews of incidents like this are intended to transform "lessons learned" to "lessons applied" in the hopes of enhancing the safety of officers and the public. In emphasizing this, we affix no blame to those who tried desperately to apprehend Dorner and save lives. To do so dishonors their sacrifices and diverts attention from increasing our understanding about protecting society and keeping cops safe. Covering every aspect of this very complicated incident would result in a book-length document. To keep the project manageable, we focused on the most important "lessons learned" that can be generalized to a wide range of circumstances and jurisdictions. Accordingly, we have tried to accomplish three broad goals: 1) Present the facts and our recommendations in an objective manner that respects the professionalism, dedication and heroism of the law enforcement officers involved in this incident, and honors the sacrifice of those whose lives were lost by helping prevent the injury and death of other officers or civilians in the future; 2) Highlight this as a sentinel event in which we identify underlying weaknesses in the regional public safety system, preventable errors and recommendations for avoiding similar tragic outcomes; 3) Use multi-media to provide an immersive experience to a wide breadth of readers that gives them a better understanding of the complicated nature of such events and how dangerous they are to the peace officers trying to stop highly motivated criminals. Our examination of this incident begins with the murders of Monica Quan and Keith Lawrence in Irvine, CA and concludes with the murder of Deputy Jeremiah MacKay, the wounding of Deputy Alex Collins and Dorner's suicide in the mountains of San Bernardino County. In our quest to tease out lessons which we can generalize across the nation, we did not examine every aspect of the incident. Our observations and recommendations are based on our understanding of both the many successes and the relatively few errors that occurred throughout the course of it. They are not intended for the sole use of the involved agencies, as they have each conducted their own internal reviews. Rather, they are aimed at improving American policing's response to similar critical incidents through changes in policy, practice, organizational culture and an increased understanding of the nature of preventable error. Details: Washington, DC: Police Foundation, 2015. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2016 at: http://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Police-Under-Attack.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Police-Under-Attack.pdf Shelf Number: 137579 Keywords: Criminal Investigation Homicides Law Enforcement Response Police Officers Police Response Violent Crime

Author: American Bar Association Title: National Task Force on Stand Your Ground Laws: Report and Recommendations Summary: In examining and reporting on the potential effects Stand Your Ground laws may have on public safety, individual liberties, and the criminal justice system, the Task Force has: 1. Examined the provisions of Stand Your Ground statutes and analyzed the potential for their misapplication and the risk of injustice from multiple perspectives, e.g., the individual's right to exercise self-defense, the victim's rights, and the rights of the criminally accused. 2. Analyzed the degree to which racial or ethnic bias impacts Stand Your Ground laws. Particular attention was paid to the role of implicit bias. First, the analysis focuses on how implicit bias may impact the perception of a deadly threat as well as the ultimate use of deadly force. Second, it looks at how implicit bias impacts the investigation, prosecution, immunity, and final determination of which homicides are justified. 3. Examined the effect that the surge of new Stand Your Ground laws has on crime control objectives and public safety. 4. Reviewed law enforcement policy, administrative guidelines, statutes, and judicial rulings regarding the investigation and prosecution of Stand Your Ground cases. 5. Conducted a series of regional public hearings to learn about community awareness, perceptions of equality in enforcement and application, opinions concerning the utility of the laws, and reactions to individualized experiences involving interactions with Stand Your Ground laws. 6. Prepared a final report and recommendations. Details: Chicago: ABA, 2015. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2016 at: http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/images/diversity/SYG_Report_Book.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/images/diversity/SYG_Report_Book.pdf Shelf Number: 137651 Keywords: Gun Policy Gun Violence Homicides Public Safety Racial Disparities Self Defense Stand Your Ground Laws

Author: Cannon, Ashley Title: Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters and Large-Capacity Magazines Summary: Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, large-capacity ammunition magazines-which hold more than 10 rounds-have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. A Crime Commission analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2015. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied.pdf Shelf Number: 137684 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Mass Shootings Weapons

Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Gun Deaths Outpace Motor Vwehicle Deaths in 21 States and the District of Columbia in 2014 Summary: Gun deaths outpaced motor vehicle deaths in 21 states and the District of Columbia in 2014, the most recent year for which data is available, a new analysis from the Violence Policy Center (VPC) finds. This is the fifth edition of the VPC report comparing gun deaths to motor vehicle deaths by state. The number of states where gun deaths exceed motor vehicle deaths has increased from just 10 states in 2009 - the first year of data analyzed by the VPC - to 21 states in 2014. In 2014, there were more gun deaths than motor vehicle deaths in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, and the District of Columbia, the analysis finds. Data is from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Gun deaths include gun suicides, homicides, and fatal unintentional shootings; motor vehicle deaths include both occupants and pedestrians. "Firearms are the only consumer product the federal government does not regulate for health and safety," states VPC Legislative Director Kristen Rand. "Meanwhile, science-based regulations have dramatically reduced deaths from motor vehicles in recent decades. It's well past time that we regulate firearms for health and safety just like all other consumer products." Nine out of ten American households have access to a motor vehicle while fewer than a third of American households have a gun. Yet nationwide in 2014, there were 33,599 gun deaths compared to 35,647 motor vehicle deaths. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2016. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.vpc.org/press/gun-deaths-surpass-motor-vehicle-deaths-in-21-states-and-the-district-of-columbia/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/press/gun-deaths-surpass-motor-vehicle-deaths-in-21-states-and-the-district-of-columbia/ Shelf Number: 137692 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides

Author: Ajzenman, Nicolas Title: On the Distributed Costs of Drug-Related Homicides Summary: Reliable estimates of the effects of violence on economic outcomes are scarce. We exploit the many-fold increase in homicides in 2008-2011 in Mexico resulting from its war on organized drug traffickers to estimate the effect of drug-related homicides on house prices. We use an unusually rich dataset that provides national coverage on house prices and homicides and exploit within-municipality variations. We find that the impact of violence on housing prices is borne entirely by the poor sectors of the population. An increase in homicides equivalent to one standard deviation leads to a 3% decrease in the price of low-income housing. In spite of this large burden on the poor, the willingness to pay in order to reverse the increase in drug-related crime is not high. We estimate it to be approximately 0.1% of Mexico's GDP. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Global Development, 2014. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 364: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/distributive-costs-drug-related-homicides_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/distributive-costs-drug-related-homicides_0.pdf Shelf Number: 132248 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug Violence Drug-Related Violence Drugs and Crime Economics of Crime Homicides Organized Crime

Author: Castillo, Juan Camilo Title: Scarcity without Leviathan: The Violent Effects of Cocaine Supply Shortages in the Mexican Drug War Summary: Using the case of the cocaine trade in Mexico as a relevant and salient example, this paper shows that scarcity leads to violence in markets without third party enforcement. We construct a model in which supply shortages increase total revenue when demand is inelastic. If property rights over revenues are not well defined because of the lack of reliable third party enforcement, the incentives to prey on others and avoid predation by exercising violence increase with scarcity, thus increasing violence. We test our model and the proposed channel using data for the cocaine trade in Mexico. We found that exogenous supply shocks originated in changes in the amount of cocaine seized in Colombia (Mexico's main cocaine supplier) create scarcity and increase drug-related violence in Mexico. In accordance with our model, the effect of cocaine scarcity on violence is larger near US entry points; in locations contested by several cartels; and where, due to high support for the PAN party, crackdowns on the cocaine trade have been more frequent. Our estimates suggest that, for the period 2006-2010, scarcity created by more efficient interdiction policies in Colombia may account for 21.2% and 46% of the increase in homicides and drug-related homicides, respectively, experienced in the north of the country. At least in the short run, scarcity created by Colombian supply reduction efforts has had negative spillovers in the form of more violence in Mexico under the so-called War on Drugs. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Global Development, 2014. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 356: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/scarcity-leviathan-effects-cocaine-supply-shortages_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/scarcity-leviathan-effects-cocaine-supply-shortages_1.pdf Shelf Number: 132303 Keywords: Cocaine Drug Trafficking Drug Violence Drug-Related Violence Homicides War on Drugs

Author: International Displacement Monitoring Centre Title: Forced displacement linked to transnational organised crime in Mexico Summary: Drug cartel violence in Mexico has increased dramatically since 2007, when the new government of President Felipe Calderon identified insecurity as a key problem and began deploying the military to fight the cartels in key locations. According to various analysts the strategy has backfired, stirring up a hornet's nest by disturbing existing arrangements between the cartels, and sparking wars both within and between them. The impact of the violence has been enormous. Government figures put the number of people killed since the launch of the security strategy at 47,000, with more than 15,000 losing their lives in 2010 and 12,900 in the first nine months of 2011. The media have repeatedly put the death toll at 50,000, and many have referred to the violence as an insurgency or armed conflict. It is clear, however, that the cartels do not have a political agenda or ideology, and such references have prompted angry responses from the Mexican government. Whether the violence can be defined as an internal armed conflict under international humanitarian law or not, its effects on the civilian population have been significant and the response inadequate. One impact has been forced migration, both internal and cross-border. Because of available resources and timeframe this study focuses exclusively on the former. Civil society organisations, academic institutions and the media have increasingly documented cases and patterns of forced internal displacement caused by drug cartel violence. That said, aside from two cases of mass displacement - in Tamaulipas in 2010 and in Michoacan in 2011 - most people have fled individually, and as a result information is scattered. This study aims to fill that information gap. Firstly, it documents an empirical link between drug cartel violence and forced displacement at the national level, distinguishing it from economic migration and where possible identifying patterns of displacement. Secondly, it identifies and describes the vulnerabilities of those affected, focusing on access to the basic necessities of life and livelihood opportunities in places of displacement, and housing, land and property rights. Thirdly, it maps government responses at both the federal and state level. Details: Geneva, SWIT: IDMC, 2012. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.internal-displacement.org/assets/publications/2012/2012005-am-mexico-Mexico-forced-displacement-en.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.internal-displacement.org/assets/publications/2012/2012005-am-mexico-Mexico-forced-displacement-en.pdf Shelf Number: 137705 Keywords: Disappearances Drug Cartels Drug Violence Drug-Related Violence Forced Migration Homicides Organized Crime

Author: Novak, Kenneth J. Title: Kansas City, Missouri Smart Policing Initiative: From Foot Patrol to Focused Deterrence Summary: Kansas City, Missouri has experienced a persistent violent crime problem throughout much of the last decade. From 2010 through 2013, Kansas City ranked among the worst of the 50 largest cities in the United States for homicide, averaging more than 100 per year - for a rate of 22 per 100,000 residents. Kansas City's violent crime rate in 2012 was equally dismal, with nearly 2,500 aggravated assaults and 1,645 robberies. Violent crime in Kansas City is geographically concentrated in three of the department's six patrol divisions. In addition, violence disproportionately involves firearms. From 2010 to 2014, 90 percent of homicides and 42 percent of all aggravated assaults were gun-related. In 2011, the Kansas City Police Department (KCPD) received a grant through the Bureau of Justice Assistance's Smart Policing Initiative (SPI) to team with researchers and develop innovative interventions to reduce violent crime. Over the next four years, KCPD and their research partners at the University of Missouri-Kansas City implemented a multi-pronged effort to address violent crime through evidence-based strategies. In 2011 and 2012, the Kansas City SPI team planned, implemented, and evaluated a replication of the evidence-based Philadelphia Foot Patrol Experiment. For 90 days, pairs of rookie officers worked foot patrol shifts in four violent crime micro-hot spot areas. Results showed that foot patrol areas witnessed a 26-percent reduction in aggravated assaults and robberies during the 90-day period, and a 55-percent reduction during the first six weeks of the study. No reductions were reported in control areas or in catchment areas surrounding the foot patrol areas. Crime did increase in the target areas during the last seven weeks of the study and returned to pre-treatment levels after the foot patrol treatment ended. In 2013 and 2014, the Kansas City SPI team planned and implemented a comprehensive focused deterrence pulling levers strategy, called the Kansas City No Violence Alliance (KC NoVA). KC NoVA is an offender-focused strategy designed to reduce violent crime by building on the earlier success of the foot patrol project. During 2014, KC NoVA identified 64 groups composed of 884 violent offenders. The team held four call-ins with 149 attendees. As a result of the focused deterrence strategy, 601 offenders met with social service providers, and 142 offenders received a social service assessment. The SPI team conducted interrupted time series analysis to assess impact and found that the focused deterrence strategy produced statistically significant decreases in homicide (40 percent) and gun-related aggravated assaults (19 percent). The crime decline effects were largest immediately after implementation and weakened over time. The Kansas City SPI produced a number of lessons learned for law enforcement leaders and line officers. For leaders, the Kansas City SPI demonstrated the importance of keeping focus on Smart Policing principles in the wake of leadership change, and of effective communication to both internal and external stakeholders. The Kansas City SPI also provided insights regarding different deployment methods of foot patrol. For line officers, it highlighted the importance of determining what officers should actually do during foot patrol assignments, other than be present and visible. Finally, the Kansas City SPI underscores the importance of embracing the two key messages in a focused deterrence strategy: the threat of a law enforcement response to additional criminal activity, and the offer of help for those who want it. Details: Arlington, VA: CNA Analysis and Solutions, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Smart Policing Initiative: Spotlight Report: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.smartpolicinginitiative.com/sites/all/files/Kansas%20City%20SPI%20Spotlight%20FINAL%202015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.smartpolicinginitiative.com/sites/all/files/Kansas%20City%20SPI%20Spotlight%20FINAL%202015.pdf Shelf Number: 137710 Keywords: Focused Deterrence Foot Patrol Gun-Related Violence Homicides Pulling Levers Smart Policing Violent Crime

Author: InSight Crime Title: Gangs in Honduras Summary: In the last two decades, Honduras has seen a significant increase in gang membership, gang criminal activity, and gang-related violence. The uptick in violence has been particularly troubling. In 2014, Honduras was considered the most violent nation in the world that was not at war. Although high impunity rates and lack of reliable data make it difficult to assess how many of these murders are gang-related, it's clear that the gangs' use of violence -- against rivals, civilians, security forces and perceived transgressors within their own ranks -- has greatly contributed to these numbers. Among the areas hardest hit are the country's urban centers. Honduras' economic capital, San Pedro Sula, is, according to some, the world's most violent city, with a homicide rate of 142 for every 100,000 people. The political capital Tegucigalpa has a homicide rate of 81 per 100,000. The third largest city, La Ceiba, has a murder rate of 95 per 100,000. These are also the areas where the gangs, in particular the two most prominent, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18, have the greatest presence and influence. The emergence of hyper-violent street gangs happened relatively quickly in Honduras. In the late 1990s, following legislation in the United States that led to increased deportation of ex-convicts, numerous MS13 and Barrio 18 members arrived in the country. By the early 2000s, these two gangs, along with several local groups, had begun a bloody battle for territory -- and the extortion revenue and drug markets that goes with it -- that continues to this day. The government responded by passing so-called "iron fist" legislation and arresting thousands of suspected gang members. Instead of slowing the growth of gangs, however, the policy allowed them to consolidate their leadership within the prison system, expand their economic portfolios and make contact with other criminal organizations. This report covers the current state of gangs in Honduras. Specifically, it examines the history, geographic presence, structure and modus operandi of Barrio 18 and MS13 in the country. It also analyzes how the gangs may be developing into more sophisticated criminal organizations. It looks closely at examples that illustrate how some parts of these two gangs are winning the support of the local communities in which they operate. Finally, it gives an overview of some of the other street gangs operating in Honduras. Details: Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development, 2015. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 1, 2016 at: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2015/HondurasGangs.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2015/HondurasGangs.pdf Shelf Number: 137713 Keywords: Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Street Gangs

Author: Women's Aid Title: Nineteen Child Homicides Summary: This report should not need to be written, that much is disturbingly obvious. First, while it is impossible to prevent every killing of a child, when the risks are known no other consideration should be more important - yet there is evidence here that other considerations were rated more highly. Second, starkly similar findings more than 10 years ago led to the publication of guidance which, if followed, would have made these killings less likely. Yet here we are. Nothing in this report should be used to blame individual professionals for the deaths of these children. Only those who killed them deserve blame. But we have a duty to the children and their families to identify what more should have been done to protect them - particularly when guidance on how to do so has been available since 2008, following the publication of Women's Aid's previous report on child homicides and child contact arrangements, a decade ago. This report shows, that whatever the stated requirements on the family courts, there is a deeply embedded culture that pushes for contact with fathers at all costs. This is supported by the testimony to Women's Aid of mothers who have survived domestic abuse and the specialist services that support them. The knowledge that severe abuse has taken place does not stop this relentless push to maintain as close a bond between father and child as possible. A father who has abused his child(ren)'s mother is routinely seen as a "good enough" dad. The impact of abuse on the whole family, particularly persistent, coercive and controlling behaviour which continues after the relationship has officially ended, is routinely misunderstood. The evidence here is a stark reminder of the dangers of power without accountability: perpetrators of abuse who have accumulated all power over their partners' and children's lives, and courts which persist in dangerous misunderstandings and assumptions, effectively colluding in the terrorising - and in some cases serious harm - of women and children. We call on Government and the senior judiciary to ensure that no more children die as a result of a simple failure to follow the guidance that exists. We call on judges to take responsibility for their own understanding of coercive control, how it works, and how it affects both women and children. And then, finally, to act on that understanding. In another ten years, we must not yet again be repeating the same investigation, with the same findings. In fact, of course, ten years is far too long. Details: Bristol: Women's Aid, 2016. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2016 at http://www.benhoarebell.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Womens-Aid-Nineteen-Child-Homicides-Jan-2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.benhoarebell.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Womens-Aid-Nineteen-Child-Homicides-Jan-2016.pdf Shelf Number: 137781 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Child Homicides Child Protection Familicide Family Violence Homicides

Author: Kyle, Chris Title: Violence and Insecurity in Guerrero Summary: This paper is a continuation of the series Building Resilient Communities in Mexico: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence, a multiyear effort by the Mexico Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and the Justice in Mexico Project at the University of San Diego to analyze the obstacles to and opportunities for improving citizen security in Mexico. Insecurity and violence associated with organized criminal activity are pervasive in Mexico's southern state of Guerrero. The state's homicide rate is the highest in the country and extortion and kidnapping are commonplace. For perpetrators, there is near complete impunity. The state is divided into territories within which either drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) or community policing networks exercise control over local policing functions. Local, state, or federal authorities occasionally join this competition, but for the most part policing powers are held by others. In rural areas competition between groups of traffickers over the state's prodigious narcotics output has created violent no-man's-lands in buffer zones between territories controlled by rival groups. In cities violence is mostly a byproduct of efforts to establish and preserve monopolies in extortion, kidnapping, and retail contraband markets. Despite claims to the contrary by state and federal authorities, there has been no discernible improvement in public security in recent months or years. Restraining the violence in Guerrero will require that state authorities make a systematic effort to address two existing realities that sustain the criminal activities producing violence. Thus, this paper examines the security situation in the state of Guerrero, including the operation of drug trafficking organizations, and proposes possible solutions to the security crisis. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Mexico Institute, 2015. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Building Resilient Communities in Mexico: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence Briefing Paper Series: accessed February 17, 2016 at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Violence%20and%20Insecurity%20in%20Guerrero.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Violence%20and%20Insecurity%20in%20Guerrero.pdf Shelf Number: 137864 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Extortion Homicides Kidnappings Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: de Hoyos, Rafael Title: Idle youth in Mexico : trapped between the war on drugs and economic crisis Summary: The present study combines data from Mexico's employment surveys (Encuesta Nacional de Empleo and Encuesta Nacional de Ocupacion y Empleo) with the country's official statistics on murder rates to create a state-level panel data set covering the period 1995 to 2013. Including most of the common controls identified by the literature, the results show that the rate of male youth ages 19 to 24 not studying and out of work (the so-called ninis), is not correlated with homicide rates during the period 1995 to 2006. However, there is evidence that a positive correlation between male ninis and murder rates arises between 2007 and 2013, a period during which murder rates in Mexico increased threefold. The association between ninis and homicide rates is stronger in states located along the border with the United States, a region particularly affected by organized crime and the international financial crisis of 2008-09. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2016. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research working paper; no. WPS 7558: Accessed February 17, 2016 at: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2016/02/04/090224b084147697/1_0/Rendered/PDF/Idle0youth0in000and0economic0crisis.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2016/02/04/090224b084147697/1_0/Rendered/PDF/Idle0youth0in000and0economic0crisis.pdf Shelf Number: 137868 Keywords: At-Risk Youth Crime Rates Homicides Murders Organized Crime Unemployment and Crime

Author: Great Britain. Office for National Statistics Title: Crime Statistics: Focus on Violent Crime and Sexual Offences, year ending march 2015 Summary: This release is a collaboration between ONS and Home Office analysts. It explores a variety of official statistics on violent crime and is based on interviews carried out on the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) in the year to March 2014 and crimes recorded by the police period over the same period. Trend analysis from both sources is included. This release is split into five chapters, each covering a different aspect of violent crime. The first chapter provides an overview of violent crime, summarising the extent and range of violent crime together with an analysis of long term trends. It also explores information such as the characteristics of the victim and the offender, as well as where and when incidents took place. The second chapter presents analyses of data gathered from the Home Office Homicide Index which includes murder, manslaughter and infanticide. The chapter discusses trends in homicide and puts the latest figures in the context of international comparisons. It also provides details on the characteristics of victims and suspects. The third chapter presents findings on the use of weapons in selected offences recorded by the police including firearms, knives and sharp instruments. It includes information on how they are used, and the injuries caused, as well as describing the geographical distribution of these offences. The fourth chapter uses data from a self-completion section on the 2013/14 CSEW which asks about experience of sexual and domestic violence. It describes offences occurring in the 12 months before the interview as well as those taking place since age 16. The chapter explores aspects of serious sexual assault and attitudes to sexual violence. The final chapter presents findings from the 2013/14 CSEW on violent incidents where alcohol has been a factor. Additional analysis on the nature of alcohol-related violence is also provided from the combined datasets of the 2012/13 and 2013/14 CSEW. This chapter also presents some information on alcohol-related violent crime recorded by the police. Key points - The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) continues to show steady declines in violent crime over the last 20 years. Between the 1995 and the 2013/14 surveys, the number of violent crime incidents has fallen from 3.8 million in 1995 to 1.3 million in 2013/14. - Violent crime victimisation rates have fallen by more than half since peak levels of crime in the mid-1990s. In 1995 4.8% of adults aged 16 and over were a victim of violent crime in the previous year, compared with 1.8% in the 2013/14 survey. - Homicide has also shown a general downward trend since 2002/03. The number of currently recorded homicides for 2013/14 (526) and 2011/12 (528) were the lowest since 1989 (521). The number of homicides in 2013/14 was equivalent to 9.2 offences per million population. - As in previous years, children under one year old had the highest rate of homicide (23.9 offences per million population) compared with other age groups. With the exception of those aged under one year, adults generally had higher incidence rates of being a victim of homicide than children. - The numbers of sexual offences (64,205) in 2013/14 was the highest recorded by the police since 2002/03. As well as improvements in recording, this is thought to reflect a greater willingness of victims to come forward to report such crimes. The CSEW has not seen a rise in the prevalence of sexual assault. The latest estimates show a small fall in sexual assault victimisation rates compared with the previous year. - In 2013/14, there were 7,709 offences in which firearms were involved, a 5% decrease compared with 2012/13. Offences involving knives or sharp instruments fell by 2% between 2012/13 and 2013/14 (to 25,972). These falls follow a sustained downward trend over a number of years. - The profile of victims of violent crime and sexual violence varied according to the type of offence. The CSEW showed that young men were most likely to be the victims of violence, while in contrast young women were more likely to have experienced sexual assault (including attempts). - Women were also more likely to be a victim of domestic abuse, with 8.5% of women and 4.5% of men having experienced domestic abuse in the last year, equivalent to an estimated 1.4 million female victims and 700,000 male victims. - In 2013/14, as in previous years, around two-thirds of homicide victims (65%) were male. In contrast, victims killed by a partner or ex-partner were more likely to be women. - Victims perceived the offender(s) to be under the influence of alcohol in 53% of violent incidents. This is equivalent to an estimated 704,000 'alcohol-related' violent incidents. While the volume of violent incidents that were 'alcohol-related' has fallen over time the proportion has remained relatively steady over the last ten years. Alcohol was a particularly prevalent factor in violent incidents between strangers, 64% of which were perceived to be alcohol-related. Details: London: Office of National Statistics, 2016. various pagings Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2016 at: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/taxonomy/index.html?nscl=Crime+and+Justice#tab-sum-pub Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/taxonomy/index.html?nscl=Crime+and+Justice#tab-sum-pub Shelf Number: 137883 Keywords: Alcohol-Related Crime Crime Statistics Crime Surveys Domestic Violence Firearms Gun-Related Violence Homicides Sexual Assault Sexual Offenses Sexual Violence Victimization Violent Crime Weapons

Author: Baumgartner, Frank R. Title: The Impact of Race, Gender, and Geography on Florida Executions Summary: Florida's use of the death penalty in the modern era has been marked by substantial disparities by the race and gender of the victim of the crime, and by geography. These disparities are so great that they call in to question the equity of the application of the harshest penalty, adding to growing concerns that the death penalty is applied in an unfair, capricious, and arbitrary manner. Between 1976 and 2014, the state of Florida executed 89 men and women. Here are a few key findings of this research: - 72% of all executions carried out in Florida between 1976 and 2014 were for crimes involving White victims despite the fact that 56% of all homicide victims are White. - Only 26% of all homicide victims are female, but 43% of all executions carried out in Florida were for homicides involving female victims. - Homicides involving White female victims are 6.5 times more likely to result in an execution than homicides in involving Black male victims. - No White person has been executed in Florida for a homicide involving a Black victim. In contrast, 71% of the executions carried out against Black inmates were for homicides involving White victims. In cases where Black inmates were executed, 56% of all of the victims were White. - Just six out of Florida's 67 counties are responsible for more than half of the state's 89 executions. - Only four counties (Miami-Dade, Orange, Duval, and Pinellas) have produced more than five executions. More than half of all Florida counties (36) have never produced an execution. Seven Florida counties (Bradford, Wakulla, Santa Rosa, Madison, Colombia, Lake, and Hernando) have execution rates that are more than triple the state's average execution rate of .30 executions per 100 homicides. - The homicide rate in counties that have produced no executions (1.11 homicides per 1,000 population) is significantly lower than the homicide rate in counties that have produced executions (1.62 homicides per 1,000 population). Details: The Author, 2016. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 25, 2016 at: https://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/articles/Baumgartner-Florida-executions-Jan2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/articles/Baumgartner-Florida-executions-Jan2016.pdf Shelf Number: 137975 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty Executions Homicides Racial Disparities

Author: Granath, Sven Title: Lethal violence in Sweden 1990-2014: A description of trends with a specific focus on firearm violence Summary: Lethal violence is a central type of offence in studies of crime trends in Sweden and in other countries. The rate of unreported cases, i.e. events which never come to the police's attention, is believed to be low for such offences and there is relatively consistent data over time. This report analyses all cases of completed murder, manslaughter, and assault with a lethal outcome of which the police were aware from 1990-2014. The purpose is to describe lethal violence in Sweden, both with a focus on the general trends and with a specific focus on lethal violence with firearms. The latter type of lethal violence has been given a great deal of attention during recent years, not the least in connection with reports of shootings in major cities while, at the same time, there has not yet been a detailed analysis of lethal firearm violence. In addition to information from the criminal justice system regarding cases of lethal violence (police investigations, sentences, etc.), the report also uses data from the National Board of Health and Welfare's cause of death register and patient register. Details: Stockholm: Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Bra), 2015. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: English summary of Bra report 2015:24: Accessed March 14, 2016 at: https://www.bra.se/download/18.47fa372d1520dfb2fc51b888/1452503671860/2015_Lethal_violence_in_Sweden_1990_2014.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Sweden URL: https://www.bra.se/download/18.47fa372d1520dfb2fc51b888/1452503671860/2015_Lethal_violence_in_Sweden_1990_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 138213 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime Crime Statistics Crime Trends Firearms Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Alesina, Alberto Title: Organized Crime, Violence, and Politics Summary: We investigate how criminal organizations strategically use violence to influence elections and national politics in order to get captured politicians elected. The model offers novel testable implications about the level of electoral violence under different types of electoral systems and different degrees of electoral competition. We test these implications by exploiting data on homicide rates in Italy since 1887, and compare the extent of 'electoral-violence cycles' between areas with higher and lower presence of organized crime, under democratic and non-democratic regimes, and different types of electoral rules. We provide additional evidence on the influence of organized crime on politics using the parliamentary discourses of politician-selected in Sicily during the period 1945-2013. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper Series; Working Paper 22093: Accessed March 21, 2016 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w22093.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Italy URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w22093.pdf Shelf Number: 138343 Keywords: Homicides Organized Crime Political Elections Violent Crime

Author: Lum, Kristian Title: Estimating Undocumented Homicides with Two Lists and List Dependence Summary: Homicides tend to be hidden from public view. Perpetrators are often motivated to conceal the crime, and victims' families may be afraid to denounce the violence; concealment and the families' fear may be most acute when the perpetrators of the crime are state authorities, like the police. Consequently, lists of homicides tend to be partial, and they tend to emphasize victims with high social visibility: victims who are relatively well-known, and whose killing occurs in daylight, in urban areas, and in view of bystanders motivated to report the crime. Other killings without these aspects more frequently remain hidden from public knowledge. When two or more groups provide lists of victims of homicide, it is possible to estimate the total population of victims, including those who were not documented on any of the lists being used. The technique is called capture-recapture or multiple systems estimation (MSE; an introduction to the method is here). Intuitively, the more overlaps among the lists, the more plausible it is that the population they are drawing from is small. A standard assumption in MSE is that the lists are statistically independent (see Q13, here), i.e. that an incident being recorded on one list makes the incident no more or less likely to be recorded on the other lists. Another standard assumption is homogeneity of recording probabilities (see Q11, here), i.e. that the probability of recording patterns does not vary across the population being estimated. Heterogeneity in recording probabilities can induce list dependence (International Working Group for Disease Monitoring and Forecasting, 1995). Thus, the independence assumption is rarely true, but with three or more lists we can estimate the dependence among subsets of the lists, following the method proposed by Bishop et al. (1975). In estimates made by the Human Rights Data Analysis Group (HRDAG), we use three or more lists to take advantage of the additional lists to estimate the list dependence rates. Whether estimates produced under the assumption of independence over-or underestimate the true population size depends on correlations between inclusion in different lists. Lists are positively correlated if the appearance of an incident on one list makes it more likely that the incident appears on the other list. One mechanism through which this can occur is if the both lists are compiled using some of the same underlying data sources. Positive list correlation also occurs between lists collected by projects that share similar social constituencies, for example, lists of victims collected by police and by municipal social workers may tend to draw from communities that trust the government, while communities that do not trust the government may avoid both police and government social service projects. Lists are negatively correlated if the appearance of an incident on one list makes it less likely that the incident was recorded on the other list. This can occur if the groups gathering data tend to focus their efforts on different geographic regions or periods of time, or if one documentation group draws from one political party while another documentation group draws from a competing party. When dependence between two lists is positive, the two-list independence estimator will be biased downward, and when list dependence is negative, this estimate will be biased upward. In practice, we have found that most list dependence is positive. In this document, we propose a method to include a correction for list dependence in the two list case, producing a range of estimates. In essence, we propose performing a sensitivity analysis to the independence assumption. For the values we use in the correction, we derive list dependence measures from contextually similar projects where we believe the underlying data generating processes was similar to the data collection done by the two groups recording from our target population. That is, we select other data sets that we believe exhibit similar list dependence properties to the two lists of records from our target population. Thus, we can estimate a population total using only two lists that accounts for list dependence. This approach assumes that the list dependence in the two lists from our target population is comparable to the list dependence in other projects (and populations) where we have three or more lists. Details: San Francisco?: Human Rights Data Analysis Group, 2015. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 21, 2016 at: https://hrdag.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/2015-hrdag-estimating-undoc-homicides.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: https://hrdag.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/2015-hrdag-estimating-undoc-homicides.pdf Shelf Number: 138348 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Murders

Author: Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Title: Situation of Human Rights in Guatemala: Siversity, Inequality and Exclusion Summary: The report "Situation of Human Rights in Guatemala: Diversity, Inequality and Exclusion," addresses structural challenges on public safety, access to justice and impunity, marginalization and discrimination that seriously affect the human rights of its inhabitants. The report particularly analyzes the system of administration of justice in Guatemala and the need for appropriate, efficient, independent and impartial, in order to respond to structural impunity for several past and present human rights violations. Also, the report especially addresses the situation of the indigenous peoples of Guatemala, whose rights to their ancestral lands and territories have been affected, and suffer exclusion, inequality and malnutrition as a result of racism and structural discrimination. The report analyzes the situation of human rights of human rights defenders, journalists, women, children and adolescents, persons with disabilities, lesbian, gay, transgender, bisexual and intersex persons and migrants. "We have noticed changes in Guatemala in favor of a society that is more respectful of human rights," said the IACHR Rapporteur for Guatemala, Commissioner Enrique Gil Botero. "These advances have been promoted and triggered by the efforts of public officials committed to justice, as well as human rights defenders and social leaders. Their work, which often endangers their life and integrity, has been and continues to be essential. " Among the improvements, the IACHR highlights the reduction in the homicide rate and the September 2015 Constitutional Court's decision, which for the first time ordered the implementation of a prior and informed consultation with the indigenous communities affected by an investment project. Furthermore, also regarding administration of justice, the Commission highlights the efforts of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) and the Public Ministry in their work dismantling criminal networks and fighting against corruption. The IACHR also appreciates the efforts taken by the State in order to create a program to protect journalists, prevent and combat human trafficking, as well as to register differentiated statistics on violence against women to feed the design of public policies, among others. The IACHR also applauds the decision taken by the government to extend the mandate of the CICIG in 2015, whose work has been crucial. Details: Washington, DC: IACHR, 2015. 221p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 26, 2016 at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Guatemala2016-en.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Guatemala URL: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Guatemala2016-en.pdf Shelf Number: 138418 Keywords: Crime Rates Criminal Justice Systems Discrimination Homicides Human Rights Abuses Indigenous Peoples Public Safety Violence Violent Crime

Author: Quinet, Kenna Title: External Causes of Death in Indiana: Firearm Deaths Summary: Recent national headlines focused on the high firearm suicide rates in Indiana's own Vanderburgh County. In the first few weeks of 2007, suicides in the Evansville area were three times the number expected. Although the pace of suicides slowed during the rest of the year, by the end of 2007, the number of suicides reached 40, exceeding the previous high of 32 in 2005. Of these suicides, the method in 26 of the 40, or 65 percent, was a firearm. Also receiving national attention were the brutal firearm homicides of two Indianapolis women and their two small children. In addition to these recent southern and central Indiana firearm suicides and homicides, there was a tragic firearm injury in northern Indiana in February 2008 when teenagers were out of school due to weather. An 18-year-old boy was unintentionally shot by another teen who was playing with a firearm. From 1990-2005, 11,809 Hoosiers died from firearm-related suicides, homicides, unintentional shootings, and undetermined means. Of those deaths, 6,904 were firearm suicides, 4,297 were firearm homicides, and 432 Indiana residents died in unintentional shootings. Clearly the most significant toll of firearm deaths is from suicide (59 percent), to a lesser extent homicide (37 percent), and the least likely firearm death in Indiana is an unintentional firearm death (4 percent). These unintentional shootings are often the most tragic because children are involved. Newspapers, magazines, television, and radio are filled with stories of firearm homicides, suicides, and unintentional deaths. But how common are these firearm deaths? Are they increasing or decreasing? Which age, race, and gender groups are most vulnerable? How do firearm deaths in Indiana rank compared to the other major external causes of death such as unintentional motor vehicle deaths? This report begins to address these questions using data primarily from the Centers for Disease Control, National Center of Injury Prevention and Control Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS). Details: Indianapolis: Center for Urban Policy and the Environment, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University, 2008. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2016 at: http://policyinstitute.iu.edu/Uploads/PublicationFiles/CauseOfDeath4.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://policyinstitute.iu.edu/Uploads/PublicationFiles/CauseOfDeath4.pdf Shelf Number: 138440 Keywords: Firearms Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides

Author: Hill, Christopher M. Title: Evaluation of the Oklahoma City Gang and Violent Crime Program Summary: In January 2008, the City of Oklahoma City received a grant award from the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) for a project called the Oklahoma City Gang and Violent Crime Program. The project, funded under the BJA FY 07 Targeting Violent Crime Initiative, recognized the growing problem of gang violence in Oklahoma City. The project proposed specific activities to combat gang violence; it contained a plan to fund those activities; and it provided for an evaluation to determine the effectiveness of those activities at increasing prosecutions and reducing gang violence. The City of Oklahoma City authorized the Oklahoma City Police Department to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding with the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation for the purpose of conducting the evaluation. The evaluation was supported by Grant No. 2007-DD-BX-0631 awarded by BJA. The evaluation period ranged from March 9, 2010 to June 11, 2010. Utilizing an evaluation management process, evaluators at the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation conducted multiple assessments that addressed the program's need, theory, process, and impact. Overall, the evaluators make the following five conclusions. 1. Oklahoma City reported a documented gang problem, and additional resources were necessary to implement suppression, intervention, and prevention activities at a level that would reduce and minimize the extent of the problem. The grant award for the Oklahoma City Gang and Violent Crime Program provided funding for those additional resources. 2. The program theory as described in the application for funding contained a satisfactory level of logic and plausibility. In general, the program's functions, activities, and components were well-defined, feasible, and appropriate for the overall goals and objectives. 3. The Oklahoma City Police Department demonstrated a high level of fidelity to the program theory. In general, the department implemented and administered the program's functions, activities, and components as they were designed. 4. Substantial activity took place during the program, which yielded several indicators of the program's ability to improve public safety. Seventy cases worked as part of the program were accepted for prosecution. It is reasonable to believe that many of these cases would have gone undetected without the resources the program made available. Effects of the program on long-term changes in gang-related crime and violence were more difficult to assess. The program will require more data, collected over a longer period, in order to determine its impact on gang-related crime in Oklahoma City. 5. The Oklahoma City Gang and Violent Crime Program contributed to both structural and cultural changes in the Oklahoma City Police Department. Structurally, the department now has systems and standardized processes in place to address the gang problem. Culturally, the program changed the mindset of officers, and intelligence-led policing (ILP) is now widely practiced. The Oklahoma City Police Department would like to build on the successes it achieved through the program. Therefore, the evaluation concludes with recommendations for sustaining the program. Recommendations pertain to training, intelligence-led policing, and information sharing. Details: Oklahoma City, OK: Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation, 2010. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2016 at: https://www.ok.gov/osbi/documents/Evaluation%20Report%20for%20OCPD%20June%202010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://www.ok.gov/osbi/documents/Evaluation%20Report%20for%20OCPD%20June%202010.pdf Shelf Number: 138572 Keywords: Drive-by Shootings Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Youth Gangs

Author: Institute for Economics and Peace Title: Mexico Peace Index 2016. Mapping the Evolution of Peace and Its Drivers Summary: In 2015, Mexico's peace improved by 0.3 percent, which is the smallest improvement in peace in the last five years. The improvement is largely attributed to a 10 percent decline in the violent crime rate and an eight percent decline in the rate of organized crime related offenses. However, this was offset by deteriorations in detention without sentencing, weapons crime and the homicide rate. The latter increased by six percent. Furthermore, the gap between the most and least peaceful states widened slightly in 2015, reversing the trend observed in six of the seven prior years. An area of concern is the trend towards increased impunity, which deteriorated dramatically from 2007 onwards. In 2007, there were four convictions for every five cases of homicide, but by 2013 there was only one conviction for every five cases. This, combined with the increases in detention without sentencing, points to an overstretched judicial system, as is further supported by statistics on the over-crowding of prisons. It also highlights the challenges facing the justice system, whose 2015 federal expenditure was 78 billion pesos, below the 2012 level of expenditure. The longer term trends indicate a marked improvement in peacefulness since 2011, the year in which violence peaked in Mexico. The country has improved its peacefulness by 13 percent since that time. Violent crime, homicides and organized crime have all fallen by nearly 30 percent. These improvements mean that twenty-five out of the 32 states in Mexico have become more peaceful since 2011, including four of the five states that ranked at the bottom in that year. These improvements in peace have resulted in roughly 85 percent of The Mexico Peace Index (MPI), produced by the Institute for Economics and Peace, provides a comprehensive measure of peacefulness in Mexico from 2003 to 2015, with new results for 2015. This report aims to deepen the understanding of the trends, patterns and drivers of peace in Mexico, while highlighting the important economic benefits that will flow from a more peaceful society. Details: Sydney, AUS: Institute for Economics and Peace, 2016. 120p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2016 at: http://economicsandpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Mexico-Peace-Index-2016_English.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://economicsandpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Mexico-Peace-Index-2016_English.pdf Shelf Number: 138663 Keywords: Crime Rates Criminal Justice Systems Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Smithson, Hannah Title: Young People's Involvement in Gangs and Guns in Liverpool Summary: There has been growing concern among policy makers and the wider public regarding high profile murders involving firearms, along with a perception that these events are a result of youth gang violence. These incidents have been taking place in major cities across the UK, including Liverpool. This perception of escalating violence among young people, frequently involving weapons, has prompted the government to make confronting what it has termed 'gun, knife and gang crime' a priority. However, relatively little information exists on 'gang involvement and 'gun crime', who is committing it, for what reasons and what might be the best ways of reducing it. Other commentators have connected gun crime to criminal gangs and a growing 'gang culture.', nevertheless, important gaps remain in our knowledge about violent crime fuelled by gangs and weapons. This research study draws upon an extensive literature review of the national and international research examining gangs and gun crime, coupled with a series of in-depth interviews with senior practitioners, senior specialist police officers, front line youth workers, and gang and gun involved young people from across Liverpool. Research Questions The research aimed to answer the following research questions: 1. What is the extent and nature of young people's involvement with gangs and guns in Liverpool? 2. What are the likely causal processes generating and sustaining the problem? a. What factors contribute increased risk of gang and gun involvement? b. What motivates young people to become involved with gangs and guns? 3. Which interventions look promising? a. What factors influence implementation? Details: Huddersfield, UK: University of Huddersfield, Applied Criminology Centre, 2009. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2016 at: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/24788/1/acc-guns-and-gangs-report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/24788/1/acc-guns-and-gangs-report.pdf Shelf Number: 131483 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Youth Gangs

Author: New Jersey. Commission on Violence Title: Report of the Study Commission on Violence Summary: The Study Commission on Violence discharged its duty to examine trends and sources of violence, the impact of violence on the community, identified funding opportunities that address violence, and the mental health system through the receipt of subject matter expert briefings, public hearings, and its own independent research. This report summarizes the Study Commission's findings and its recommendations to the Legislature and the Governor. Violence in our communities is a concern we heard expressed time and again in our public hearings and in examining data related to the frequency of violence in New Jersey. There is no one source of violence or a single impact on the communities where it occurs. Rather, violence is brought on by a host of socio-economic factors and individual decisions made by people who choose to perpetrate violent acts against others or themselves. While "violence" is an all-encompassing term, it can also be imprecise. Deaths due to violence are at a generational low; yet, violence remains stubbornly high in certain areas - in New Jersey, roughly 80 percent of all violent crime occurs in just 21 cities. It is not coincidental that these cities also have lower rates of high school graduation, higher rates of unemployment, lower rates of household income, and higher rates of school truancy. Violence does not occur in a vacuum; rather, it thrives in poor and disadvantaged communities where educational and economic opportunities are limited and residents have become accustomed to a certain level of lawlessness. In recent years, the challenges facing these communities have been compounded by economic turmoil that has resulted in reductions in law enforcement. Violence, however, is not confined to urban settings and occurs in suburban and rural communities as well. The issue of violence should be a concern to all New Jersey residents, to one degree or another. And while violent "street" crime is found disproportionately in a small number of places in New Jersey, certain crimes like domestic violence are more widespread. Still others, like elder abuse, are emerging as concerns in the community. At the same time, a consensus has begun to form around the manner in which those who are drug addicted, particularly those suffering from heroin addiction, are treated when they are arrested. Whereas public policy once focused exclusively on incarcerating individuals, even for low-level offenses, for significant periods of time, current policy has shifted toward diverting non-violent offenders away from incarceration and into treatment. Moreover, this trend has extended into how law enforcement treats juvenile delinquents. Through diversion programs that offer community-based oversight, some county youth detention facilities have closed because too few juveniles are being remanded to custody and the number of juveniles in Juvenile Justice Commission facilities has dropped by roughly half. Of course, violence is not limited to acts by one person against another. Self-directed violence in the form of suicide and attempted suicide is also prevalent in our country. Indeed, the number of suicides that occur nationally each year is more than twice the number of homicides that occur in our nation. The Study Commission took seriously its charge to examine the trends, sources, and impact of violence in the community, the availability of grant funding to combat violence, the implementation of expanded involuntary outpatient commitments, and whether and how defendants with identified mental health disabilities but who are charged with crimes, can be offered an alternative to incarceration in the form of a structured, case managed program of treatment and counseling. The Commission learned that there are a wide range of programs and services available to those with a diagnosed mental health disability or illness. Indeed, coverage for mental health treatment is now available to more individuals through the expansion of Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act. That said, issues still remain regarding access to that treatment due to limited resources and reimbursement for practitioners who treat these patients. With respect to at least one specific charge of the Commission - examining the involuntary outpatient commitment program and whether it should be extended statewide - the Commission determined that this has been mooted by legislation passed by the Legislature and signed by the Governor. Details: s.l.: The Commission, 2015. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2016 at: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2455899/study-commission-on-violence-report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2455899/study-commission-on-violence-report.pdf Shelf Number: 138801 Keywords: Gang Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mental Health Services Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Suicides Urban Areas Violence Violent Crime

Author: Fox, Andrew M. Title: Measuring the Impact of Kansas City's No Violence Alliance Summary: In 2013 and 2014, focused deterrence / lever pulling strategies were developed and deployed in Kansas City. Stakeholders involved in this strategy included the KCPD, Jackson County Prosecutor's Office, US Attorney's Office (WD-MO), Missouri Probation and Parole, Mayor's Office and federal law enforcement. Groups involved with violence were identified utilizing street-level intelligence and analysis, and stakeholders communicated directly and repeatedly to groups the consequences of future violence and opportunities to avoid violence by leveraging social services. Community members complemented this message by challenging the violent norms of the street code of retaliatory violence. Successive Interrupted Time Series analyses indicate that homicide and gun-related aggravated assaults were significantly reduced at 1, 2, 6-month intervals. However evidence also suggests that the deterrent value waned around the 12-month post-intervention period; while homicides continued to decline modestly there was indications that gun-related aggravated assaults began to regress to the mean, raising questions about the long-term effectiveness of focused deterrence. Details: Kansas City, MO: Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, University of Missouri - Kansas City, 2015. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2016 at: https://cas.umkc.edu/cjc/pdfs/NoVA-impact-report-Aug2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://cas.umkc.edu/cjc/pdfs/NoVA-impact-report-Aug2015.pdf Shelf Number: 138890 Keywords: Focused Deterrence Gang Violence Gangs Homicides Violence Prevention Youth Gangs

Author: Metropolitan Police Department (Washington, DC) Title: After Action Report: Washington Navy Yard, September 16, 2013. Internal Review of the Metropolitan Police Department, Washington, D.C. Summary: On the morning of Monday, September 16, 2013, Aaron Alexis entered Building 197 at the Washington Navy Yard, where he served as an independent contractor, and carried out the most deadly workplace mass shooting in the Nation's Capital in recent memory. Over the course of 69 minutes, Alexis terrorized thousands of employees of Naval Sea Systems Command, firing indiscriminately from a shotgun he had legally purchased two days earlier and a handgun he had taken from a security guard after mortally wounding the guard. He would also get into multiple shooting engagements with responding law enforcement officers, seriously injuring a Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) officer. In his final confrontation with police, Alexis ambushed and fired upon another MPD officer. Fortunately, the officer was saved by his protective vest and was able to return fire, killing Alexis and ending his rampage. When it was over, Alexis had shot and killed twelve people and injured several others. Over the years, the members of MPD, along with other area law enforcement agencies and emergency responders, have trained extensively for the possibility of an "active shooter" incident. The Department did so with the hope of never having to respond to such a tragedy, but in the wake of Columbine, Virginia Tech, Aurora, Fort Hood, and Sandy Hook, among other similar tragedies, MPD recognized the importance and necessity of those preparations. As the primary law enforcement agency for the Nation's Capital, the members of MPD are acutely aware of the many potential targets that exist within the city and the need to remain prepared and vigilant. On September 16, 2013, hundreds of police, fire, and emergency medical personnel from several different agencies responded to the Navy Yard after receiving news of the shooting. Officers relied upon their training, experience, and instincts to run into an unfamiliar and massive building, towards the gunshots and certain danger, in order to stop the gunman from taking more lives. Details: Washington, DC: Metropolitan Police Department, 2014. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 5, 2016 at: http://mpdc.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/mpdc/publication/attachments/MPD%20AAR_Navy%20Yard_07-11-14.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://mpdc.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/mpdc/publication/attachments/MPD%20AAR_Navy%20Yard_07-11-14.pdf Shelf Number: 138936 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Internal Security Mass Shootings National Security Police Officer Training

Author: McKenzie, Mandy Title: Out of character? : legal responses to intimate partner homicides by men in Victoria 2005 - 2014 Summary: Over a 10-year period (2002-2012) in Australia, 488 women were killed by an intimate partner or ex-partner (Cussen & Bryant 2015a). These homicides are the extreme end of a continuum of violence against women and children in families. Domestic and family violence (hereafter referred to as family violence) has become the focus of increasing community concern in Australia over recent years. There is a growing awareness of the scale, impact and costs associated with family violence. Research and death reviews in Australia and internationally over the last two decades have highlighted that systemic failures in legal responses to family violence contribute to these deaths. For example, in the 1990s in Victoria, the Women's Coalition Against Family Violence (WCAFV) documented the impact of domestic murders of women and children in Blood on whose hands? The killing of women and children in domestic homicides (WCAFV 1994). The book outlined the stories of women and children who had been killed in domestic homicides in Victoria. The accounts demonstrated the failure of the police, legal and support services. This study examined risk factors and legal responses in 51 homicides by men between 2005-2014. A history of family violence and relationship separation were key factors in these deaths. Details: Melbourne, Vic.: Domestic Violence Research Centre Victoria, 2016. 164p. Source: Internet Resource: DVRCV Discussion Paper, No. 10): Accessed May 11, 2016 at: http://www.dvrcv.org.au/sites/default/files/out_of_character_dvrcv.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dvrcv.org.au/sites/default/files/out_of_character_dvrcv.pdf Shelf Number: 138965 Keywords: Abusive Men Domestic Violence Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Violence Against Women, Children

Author: Schnur, Danielle Kristina Title: The Hill Versus the Field: A Case-Study Analysis of Sustained Gang Violence between Two Boston Gangs Summary: Homicide rates in the United States have followed a roller coaster ride since the 1980s. Despite decreasing to 18,692 homicides in 1984, the homicide rate skyrocketed to 24,703 in 1991 (US Department of Justice 2010). Although the homicide rate subsided in the late 1990s, reaching a low of 15,522 homicides in 1999, homicides have again begun to increase, reaching 17,034 in 2006 (US Department of Justice 2010). Youth homicides have followed a similar progression, peaking in 1993 with 9,204 youth victims. Although youth homicide rates decreased in the late 1990s, reaching a low of 5,531 homicides in 2000, they also have been increasing since the early 2000s with 6,230 youth victims in 2006 (US Department of Justice 2010). Research suggests a significant portion of youth homicides are gang-related, with Braga, Hureau, and Winship (2008) citing that one third of youth homicides in Chicago, 50% of youth homicides in Los Angeles' Boyle Heights area, and 60% of youth homicides in Boston are gang-related. In the context of steadily rising homicide rates, this strong correlation demands an understanding of sustained gang violence over time. My thesis will answer this question on a case-study level, using a violent gang rivalry in Boston. Details: Boston: Harvard College, 2010. 123p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed May 13, 2016 at: http://prisonstudiesproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Schnur_Thesis1.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://prisonstudiesproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Schnur_Thesis1.pdf Shelf Number: 139013 Keywords: Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Gangs Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: O'Neil, Shannon K. Title: Mexico on the Brink Summary: The headlines don't mislead. Mexican society is reeling from the collateral damage of the permanent war on drugs in the Americas, as crime cartels duke it out for control of illicit exports to the US. Indeed, high levels of violence largely explain why Mexico ranked 104th out of 142 countries in the Safety and Security category in the 2013 Legatum Prosperity Index - and why, in spite of a very high ranking (27th) in the Economy category, the country is only 59th in the overall prosperity ranking. But that's just one element of the story of contemporary Mexico. Here, Shannon O'Neil, a senior fellow for Latin American Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations (and author of the new book, Two Nations Indivisible: Mexico, the United States, and the Road Ahead), focuses on Mexico's progress in escaping what development economists call the "middle-income trap". In the early 1980s, Mexico began to shake off the political and economic torpor created by one-party, Tammany Hallstyle rule and self-imposed isolation from the competitive pressures of a rapidly integrating global economy. Reform was initially forced on the country as a condition for relief from the consequences of default on its foreign loans. But it triggered a series of secondary tremors that shook the domestic economic and political landscape, leading first to the free trade agreement with the US and Canada, and then to the opening of the political system to interests that had no stake in preserving a bloated, bureaucratic government and corrupt, state-owned enterprises. O'Neil picks up the story from there. Arguably the least understood aspect of Mexico's coming of age, she suggests, is the role played by global supply chains in manufacturing. Mexico's combination of competitively priced labour, proximity to the US and Canada, and market-friendly regulation has led to an unprecedented degree of integration between the three economies, powering the growth of Mexico's middle-class. O'Neil makes it clear that the path forward is not strewn with roses, however. Organised crime still makes life terrifying for millions on a daily basis. Public services - in particular, public education - remain inadequate to meet the challenge of creating a workforce the equal of, say, the US or Northern Europe. The national oil monopoly is still corrupt, poorly managed and woefully lacking in modern technology. But by O'Neil's reading, Mexico really does have a shot at joining the elite club of rich, democratic nations. Details: London: Legatum Institute, 2013. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Prosperity in Depth: Mexico: Accessed May 13, 2016 at: https://lif.blob.core.windows.net/lif/docs/default-source/country-growth-reports/pid-mexico-2013---mexico-on-the-brink.pdf?sfvrsn=0 Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: https://lif.blob.core.windows.net/lif/docs/default-source/country-growth-reports/pid-mexico-2013---mexico-on-the-brink.pdf?sfvrsn=0 Shelf Number: 139017 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Drugs and Crime Homicides Organized Crime Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Healing Communities in Crisis: Lifesaving Solutions to the Urban Gun Violence Epidemic Summary: Healing Communities in Crisis outlines two categories of solutions: intervention programs and policy reforms. These approaches are grounded in the insight that, in most communities, an incredibly small and identifiable population is responsible for the vast majority of gun violence. Our report highlights the following programs: - Group Violence Intervention (GVI)- In this approach to gun violence prevention, a partnership of law enforcement, community members, and service providers is assembled to meet with small groups of the most at-risk individuals in order to send a message that the shooting must stop. The program has now been replicated in a wide array of American cities, with consistently impressive results. - Cure Violence (CV) - This promising strategy treats violence like a communicable disease. The spread of violence is interrupted by employing Outreach Workers and Violence Interrupters to work directly with individuals most likely to commit or become the victims of gun violence. A community campaign is also conducted to change norms surrounding the use of violence. - Hospital-Based Violence Intervention Programs (HVIP) - Victims of violent injury are very likely to end up back in the hospital. This model takes advantage of a unique teachable moment by connecting violently injured youths with culturally competent case managers who are able to shepherd their clients to badly-needed social services that enable change. Our report also lays out the policy reforms most likely to decrease the supply of crime guns in impacted communities. These policies include: universal background checks, permit to purchase laws, gun trafficking regulations, and prohibitions on large capacity ammunition magazines. Details: San Francisco: Law Center to Prevention Gun Violence, 2016. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://smartgunlaws.org/healing-communities/ Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://smartgunlaws.org/healing-communities/ Shelf Number: 139019 Keywords: Gun Policy Gun Trafficking Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Trafficking in Weapons Violence Prevention

Author: Witte, Eric A. Title: Undeniable Atrocities: Confronting Crimes Against Humanity in Mexico Summary: This report focuses on the nine-year period of December 1, 2006 to December 31, 2015. This covers the entirety of Felipe Calderon's presidency (December 1, 2006 to November 30, 2012), and just over half of the six-year term of current President Enrique Pema Nieto. To put statistics and institutional developments in context, however, the report includes some information from previous years, and especially the final years of the Vicente Fox presidency (December 1, 2000-November 30, 2006). The current crisis is the most intense period of violence in Mexico's modern history, but not its first. Accordingly, the report includes a brief overview of prior periods in which the government was also implicated in atrocity crimes for which there has been no accountability - including the period of the so-called "Dirty War," waged by the government against left-wing students and dissidents from the late 1960s to 1980s - in order to situate the recent surge in violence within a broader historical and political context. WHAT ARE "ATROCITY CRIMES"? The United Nations defines the term as encompassing the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. This report uses the term to refer to particular forms of violent crime that have affected many tens of thousands of civilians and may amount to crimes against humanity. Those affected include not only Mexicans but migrants from Central America, who travel a perilous path through the country and are increasingly the victims of vicious cartel violence. Specifically, the report examines three types of atrocity crimes: killings, disappearances, and torture and other ill-treatment. The report attempts to paint a composite picture based on a good-faith effort to synthesize all available statistics on and documentation of atrocity crimes in Mexico from December 2006. But that picture is only partial. Only accurate and complete data can reveal the full nature and scale of these crimes. The bulk of the data on which the analysis rests necessarily comes from government sources. This creates a considerable methodological challenge because government data on atrocity and other crime in Mexico is notoriously incomplete, skewed towards minimization, and therefore often unreliable. Collection of crime data is decentralized; states vary in their capacity and will to collect and share data with the federal government and public; some states keep data electronically and online, while others still keep records on paper, which are difficult to access. Particularly for atrocity crimes, data suffers from inaccurate and inconsistent categorization, itself a symptom of enduring denial about the scope and gravity of the situation. For instance, if charged at all, torture is often categorized as a lesser crime, such as "abuse of authority," and enforced disappearances may instead be classified as "kidnappings." Decades of impunity have engendered popular distrust in the justice sector, culminating in one of the greatest barriers to collecting accurate crime statistics: the fact that over 90 percent of crimes in Mexico are never reported to authorities in the first place. All of this has contributed to widely varying assessments of the scale and nature of atrocity crime, and confusion over the adequacy of the justice system's response. Some government data used here comes from public reports and statements from agencies including the federal Attorney General's Office (PGR), the Executive Secretariat of the National System of Public Security (SNSP), the autonomous government statistics office (INEGI), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE), and the Defense Ministry (SEDENA). Reports and publications of Mexico's National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) provide another important, if flawed, source of data. BEYOND PUBLIC REPORTS FROM GOVERNMENT ENTITIES, this report relies on information obtained through extensive use of Mexico's progressive legal regime on the right to information. Although critical public information is still too often withheld, the Open Society Justice Initiative, its partners, and others have been able to gain new insight into atrocity crime data, specific cases, and the functioning of justice institutions through information requests submitted to the federal and state governments. This report also relies on an extensive review of United Nations and Inter-American treaty body jurisprudence and reports; federal and state human rights commissions; national, regional, and international civil society reports; legal scholarship by Mexican and non-Mexican academics and political analysts; as well as investigative reports from Mexican and international media. These resources were augmented by over 100 first-hand interviews conducted by Mexico-based and international Justice Initiative staff and consultants, in person and by email and telephone, over the course of 2013-2015. Most in-person interviews were conducted in Mexico City, Coahuila, Guerrero, Nuevo Leon, Oaxaca, and Queretaro, although a small number were conducted in Morelos and Geneva. Almost all interviews were conducted in Spanish; for some, there was simultaneous interpretation into English, with the Spanish version considered definitive. All interviews were conducted with the verbal consent of the interviewee. Some sourcing has been anonymized at the request of the interlocutor. Those interviewed included government officials at the federal and state levels, including prosecutors, police, judges, members of congress and congressional staff, and officials at human rights and truth commissions. Research also included numerous interviews with Mexican and international experts and civil society representatives, as well as diplomats and academics. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2016. 220p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2016 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/undeniable-atrocities-en-20160602.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/undeniable-atrocities-en-20160602.pdf Shelf Number: 139298 Keywords: Crime Against Humanity Disappearances Homicides Human Rights Kidnappings Organized Crime Torture Violence Violent Crime

Author: Magaloni, Beatriz Title: Killing in the Slums: An Impact Evaluation of Police Reform in Rio de Janeiro Summary: This paper evaluates the causal impact of Rio de Janeiro's Pacifying Police Units (UPPs), probably the largest-scale police reform initiative taking place in the developing world. The main goals of the UPPs were: 1) to regain control of territories previously dominated by armed criminal groups; and 2) to improve security for these communities through reduction of lethal violence. In the course of six years, more than 9,000 police officers were permanently assigned to the UPPs, servicing close to half million residents in the city slums (favelas). We are interested in understanding the process through which governments supply a basic public service - the police - in poor urban neighborhoods that have long been abandoned to the arbitrary rule of non-state armed actors. Moreover, our paper documents Rio de Janeiro's painful trajectory of police violence, illuminating some of it major institutional facilitators. Painstakingly geo-coding homicides and police killings from 2005 to 2013, we provide answers to some of the most critical questions about police use of lethal force, including the determinants of variations in who is targeted by police repression and how different strategies for policing the slums have impacted police killings. To evaluate the UPP impact on lethal violence, we use a variety of causal identification strategies that leverage spatial and temporal variation in the introduction of the UPP as well as geo-referenced data of more than 22,000 incidents of lethal violence. Our empirical models reveal that the UPP had mixed results. The introduction of the UPPs did not play a significant role in reducing murders in the favelas that were pacified. The UPP's failure to reduce homicides imply that the poor in the slums continue to be subject to two or three times higher murder rates than the white middle class. Nonetheless, the UPP is breaking long-held practices of extreme use of police lethal violence. Our empirical results convincingly demonstrate that police killings would have been 60 percent larger without the UPP intervention. Details: Stanford, CA: Stanford University, Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), 2015. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: CDDRL Working Paper: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/cddrl_working_paper_dec15_rio.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/cddrl_working_paper_dec15_rio.pdf Shelf Number: 139326 Keywords: Deadly Force Drug Trafficking Favelas Gang Violence Homicides Pacifying Police Units Police Reform Police Use of Force Slums

Author: Zinecker, Heidrun Title: From Exodus to Exitus: Causes of post-war violence in El Salvador Summary: With the Chapultepec Peace Accords, signed on 16 January 1992, the twelve-year civil war in El Salvador came to an end, having claimed 75,000 victims. While the peace making is documented as a model case, the subsequent peace building proved to be far from quite so exemplary. It brought a variety of ambivalent factors to light. The most crucial of these was the fact that although a stable, concurrent period of peace (i.e. absence of war) has been achieved in El Salvador, the same cannot be said of any civilized life for its citizens (in the sense of a fundamental freedom from violence). On the contrary, El Salvador currently has the highest levels of violence in Latin America. Moreover, the present violence is almost exclusively criminal in nature, rather than still political. The aim of this report is to explain why post-war levels of violence in El Salvador have remained so high to date, and the highest in Central America, despite the fact that socioeconomic and political indicators are really positive, more positive than in any other country in Central America, with the exception of Costa Rica, and including even Nicaragua, which has very much lower levels of violence than El Salvador. Any investigation of this must look for factors which have just as pronounced an effect as violence, so that a correlation between them and high levels of violence can be established, and causality derived on this basis. The report identifies high rates of migration, and of the remittances (remesas) associated with it, as a key causal factor for the high incidence of violence. Remittances are income earned by working abroad, which the (in this case Salvadoran) migrants send back home, mainly from the USA. The title of this report, "From Exodus to Exitus", derives from this. A secondary causal factor, but nonetheless a crucial trigger, is identified as a specific combination of poor performance and repressive behaviour by the security sector (police, judiciary and penal system). This accounts for the peaks and the trough in the sine curve progression of post-war homicide rates. Details: Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2007. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: PRIF Reports No. 80: Accessed June 11, 2016 at: http://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_downloads/prif80.pdf Year: 2007 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_downloads/prif80.pdf Shelf Number: 139386 Keywords: Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Nussio, Enzo Title: When Illegal Protection Collapses: Pathways to Increased Post-Demobilization Violence Summary: The implementation of peacebuilding activities, including the demobilization of non-state illegal actors, does not necessarily bring about a reduction in violence. While there are several theories that address the causes of persistent violence, there are few that adequately explain why rates of violence can rapidly increase in a post-demobilization context. This paper uses process tracing following the demobilization of paramilitary groups (AUC) in Cordoba Department, Colombia to assess alternative theories. We argue that the AUC created and maintained a monopolistic illegal protection system during its years of operation, and this type of local order was able to contain violence. After demobilization, the protection system was disrupted and as a consequence, new competition between post-demobilization criminal organizations for existing illegal rents developed, petty crime became pervasive and revenge killings spiked, thus contributing to increased rates of violence in the post-demobilization period. Our theory about the breakdown of protection finds additional support in other AUC dominated regions of Colombia. An alternative theory relating state pressure to increased violence was not strongly supported by our empirical analysis. Details: Zurich, SWIT: Center for Security Studies, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 11, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2277954 Year: 2013 Country: Colombia URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2277954 Shelf Number: 139396 Keywords: Homicides Illegal Protection Violence Violent Crime

Author: Zinecker, Heidrun Title: Violence in Peace: Forms and causes of postwar violence in Guatemala Summary: On 29 December, 1996 the conflict in Guatemala between the URNG, a leftist guerrilla organization, and the authoritarian state came to an end. With the implementation of the peace agreements and the completion of peace-building, Guatemala has without doubt taken an important step on the road to democracy. However, the country's regime does not guarantee a civilized life for its citizens. Even by Latin American standards, it permits an extremely high level of violence. This can be characterized as violence in peace. Although the rates of homicide conditioned by this violence are higher than those that prevailed during the civil war, there is no danger of a return to war. During the war political violence was the main cause of death, and violent crime has now taken its place. This report analyses three forms of postwar violence which are especially typical of Guatemala: political violence, the maras, and lynch law. It then goes on to examine their causes. In the course of this examination, a number of elements which are generally supposed to be causes of violence are excluded as causal factors: the perpetuation of a culture of violence or/and war-violence racism and ethnic exclusion, poverty, and inequality in the sense of a general distribution of income as measured by the Gini coefficient. In the next step, an alternative model of explanation is presented. This distinguishes between enabling structures which make violence possible and structures that might prevent it (with particular reference to the absence of preventive structures). The report identifies regime hybridity and a rent economy as structures that make violence possible, and investigates these structures in order to identify the concrete configurations which are immanent to the structures and cause violence. In the case of the rent economy, the specific structures identified are the especially pronounced bipolarity between the oligarchy and the lowest quintile of the population, new rents as outlets for oligarchical structures and catalysts of violence, low rates of investment, and a low level of empowerment of work. However, none of these structures is, on its own, a cause of the high intensity of violence; they form a complex system. The absence in Guatemala of a structure that could prevent violence can be identified in the poor performance of the security sector, i.e. the police and judiciary, and in the lack of democratic commitment on the part of civil society in this sector. This low level of performance is, in addition to political exclusion and the absence of the rule of law, a characteristic feature of regime hybridity. Although this report is a case study, it has an intrinsically comparative character. This is because the other Central American countries (El Salvador and Honduras with a higher, and Costa Rica and Nicaragua with a lower intensity of violence) form the matrix which renders visible the specificity of Guatemala. Nicaragua is of particular significance for this implicit comparison, because it is the only country in Central America that has experienced a civil war in the recent past but seen a low level of violence since the end of that war. The conclusion of the report identifies two ways in which violence, or the intensity of violence, can be limited in the long term. In the Costa Rican model, a low intensity of violence has been achieved directly, via a long historical path in which "Democracy - Performance + Democratic Content" is combined with "Social Market - Empowerment of Labour + Production of Investment Goods". In the Nicaraguan model, a low intensity of violence has been achieved indirectly but over a shorter period of time; here, there can be no doubt about the absence of democracy, and therefore the existence of regime hybridity, or the absence of a social market economy, and therefore the existence of a rent economy. The main finding of the report follows from the Nicaraguan model: the level of violence can be reduced even though ethnically based exclusion, poverty, and inequality (as measured by the Gini coefficient) are present, and even though a rent economy and regime hybridity are present as well. If violence is to be successfully reduced, it is necessary for the police and judiciary to be supported conceptually and practically in their efforts to prevent violence and to rehabilitate violent offenders, and to bring about improvements in criminal investigation practices, the support provided to victims, and consistent criminal justice policies. Development aid can help in all these areas. Simultaneously, measures must be taken to bring about the empowerment of civil society - which, however, should not mean the empowerment of vigilantism. In addition, the situation of the lowest quintile of the population should be improved in such a way that there is at least a prospect of relative socioeconomic egalitarianism. This can be done if smaller enterprises are strengthened so that they can serve as a counterweight to the ruling oligarchy, in the context of an improvement in the rate of investment in the production of investment goods. In this way it would be possible to reduce both the official level of unemployment and the concealed unemployment that exists in the informal sector, leading to the empowerment of work. These autochthonous policies are necessary for Guatemala, and they should be combined with the exertion of international political pressure on the USA's problematic policies on immigration, integration, and deportation. This should include the provision of support to Guatemala (as well as El Salvador and Honduras) for the integration of young people deported from the USA. This report presents the first systematic analysis of postwar violence in Guatemala. It is based on approximately 50 interviews with Guatemalan academics, politicians, police and judicial officers, Maya priests, and NGO activists, and also with violent offenders, all of whom were interviewed during a month-long period of field research in Guatemala in March 2006. Details: Frankfurt, Germany: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2006. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: PRIF Reports No. 76: Accessed June 13, 2016 at: mercury.ethz.ch Year: 2006 Country: Guatemala URL: mercury.ethz.ch Shelf Number: 139425 Keywords: Gangs Homicides Maras Poverty Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Vigilantism Violence Violent Crime

Author: Rosenfeld, Richard Title: Documenting and Explaining the 2015 Homicide Rise: Research Directions Summary: The debate over the size, scope and causes of the homicide increase in 2015 has been largely free of systematic evidence. This paper documents the scale of the homicide increase for a sample of 56 large U.S. cities. It then examines three plausible explanations of the homicide rise: an expansion of urban drug markets fueled by the heroin epidemic, reductions in incarceration resulting in a growing number of released prisoners in the nation's cities, and a "Ferguson effect" resulting from widely publicized incidents of police use of deadly force against minority citizens. The paper concludes with a call for the more frequent and timely release of crime information to address crime problems as they arise. The homicide increase in the nation's large cities was real and nearly unprecedented. It was also heavily concentrated in a few cities with large African-American populations. Empirical explanations of the homicide increase must await future research based on year-end crime data for 2015. Several empirical indicators for assessing the explanations under consideration here are discussed. For example, if the homicide increase resulted from an expansion in urban drug markets, we should observe larger increases in drug-related homicides than those committed under other circumstances. If returning prisoners fueled the homicide increase, that should be reflected in growing numbers of homicides committed by parolees. It will be more difficult to empirically evaluate the so-called Ferguson effect on crime increases, depending on the version of this phenomenon under consideration. The dominant interpretation of the Ferguson effect is that criticism of the police stemming from widely publicized and controversial incidents of the use of force against minority citizens caused the police to disengage from vigorous enforcement activities. Another version of the Ferguson effect, however, switches the focus from changes in police behavior to the longstanding grievances and discontent with policing in African-American communities. In this interpretation, when activated by controversial incidents of police use of force, chronic discontent erupts into violence. The de-policing interpretation of the Ferguson effect can be evaluated with data on arrests and other forms of self-initiated activity by the police. De-policing should be reflected in declining arrest rates in cities experiencing homicide increases. Tracing the pathways from chronic levels of discontent to an escalation in homicide will ultimately require ethnographic studies in minority communities that reveal, for example, whether offenders believe they can engage in crime without fear that residents will contact the police or cooperate in police investigations. Such studies could also disclose other linkages between discontent, police use of force and criminal violence. In summary, the following research questions for documenting and explaining the 2015 homicide rise, at a minimum, should be pursued when the requisite data become available: - How large and widespread was the homicide increase in 2015? Did other crimes also increase? - What conditions drove the homicide increase? Candidate explanations must account for the timing as well as the magnitude and scope of the increase. - What role, if any, did the expansion of drug markets play in the 2015 homicide increase? Was there a relative increase in drug arrests and drug-related homicides? - Did declining imprisonment rates contribute to the 2015 homicide rise? Was the increase greater in cities with more returning prisoners and among parolees? - What role did the Ferguson effect play in the homicide rise? If de-policing contributed to the increase, arrest rates should have declined in cities experiencing the largest homicide increases. An open question is how to evaluate the role, if any, of community discontent with the police. Ethnographic studies, among other methods, should be high on the list of research approaches to identify the mechanisms linking police legitimacy and escalating levels of violence. Researchers would have been in a better position to begin addressing the 2015 homicide rise, with evidence rather than speculation, if timely crime data had been available as the increase was occurring. We would have known whether the homicide rise was confined to large cities, whether other crimes were also increasing, and whether arrest rates were falling. The debate over the homicide increase would have been better informed. Technical impediments to the monthly release of crime data no longer exist. A large and worrisome increase in homicide should be the catalyst to finally bring the nation's crime monitoring system into the 21st century. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, 2016. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2016 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/249895.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/249895.pdf Shelf Number: 139525 Keywords: Crime Rates Crime Statistics Homicides Murders Violent Crime

Author: Duquet, Nils Title: Armed to Kill: An exploratory analysis of the guns used in public mass shootings in Europe Summary: Every year in Europe around 1,150 people are shot dead with firearms. These deaths occur in various contexts, including the relational and criminal spheres. The little available research into the weapons used during these fatal crimes suggests that different types of firearms are used in different contexts. In this report we focus on the weapons that were used for one specific form of deadly firearms incidents, namely "public mass shootings". These are shooting incidents in the (semi-)public space in which the perpetrator(s) use one or more firearms and during which several people are killed and injured. Under this umbrella term we find numerous types of shooting incidents, ranging from school shootings in which a frustrated pupil murders a number of classmates and/or teachers to terrorist attacks in which groups of perpetrators attempt to spread terror in coordinated attacks. A look at recent mass shootings shows that significant differences can be observed in terms of, for example, the locations where these shootings were carried out, the number of perpetrators, the motives of the perpetrator(s), the selection of the victims and the firearms used. This report analyses one specific aspect of such shooting incidents, namely the firearms that were used. Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2016 at: http://www.flemishpeaceinstitute.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/files/hitp/armed_to_kill.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://www.flemishpeaceinstitute.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/files/hitp/armed_to_kill.pdf Shelf Number: 139545 Keywords: Firearms Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Mass Shootings

Author: Torrey, E. Fuller Title: Raising Cain: The Role of Serious Mental Illness in Family Homicides Summary: Most individuals with serious mental illness are not dangerous. However, a small number of them, most of whom are not being treated, may become dangerous to themselves or to others. Some of these individuals may assault or even kill family members. This problem has received insufficient attention. - Although there have been previous studies of particular types of family homicides, such as children killed by parents, this is the first study of the role of serious mental illness in all family homicides. - For a sample of the nation's homicides, local law enforcement agencies voluntarily submit Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHRs) to the FBI that include the relationship between the person committing the homicide (offender) and the victim. In 2013, 25% of homicides detailed in SHRs involved the killing of one member of a family by another. The National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) is the most comprehensive source of homicide data in the United States. The NVSS reported that in 2013 there were 16,121 total homicides in the nation. Applying the SHR prevalence rate for family relationships, 4,000 of these deaths would have been family homicides. The role of serious mental illness in these homicides is not identified by any federal database, including the SHRs. However, studies of family homicides consistently find psychiatric diseases such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder to be vastly overrepresented among people who commit family homicides. Based on a review of the relevant literature from 1960 to 2015, the role of serious mental illness in family homicides is estimated to be a factor as follows: - 50% when parents kill children - 67% when children kill parents - 10% when spouses kill spouses - 15% when siblings kill siblings - 10% for other family relationships . Raising Cain : THE ROLE OF SERIOUS MENTAL ILLNESS IN FAMILY HOMICIDES Based on these estimates, there would have been 1,149 family homicides in 2013 in which the offender had a serious mental illness. This would have been 29% of family homicides and 7% of all homicides. These 1,149 homicides outstrip the number of deaths attributed to meningitis, kidney infection or Hodgkin's disease in 2013. Although there has been a marked decrease in the overall homicide rate in the United States in recent years, there has been no decrease in family homicides in which parents kill children or children kill parents. These are the family homicides most strongly associated with serious mental illness. Women are responsible for only 11% of all homicides in the United States. However, they commit 26% of family homicides. Family homicides identified in the independent Preventable Tragedies Database in 2015 illustrate the statistics. All the homicides in this database were reported in the media to be associated with serious mental illness. In 2015, the database reported 100 family homicides. Among the 141 victims of these 100 family homicides, 25 (17.7%) were people 65 and older, including 13 (9.2%) who were 75 and older. In contrast, among all homicides in the United States, only 5.1% of the victims are 65 and older, and 2.2% are 75 and older. Thus among family homicides associated with serious mental illness, elderly individuals are victimized three to four times more frequently than would be expected among homicides in the general population. Knives and other sharp objects are used as weapons more often than guns in family homicides. Abuse of alcohol or drugs and failure to take medication prescribed for serious mental illness are major risk factors for committing a family homicide. Family homicides are merely the most visible of the problems associated with having a seriously mentally ill family member who is not being treated. In order to decrease family homicides, it will be necessary to provide adequate treatment for individuals with serious mental illness, focusing especially on those with the greatest risk factors. Clozapine, long-acting injectable antipsychotics and assisted outpatient treatment are especially useful in this regard. If the offenders had received such treatments, the majority of these 1,149 family homicides could have been prevented. Details: Arlington, VA: Treatment Advocacy Center, 2016. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2016 at: http://www.tacreports.org/storage/documents/raising-cain.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.tacreports.org/storage/documents/raising-cain.pdf Shelf Number: 139640 Keywords: Domestic Violence Family Violence Homicides Mental Illness Mentally Ill Offenders

Author: Cohan, Lorena M. Title: Honduras Cross-Sectoral Youth Violence Prevention Assessment: Final Report Summary: With 85.5 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2012, Honduras has the highest homicide rate of any country in the world (IUDPAS, 2013a), making crime and violence one of the most complex challenges currently facing the Government of Honduras (GoH), as well as a key priority for USAID Honduras. Violence in Honduras predominantly affects male youth from poor urban areas, with 65 percent of homicides in Honduras occurring in 5 percent of municipalities and the vast majority of homicide victims being males (94 percent) - in particular male youth between 15 and 34 years of age (63 percent) (Observatorio de la Violencia, 2012). This report addresses the violence issue in Honduras by presenting key findings and recommendations from the Honduras Cross-Sectoral Youth Violence Prevention Assessment, carried out by Education Development Center, Inc. (EDC) in response to a request by USAID/Honduras within the context of the METAS Project. The ultimate objective of this assessment was to identify strategies to reduce youth violence in order to inform the future youth violence prevention strategy of USAID/Honduras and other stakeholders. METAS conducted the assessment between February and May 2013 to examine the causes and extent of youth violence in Honduras. This report presents information about the assessment; an understanding of the social context in which this work must be developed; findings, analysis, and a synthesis of programming recommendations derived from that analysis, along with extensive annex documents. The following objectives guided the research questions of the assessment: Objective 1: To develop a comprehensive understanding of the at-risk youth population in Honduras. Objective 2: To develop a comprehensive understanding of youth crime and violence in urban areas. Objective 3:hTo identify multi-sectoral strategic investment options for USAID that address contextual youth challenges within the parameters of the Central American Security Initiative, Goal 3 of USAID's Global Education Strategy. To identify the most promising youth violence prevention strategies, METAS' assessment team examined youth aspirations and assets; challenges faced by youth within at-risk communities to ascertain how these communities either support or impede youth aspirations and ways in which programs might build on such assets or address the challenges; potential modifications that could be made to existing youth programming; and recommendations for future programs that could potentially reduce youth violence. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development, 2013. 305p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 22, 2016 at: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00K2H3.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Honduras URL: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00K2H3.pdf Shelf Number: 139795 Keywords: At-Risk Youth Homicides Juvenile Gangs Violence Prevention Violent Crime Youth Gangs Youth Violence

Author: Daniele, Gianmarco Title: Strike One to Educate One Hundred: Organized Crime, Political Selection and Politicians' Ability Summary: A central question in terms of political (self-)selection relates to the incentives leading high ability individuals to enter - or abstain from entering - into politics. In this article, we use data from Italian municipalities over the period 1985-2012 to empirically assess how changes in individuals' expected payoffs affect political (self-)selection. Identification derives from murders of local politicians by the mafia, and indicates that such a negative shock to politicians' expected payoffs induces a strong decrease in first-time elected politicians' human capital. The effect is not limited to the municipality where a political murder takes place, but also extends to nearby municipalities. Details: Barcelona: Institut d'Economia de Barcelona Facultat d'Economia i Empresa Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: IEB Working Paper N. 2015/37 : Accessed July 25, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2706594 Year: 2015 Country: Spain URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2706594 Shelf Number: 139823 Keywords: Homicides Mafia Organized Crimes Political Assassinations Politics

Author: Martinez-Cruz, Adan L. Title: Crime and Persistent Punishment: Long-Run perspective on the links between violence and chronic poverty in Mexico Summary: The relationship between violence and chronic poverty has been studied mostly in the context of war or long-term episodes of conflict. In contrast to previous studies, this paper explores whether violence that does not include the shattering of infrastructure impacts the chance that poverty may remain chronic. A long-run perspective is gained by analyzing unique, recently gathered panel data at the municipality level in the Mexican context, covering the period from 1990 to 2010. Violence is measured as the number of non-drug-related homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. A municipality is classified as chronically poor if the percentage of people in food poverty remains above the national average during two consecutive periods. Econometric analysis is carried out through discrete choice models. Putting the results in context, consider of a chronically poor municipality in 2005 in which average household income is below the 25th percentile in 2000. If this municipality had a 10.47 non-drug-related homicide rate, the 75th percentile in 2000, its chance of remaining chronically poor into 2005 was almost double the corresponding chance of a municipality with the same mean household income but at the national median of violence in 2000 (zero non-drug-related homicides Details: Washington, DC: World Bank, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Working Paper 7706: Accessed July 25, 2016 at: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2016/06/16/090224b0843d3863/1_0/Rendered/PDF/Crime0and0pers0ic0poverty0in0Mexico.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2016/06/16/090224b0843d3863/1_0/Rendered/PDF/Crime0and0pers0ic0poverty0in0Mexico.pdf Shelf Number: 139826 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Economics of Crime Homicides Poverty Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime

Author: Nwankwo, Ukoji Vitus Title: A Study of Crime Reporting in Nigeria Summary: In the 21st century, the internet has become a quicker platform through which crimes are reported to the public. Through the new media, Trent Online and Nigeria Watch have consistently updated their database and pages with reports on criminality across the country. While some of such criminal acts were non-violent, others were lethal. Findings show that armed robberies have become the dominant crimes in Nigeria, contributing about 50% of an overall 8516 deaths in 3, 840 fatal incidents between June 2006 and September, 2015 nationwide. Lagos, Rivers, Ogun, Benue and Imo states were reported as the most affected crime states. Findings also show more crime fatalities in the Southern part of Nigeria than in the North. This article there maintains that the inability of government to address most of the sources of crime explains why it has become difficult to nip in the bud. Details: Ibadan: Nigeria Watch Project, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 29, 2016 at: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/Ukoji2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/Ukoji2016.pdf Shelf Number: 139887 Keywords: Armed Robbery Crime Statistics Domestic Violence Homicides Media Rape

Author: Violence Policy Center Title: Firearm Justifiable Homicides and Non-Fatal Self-Defense Gun Use: An Analysis of Federal Bureau of Investigation and National Crime Victimization Survey Data Summary: In 2012, across the nation there were only 259 justifiable homicides involving a private citizen using a firearm reported to the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program as detailed in its Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR). That same year, there were 8,342 criminal gun homicides tallied in the SHR. In 2012, for every justifiable homicide in the United States involving a gun, guns were used in 32 criminal homicides . And this ratio, of course, does not take into account the tens of thousands of lives ended in gun suicides or unintentional shootings that year. This report analyzes, on both the national and state levels, the use of firearms in justifiable homicides. It also details, using the best data available on the national level, the total number of times guns are used for self-defense by the victims of both attempted and completed violent crimes and property crimes whether or not the use of the gun by the victim resulted in a fatality. Details: Washington, DC: VPC, 2015. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 2, 2016 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/justifiable15.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/justifiable15.pdf Shelf Number: 139937 Keywords: Crime Statistics Firearms Gun-Related Violence Homicides Self-Defense

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "You Can Still See Their Blood": Executions, Indiscriminate Shootings, and Hostage Taking by Opposition Forces in Latakia Countryside Summary: h r w . o r g D eath announcement identifying 16 members of the al-Qusaybeh family and two other Barouda residents killed on August 4, - 2013 Private Death announcement identifying seven members of the Shihadeh family as well as one member of Ibrahim family from Nbeiteh killed on August 4, 2013 Private Death announcement identifying eight members of the Darwish family from al-Hamboushieh killed on August 4, 2013 Private (front cover) Site of Safwan Hassan Shebli's execution on August 4 in his home in Barouda. - 2013 Human Rights Watch On August 4, 2013 fighters from several armed opposition groups began a large scale operation in Latakia countryside, occupying more than 10 Alawite villages in a matter of hours. The operation lasted until August 18 w hen government forces regained full control over the area. During the operation opposition forces killed at least 190 civilians, executing or unlawfully killing at least 67 of them. The evidence Human Rights Watch has collected strongly suggests they were killed on the first day of the operation, August 4. At the time of writing opposition groups continued to hold over 200 civilians hostage, the vast majority of them women and children. Based on an onsite investigation and interviews with over 35 individuals i ncluding residents who survived the offensive, emergency response staff, and fighters and activists with both the government and the opposition, this report documents extremely serious abuses committed by opposition forces during this operation. Survivors and witnesses described how opposition forces executed residents and opened fire on civilians, sometimes killing or attempting to kill entire families who were either in their homes unarmed or fleeing from the attack, and at other times executing adult male family members, and holding female relatives and children hostage. The evidence collected by Human Rights Watch strongly suggests that the abuses committed by the opposition forces during the operation rise to the level of crimes against humanity. The scale and organization of these crimes indicate that they were systematic as well as being planned in part as an attack on a civilian population. Governments, companies, and individuals should immediately stop selling or supplying weapons, ammunition, materiel, and funds to the groups responsible for these abuses, given compelling evidence that they have committed crimes against humanity, until they stop committing these crimes and perpetrators are held to account. Human Rights Watch urges the UN Security Council to provide a measure of justice to these and other victims of abuse by all sides by referring the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Details: New York: HRW, 2013. 113p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 2, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/syria1013_ForUpload.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Syria URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/syria1013_ForUpload.pdf Shelf Number: 139942 Keywords: Executions Homicides Hostage Taking Human Rights Abuses

Author: Hume, Mo Title: Armed violence and poverty in El Salvador: A mini case study for the Armed Violence and Poverty Initiative Summary: One of the most powerful conflicts to affect Central America in the 1980s was that in El Salvador (1980-1992), resulting in the death of more than 80,000 citizens. This report on El Salvador is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government Details: Bradford, UK: University of Bradford, Centre for International Cooperation and Security, 2004. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2016 at: https://core.ac.uk/download/files/10/6001.pdf Year: 2004 Country: El Salvador URL: https://core.ac.uk/download/files/10/6001.pdf Shelf Number: 140019 Keywords: Armed Violence Drug-Related Violence Favelas Gun-Related Violence Homicides Juvenile Gangs Poverty Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Medel, Monica Title: Bleeding Mexico: An Analysis of Cartels Evolution and Drug-Related Bloodshed Summary: Drug-related violence in Mexico has increased exponentially in the last five years, killing near 50,000 people. Even though the country has been a producer of marijuana and opium poppy for nearly a century, it was not until the beginning of the new millennium that drug violence skyrocketed. Up until now, academic studies and policy papers have focused primarily on the political changes Mexico underwent over the last decade and on ingrained corruption as the central factors in explaining the increased violence. But such a jump in homicides rates, as well as the sheer brutality of the violence involved, also reflects the evolution of the country's drug organizations -- which went from being merely feared and ruthless drug producers and smugglers to far-reaching criminal empires that now dominate all aspects of the illicit drug underworld in the Americas. Many have become so powerful that they have formed their own armies of hit men and foot soldiers that operate like full-fledged paramilitary groups protecting their territories and smuggling routes to American soil. Further feeding the cycle of murders in Mexico is an increasing diversification of drug gangs' businesses, which now range from drug production and smuggling to extortion, kidnapping and human trafficking. Through an historical, spatial and statistical analysis, this study sets out to deconstruct the current wave of Mexican drug violence, show how it is spreading and why, and how that reflects the evolution of Mexican drug organizations. Details: Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin, 2012. 179p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed August 26, 2016 at: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/18831 Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/18831 Shelf Number: 140037 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Gang Violence Homicides Organized Crime Smuggling Violent Crime

Author: Bondurant, Samuel R. Title: Substance Abuse Treatment Centers and Local Crime Summary: In this paper we estimate the effects of expanding access to substance-abuse treatment on local crime. We do so using an identification strategy that leverages variation driven by substance abuse-treatment facility openings and closings measured at the county level. The results indicate that substance-abuse-treatment facilities reduce both violent and financially motivated crimes in an area, and that the effects are particularly pronounced for relatively serious crimes. The effects on homicides are documented across three sources of homicide data. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2016. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper 22610: Accessed September 7, 2016 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w22610.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w22610.pdf Shelf Number: 147857 Keywords: Crime Reduction Homicides Substance Abuse Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment Facilities Violent Crime

Author: Urrego, Joaquin A. Title: A Spatial Analysis to Permanent Income as Deterrent of Homicides: the case of Medellin City Summary: This paper studies the relationship between permanent income and homicides, estimating an income-crime elasticity. We assume that this elasticity varies across geographical areas. We estimate different specifications of Spatial Panel Models using information of urban areas in Medellin (Colombia), areas known as communes. Spatial Models consider the importance of location and the type of neighbors of each commune. We simulate an intervention over permanent income in order to estimate the income elasticity for each commune and the average elasticity of income-crime on the city. We provide evidence about spatial dependence between the homicides per commune and their neighbors, and about a relationship between homicides and neighbor's income. In our case of study, the average estimated impact of 1% increase in permanent income in a specific commune produces a decrease in the homicide rate on average in 0.39%. Finally, permanent income plays a crime deterrent role, but also this effect of income on crime varies across the city, showing that some areas are strategically located to this kind of intervention. Details: Medellin, Colombia: Universidad EAFIT, 2016. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Center for Research in Economics and Finance (CIEF), Working Paper : Accessed September 8, 2016 at: https://repository.eafit.edu.co/bitstream/handle/10784/8562/2016_10_Urrego_Joaquin.pdf?sequence=2 Year: 2016 Country: Colombia URL: https://repository.eafit.edu.co/bitstream/handle/10784/8562/2016_10_Urrego_Joaquin.pdf?sequence=2 Shelf Number: 140252 Keywords: Economics of Crime Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Urban Areas

Author: Guarin, Arlen Title: Police Stations for Instant Reaction: A Maximal Homicide Coverage Location Problem Summary: The probability of facing prison is one of the major factors that deters individuals from committing crimes. The degree of impact of this variable is affected both by the severity of penalties, and by the probability of being caught, which largely depends on the level of police coverage in the jurisdiction. Thus, we consider a maximal covering location problem where the objective is to provide maximal coverage of weighted potential homicide spots through the construction of police stations for instant reaction, subject to a budget constraint. Our empirical application is performed in Medellın (Colombia), one of the cities with the highest homicide rate in the World. Specifically , we call the Google Maps Application Programming Interface (API) to estimate average travelling time between police stations and criminal spots, then we use a Simulated Annealing algorithm to find the best feasible allocation of stations subject to a set of suggested budgets. We confirm that the maximum coverage follows a diminishing marginal process over the budget. Details: Bogota, Colombia: Banco de la Republica, 2015. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 13, 2016 at: https://repository.eafit.edu.co/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10784/8152/ArlenYahir_GuarinGaleano_2015.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y Year: 2015 Country: Colombia URL: https://repository.eafit.edu.co/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10784/8152/ArlenYahir_GuarinGaleano_2015.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 140269 Keywords: Crime Hot Spots Homicides Police Response Police Stations

Author: Korthuis, Aaron Title: The Central America Regional Security Initiative in Honduras Summary: In November 2013, Hondurans headed to the election polls for a second time since the 2009 coup d'etat that destabilized the country and left unchecked a problem that the country has long failed to address: violence and organized crime. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) latest homicide report, Honduras continues to struggle with the highest homicide rate in the world. The seriousness of the security situation has provoked travel warnings from the U.S. Department of State and infamy in the international press tied to the violence experienced in Honduran cities and the abuses perpetuated by state security forces. Over the past decade, drug trafficking through the country has surged, making it the "favoured northbound route for cocaine from South America" for many years. Given the country's historically weak law enforcement institutions, persistent problems with corruption, and poverty, as well as a continued U.S. appetite for cocaine, these problems are hardly a novelty - and present grave problems for the country's leaders. Unsurprisingly then, this problem was consistently featured in the leading presidential candidates' discourse and public debate, and was undoubtedly a major factor in the final outcome. National Party candidate and eventual victor, Juan Orlando Hernandez, called for a heavy-handed approach to security that relied on a newly created military police, while LIBRE candidate Xiomara Castr's voice resounded on public airwaves calling for Honduran soldiers to return to their barracks and their traditional role. These starkly divergent views stem from a Honduran population tired of years of violence, organized criminal activity, declining security, and increasingly accustomed to the military's involvement in traditional policing. Alarmingly, only 27 percent of Hondurans expressed any confidence in the civilian police in August 2013, while 73 percent disagreed with the idea that the military should remain in the barracks (and by extension, presumably refrain from involvement in policing efforts). Efforts to address burgeoning organized crime and violence and instigate reform of Honduras' security and justice institutions have consumed the country over the past few years and feature prominently in President Hern�ndez�s plans. Yet, at best, these efforts have produced mixed results, and at worst have resulted in a depressingly stagnant landscape. The United States, through the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), seeks to strengthen and improve Honduran initiatives through law enforcement cooperation, capacity building, and prevention programs. These programs persist amidst Honduras' difficult political environment and staggering problems, and success remains isolated, although hope remains that reform may finally gain momentum. Details: Washington, DC: Wilson Center, Latin American Program, 2014. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed September 22, 2016 at: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/CARSI%20in%20Honduras.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Honduras URL: https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/CARSI%20in%20Honduras.pdf Shelf Number: 144861 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Organized Crime Security Violence Violent Crime

Author: Muggah, Robert Title: Making Cities Safer: Citizen Security Innovations from Latin America Summary: Cities are where the policy and practice of citizen security are determined. Although national and subnational strategies are essential to scaling-up crime prevention, cities are where they are put into practice. Because of the way they bring opportunities and risks into focus, cities are natural laboratories of policy innovation to prevent and reduce violence. Some of the most remarkable progress in homicide reduction, crime prevention and public safety in recent decades has occurred in large and medium-sized cities, especially in Latin America and the Caribbean. This report explores the evidence of what works, and what does not, when it comes to promoting citizen security in Latin American and Caribbean cities. While not exhaustive, the report features a range of positive and less positive experiences of 10 municipalities and metropolitan areas across the region. The goal is to highlight the change in approach from hardline law and order approaches to ones that emphasize multi-sector and preventive measures. The structure of the report is straightforward. Each case study includes a broad overview of the context and problem, a description of the intervention and how it was implemented, and some reflections on the outcomes and impacts. - Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute; Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2016. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 28, 2016 at: https://publications.iadb.org/handle/11319/7757 Year: 2016 Country: Latin America URL: https://publications.iadb.org/handle/11319/7757 Shelf Number: 146157 Keywords: Citizen Security Crime Prevention Homicides Public Safety Violence Violent Crime

Author: Mani, Kristina Title: Beyond the Pay: Current Illicit Activities of the Armed Forces in Central America Summary: The growth of criminal gangs and organized crime groups has created unprecedented challenges in Central America. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world, countries spend on average close to 10 percent of GDP to respond to the challenges of public insecurity, and the security forces are frequently overwhelmed and at times co-opted by the criminal groups they are increasingly tasked to counter. With some 90 percent of the 700 metric tons of cocaine trafficked from South America to the United States passing through Central America, the lure of aiding illegal traffickers through provision of arms, intelligence, or simply withholding or delaying the use of force is enormous. These conditions raise the question: to what extent are militaries in Central America compromised by illicit ties to criminal groups? The study focuses on three cases: Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. It finds that: - Although illicit ties between the military and criminal groups have grown in the last decade, militaries in these countries are not yet "lost" to criminal groups. - Supplying criminal groups with light arms from military stocks is typical and on the rise, but still not common. - In general the less exposed services, the navies and air forces, are the most reliable and effective ones in their roles in interdiction. - Of the three countries in the study, the Honduran military is the most worrying because it is embedded in a context where civilian corruption is extremely common, state institutions are notoriously weak, and the political system remains polarized and lacks the popular legitimacy and political will needed to make necessary reforms. - Overall, the armed forces in the three countries remain less compromised than civilian peers, particularly the police. However, in the worsening crime and insecurity context, there is a limited window of opportunity in which to introduce measures targeted toward the military, and such efforts can only succeed if opportunities for corruption in other sectors of the state, in particular in law enforcement and the justice system, are also addressed. Measures targeted toward the military should include: - Enhanced material benefits and professional education opportunities that open doors for soldiers in promising legitimate careers once they leave military service. - A clear system of rewards and punishments specifically designed to deter collusion with criminal groups. - More effective securing of military arsenals. - Skills and external oversight leveraged through combined operations, to build cooperation among those sectors of the military that have successful and clean records in countering criminal groups, and to expose weaker forces to effective best practices. Details: Miami: Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, Florida International University, 2011. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 6, 2016 at: https://new.oberlin.edu/dotAsset/4690459.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Central African Republic URL: https://new.oberlin.edu/dotAsset/4690459.pdf Shelf Number: 140538 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Gangs Homicides Military Personnel Organized Crime Violence

Author: Corrales Compagnucci, Hugo Title: Armed Groups and Violence in Paraguay Summary: Armed violence in Paraguay is not a recent phenomenon. During the second half of the XX Century, Paraguay saw the rise of a larger number of underground, revolutionary movements that sought the overthrow of the Alfredo Stroessner's (1954-1989) government. From among those movements emerged the Partido Patria Libre (or, Free Fatherland, also known for its acronym PPL), made up of a two branches: one legal and the other one, operational. The latter was based on people's power, as represented by "Ejercito del Pueblo Paraguayo" (or, the Paraguayan People's Army, with acronym EPP). After EPP broke with PPL in March 2008, this Marxist-oriented revolutionary project, which was apparently oriented to put an end to the social, political and economic inequalities in Paraguay, began to carry out markedly criminal activities, which included bank robberies, kidnappings, assassinations, terrorist attacks and armed confrontations. Its strategies and modus operandi utilized by the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). Paraguay features a farm sector in a state of crisis, in which cattle-ranchers, peasants and agro-exporting companies live in a constant strife. The Paraguayan Departments that are the most affected by this situation are Concepcion, San Pedro, Canindeyu y Caazapa, which also suffer from a weak government presence. This deficiency has made these departments ripe for drug-trafficking activity by Brazilian groups such as Primer Comando Capital (i.e., First Capital command), also PCC and Comando Vermelho, (i.e., The Red Command). That is why many peasants, now recruited by EPP, have joined the drug-trafficking business and that, not only as marihuana growers but as "campanas" (i.e., early warning sentinels) for the organization. This helps shape their attitudes for their future involvement in all areas of drug-trafficking. Paraguayan society is the result of social inequity and inequality, such as those resulting from a lack of opportunity. Although Paraguay has successfully recovered from the last world economic crisis, economic growth, by itself, does not ensure an improvement in the quality of life. As long as such economic and social gaps persist and the government fails to enact the policies that would result in a more just society and toward EPP neutralization or containment, the latter is bound to grow stronger. In this context, the situation in Paraguay calls for more research into the EPP phenomenon. It would also seem necessary for Paraguay to promote an open national debate that includes all sectors of society in order to raise consciousness and to induce society to take actual steps to eliminate the EPP, as well as any other group that might arise in the immediate future. EPP has strong connections with the Frente Patriotico Manuel Rodriguez in Chile and other armed groups and peasant movements in other countries of this region. Although most governments in the region are aware that the armed struggle is not a solution to current problems, it might be worth it to hold a regional debate about armed or insurgent groups in Latin American to seek common strategies and cooperation on dealing with them since the expansion of these armed groups is a problem for all. Details: Miami: Florida International University, Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, 2011. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center. Paper 31. Accessed October 6, 2016 at: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1030&context=whemsac Year: 2011 Country: Paraguay URL: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1030&context=whemsac Shelf Number: 140539 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Inequality Kidnappings Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Terrorism Violence

Author: Jackson, Mark Title: Murder Concentration and Distribution Patterns in London: An Exploratory Analysis of Ten Years of Data Summary: The phenomenon of how the volume of crime varies from place to place has received significant focus over the last four decades. Previous research has identified that crime is not randomly distributed across places but clusters in areas sometimes called hot spots. This research analyses 10 years of homicide patterns across London from Local Authority Borough level down to small local neighbourhood level. Through the use of geo-coding technology to map homicide locations and victims' and offenders' home addresses, frequency analysis is conducted down to a Lower Super Output Area (LSOA) level. This provides a structure to segment London into 4761 neighbourhoods. The findings of this research are that 74% of London's LSOAs do not have a single homicide over the 10 year period. Additionally it identifies that homicide in London is concentrated in a small number of local neighbourhood locations rather than randomly spread across the whole city. These concentrations account for only 6% of neighbourhoods but contribute 42% of the homicide locations, over the 10 year period. This methodology is also applied to specific methods of homicide, e.g. domestic violence, where similar patterns of concentrations of homicides are identified. Geographical analysis of victims and perpetrators of homicide identifies that 50% of perpetrators reside within one mile of the homicide offence location. Additionally 52% of perpetrators' home addresses are clustered within 9% of LSOAs. This research will contribute to the criminological evidence-base, having both operational implications, such as the focus of policing patrol strategy, and policy implications for a significant number of agencies in how they assess the prioritisation of resources, particularly within the current difficult fiscal climate. Details: Cambridge, UK: Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, 2010. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: http://www.crim.cam.ac.uk/alumni/theses/Jackson,%20M.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.crim.cam.ac.uk/alumni/theses/Jackson,%20M.pdf Shelf Number: 145099 Keywords: Crime Analysis Crime and Place Crime Hot Spots Crime Patterns Homicides Hot Spots

Author: Meyer, William Debard Title: Analyzing Crime on Street Networks: A Comparison of Network and Euclidean Voronoi Methods Summary: he analysis of the uneven spatial distribution of crime has been an important area of research investigation and policy analysis for the past several decades. These analyses typically use spatial analytical methods that are based on the assumption of Euclidean (straight-line) distance. However, crime like most social activity is often mediated by the built environment, such as along a street or within a multi-story building. Thus, analyzing spatial patterns of crime with only straight-line Euclidean distance measurement ignores this intervening built landscape and may very possibly introduce error into the ensuing result. The purpose of this research is to compare and contrast the differences in analytical results for spatial analysis techniques that have the capability to use either Euclidean or network distance. Voronoi diagrams which can be implemented utilizing either Euclidean distance or network distance (distance measured along a street) offer a means for performing this comparison. Utilizing Voronoi diagram implementations with Euclidean distance and network distance this thesis will examine the spatial distribution of gun-inflicted homicide locations and the similarity/differences between the results of their application with the aim of informing the spatial analysis of street located homicide. Details: Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2010. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 21, 2016 at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/47563673_Analyzing_Crime_on_Street_Networks_A_Comparison_of_Network_and_Euclidean_Voronoi_Methods Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/47563673_Analyzing_Crime_on_Street_Networks_A_Comparison_of_Network_and_Euclidean_Voronoi_Methods Shelf Number: 131166 Keywords: Crime Analysis Crime Mapping Crime Networks Gun-Related Violence Homicides Spatial Analysis

Author: World Health Organization Title: Guns, knives and pesticides: reducing access to lethal means Summary: Evidence suggests that limiting access to firearms, knives and pesticides saves lives, prevents injuries and reduces costs to society. Homicide and suicide claim 600 000 and 844 000 human lives respectively, each year worldwide. This comes at a terrible cost to society - psychological and financial - and inhibits progress towards all eight of the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals. This carnage could be significantly reduced, however, by limiting access to three of the most lethal means of violence: firearms, sharp objects (such as knives) and pesticides. Firearms: Jurisdictions with restrictive firearms legislation and lower firearms ownership tend to have lower levels of gun violence. Measures include bans, licensing schemes, minimum ages for buyers, background checks and safe storage requirements. Such measures have been successfully implemented in countries such as Austria and Brazil and in a number of states in the United States of America. Introducing national legislation can be complicated, but much can be done at local level. Stiffer enforcement, amnesties and improved security for state supplies of firearms are some of the other promising approaches. Multifaceted strategies are also needed to reduce demand for guns - diverting vulnerable youth from gang membership, for instance. Sharp objects: As well as control measures, governments need broad strategies to reduce socioeconomic factors underlying the violent use of these weapons. Less evidence is available on the impacts of efforts to reduce violence associated with sharp objects than for firearms. Until now concerned authorities have focused on similar measures to those used for the control of guns. In the United Kingdom these have included legislative reforms (bans on flick knives, minimum ages for purchasers etc.), stiffer enforcement ("stop-and-search" initiatives) and amnesties; however, their impact is not yet clear. Pesticides: Safer storage, bans and replacement by less toxic pesticides could prevent many of the estimated 370 000 suicides caused by ingestion of pesticides every year. Members of agricultural communities in low- and middle-income countries are heavily over-represented in the suicide death toll related to pesticides. Controlling access to pesticides is not only critical in reducing self-directed violence, it is key to preventing unintentional poisoning and terrorism. International conventions attempt to manage hazardous substances; however, many highly toxic pesticides are still widely used. Studies indicate that bans must be accompanied by evaluations of agricultural needs and replacement with low-risk alternatives for pest control. Further research is needed, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. The development of robust injury-data collection systems and further studies are required to deepen our understanding of the impacts of measures to reduce access to lethal means, especially in low- and middle-income countries. Details: Geneva: WHO, 2009. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Series of briefings on violence prevention: Accessed November 3, 2016 at: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/44060/1/9789241597739_eng.pdf Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/44060/1/9789241597739_eng.pdf Shelf Number: 145399 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Knives Violence Violence Prevention Violent Crime Weapons

Author: Widmer, Mireille Title: Monitoring Trends in Violent Deaths Summary: In the framework of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Small Arms Survey is pleased to announce a new series of reports designed to support global efforts to reach targets under Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG16). To promote the sharing of information and encourage collaboration in this context, the Survey is also providing online access to its updated database on violent deaths and corresponding interactive maps. Under SDG16, Target 16.1 commits all states to '[s]ignificantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywhere'. Monitoring Trends in Violent Deaths, the first in a new series of SDG16 reports, establishes a global baseline of violent deaths for Target 16.1, with the aim of helping states to gauge changes in the incidence of violent deaths—a composite indicator comprising data on homicide and direct conflict deaths. Key findings of this report include the following: In 2010–15, an average of 535,000 people died violently every year. This global estimate is higher than the ones for the periods 2004–09 and 2007–12. A growing number of people are dying in conflict: while an annual average of 70,000 deaths were recorded in 2007–12, the figure rose to 90,000 in 2010–15. The armed conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria are responsible for a large proportion of these deaths. The global homicide rate is continuing its decrease, but not enough to offset the increase in conflict deaths in 2010–15. The vast majority (83 per cent) of victims of fatal armed violence lose their lives outside of conflict zones. Direct conflict deaths account for the remaining 17 per cent. The global distribution of violence is becoming increasingly unequal: fewer countries are registering high violent death rates (above 20 per 100,000 population), but their average violent death rates are on the rise. In absolute numbers, more lives were lost to violence in 2015 in large countries that were not experiencing conflict, such as Brazil and India, than in war-torn Syria. The analysis relies on new data from the Small Arms Survey's database on violent deaths. The new data—which includes figures on firearm homicides and female homicide victims—extends through the end of 2015 or the latest available year. The updated database on violent deaths and corresponding interactive maps can be consulted on the Small Arms Survey's website. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2016. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes, no. 59: Accessed November 7, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-59.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-59.pdf Shelf Number: 145311 Keywords: Conflict-Related Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Widmer, Mireille Title: Firearms and Violent Deaths Summary: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development explicitly links firearms, violence, and sustainable development (UNGA, 2015). Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 includes global commitments to significantly reduce "all forms of violence and related death rates" (Target 16.1) as well as illicit arms flows (Target 16.4) by 2030. In addition, the Inter-Agency and Expert Group on SDG Indicators recommends that states provide data on violence-related deaths disaggregated by instrument of violence, among other factors. Measures that target the use, possession, and transfer of firearms - such as dedicated legislation, transfer controls, amnesties, or crackdowns on illicit possession - can help to reduce violent deaths in both conflict and non-conflict settings. Such measures can also assist in curbing non-lethal outcomes, such as the rate of firearm-related injuries, disability, and psychological trauma, on which comprehensive national data is scarce (Alvazzi del Frate and De Martino, 2013). This Research Note analyses trends in firearm-related violent deaths. It presents estimates based on data in the Small Arms Survey's database on violent deaths, which currently covers countries around the world from 2004 to 1 August 2016 and includes both conflict deaths and homicide data sets (Small Arms Survey, n.d.; see Box 1). The Note updates data published in the Global Burden of Armed Violence 2015 (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2015a). It finds that: Globally, firearms were used in an estimated 46 per cent of all violent deaths in 2010-15. Specifically, they were used in 50 per cent of homicides and 32 per cent of conflict deaths. The use of firearms in lethal violence is particularly prevalent in the Americas, as well as Southern Africa and Southern Europe. In most regions, the proportion of violent deaths that involved firearms was fairly stable from 2007-12 to 2010-15, although averages decreased in the Caribbean and increased in Southern Africa. National time-series data reveals differing patterns in Albania and Croatia. In Albania, firearm and non-firearm violent deaths have risen and fallen in parallel, suggesting that they are both influenced by common factors. In Croatia, the rate of firearm homicide decreased by 70 per cent between 2006 and 2013, independently of the rate of non-firearm homicide, which remained relatively stable. Efforts are required Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2016. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Notes No. 60: Accessed November 7, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-60.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-60.pdf Shelf Number: 145310 Keywords: Conflict-Related Violence Firearms Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. Research Directorate Title: Gangs in El Salvador and the Situation of Witnesses of Crime and Corruption Summary: The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) is involved in an ongoing capacity's building initiative carried out jointly by the United States, Mexico, Canada and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Under this initiative, which seeks to enhance asylum systems in the Americas, the IRB, in conjunction with its partners, conducted an information-gathering mission to El Salvador. During the mission, IRB officials held meetings with experts and representatives from relevant governmental, non-governmental, academic and research-focused organizations, as well as with journalists. The purpose of the mission to El Salvador was to gather information related to state efforts to combat crime; the structure of criminal gangs, their areas of operation, activities and recruitment practices; the situation of gender-based and domestic violence against women; the situation of LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and/or intersex) people; and the efficacy of the police and judiciary to provide recourse to victims of crime, to investigate and to prosecute crimes. Details: Ottawa: The Board, 2016. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: El Salvador: Information Gathering Mission Report - Part 1: Accessed November 8, 2016 at: http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/Eng/ResRec/NdpCnd/Pages/Salvador-2016P1.aspx Year: 2016 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/Eng/ResRec/NdpCnd/Pages/Salvador-2016P1.aspx Shelf Number: 146285 Keywords: Corruption Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Youth Gangs

Author: Chicago. Office of the Mayor Title: Tracing the Guns: The Impact of Illegal Guns on Violence in Chicago Summary: Gun violence is Chicago's most urgent problem. Since assuming office in 2011, Mayor Emanuel's top priority has been reducing crime so that all Chicagoans, in every neighborhood, feel safe in our City. The Mayor's comprehensive violence reduction strategy has attacked the problem from every angle, including increasing police resources, fostering economic opportunity, improving education outcomes, empowering youth through prevention programs, and creating opportunities for individuals returning from incarceration. The City's approach is showing signs of progress. Chicago closed 2013 with historic lows in crime and violence. Last year, Chicago had the fewest murders since 1965, the lowest murder rate since 1966, and the lowest overall crime rate since 1972. But violence in Chicago remains unacceptably high. Too many families, from generation to generation, have lived with the heartbreak and devastation of gun violence. And while the City continues to invest in smarter police strategies and high quality prevention programs, it also must tackle the problem at one of its root causes: the flow of illegal guns into the City. This report is composed of data and analysis compiled by the Chicago Mayor's Office and the Chicago Police Department examining the impact of illegal guns on violent crime in Chicago and the scope of the City's illegal gun market. This report updates an analysis previously released in 20123 and confirms: (1) Chicago's violence problem is directly linked to the number of illegal guns available in the City; (2) Sixty percent of guns recovered in crimes in Chicago were first sold in other states, many with weaker gun laws; and (3) A small handful of gun stores, three from Cook Country and one from Gary, Indiana, continue to be responsible for a disproportionate number of crime guns recovered on Chicago's streets. Recognizing that there must be a multifaceted approach to reducing gun violence, the Mayor's Office and the Chicago Police Department will take every step to hold accountable the straw purchasers, retail stores, and irresponsible gun owners who arm criminals and young people. Details: Chicago: Office of the Mayor, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 8, 2016 at: http://www.chicagobusiness.com/Assets/downloads/20151102-Tracing-Guns.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.chicagobusiness.com/Assets/downloads/20151102-Tracing-Guns.pdf Shelf Number: 146278 Keywords: Gangs Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Guns

Author: Carapic, Jovana Title: Handgun Ownership and Armed Violence in the Western Balkans Summary: In the 1990s, the countries and territories of the Western Balkans1 experienced several transformations: a transition from socialism to liberal democracy, widespread economic decline, and episodes of violent conflict in Bosnia and Croatia (1991–95) and in Kosovo (1999) (see Map). Since the turn of the 21st century, the region has witnessed increasing political stability and socioeconomic adjustment. Yet while the threat of armed conflict in the region has decreased, levels of handgun ownership and armed violence remain high. Throughout the region, which has an overall population of about 25 million (UNDESA, n.d.), an estimated 3.6–6.2 million firearms are in civilian possession. The high prevalence of civilian-held firearms has been linked to the rate of violent crime, with the homicide rate in the Western Balkans being higher than in the other countries of Southern Europe as well as in Western Europe (Alvazzi del Frate and Mugellini, 2012; Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011, p. 60). In addition, the high prevalence of firearms and violent crime in the region is linked to the activities of organized crime, which is largely perceived by both the international and the local population as one of the primary sources of insecurity in the Western Balkans. These findings call for an analysis of the dynamics of firearms possession and armed violence in the Western Balkans. This Issue Brief examines the historical aspects of firearms proliferation in the region in order to frame the issue. It also presents the results of a nationwide household survey conducted by Gallup Europe in the countries and territories of the Western Balkans in 2012. The Small Arms Survey had the opportunity to insert three questions relating to firearms possession and armed victimization into the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor (see Box 1). Where necessary, the data from the survey has been supplemented by information from other sources, such as international and national data, special reports, and policy and academic research. The main findings are as follows: The Western Balkans is home to an estimated 3.6–6.2 million registered and unregistered firearms. At least 500,000 and up to 1.6 million households own firearms in the Western Balkans. Since 1995, the average homicide rate in the region has decreased drastically, stabilizing at around 2.0 per 100,000 between 2007 and 2010. Nevertheless, the homicide rate is still significantly higher than in other European regions, and homicides are more frequently committed with firearms. About 1.2 per cent of all survey respondents reported that a household member was held at gunpoint in the 12 months prior to the administration of the survey. This Issue Brief is divided into three sections. The first section outlines the cultural and historical factors that have facilitated the spread of firearms among the population. The second section examines the post-conflict security dynamics, the role of organized crime in the proliferation of firearms, and the prevalence of registered and unregistered firearms in the region. The section ends with a focus on longitudinal trends in the homicide rate, as disaggregated by sex and firearms. Section three, which comprises the bulk of the analysis, presents region-wide household survey data obtained from the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor to generate an evidence-based understanding of armed violence in the Western Balkans. Specifically, the section unpacks issues relating to self-reported and perceived levels of handgun ownership, provides estimates of household firearms possession, and reflects on experiences of armed violence. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief, no. 4: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf Shelf Number: 146983 Keywords: Firearms Gun Ownership Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: Strategies for Reducing Gun Violence in American Cities Summary: Urban gun violence touches on issues central to American life: safety, equality, opportunity, and community. As thousands of city residents are killed or injured with guns each year, mayors and other community leaders face an urgent challenge: finding effective solutions and implementing them to make a difference now and into the future. This report, a collaboration between Everytown for Gun Safety, Mayors Against Illegal Guns, and the National Urban League, is a tool for all city leaders who want to reduce gun violence. First, the report summarizes much of what is known about urban gun violence: its causes, the ways it differs from violence in other settings, and the ways it undercuts many other aspects of city life. It is not the intent of this report to explain all the variation in gun violence across cities; instead, it is a primer for cities that want to act today, in spite of uncertainty. Far from presenting novel ideas, it brings together the knowledge of academic researchers, community activists, nonprofit leaders, and civil servants who have been addressing gun violence in cities for decades. Second, the report describes seven strategies that dozens of cities have taken to reduce gun violence in their communities, drawing on specific case studies. The identified interventions address factors known to contribute to urban gun violence, are supported by a growing body of evidence, and can each be a part of any city's larger strategy for reducing gun violence. This is not a comprehensive account of the hard work taking place in communities across the country, the volume of which is impossible to capture, but these case studies demonstrate that cities can learn from one another, building on successes, and informed by a growing body of evidence. Details: New York: Everytown for Gun Safety, 2016. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2016/06/strategies-reducing-gun-violence-american-cities.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://everytownresearch.org/documents/2016/06/strategies-reducing-gun-violence-american-cities.pdf Shelf Number: 148906 Keywords: Crime Prevention Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Urban Areas and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Cramer, Clayton E. Title: Texas' Stand Your Ground Law: An Historical Perspective Summary: In the aftermath of the Treyvon Martin shooting in Florida, Stand Your Ground laws have acquired an unsavory reputation. These laws and their close cousin, castle doctrine, have an interesting history, especially with respect to protecting victims of domestic violence. Texas' Stand Your Ground law differs substantially from that of Florida, with much greater restraints on use of deadly force. Details: Presenting at Texas Bar Association CLE, Austin, September 2016 , 2016. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2781099 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2781099 Shelf Number: 146678 Keywords: Gun Policy Gun Violence Homicides Public Safety Self Defense Stand Your Ground Law

Author: Overview and Scrutiny Title: Partnership working to tackle gang violence in Birmingham Summary: In recent years a number of high profile murders and the accompanying media coverage have ensured the term ‘gang’ has entered common usage. Gangs are certainly not new to Britain, but the nature and scale of gang culture today is very different to that of previous generations. In this review we chose to focus on the effectiveness of partnership and multi agency arrangements for tackling gang violence in Birmingham which involved examining the Birmingham Reducing Gang Violence (BRGV) work stream of the Safer Birmingham Partnership (SBP). During the review we heard from City Council officers and external partners involved in the tackling gangs agenda. We also heard from a range of community groups and service users in the hotspot areas targeted by the partnership. Gangs and gang violence The issue of gang violence is a national one. However significant problems are restricted to a small number of areas, the majority of which are neighbourhoods in and around the major conurbations of London, Liverpool Manchester and Birmingham. Birmingham itself has a real challenge around violence committed with firearms. In 2006-07, 55% of all non-air weapon recorded firearms offences in England and Wales occurred in just three police authority areas: the Metropolitan Police Service, Greater Manchester Police and West Midlands Police. Currently, West Midlands Police estimate that there are around 400 gang members in Birmingham, of which most are concentrated in the North West of the City. Government departments, other public sector bodies, think tanks and academics have formulated a variety of definitions of a ‘gang’ but no single definition has been universally adopted. Most definitions will include some or all of the following aspects: crime and violence, identity, territory and group self-awareness. Wide ranging criminal activity and violence are also defining characteristics of gangs. However, this does not mean that a desire to be involved in crime and violence is usually the motivation for membership, but rather that membership is likely to lead to involvement of individuals in crime and violence. The term gang for the basis of the review focused on the modern street gang made up of individuals who group together based on local streets, neighbourhoods and identities and have a negative impact on the community and people around them. The focus was also on the public space violence which some of these gangs undertake, usually with an offensive weapon such as a gun or knife and which is visible to the community surrounding it. The partnership response The BRGV partnership evolved from the findings of a report into the New Year shootings of Charlene Ellis and Latisha Shakespeare in 2003. The Safer Birmingham Partnership recognised the need for a joined up approach as public violence presents an ongoing challenge not only to the Police but to all other partners. The aim of the BRGV partnership is to eradicate incidents of gang related violence. All interventions aimed at tackling gang violence are considered to ensure they support the strategic aspirations, achieve outcomes and prevent duplication of effort. Operationally the BRGV partnership exists to enforce the law, reduce harm, protect the community, offer help to those who want it and provide the community with a voice.intended Details: Birmingham, UK: Birmingham City Council, 2010. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2016 at: https://www.birmingham.gov.uk/downloads/file/470/partnership_working_to_tackle_gang_violence_in_birmingham_scrutiny_report_april_2010 Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.birmingham.gov.uk/downloads/file/470/partnership_working_to_tackle_gang_violence_in_birmingham_scrutiny_report_april_2010 Shelf Number: 141109 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Violent Crime Youth Gangs

Author: Lam, Rita Lai Man Title: Influence of Weapon Types on the Patterns and Outcomes of Violent Encounters Summary: In collaboration with the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), this study aims to improve the knowledge about the structuring effect of firearms on criminal violence. This study first identifies factors associated with firearms use in violent crimes and second, estimates the risk of fatal and non-fatal injuries associated with gun use. Data used in the present study come from the Module d'information policière (MIP), for the period of 2011 to 2012. Data were analyzed using a two-step strategy. First, logistic regressions were conducted to pinpoint factors associated with firearm use in violent crime. Second, estimates of the average treatment effect were computed using the propensity score matching (PSM) technique. PSM is an innovative statistical strategy that attempts to reproduce conditions of controlled experiments when cases were not randomized in the first place. In general, results show that firearms are more frequently used in gang-related crimes where individuals attack relatively non-vulnerable targets (young males accompanied by other persons). Despite these characteristics, firearm use increases the risk of fatal injuries in violent altercations, but lessens the risk of non-fatal injuries, among other things, in the case of robberies. Findings establish that firearms facilitate the perpetration of violent crimes, even in the hands of the strongest offenders. Results also suggest that other weapons are poor substitutes for firearms. Although the findings cannot fully corroborate firearms as the great equalizer, these weapons do confer several advantages to their user(s). Firearms also appear to be a sufficient threat in the case of robberies, where additional injuries are not necessary to successfully commit the crime. Details: [Montréal] : Université de Montréal, Faculté des arts et des sciences, École de criminologie, 2013. 119p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 16, 2016 at: https://papyrus.bib.umontreal.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1866/11243/Lam_Rita_Lai_Man_2013_rapportdestage.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2013 Country: Canada URL: https://papyrus.bib.umontreal.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1866/11243/Lam_Rita_Lai_Man_2013_rapportdestage.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 147317 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Violent Crime Weapons and Firearms

Author: Tamayo, Adrian Title: Determining Statistical Pattern on the Drug-Related Killing in Philippines Using ARIMA and Poisson Techniques Summary: A univariate time series technique was conducted to determine statistical pattern on killings of drug suspects in Philippines from May 19 to July 7, 2016. The technique reveal a moving average of order 2, MA(2) with a positive coefficient suggestive that value of outcome variable x tend to increase, on the average, than the recent value of x . This means that drug-related killings will tend to be higher than the most current rate; and killings is seen to increase as weekend comes. Poisson regression indicated an average of 13 deaths on a Sunday; only 2 on Monday average; odds of survival increases as well as weekend comes. Finally, the forecast model and the simulation are limited by the data used. Structure of the univariate series may change as additional data are added; this is also true for the forecasted average occurrence. Details: Munich: Munich Personal RePEc Archive (MPRA), 2016. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: MPRA Paper No. 71528: Accessed November 21, 2016 at: https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/72518/1/MPRA_paper_72518.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Philippines URL: https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/72518/1/MPRA_paper_72518.pdf Shelf Number: 147848 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Dudley, Steven Title: Violence Against Migrants Summary: Mexico and Central America have emerged as one of the most dangerous areas on the planet outside of active war zones. The region is currently confronting unprecedented security challenges from street gangs, the growing presence of sophisticated criminal organizations and endemic corruption at all levels of law enforcement and government. These challenges are not new, but they are growing in intensity and visibility. As the risks to human security increase, so does the vulnerability of migrants who cross the region moving northward toward the United States. The dangers have become particularly vivid in Mexico, where unknown numbers of Mexican, Central American, and South American migrants have been killed or gone missing, presumably at the hands of criminal actors or corrupt public officials. Many more are victims of extortion, rape, and other crimes. The homicide rate in Central America stands at just over 40 per 100,000 residents — more than twice the homicide rate in Mexico (18 per 100,000 residents), a country that receives considerably more international media attention for high levels of crime and violence. Most of the homicides in Central America are concentrated in the Northern Triangle countries — Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras — where murder rates average 58 per 100,000 residents (See Figure 1). By comparison, in the United States the homicide rate peaked at 10 per 100,000 residents in 1980 and currently stands around 5 per 100,000. The aggregate national statistics, however, hide substantial variation within nations. In the District of Columbia (Washington, DC), the homicide rate peaked at 81 per 100,000 residents in 1991 and in 2010 stood around 22 per 100,000 — higher than in Mexico City, where the murder rate was about 14 per 100,000 in 2010. High levels of violence in certain areas — in Mexico's case, in the border regions — skew national statistics upward. In both Mexico and Central America, criminal groups seem to have overwhelmed the undermanned public security forces. Controlling illicit activity in rural and border areas, where migrants often cross, is particularly challenging. For instance, Olancho, a Honduran department (similar to a state or province), has about 250 police officers to cover an area roughly the size of El Salvador and larger than the country of Belgium or the US state of Maryland.1 In 2011, the Guatemalan government recently ordered 800 soldiers, including 300 members of the country's elite Kaibil forces that specialize in jungle warfare and counterinsurgency, to reinforce local police in the remote Peten province that borders Mexico. Corruption of public security forces —in some instances at high levels — further complicates these challenges. Details: s.l.: InSight Crime, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 21, 2016 at: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2016/Violence_Against_Migrants.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Central America URL: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2016/Violence_Against_Migrants.pdf Shelf Number: 147902 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Homicides Migrants Violent Crime

Author: Huff, Amber Title: Violence and Violence Reduction Efforts in Kenya, Uganda, Ghana and Ivory Coast: Insights and Lessons towards Achieving SDG 16 Summary: The 2011 World Development Report on Conflict, Security and Development states that, ‘repeated cycles of organized criminal violence and civil conflict that threaten development locally and regionally and are responsible for much of the global deficit in meeting the Millennium Development Goals’ (World Bank 2011: 46). As a result, peace and security emerged as a ‘core concern’ in the development of the post-2015 sustainable development agenda (Werner 2015: 348), and a remarkable high-level consensus has emerged on the basic elements of an approach to reduce violence across contexts. These include: (1) the need to create legitimate institutions, often through efforts to craft political settlements; (2) strengthening access to justice; (3) extending economic opportunities and employment, especially for young people; and (4) fostering societal resilience, through institutions as well as by considering the sustainability of interventions (Lind, Mitchell and Rohwerder 2016). Flowing from these ideas, Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 aims to 'promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels' by meeting targets that range from reduction of violence and related death rates everywhere, to reducing corruption and bribery in all their forms, ending all forms of legal discrimination and developing effective, accountable and transparent institutions (UNDP 2016a). Details: Brighton, UK:: Institute of Development Studies, 2016. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Addressing and Mitigating Violence, Evidence Report No. 210: Accessed December 2, 2016 at: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/12656/ER210_ViolenceandViolenceReductionEffortsinKenyaUgandaGhanaandIvoryCoast.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2016 Country: Africa URL: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/12656/ER210_ViolenceandViolenceReductionEffortsinKenyaUgandaGhanaandIvoryCoast.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 147957 Keywords: Bribery Conflict-Related Violence Corruption Homicides Violence Violence Prevention Violent Crime

Author: Mulligan, Leah Title: Homicide in Canada, 2015 Summary: Homicides continue to account for a small proportion of all police-reported violent Criminal Code offences in Canada, representing 0.2% in 2015.Note 1 While homicide continues to be a relatively rare occurrence in Canada, rates of homicide are considered benchmarks for levels of violent activity both in Canada and internationally (Ouimet 2014). Further, perceptions of safety within communities may be influenced by their homicide rates (Romer et al. 2003). Since 1961, police services have been reporting detailed information on homicide occurrences in Canada through Statistics Canada's Homicide Survey. Using data drawn from the Homicide Survey, this Juristat article explores prevalence and characteristics of homicide incidents, victims, and accused persons reported in 2015, and compares these findings to short and long term trends. A special analysis of the circumstances surrounding homicides of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal females committed by ‘casual acquaintances’ from 1980 to 2015 is also presented (see Text box 1). Number and rate of homicides at their highest point since 2011 •Police reported 604 homicide victims in Canada in 2015, 83 more than the previous year and the highest number of homicides reported since 2011.Note 2 The homicide rate (1.68 per 100,000 population) increased 15% from the previous year marking the highest homicide rate since 2011 (Chart 1). This was also the largest percentage increase in the annual homicide rate reported in Canada since 1975. The 2015 homicide rate however was 2% lower than the average for the previous decade (Chart 2). •Attempted murders also grew in 2015 (Allen 2016). Police reported 144 more attempted murders compared to 2014 (from 630 in 2014 to 774 in 2015), and the rate increased 22% from the previous year (2.16 per 100,000 population compared to 1.77). The rate of attempted murder has remained consistently higher than the homicide rate since the 1980s, and these offences have often shown similar trends over time (Chart 1). •In 2015, police reported 572 incidents of homicide, the majority involving a single victim (95%). There were 21 incidents involving two victims (4%), and the remaining 5 incidents involved either three or four victims (less than 1%). This pattern has been consistent since homicide data collection began in 1961. •In 2015, police reported solving 75% (451) of the total 604 reported homicides (see Text box 2). There were a reported total of 525 accused persons identified in these homicides. Among the provinces Saskatchewan reported the highest homicide rate in 2015 •The higher number of homicides for 2015 was primarily due to increases in Alberta (+27 homicides), Saskatchewan (+19), and Ontario (+18) (Table 1a). The increased number of reported homicides in Alberta and Saskatchewan occurred primarily outside of census metropolitan areas (CMAs).Note 3 Within Ontario, however, half of the increase occurred within various CMAs. •Saskatchewan recorded the highest homicide rate among the provinces (3.79 homicides per 100,000 population). The next two highest provincial rates were recorded in Manitoba (3.63) and in Alberta (3.17) (Table 1b). •Nova Scotia recorded a large increase in their homicide rate (+100%) with 12 homicides reported in 2015. It should be noted, however, that the large increase is due to the record low rate that was recorded in 2014 with 6 homicides that year (Table 1b). •The rate of homicides per 100,000 population tends to be more variable from year to year within the Territories, in part due to their smaller population counts. This was true in 2015 with 5 homicides in the Northwest Territories (11.34 per 100,000 population), two homicides in Nunavut (5.42), and one homicide in Yukon (2.67) (Table 1b). Of note, the 2015 homicide rate in Nunavut was the lowest reported rate since becoming a territory in 1999. •The lowest homicide rates in 2015 were reported in Newfoundland and Labrador (0.57 per 100,000 population), Prince Edward Island (0.68), and Quebec (0.93) (Table 1b). Regina records the highest homicide rate among census metropolitan areas •With a total of 8 homicides in 2015, Regina recorded the highest homicide rate among the 33 CMAs (3.30 homicides per 100,000 population).Note 4 Saskatoon (with 10 homicides) and Edmonton (with 39 homicides) recorded the next highest homicide rates (at 3.22 and 2.87 per 100,000 population, respectively). Brantford was the only CMA to report no homicides in 2015 (Table 2). Homicide rates continue to be higher for Aboriginal people than for non-Aboriginal people •Aboriginal people accounted for 25% of homicide victims in 2015, compared to 23% in 2014Note 5 (see CANSIM table 253-0009). In total, police reported 148 Aboriginal victims of homicide in 2015 compared to 120 in 2014 (Table 3). Aboriginal people represented an estimated 5% of the Canadian population in 2015 (Statistics Canada 2015). •In 2015, the rate of homicide for Aboriginal people increased by 20% to 8.77 Aboriginal victims per 100,000 Aboriginal people, from 7.30 in 2014Note 6 (Table 3). In comparison, the rate of homicide among non-Aboriginal people increased 13% from 1.17 non-Aboriginal victims per 100,000 non-Aboriginal people to 1.31. Overall, the rate of homicide for Aboriginal people in 2015 was about seven times higher than for non-Aboriginal people. •Aboriginal males were more frequently victims of homicide compared to non-Aboriginal males. In 2015, the rate of homicide for Aboriginal males was seven times that for non-Aboriginal males (12.85 per 100,000 population compared to 1.87). Further, the rate for Aboriginal males was three times that for Aboriginal females (12.85 compared to 4.80). •Amongst female victims, the rate of homicide of Aboriginal females was six times that of non-Aboriginal females (4.80 per 100,000 compared to 0.77). Of note, the rate for Aboriginal females was higher than the rate for non-Aboriginal males (4.80 compared to 1.87) (Table 3). These findings are consistent with those reported in 2014. •In 2015, police reported solving a higher proportion of homicides of Aboriginal victims within the reporting year, than those of non-Aboriginal victims (85% compared to 71%). The proportion of homicides solved by police were comparable between Aboriginal male and Aboriginal female victims (86% and 83%). Within non-Aboriginal homicides however, police reported solving two thirds (66%) of male homicides, while solving 85% of female homicides. •Where the Aboriginal identity of the accused was reported for the 525 accused identified in solved homicide cases, 33% were identified as Aboriginal persons, and 67% were non-Aboriginal personsNote 7 (see CANSIM table 253-0010). Further, the rate of Aboriginal persons accused of homicide was 10.13 persons for every 100,000 Aboriginal people. This rate was 10 times higher than the rate of accused among non-Aboriginal people (1.01) (Table 3). This is equal to the finding for the rate of accused persons by Aboriginal identity reported in the previous year. •In 2015, there were 61 female persons accused homicide, and 37 were Aboriginal (61%) while 24 were non-Aboriginal (39%). The rate of Aboriginal females accused of homicide was 31 times higher than rate of non-Aboriginal female accused (4.33 per 100,000 population compared to 0.14). For the 464 males accused persons, 134 (29%) were Aboriginal and 321 (69%) were non-Aboriginal. For rate for Aboriginal male accused was about 8 times higher than the rate for non-Aboriginal male accused (16.09 per 100,000 compared to 1.90) (Table 3). Female homicide victims more likely than male victims to have been reported as a missing person •In 2015, police services were asked for the first time to report the missing person status of homicide victims to the Homicide Survey (see Text box 3). Of the 604 homicides reported in 2015, 63 (10%) were on record as a missing person at the time the homicide became known to the police. •Female victims were reported as a missing person prior to the discovery of their death two and half times more often than their male counterparts (18% of female victims, compared to 7% of male victims). Those less than 12 years old were most frequently previously reported as a missing person (30% of victims under 12), while those least frequently reported as missing were those aged 65 and older (2% of victims aged 65 and older). •Proportions of victims previously reported as missing were similar regardless of whether the victim was Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal. Overall, 10% of Aboriginal victims were previously reported as missing compared to 11% of non-Aboriginal victims. This was true for 17% of Aboriginal female victims and 18% of non-Aboriginal female victims. For males, 7% of Aboriginal male victims were on record as a missing person, as were 8% of non-Aboriginal male victims (Chart 3). Number of firearm-related homicides increases for second consecutive year •In 2015, stabbings continued to be the most common method of committing homicide in Canada (37%), followed by shootings (30%) and beatings (23%). These proportions are similar to those reported over the past 10 years (Table 4, Chart 4). •For the second year in a row, police reported an increase in the number and rate of firearm-related homicides. In 2015, there were 178 firearm-related homicides, 23 more than the previous year (Table 5). The rate of firearm-related homicides in 2015 increased by 14% to 0.50 per 100,000 population (compared to 0.44 in 2014), and was the highest reported rate since 2010 (0.51). This finding is consistent with the reported 22% increase in rate for all violent firearms offences from the previous year (Allen 2016).Note 8 •Handguns were used in 57% of firearm-related homicides in 2015, and they continue to be the most frequently used type of firearm. This proportion is down from 2014, where handguns accounted for 67% of firearm-related homicides. The rate of handgun-related homicides remained relatively stable at 0.28 per 100,000 population in 2015 (compared to 0.29 in 2014). Of note, the number of homicides committed with sawed-off rifles or shotguns increased to 23 (+17), accounting for 13% of firearm-related homicides in 2015, up from 4% in 2014 (Table 5). Thus, the rate of sawed-off rifle or shotgun-related homicides increased from 0.02 per 100,000 population to 0.06 in 2015. •The highest rates of firearm-related homicide were reported in Yukon and the Northwest Territories (2.67 and 2.27 per 100,000 population respectively). Alberta reported the next highest rate at 1.17 per 100,000. The rate of firearm homicides grew the most, however, in Saskatchewan, moving up from 0.36 per 100,000 in 2014 to 0.97 in 2015. •Across the provinces in 2015, increases in the number of firearm-related homicides from 2014 were reported in Alberta (+13), Saskatchewan (+7), Manitoba (+3), and Ontario (+3) (Table 4). All other provinces and territories reported relatively stable numbers of firearm-related homicides from the previous year. •Among the CMAs, the majority of firearm-related homicides were reported in Toronto (27), Montréal (20), Calgary (16), Edmonton (15), and Vancouver (15) (Table 6). For these CMAs in particular, the proportion of total homicides which were related to firearms ranged from about 30% to 40% of their total homicides in 2015. Calgary reported the largest increase in firearm-related homicides (+13), and this accounted for more than half (57%) of the total increase in firearm-related homicides in Canada in 2015. In comparison, all firearm-related homicides occurring outside CMAs contributed towards 39% of the total increase in that year. Other notable changes reported in the number of firearm-related homicides from 2014 were reported in Montréal (+5), Toronto (-10), and Edmonton (-5). For the other CMAs, the number remained comparable in 2015 to the previous year. •In 2015, 44% of firearm-related homicides were also related to gang activity,Note 9 which has been the case in general for the past five years.Note 10 Alberta recorded an increase of 14 (+26%) firearm-related homicides that were gang-related in 2015; the majority occurring in Calgary and Edmonton CMAs (+7 and +3 respectively). Saskatchewan reported a large decrease in the proportion of firearm-related homicides that involved gangs, moving from 75% of their reported firearm related homicides in 2014, to 18% in 2015. Gang-related homicides increased in 2015 following a three year decline •In 2015, police reported 98 gang-related homicides, up 16 from the previous year. The rate increased by 18% to 0.27 per 100,000 population (from 0.23 in 2014). This follows a period of decline in the rate of gang-related homicides from 2011 to 2014 (Chart 5). •The total increase in the number of gang-related homicides in Canada was reported mostly in Alberta, where the number went up by 19 gang-related homicides from 2014, for a total of 28 gang-related homicides in 2015. Of the increased number of gang-related homicides in Alberta (19), more than two-thirds (68%) occurred in the CMAs of Calgary and Edmonton, and the remainder (32%) within Alberta’s non-CMA areas. In Alberta, gangs were involved in 22% of homicides in 2015, compared to 9% the previous year. •Despite an increase in the number of homicides in Saskatchewan and Ontario, gang-related homicides did not appear to account for the increase in these provinces. In Saskatchewan, gangs were involved in 12% of homicides in 2015 compared to 25% in 2014. In Ontario, 13% of homicides in 2015 were gang-related compared to 15% the previous year. •In Newfoundland and Labrador, the province’s 2 homicides reported in 2014 were both gang related, yet in 2015 none of their 3 reported homicides were gang related. In addition, none of Nova Scotia’s 12 homicides in 2015 were gang related, compared to 17% in 2014. In all other provinces and territories, the proportion of homicides related to gangs remained relatively stable from the previous year. •Within CMAs, gang-related homicides were reported most frequently in 2015 in Montréal (20), Vancouver (13), Toronto (12), and Calgary (12), which combined account for 73% of the total gang-related homicides reported within CMAs (Table 6). Fewer homicides committed by strangers, more by criminal associates •Despite the increased number of victims reported in 2015, increases were not equal across all types of homicides when considering relationship types. Relationship information is available for solved homicides for which an accused has been identified. Decades of relationship information indicates that homicides are frequently committed by someone known to the victim.Note 11 In 2015, 87% of victims knew the accused involved in their death (Table 7). This proportion increased from 2014 where a reported 82% of victims knew the accused.Note 12 •The number of victims killed by a stranger in 2015 declined to 58, from 73 reported in 2014. As such homicides committed by strangers accounted for 13% of homicides in 2015 compared to 18% the year before (Table 7). In comparison, police reported an increase in the number of homicides committed by a person with whom the victim had a criminal relationship (54 in 2015 compared to 29 in 2014). •Increases were also reported in the number of homicides committed by family members other than current or ex-spouses or common law partners. These homicides increased from 73 to 99 in 2015. This was largely due to an increase in homicides committed by extended family members (Table 7). •There were 83 intimate partner homicides reported in Canada in 2015, 3 less than in 2014 (Table 7). The rate of intimate partner homicides remained relatively stable in 2015 at 0.28 per 100,000 population aged 15 and older, which followed a reported increase in the previous year. The rate of female intimate partner homicide remained unchanged from 2014 (0.46 per 100,000 population for both years); while that for males decrease slightly from 0.11 in the previous year to 0.09 in 2015. Majority of homicide victims and accused persons were male •Overall, males account for the majority of both homicide victims and accused persons. In 2015, 71% of homicide victims and 88% of homicide accused were male, findings that have remained consistent over the past 10 years. •Rates of homicide among male victims were highest for those 25 to 34 years of age (4.38 per 100,000 population), followed by 18 to 24 year olds (4.29). For females, the highest homicide rate was reported for those aged 18 to 24 years (1.46), followed closely by females aged 25 to 34 years (1.41) (see CANSIM table 253-0003). •The rate of accused persons amongst the male population in 2015 was highest for those 18 to 24 years of age (8.80 per 100,000 population). Among females, the rate of being accused of homicide in 2015 was highest for those aged 25 to 34 years (0.89). Increase in number and rate of youth accused of homicide from previous year •In 2015, youth aged 12 to 17 accounted for 7% of the 525 accused persons reported in that year. This is consistent with findings reported over the past 4 years, where the proportion of youth accused has accounted for less than 10% of the total accused persons (see CANSIM table 253-0003). •The rate of youth accused of homicide increased, however, by 22% from the previous year. Police reported in 2015 that there were 1.51 youth accused of homicide for every 100,000 youth aged 12 to 17 in Canada, compared with a rate of 1.24 in 2014. Overall, there were 35 youth accused of homicide in 2015, 6 more than the previous year. •Youth accused of homicide in 2015 were two times more likely to be involved in a gang-related incident compared to adults (20% of youth accused compared to 10% of adults accused).Note 13 Accused persons aged 65 and older most likely to have a suspected mental or developmental disorder •In 2015, police suspected 85 persons accused of homicide as having a mental or developmental disorder,Note 14 representing 17% of total accused persons.Note 15 This is lower than the proportion in 2014 (21%), however it is comparable to the average over the previous ten years from 2005 to 2014 (16%). •Seniors aged 65 and older accounted for the largest proportion (36%) of accused persons with suspected mental health or developmental disorders in 2015 (Chart 6). In comparison, those aged 55 to 64 accounted for the lowest proportion (11%), which is contrary to previous findings where the lowest proportion has typically been present amongst younger age groups. Further, according to the average over the previous ten years, the presence of mental or developmental disorders among accused persons has been shown to increase with age. Details: Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Juristat 36, no. 1: Accessed December 5, 2016 at: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2016001/article/14668-eng.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Canada URL: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2016001/article/14668-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 147745 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Murders

Author: Environmental Justice Foundation (EJF) Title: Thailand's Seafood Slaves: Human Trafficking, Slavery and Murder in Kantang's Fishing Industry Summary: -- Human trafficking and slavery are global problems. It is estimated that as many as 35.8 million men, women and children are currently victims of human trafficking around the world. -- Thailand is the 30th largest economy in the world with a GDP of US$404 billion. -- The Thai seafood industry employs more than 800,000 people, while seafood exports are valued at $6 billion. -- A growing number of independent reports over the past decade have documented abuses of workers trafficked on to Thai fishing vessels, including bonded, forced and slave labour and the use of extreme violence. One report by the United Nations Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking (UNIAP) found that 59% of trafficked migrants interviewed aboard Thai fishing vessels reported witnessing the murder of a fellow worker. -- Thailand's fish stocks and marine biodiversity are in crisis. The Thai fishing industry has undergone decades of over- fishing and astonishingly poor fisheries management. Rapid industrialisation during the 20 th Century has resulted in too many vessels using destructive and unsustainable fishing methods to catch too many fish. The overall catch per unit effort (CPUE) in both the Gulf of Thailand and the Andaman Sea has plummeted by more than 86% since 1966, making Thai waters among the most over-fished regions on the planet. -- The pressure on Thailand's over-exploited fish stocks has been and continues to be due in large part to the demand for animal feeds and farmed shrimp. The fishmeal industry has masked the true economic and ecological costs of over- fishing by over-valuing the trash fish which constitutes one of its key raw materials. -- The lack of an adequate fisheries management regime and effective enforcement along with extensive corruption have facilitated overfishing in Thailand, which has generated economic pressures that fuel the ongoing, widespread use of slave labour. -- Exhausted fish stocks mean that vessels are staying at sea longer and going further afield, often fishing illegally in other nations’ territorial waters, to bring in diminishing catches. In turn operators are using human trafficking networks and bonded, forced and slave labour to crew their vessels and depress costs. This largely export-focused industry is able to carry on providing cheap products to western markets as a direct result of these human rights abuses. Consumers in the west are eating product contaminated with slavery, 'pirate' fishing, corruption and criminality. Details: London: EJF, 2015. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 9, 2016 at: http://ejfoundation.org/sites/default/files/public/EJF-Thailand-Seafood-Slaves-low-res.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Thailand URL: http://ejfoundation.org/sites/default/files/public/EJF-Thailand-Seafood-Slaves-low-res.pdf Shelf Number: 145618 Keywords: Fishing Industry Forced labor Homicides Human Trafficking Illegal Fishing Overfishing Wildlife Crime

Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: Domestic Homicide Reviews: Key Findings from Analysis of Domestic Homicide Reviews Summary: 1. A Domestic Homicide Review (DHR) is a multi-agency review of the circumstances in which the death of a person aged 16 or over has, or appears to have, resulted from violence, abuse or neglect by a person to whom they were related or with whom they were, or had been, in an intimate personal relationship, or a member of the same household as themselves. Since 13 April 2011 there has been a statutory requirement for local areas to conduct a DHR following a domestic homicide that meets the criteria. 2. Since April 2011, in excess of 400 DHRs have been completed. DHRs provide a rich source of information on the nature of domestic homicide, the context in which it occurs and, most importantly, in the lessons that can be learned from the tragic event. This analysis sets out what we know about domestic homicide and draws out common themes and trends and identifies learning that emerged across the sample of DHRs. 3. The purpose of this analysis is to promote key learning and trends from the sample of DHRs with the aim of informing and shaping future policy development and operational practice both locally and nationally. 4. We encourage local areas to reflect on the learning identified and to consider how this can be used to deliver improvements to practice within their local context furthering their ability to safeguard victims and prevent domestic homicide. 5. This paper also reports on what is being done nationally to tackle these issues. Details: London: Home Office, 2016. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 13, 2016 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/575232/HO-Domestic-Homicide-Review-Analysis-161206.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/575232/HO-Domestic-Homicide-Review-Analysis-161206.pdf Shelf Number: 146046 Keywords: Domestic Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Murders

Author: Small Arms Survey Title: A Gendered Analysis of Violent Deaths Summary: Does the risk of violent death differ for men and women in conflict and non-conflict settings, and across regions and countries? Does it change over the course of a person’s life? And are women targeted because they are women? In other words, is such violence gender-based? Through the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the international community has committed to reducing all forms of violence and related deaths (Target 16.1), and to eliminating violence against women and girls (Target 5.2). It has also undertaken to ensure the safety of public spaces (Target 11.7) (UNGA, 2015). Achieving these targets requires a detailed mapping of patterns and risk factors for lethal violence. The collection and analysis of data related to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is still in its infancy, but some broad trends and patterns can be identified nevertheless. This Research Note is the third in a series that presents the latest information from the Small Arms Survey's database on violent deaths (Small Arms Survey, n.d.; see Box 1). The first Note in the series examines broad trends in lethal violence, noting that while the global homicide rate has decreased slowly but steadily since 2004, conflict deaths have almost tripled in recent years, constituting 17 per cent of all the violent deaths in 2010–15 (Widmer and Pavesi, 2016a). The second report analyses the use of firearms as instruments of violence (Widmer and Pavesi, 2016b), while this third instalment in the series analyses available information on violent deaths, disaggregated by sex. It finds that: Globally, men and boys accounted for 84 per cent of the people who died violently in 2010–15; on average during that period, 64,000 women and girls—the remaining 16 per cent—were killed violently every year. The sub-regions with the highest violent death rates for women include Central America, the Caribbean, and South America. In sub-regions with low overall violent death rates, such as Western Europe, Eastern Asia, and Australia/New Zealand, the proportion of women who die violently is often above the global average. In the Afghan and Syrian conflicts, the proportion of women killed has been steadily increasing at least since sex-disaggregated data became available. In industrialized countries, the general decrease in homicide rates entailed a decline in the killing of women, but rates of domestic and intimate partner violence have proven particularly difficult to reduce. In 2015 or the latest year for which data is available, as many or more women than men suffered violent deaths in eight countries characterized by high income and low violence levels: Austria, Germany, Hong Kong, Japan, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Slovenia, and Switzerland. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Small Arms Survey, 2016. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Note: Accessed December 14, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-63.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-63.pdf Shelf Number: 147374 Keywords: Conflict-Related Violence Homicides Murders Violence

Author: Sharp-Jeffs, Nicola Title: Domestic Homicide Review (DHR) Case Analysis Summary: This report is our contribution to fully highlight the learning from Domestic Homicide Reviews as most of us recognise the need for national, regional and local work required to embed a true coordinated community response (CCR) to domestic abuse. Broadly, much of these findings fall into two categories. There are findings which could be characterised as implementation gaps. They are failures or missed opportunities where we understand the best practice but fail to implement it. In other areas such as mental health, adult child to family abuse, adult safeguarding practice and issues such as support for carers, more work is required to establish better, safer and more appropriate ways of working. And much of these findings are underpinned by a lack of fundamental understanding of coercive control, a lack of focus on the perpetrator and the need for more professional curiosity in thinking beyond basic policy and procedure…..” Details: s.l.: Standing Together Against Domestic Violence, 2016. 110p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 21, 2016 at: http://www.standingtogether.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/STADV_DHR_Report_Final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.standingtogether.org.uk/sites/default/files/docs/STADV_DHR_Report_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 147772 Keywords: Domestic Homicide Domestic Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Violence Against Women

Author: Loeffler, Charles Title: Is Gun Violence Contagious? Summary: Existing theories of gun violence predict stable spatial concentrations and contagious diffusion of gun violence into surrounding areas. Recent empirical studies have reported confirmatory evidence of such spatiotemporal diffusion of gun violence. However, existing tests cannot readily distinguish spatiotemporal clustering from spatiotemporal diffusion. This leaves as an open question whether gun violence actually is contagious or merely clusters in space and time. Compounding this problem, gun violence is subject to considerable measurement error with many nonfatal shootings going unreported to police. Using point process data from an acoustical gunshot locator system and a combination of Bayesian spatiotemporal point process modeling and space/time interaction tests, this paper demonstrates that contemporary urban gun violence does diffuse, but only slightly, suggesting that a disease model for infectious spread of gun violence is a poor fit for the geographically stable and temporally stochastic process observed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 23, 2016 at: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.06713v1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.06713v1.pdf Shelf Number: 144812 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: Violence, Crime and Illegal Arms Trafficking in Colombia Summary: Colombia has one of the highest homicide rates in the world. Most of those killings involve firearms. What is the relationship between violence, crime and arms trafficking in Colombia? This report aims to find out. The biggest problem is that in parts of Colombia, the State does not have a monopoly on the use of force. Highly organized criminal structures such as drug trafficking mafias and paramilitary groups are well-armed and dangerous. There are many private security companies, some of which use illegal weapons. Most Colombians who die from bullets do not die through indiscriminate violence. Rather, firearms are being used in the “professional” exercise of violence. The Government therefore has a major challenge to disarm such groups and reduce violence. It also needs to strengthen gun control by increasing penalties for arms trafficking and the illegal carrying of arms. Furthermore it needs to cut the supply of weapons by stopping the illicit trafficking in firearms. As demonstrated in this report, this is a trans-border issue. Weapons and ammunition are being smuggled into Colombia, very often in return for drugs. Regional cooperation and improved border control are essential to cut the links between drug trafficking, organized crime and insurgency. Colombia deserves praise for its regional and international efforts to regulate and control small arms and light weapons. It understands from its bitter experience the need to reduce arms trafficking and that international cooperation, particularly with neighbouring States, is vital. More countriesshould learn from Colombia’s experience. Since 2005 the world has had a powerful instrument against the illicit manufacturing of and trafficking in firearms, their parts and components and ammunition, namely a Protocol which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Ratification of this protocol is shamefully slow considering the seriousness of the threat posed by illegal weapons. Preventing, combating and eradicating the illicit manufacture and trafficking in firearmsis not an impossible dream. Whereas in the past people have talked about the importance of beating swords into ploughshares, some inspired Colombians are showing the world that you can turn guns into guitars. Colombian musician and peace activist Cesar Lopez has builtseveral "escopetarra" – part rifle (escopeta) and part guitar (guitarra). With more activistslike Mr. Lopez, greater domestic gun control and greater regional and global cooperation, Colombia and the rest of the world will have less guns and more guitars. Details: Bogota: UNODC, 2006. 127p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: https://www.unodc.org/pdf/Colombia_Dec06_en.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Colombia URL: https://www.unodc.org/pdf/Colombia_Dec06_en.pdf Shelf Number: 144925 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Gun-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Trafficking in Weapons Violent Crime

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Bound by Brotherhood": India's Failure to End Killings in Police Custody Summary: Indian police often torture criminal suspects to punish them, to gather information, or to coerce confessions. Despite changes in laws and guidelines and the promise of police reforms since 1997, official data shows at least 591 people died in police custody between 2010 and 2015. While police blame most of the deaths on suicide, illness, or natural causes, in many such cases family members allege that the deaths were the result of torture; allegations sometimes supported by independent investigations. Bound by Brotherhood examines the reasons for the continuing impunity for custodial deaths in India, and recommends steps that authorities should take to end it. It details the scope of the problem drawing on in-depth Human Rights Watch investigations into 17 custodial deaths that occurred between 2009 and 2015. In most of these cases, family members, with the assistance of lawyers and activists, were able to seek new inquiries, thus providing access to witness testimonies, autopsy reports, or police statements. In each of the 17 cases, the police did not follow proper arrest procedures—including documenting the arrest, notifying family members, or producing the suspect before a magistrate within 24 hours—which made the suspect more vulnerable to abuse and may have contributed to a belief by police that any mistreatment could be covered up. In most of the cases, investigating authorities, mainly the police, failed to take steps that could have helped ensure accountability for the deaths. Human Rights Watch calls on the Indian government to strictly enforce existing law and guidelines on arrest and detention and ensure that police officers implicated in torture and other ill-treatment, regardless of rank, are disciplined or prosecuted as appropriate. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/india1216_web_0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: India URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/india1216_web_0.pdf Shelf Number: 144918 Keywords: Deadly Force Deaths in Custody Homicides Police Brutality Police Custody Police Use of Force Torture

Author: Amnesty International Title: Bringing Human Rights Home. Chicago and Illinois: Gun Violence Summary: Gun violence is a widespread problem across the United States. Each year, more than 11,000 people are killed as a result of someone pulling a trigger. Gun violence impacts a range of human rights from the right to life; security of the person; to the rights to education; freedom of movement and freedom from discrimination. The reasons for gun violence in Chicago are complex. Poverty, unemployment, lack of access to education, and the fragmentation of gangs across the city are some of the factors that play a role in the violence. Also, the recent decision to close nearly 50 public schools has put thousands of children going to school at risk of violence or death. All states have an obligation to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including the right to life and security of the person, and have a duty to take positive measures to prevent acts of violence and unlawful killings. Gun Violence in Chicago In 2013, 414 people were killed in Chicago; with more than 80 percent of those deaths attributed to gun violence. While amounting to an 18 percent decrease from 2012, which saw a total of 506 homicides that year, Chicago had the highest number of homicides across the country in 2013. Chicago's homicide rate is alarmingly elevated, especially compared with other big cities like Los Angeles and New York. For instance, New York City has three times the population of Chicago, and had 333 murders in 2013. Los Angeles, with over a million more people than Chicago, had 255 murders in 2013. Seventy-five percent of Chicago's gun-death victims in 2012 were African- American or Latino. Violence affects everyone in Chicago, but it is particularly devastating for the City's youth who are so often the perpetrators and victims of violence. From 2008-2012, almost half of Chicago's 2,389 homicide victims were killed before their 25th birthdays. While an alarming number of young people in Chicago have been killed in gun attacks, many more are exposed to gun violence on a regular basis. While 414 people were killed in 2013, there were a total of 1,864 shootings in the city which resulted in 2,328 gunshot survivors. There were an additional 10,343 crimes committed with a handgun or firearm in Chicago during 2013. Studies have shown that children who are exposed to violence suffer increased rates of depression, aggression, delinquency, and poor school performance. Chicago's homicides have taken place mostly in neighborhoods in the west and south of the city. Gun crime in Chicago is most prevalent in communities with high rates of poverty and unemployment. The City of Chicago as a whole has an extreme poverty rate of nearly 10 percent, with more than 260,000 households living in extreme poverty (i.e. $10,000 or less for a family of three in 2012). The high school graduation rate for black males in Chicago is 39 per cent and a staggering 92 per cent of all black males aged 16-19 were unemployed in 2012. These issues are also human rights issues: the right to a living wage; affordable housing; equal access to education and health care, including mental health care, are human rights. Details: New York: Amnesty International USA, 2014. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 28, 2017 at: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/bringinghumanrightshome_gunviolence.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/bringinghumanrightshome_gunviolence.pdf Shelf Number: 144882 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Beall, Jo Title: PD4: mitigating conflict and violence in Africa's rapidly growing cities Summary: Over the past 50 years, the urban population of sub-Saharan Africa has expanded at a historically unprecedented rate. Although there is little evidence that urbanisation increases the likelihood of conflict or violence in a country, Africa’s urban transition has occurred in a context of economic stagnation and poor governance, producing conditions conducive to social unrest and violence. In order to improve urban security in the years ahead the underlying risk factors must be addressed, including urban poverty, inequality and fragile political institutions. This, in turn, requires improving urban governance in the region, including strengthening the capacity of local government institutions, addressing the complex political dynamics that impede effective urban planning and management, and cultivating integrated development strategies that involve cooperation between various tiers and spheres of government and civil society. Details: London: Government Office for Science, 2011. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 30, 2017 at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/41855/1/pd4-mitigating-conflict-in-africas-cities.pdf%28lsero%29.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Africa URL: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/41855/1/pd4-mitigating-conflict-in-africas-cities.pdf%28lsero%29.pdf Shelf Number: 146246 Keywords: Conflict Violence Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Bricknell, Samantha Title: Mass shootings and firearm control: comparing Australia and the United States Summary: The debate around measures to prevent mass shootings has largely focussed on the effectiveness of firearm controls. Specific mass shooting events in the UK, Canada and Australia were followed by increased restrictions on firearm access and use while in countries such as the US, the response was less conclusive. Various examinations of the impact of firearm controls on firearm deaths have produced inconclusive results and, in particular, made little mention of the impact on the prevalence of mass shootings. This paper compares the incidence and characteristics of mass shooting events in Australia and the US in the period 1981 and 2013. The authors suggests that it is a complement of actions introduced with the Australian firearm reforms of 1996 and 2002 – particularly around access to specified firearm models and legislated methods to identify firearm licence owners at risk of harm or of harming – that have, for Australia at least, provided the stronger preventative response. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2015?. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, 2015? Accessed January 30, 2017: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/aic/foi/mass-shootings/Document-1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/aic/foi/mass-shootings/Document-1.pdf Shelf Number: 144880 Keywords: Gun Control Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings

Author: Chioda, Laura Title: Stop the Violence in Latin America: A Look at Prevention from Cradle to Adulthood. Overview booklet. Summary: For a long time, the logic seemed unassailable: Crime and violence were historically thought of as symptoms of a country’s early stages of development that could be "cured" with economic growth and reductions in poverty, unemployment, and inequality. More recently, however, our understanding has changed. Studies now show that economic progress does not necessarily bring better security to the streets. Developments in Latin America and the Caribbean exemplify this point. Between 2003 and 2011, average annual regional growth in Latin America and the Caribbean, excluding the global crisis of 2009, reached nearly 5 percent. What’s more, the growth rate among the bottom 40 percent of the population eclipsed that of the same group in every other region of the world. During that same decade, the region experienced unprecedented economic and social progress: extreme poverty was cut by more than half, to 11.5 percent; income inequality dropped more than 7 percent in the Gini index; and, for the first time in history, the region had more people in the middle class than in poverty. Despite all this progress, the region retained its undesirable distinction as the world’s most violent region, with 23.9 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. The rate of homicide actually accelerated during the latter half of the decade. The problem remains staggering and stubbornly persistent. Every 15 minutes, at least four people are victims of homicide in Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2013, of the top 50 most violent cities in the world, 42 were in the region. And between 2005 and 2012, the annual growth rate of homicides was more than three times higher than population growth. Not surprisingly, the number of Latin Americans who mention crime as their top concern tripled during those years. Violence makes people withdraw, hide behind closed doors, and avoid public spaces, weakening interpersonal and social ties that bind us as a community. Insecurity is the result of a combination of many factors, from drug trafficking and organized crime, to weak judicial and law enforcement systems that promote impunity, to a lack of opportunities and support for young people who live in deprived communities. Youth bear a disproportionate share of the risk of committing and falling victim to violence, with important repercussions for their life trajectories and society as a whole. The complexity of the issue (and multiplicity of its causes) is one of its defining characteristics and the main reason why there is no magic formula or a single policy that will fix the violence in our region. We will not solve the problem by relying only on greater police action or greater incarceration, or through more education or employment. We must do all this and do it in a deliberate way, based on reliable data and proven approaches, while continuously striving to fill existing knowledge and data gaps to improve policy design. To that end, Stop the Violence in Latin America: A Look at Prevention from Cradle to Adulthood is a significant contribution. This report takes a new and comprehensive look at much of the evidence that now exists in preventing crime and violence. It identifies novel approaches —both in Latin America and elsewhere—that have been shown to reduce antisocial behavior at different stages in life. Effective prevention starts even before birth, the report argues, and, contrary to common perceptions, well-designed policies can also be successful later in life, even with at-risk individuals and offenders. The report emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive approach to tackle violence, and it highlights the benefits and cost-effectiveness of redesigning existing policies through the lens of crime prevention. This will require substantial coordination across ministries, as well as accountable and efficient institutions. While economic and social development do not necessarily lead to a reduction in crime and violence, high levels of crime and violence do take a toll on development. And in that regard, we at the World Bank are fully aware that in order to succeed in our goals to eradicate extreme poverty and boost prosperity, the unrivaled levels of crime and violence in the region need to come to an end. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank Group, 2017. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2017 at: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/25920/210664ov.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Latin America URL: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/25920/210664ov.pdf Shelf Number: 144833 Keywords: Crime Prevention Drug Trafficking Homicides Organized Crime Political Corruption Violence Violence Prevention Violent Crime

Author: Carlock, Arna L. Title: Live Fast, Die Young: Anticipated Early Death and Adolescent Violence and Gang Involvement Summary: Strategies employed by criminal justice agencies to reduce offending often focus on deterrence, with policies relying on the threat of punishment to discourage individuals from crime. However, such strategies will fail if individuals do not fear these consequences, or when potential rewards of offending outweigh the risks. According to life history theory, adolescents with a dangerous or unpredictable childhood environment discount the future and engage in risky behaviors because they have little to lose. Many adolescents embody this "live fast, die young" mentality, particularly those already at risk of delinquency due to other factors. The scientific literature refers to this mindset as fatalism, future discounting, or anticipated early death (AED). Despite the indication that AED is a crucial correlate of delinquent activity, only recently have criminologists begun to directly examine the relationship. To address this gap in the literature, this dissertation analyzes two longitudinal datasets. One dataset, the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), offers a nationally representative sample, while the Rochester Youth Development Study (RYDS) provides a sample of at-risk youth in Rochester, New York. Structural equation modeling quantifies adolescent AED in each dataset. The use of two data sources strengthens the reliability and validity of the latent variable's measurement. I study the effects of the latent AED measures on adolescent violence and gang activity, finding that higher levels of AED correspond to a greater likelihood of violence and gang activity, with the relationships often mediated by low self-control. In an attempt to determine the causal ordering of AED and risk-taking behaviors, I exploit the longitudinal nature of the RYDS data by estimating autoregressive cross-lagged panel models. Findings lend support to life history theory's assumption that AED predicts risk-taking behavior; I find little evidence that violence or gang activity cause AED. Details: Albany, NY: University at Albany, 2016. 184p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed February 11, 2017 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/250425.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/250425.pdf Shelf Number: 144824 Keywords: At-Risk Youth Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Youth Violence

Author: Mahamed, Mahamed Rage Title: Developing a Monitoring and Evaluation System for the Ceasefire Gang Violence programme in Hanover Park, Cape Town Summary: This study is a formative evaluation of the Ceasefire gang violence programme in Hanover Park, Cape Town, South Africa. The primary audience of this evaluation is the Ceasefire programme management. The Ceasefire programme is a project of the City of Cape Town's Violence Prevention through Urban Upgrading Unit (VPUU). The Ceasefire programme is run by the First Community Resource Centre (FCRC) in Hanover Park. The main aim of this evaluation is to develop a results-based monitoring and evaluation system for the Ceasefire programme. This evaluation has responded to the following four evaluation questions: 1. What is the programme theory of the Ceasefire gang violence programme? 2. Is the Ceasefire programme theory plausible? 3. How can the Ceasefire gang violence programme be tailor-made to the South African Cape Flats gang violence context? 4. What is a proper result-based monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system for the Ceasefire programme? To respond to the first evaluation question listed above, the Ceasefire programme documents and records were examined and interviews were held with the programme management. The information obtained through this research was used to develop an impact and process theory for the Ceasefire programme. The developed programme theory can be summarized in the following sentence: gang violence problem will be reduced in Hanover Park community if the Ceasefire Programme intervenes and interrupts gang violence at the street level, if the programme provides identified clients with behavioural modification training and refers them to social services and the programme educates the community to change their violent norms and values. To respond to the second evaluation question a literature review on approaches used to deal with gang violence problems in communities was conducted. In addition to this, evaluation findings of programmes that use gang violence approaches that are similar to the Ceasefire programme approach discussed. The reviewed literature has revealed that there are four common approaches that are used to solve the problem of gang violence in communities. These four approaches are prevention, intervention/disengagement, suppression/law enforcement, and multiple approach models. This dissertation has explained that the Ceasefire programme uses the multiple approach models to solve gang violence problems in Hanover Park. Furthermore, this dissertation has explained that programmes such as the Ceasefire programme that use the multiple approach models are plausible in reducing gang violence problems in communities. To respond to the third evaluation question listed above, a literature review was conducted to find out the causes of gang violence in the Cape Flats communities. The activities that the Ceasefire programme management have done to tailor the programme to the local context was also discussed. This information was used to make the following recommendations to further tailor the Ceasefire programme to the local context:  To prevent the youth in the community who are at risk to join gangs and or involve in gang violence, the Ceasefire programme needs to develop a gang violence prevention outreach programme for the schools in the community which targets the school going youths.  To help the individual gang members to exit their gang life and prevent them from involving in gang violence, the Ceasefire programme needs to establish a peer-to-peer outreach programme by employing rehabilitated programme participants who have graduated from the programme as peer educators for fellow gangs in the community.  To facilitate the gangs to exit their gang life, the Ceasefire programme needs to provide a Safe House facility outside of the Hanover Park community for the programme participants who would like to exit their gang life.  To further help the programme participants to abandon their gang life, the Ceasefire programme also needs to provide a tattoo removal service for the programme participants that would like the tattoos on their body to be removed. Details: Cape Town, South Africa: University of Cape Town, 2013. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Master Dissertation: Accessed February 11, 2017 at: http://cureviolence.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/dissertation.pdf Year: 2013 Country: South Africa URL: http://cureviolence.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/dissertation.pdf Shelf Number: 145128 Keywords: Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Homicides Operation Ceasefire Violence Prevention

Author: Kelly, Robin L. Title: Kelly Report 2014: Gun Violence in America Summary: Whether you live in America's inner cities, in a suburban neighborhood or in the heartland, your community is vulnerable to gun violence. It could be a gang crime, a gun accident or a suicide. Regardless of the cause, all acts of gun violence are abhorrent and demand policy solutions and community action to stop them. Gun violence has killed more Americans in the past 50 years than in every single American - from George Washington's Colonial Army defeat of the British in 1781 to Operation Enduring Freedom in 2014. Every year, more than 100,000 people are shot in America -more than 30,000 of them fatally. Over half of these fatal shootings are of young people under the age of 30. Since the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, there have been more than 50 school shootings across the country - almost three a month. With an average of one young American under the age of 25 being killed by a gun every hour, the very security of our next generation is at risk. Likewise, economic research suggests that gun violence threatens our nation's fiscal well-being. In violent communities, economic opportunities wither, stable families relocate and children often fail to realize their true academic and economic potential. Each homicide in a city is estimated to reduce that city's population by 70 residents. A ten-year study of the city of Chicago found that each gun homicide equates to $2,500 in lost annual income for Chicago families. For example, each child who is a fatal victim of gun violence is one less person who will become a wage earner and taxpayer. Additionally, every criminal poses a direct cost to taxpayers. For example, a 20-year-old serving a life sentence costs taxpayers $2 million over the course of their incarceration. Given this context, communities undeniably stand to gain from a comprehensive examination of the gun violence issue. This report promotes a common sense approach to reducing gun deaths in America. As you consider the following content, you should keep in mind: Details: Washington, DC: Office of Congresswoman Robin L. Kelly, 2014. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: https://robinkelly.house.gov/sites/robinkelly.house.gov/files/wysiwyg_uploaded/KellyReport_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://robinkelly.house.gov/sites/robinkelly.house.gov/files/wysiwyg_uploaded/KellyReport_1.pdf Shelf Number: 145126 Keywords: Crime Prevention Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Urban Areas and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Peixoto, Betania Totino Title: Preventing Criminality: An Economic Evaluation of a Brazilian Program Summary: In this work we carried out an economic evaluation of Fica Vivo program in its pilot area, Morro das Pedras slum. Fica Vivo is the main program of prevention and control of criminality that is being carried in Brazil. This program was based on the CeaseFire Project proposed by the School of Public Health of the University of Illinois - Chicago in the nineties and that inspired several programs in other countries. The principal objective of the program is the reduction of homicides in areas of hot spots. Regarding homicides, in general, in Brazil, these hot spots occur in slums. The program combines preventive with repressive (police/ judicial) activities. This evaluation is done considering the pilot area of the program, Morro das Pedras slum, situated in Belo Horizonte city, Brazil. The impact of the program is estimated using a Double Difference Matching method applied to a panel data of police records between 2000 and 2006. The impact variable is the half-yearly homicide rate per one hundred thousand inhabitants. The costs were accounted based on accountability information sourced by the Social Defense Secretary and the State Police. The results show that the program reduces criminality, diminishing the homicide rate. Details: Unpublished paper, 2008. 27o, Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: http://www.cedlas-er.org/sites/default/files/aux_files/peixoto.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.cedlas-er.org/sites/default/files/aux_files/peixoto.pdf Shelf Number: 147296 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Crime Analysis Homicides Hot Spots Slums Spatial Analysis Violent Crime

Author: Osorio, Javier Title: Hobbes on Drugs: Understanding Drug Violence in Mexico Summary: This dissertation analyzes the unprecedented eruption of organized criminal violence in Mexico. To understand the dynamics of drug violence, this dissertation addresses three questions. What explains the onset of the war on drugs in Mexico? Once the conflict starts, why does drug violence escalate so rapidly? And lastly, why is there subnational variation in the concentration of violence? Based on a game theoretic model, the central argument indicates that democratization erodes the peaceful configurations between the state and criminal organizations and motivates authorities to fight crime, thus triggering a wave of violence between the state and organized criminals and among rival criminal groups fighting to control strategic territories. In this account, state action is not neutral: law enforcement against a criminal group generates the opportunity for a rival criminal organization to invade its territory, thus leading to violent interactions among rival criminal groups. These dynamics of violence tend to concentrate in territories favorable for the reception, production and distribution of drugs. In this way, the disrupting effect of law enforcement unleashes a massive wave of violence of all-against-all resembling a Hobbesian state of war. To test the observable implications of the theory, the empirical assessment relies on a novel database of geo-referenced daily event data at municipal level providing detailed information on who did what to whom, when and where in the Mexican war on drugs. This database covers all municipalities of the country between 2000 and 2010, thus comprising about 9.8 million observations. The creation of this fine-grained database required the development of Eventus ID, a novel software for automated coding of event data from text in Spanish. The statistical assessment relies on quasi-experimental identification strategies and time-series analysis to overcome problems of causal inference associated with analyzing the distinct - yet overlapping - processes of violence between government authorities and organized criminals and among rival criminal groups. In addition, the statistical analysis is complemented with insights from fieldwork and historical process tracing. Results provide strong support for the empirical implications derived from the theoretical model. Details: Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 2013. 485p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed February 15, 2017 at: http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/doc/1749033212.html?FMT=ABS Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/doc/1749033212.html?FMT=ABS Shelf Number: 150551 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug Violence Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Violence

Author: Germa-Bel Title: A two-sided coin: Disentangling the economic effects of the 'War on drugs' in Mexico Summary: Mexican President Felipe Calderon was sworn into office in December 2006. From the outset, his administration was to deploy an aggressive security policy in its fight against drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), in what became known as the Mexican 'War on Drugs'. The policy was strongly condemned because of the 68,000 unintentional deaths directly attributable to it. Here, we evaluate the economic effects of this 'War on Drugs'. To disentangle the economic effects of the policy, we study the effects of homicides and the rise in the homicide rate together with the impact of federal public security grants and state-level military expenditure on economic growth. Using spatial econometrics, we find that at the state-level the number of homicides reduced the Mexican states' GDP per capita growth by 0.20 percentage points, while the growth in the homicide rate increased the states' per capita GDP by 0.81 percentage points. The government's efforts to fight DTOs had a positive and highly significant impact on economic growth. Details: Barcelona: Research Institute of Applied Economics, 2016. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 2016/11 : Accessed February 15, 2017 at: http://www.ub.edu/irea/working_papers/2016/201611.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.ub.edu/irea/working_papers/2016/201611.pdf Shelf Number: 146289 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug Violence Drug Wars Drug-Related Violence Economics of Crime Homicides

Author: Duquet, Nils Title: Firearms and Violent Deaths in Europe: An Exploratory Analysis of the Linkages Between Gun Ownership, Firearms Legislation and Violent Death Summary: On a regular basis, news stories appear in the media about public shootings where shooters use their guns to open fire and kill people in shopping malls or on school campuses. Mostly these stories deal with incidents in the United States. Over the last years, however, a number of European countries have experienced similar public shooting incidents. Notable cases were the shootings at Tuusula and Kauhajoki in Finland (2007 and 2008), the killings in Cumbria in the UK (2010), the Utøya attacks by Anders Breivik in Norway (2011), and the shootings at Alphen aan den Rijn in the Netherlands and Liège in Belgium in 2011. Public shootings draw a high level of media attention. Less striking in the public eye, but not less significant – not least in quantitative terms –, are the numbers of people in Europe killed by firearms in the context of gun-related crime or in domestic shootings. It is estimated that between 2000 and 2010, over 10,000 victims of murder or manslaughter were killed by firearms in the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). Every year, over 4000 suicides by firearm are registered in the EU. This means that, on average, there are 0.24 homicides and 0.9 suicides by firearm per 100,000 population in Europe every year. Compared with the US or other countries around the globe, the rates of gun-related violent death in Europe are rather low, certainly where the homicide rates are concerned. This does not mean, however, that the problem of gun violence has not appeared on the European policy radar in recent years. On the contrary, the attention devoted to the problem by law enforcement agencies and policy-makers has been growing. Reacting not only to shooting incidents such as those mentioned above, but also to warnings by police and law enforcement agencies that criminals are increasingly willing to use (heavy) firearms and that illegal trafficking in firearms is on the rise, a number of European countries have announced policy interventions targeted at reducing levels of gun-related violence and crime. The European Commission has also become an active actor in firearms policy. In October 2013 it announced a plan to reduce gun violence in Europe, in which it defined the misuse of firearms, whether legally-owned or illicitly manufactured or acquired, as "a serious threat to the EU's security from both an internal and an external perspective". One of the major problems the Commission identified in its initial policy papers was the problem of a lack of sound and adequate knowledge about firearms in Europe. The commission noted that "a lack of solid EU-wide statistics and intelligence hampers effective policy and operational responses". One of the ambitions of the EU’s firearms policy is, therefore, to address the gaps in knowledge concerning gun violence. An additional problem is that the lack of reliable and comprehensive information on firearms in Europe is not limited to the sphere of law enforcement and policy-making. European scholarly research focusing specifically on firearms availability, gun control and gun-related violence is scarce. There is a research community in Europe focusing on small arms and light weapons (SALW), but it is predominantly concerned with the export of firearms and the connections between these arms flows and violence in developing, transitional or fragile states outside Europe. Scientific research on firearms and gun-related violence in the domestic European context is much less advanced. The scanty research efforts made in this field by epidemiologists, criminologists and legal scholars remain fragmented, and suffer from the fact that there is no integrated scholarly community dealing with gun-related issues. Language barriers, moreover, often prevent the wider dissemination of research results. Given this relative lack of European firearms research, American studies are still clearly dominant at present in research on the links between the availability of firearms and gun-related violence. Greene and Marsh have calculated that out of the 665 studies on firearms and violence that they reviewed, 64% were about the USA. Of the remaining studies not on the USA, 13% concerned cross-national comparisons or articles in which the geographical focus was unspecified (such as reviews), while 8% were about developing countries. Only 15% concerned other developed countries such as Canada, Australia, the UK and Germany. Given the particularities of the American context, and more specifically the fact that the US has one of the highest rates of gun-related deaths and crime among industrialized democracies, simply transposing the results of American research to the European context is problematic. What are the levels of firearms availability in Europe? Are there links between the levels of gun ownership in European countries and these countries’ rates of violence and violent death? And what is the impact of European gun laws on public safety and health? The absence of evidence specifically for the European context makes it difficult for policy-makers and researchers to find impartial and unbiased answers to these questions. Hence the pressing need for research that specifically focuses on gun-related violence in the European context: and with the present report, we would like to make a contribution to that effort. As we are moving into largely uncharted territory, our analysis of the European situation will necessarily be exploratory. Our primary ambition is to collect and take stock of the fragmented evidence that is available on gun-related violence in Europe. Our geographical coverage will be broader than the EU and encompasses a group of approximately 40 European countries, although in some instances we will limit our analyses to the EU28. Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2015. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2017 at: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf Shelf Number: 141048 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Ownership Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Jaitman, Laura Title: The Costs of Crime and Violence: New Evidence and Insights in Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: This publication is the first to provide a comprehensive, systematic, and rigorous analysis of the costs of crime in Latin America and the Caribbean. The main challenges in the region are addressed: the social cost of homicides, private and public spending on security, the penitentiary crisis, violence against women, organized crime, and cybercrime. The volume estimates that the direct cost of crime for 17 LAC countries in 2010-2014 is, on average, 3.5 percent of the region's GDP, twice as much as in the developed world. It also provides a detailed analysis of the costs of crime in Brazil by state, as well as an examination of the geographical distribution and drivers of crime in the most dangerous subregions: the Northern Triangle in Central America and the Caribbean. The situation in terms of violence against women and cybercrime is assessed: the region is lagging behind to confront these new and old crimes. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2017. 129p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 23, 2017 at: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8133/The-Costs-of-Crime-and-Violence-New-Evidence-and-Insights-in-Latin-America-and-the-Caribbean.pdf?sequence=7 Year: 2017 Country: Latin America URL: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8133/The-Costs-of-Crime-and-Violence-New-Evidence-and-Insights-in-Latin-America-and-the-Caribbean.pdf?sequence=7 Shelf Number: 141203 Keywords: Costs of Crime Costs of Criminal Justice Cybercrime Economics of Crime Homicides Organized Crime Prisons Violence Against Women Violent Crime

Author: Carvalho, Alexandre Title: Socioeconomic Structure, Self-Fulfillment, Homicides and Spatial Dependence in Brazil Summary: In this article we develop a theoretical model to explain the homicide rate in any given place and construct a Bayesian model with a spatial structure to test the hypotheses. We assume that in his quest for self-fulfillment the individual, when taking the decision to perpetrate violence, not only responds to expected economic costs and benefits, but also to an internal system of reward and punishment, synthesized by the emotions. Symbolic valuation, in particular, with respect to conventional rules and the subjective valuation of life itself, depends on socioeconomic and age-group bonds. Theoretical conclusions show that the probability of victimization by violence is higher in places with greater income inequality, larger proportion of youths in the population and socioeconomic vulnerability. The model tested covered 5.507 Brazilian municipalities from 1999 to 2001, and we calculated the risk of a resident in any given municipality being a victim of homicide. This variable was confronted with other structural variables in order to obtain homicide elasticities and the effect of spatial dependency in explaining the risk of local victimization. The results suggest that there is evidence to support the theoretical propositions. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Institute for Applied Economic Research, 2005. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: IPEA Discussion Paper No. 1105: Accessed February 24, 2017 at: http://www.ipea.gov.br/agencia/images/stories/PDFs/TDs/ingles/dp_151.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.ipea.gov.br/agencia/images/stories/PDFs/TDs/ingles/dp_151.pdf Shelf Number: 141210 Keywords: Economics of Crime Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Diaz-Cayeros, Alberto Title: Caught in the Crossfire: The Geography of Extortion and Police Corruption in Mexico Summary: When Mexican president Felipe Calderón took office in December 2006 he declared a war on the nation’s drug traffic organizations (Ríos and Shirk, 2011). Violence escalated as criminal organizations became increasingly fragmented and disputed their territories (Killebrew and Bernal, 2010; Beittel, 2011). The main strategy followed by the federal government involved capturing leaders and lieutenants of criminal organizations (Calderón et al. forthcoming). This seemed to provoke even more violence, by making the competition over-territorial control fiercer and providing incentives for many gangs to make extortion and protection fees (derecho de piso) an additional source of revenue (Guerrero-Gutiérrez, 2010). Given the absence of legal(and peaceful) rules and enforcement mechanisms for competitors in the illegal drug market, disagreements were usually solved violently. Under the pressure of the crackdown by the federal police, the navy and the army, contracts among criminal gangs were often disrupted, leading to even more violence. Competition over the strategic routes towards the market in the United States was settled by literally eliminating rivals (Dell, 2012). The wide availability of illegal guns crossing from the US border (Dube et al., 2013) turned firearm deaths into the main cause of death among young men in Mexico.Meanwhile, citizens became caught in the crossfire of rival drug cartels and extortion at the hands of criminal gangs. A highly visible example of this was the case of two students in the prestigious private university Tecnológico de Monterrey who were kidnapped by drug traffickers in 2010, but then killed by the military in a botched attempt to rescue them. The case became particularly controversial due to the excessive use of force by the army and their effort to cover up the case with planted evidence. During the late 1990s and early 2000s Mexico gradually changed from being a transit territory for drugs heading to the United States market to a place of increasing consumption (Castañeda and Aguilar, 2010). This transformation was partially driven by a change in the way that wholesale drug importers were paying for services; they switched from payments only in cash to payments with part of the same drug they were distributing (Grillo, 2011:80). The change from a transportation to a retail distribution business implied that drug cartels had to increase the number of personnel. Having a larger full-time workforce, the cartels could now count on small armies of salaried criminals at their disposal. The perfect complement to this new industrial organization was an easily corruptible police and judicial system at all levels of government. Increasingly fragmented criminal organizations began to diversify their illegal activities–to extortion of small businesses, kidnappings of middle-class individuals, racketeering and control of retail trade in their territories, and extortion of migrant workers– perhaps in associations with police departments. Although it is difficult to provide evidence on how much real progress has been made, there is no question that efforts at reforming the police forces in Mexico face a momentous challenge in such environment. Although a new federal police force was created after 2006 and, in principle, all police had to comply with background checks and other administrative procedures, in fact, state and municipal police forces remain not just corrupt but also keep on using excessive force and violating human rights. This became patently clear in the case of the 43 Ayotzinapa missing students that in October of 2014 were detained by the municipal police of the city of Iguala, to be handed in to the killers of a drug traffic organization. The police forces of Iguala are not the only ones that are penetrated by organized crime and have failed to protect citizens. This chapter explores the connection between police distrust, corruption and extortion. Despite the difficulty in measuring these phenomena through conventional public opinion polls and citizen or firm level surveys,much can be learned from the variation across geographic units in reported victimization and corruption. We use a list experiment collected through the Survey on Public Safety and Governance in Mexico (SPSGM), to study the practices of extortion by both police forces and criminal organizations. Using a Bayesian spatial estimation method, we provide a mapping of the geographic distribution of police extortion. Our findings suggest that weak state institutions in vast regions within Mexico have become captured, through corruption, by competing drug traffic organizations. Extortion prevails either because police forces have become agents of criminal organizations or because criminals can engage in racketeering without any police intervention. We conclude with a discussion of the emergence of self-defense groups as a strategy for coping with extortion; a strategy that while effective at protecting citizens,may further undermine state capacity. Details: Stanford, CA: Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University, 2014. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: CDDRL Working Paper; Accessed February 28, 2017 at: http://fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/caught_in_the_crossfire_final_final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: http://fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/caught_in_the_crossfire_final_final.pdf Shelf Number: 141225 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Extortion Gun-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Police Corruption

Author: Romero, Vidal Title: How do Crime and Violence Impact Presidential Approval? Examining the Dynamics of the Mexican Case Summary: In order to effectively fight criminal organizations, governments require support from significant segments of society. If citizens have a positive assessment of the executive’s job, the likelihood that they will report crimes, and act as allies in the fight increases. This provides important leverage for incumbents, and allows them to continue their policies. Yet, winning the hearts and minds of citizens is not an easy endeavor. Crime and violence affect citizens' most valuable assets: life and property. Thus, one would expect a close relationship between public security and presidential approval? To generate robust answers to this question, and its multiple implications, we use Mexico as a case study, and use data at both the aggregate and at the individual level. We find that approval levels are indeed affected by crime, but not by all crimes. Perhaps surprisingly, they are not affected by the most serious of crimes: homicide. At the individual level, we find that support for the mere act of fighting organized crime has a stronger effect on approval than actual performance on public security. We also find no effect of crime victimization on approval at the individual level. Details: Stanford, CA: Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, 2013. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: CDDRL Working Papers, Vol. 142: Accessed February 28, 2017 at: http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/142.Magaloni_DiazCayeros_Romero_ApprovalandCrime_v1.4..pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/142.Magaloni_DiazCayeros_Romero_ApprovalandCrime_v1.4..pdf Shelf Number: 141227 Keywords: Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Probert, Thomas, ed. Title: Unlawful Killings in Africa: a study prepared for the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions Summary: This study presents the work of a Research Team convened by the Centre of Governance and Human Rights (CGHR) at the University of Cambridge. This team was tasked with surveying events and reporting from the African continent germane to the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, a mandate focused upon violations of the right to life contrary to international law. This mandate, together with the framing of the right to life itself, establishes a category of violations that will here be referred to as "unlawful killings". While there are many organisations monitoring and reporting on killings both globally and with particular African focus, most do so with the objective frame of reference of violence. The purpose of this report is to narrow that focus to the (international) legal frame of unlawful killing. This is undertaken with a view to increasing attention to the right to life, but also as a means of assisting the Special Rapporteur in prioritisation over the coming years. Since the international human rights framework, of which this mandate is part, speaks primarily to states or state-like actors and not to private individuals—the category of unlawful killings does not include every act of killing, however illegal in domestic law. However this is not to say that the international legal definition of an unlawful killing cannot accommodate killings which are not perpetrated by a state actor. The state’s dual obligation both to respect and to protect the right to life places certain types of killing by non-state actors within the scope of the mandate and therefore of this study. Unlawful Killings in Africa draws attention to the fact that both the level of state control (both direct and indirect) over the act of killing and the scale of the incidence of the killing can be relevant to determining whether that loss of life can be regarded from within the international human rights system. Details: Cambridge, UK: Centre of Governance and Human Rights, University of Cambridge, 2014. 268p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 3, 2017 at: http://www.cghr.polis.cam.ac.uk/research-themes/right_to_life/unlawful_killings_in_africa/unlawful_killings_report/pdf Year: 2014 Country: Africa URL: http://www.cghr.polis.cam.ac.uk/research-themes/right_to_life/unlawful_killings_in_africa/unlawful_killings_report/pdf Shelf Number: 141320 Keywords: Arbitrary Executions Extrajudicial Executions Homicides Human Rights Abuses Vigilantism

Author: Carneiro, Leandro Piquet Title: Violent Crime in Latin America Cities: Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo Summary: This report presents the following main results of the Violent Crime in Latin American Cities project: 1. An analysis of the spatial and longitudinal criminal trends at the metropolitan regions of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo from 1983 through 1998. 2. A discussion about the main data source on crime and violence in Brazil succh as police statistics, the mortality data from the health system and victimization surveys. 3. An analysis of the determinants of the individual risks of victimization using Logit regression models. The results allows to estimate the demographic, socio-economic and life-style factors that affects the probability of being or not being a victim of various types of crimes. 4. An analysis of socio-economic determinants of homicide based on Ordinary Least Square (OLS) regression models. 5. The analysis of the crime control strategies adopted in the Brazilian cities, based on a extensive bibliographical revision. Details: Sao Paulo: Department of Political Science, University of Sao Paulo, 2000. 129p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: http://nupps.usp.br/images/artigos_temp/leandro_Crime&Violence_Rio&SaoPaulo.pdf Year: 2000 Country: Latin America URL: http://nupps.usp.br/images/artigos_temp/leandro_Crime&Violence_Rio&SaoPaulo.pdf Shelf Number: 79030 Keywords: Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Urban Areas and Crime Violent Crime

Author: Zimmer, Jacqueline Nicole Title: The New Orleans murder epidemic: Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida on the irresponsibility of violence Summary: I live on Jeannette Street in New Orleans, about fifty yards from where Joseph Massenburg's body was found on the night of April first. On a fence close to where Massenburg lost his life, I recently noticed a sign depicting the Biblical imperative "Thou shall not kill". I have come across these signs around New Orleans since the end of 2012 – they can be found plastered to the façade of churches or displayed as yard signs in front lawns – but this was the first time I considered the irreverent tone of the commandment for the people of New Orleans. What exactly is achieved by posting this message across various public buildings around the city? Does it convey to the city's most dangerous criminals that the community is fed up with the killing? In theory, the placards are intended to evoke a moral response from those individuals who are most likely to engage in activities associated with gun violence. More often than not, these individuals are young, black, and male, and are in some way affiliated with the "narcoeconomy" of New Orleans. Even if the commandment "thou shall not kill" does give some people momentary pause, ultimately its message is devoid of the logical connection between murder and the imperative to not murder. If nothing else, the signs serve as ironic reminders that the slaughter of so many of New Orleans' black citizens is a phenomenon that consistently crowns New Orleans the most deadly city in the United States. On the surface, the murder of eighteen-year old Joseph Massenburg, who was shot in cold blood on the corner of Eagle and Birch Streets, appeared to be anything but unusual considering his victim profile. Massenburg looked like the typical victim of gun violence: black, young, and male. However, information detailing Massenburg's other attributes – a Chicago-born recent New Orleans transplant, an Americorps volunteer, a high school graduate, the son of a highly educated public servant – was not released to the public until a few days after Massenburg had succumbed to his gunshot wounds. Massenburg had gone for a walk in the same area where a bitter feud was underway between two local gangs, the "Hot Glocks" and the "Mid-City Killers". Several months later, the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) charged eighteen-year old Glen Emerson with shooting Joseph Massenburg. Police concluded that Emerson, a member of the Mid-City Killers, had mistakenly identified Massenburg as a member of the Hot Glocks in a drive-by shooting. Massenburg's death symbolizes the endemic gun violence problem that has plagued the city of New Orleans for several decades. The drug and gang-related violence that affects many impoverished black neighborhoods in New Orleans is the modern-day product of a composite of factors, including racial inequity, an untrustworthy police force that is rife with corruption, the prevalence of guns and the ease of gun accessibility, and the successive generations of young men who have grown up in broken, impoverished families with few legitimate economic opportunities. While the problems that characterize New Orleans’s impoverished neighborhoods are comparable to other American urban communities, the murder epidemic of New Orleans is unique to cities of its size. While gang-related gun violence is responsible for a significant number of the city's murders each year, a significant number of the city's homicides result from interpersonal conflicts. In order to combat the conditions that lead to deadly gun violence, the city must be willing to reinstate the legitimacy of the police force, whose corruption and inefficiency has led some New Orleans’ citizens to resort to alternative means of attaining "justice". This essay investigates the conditions that created the "street code" that governs drug-related activity among New Orleans' criminal groups and gangs, and why New Orleans' murder rate is directly linked to the manifestation of the street code. The street code is formulated by a variety of factors and sentiments, including poverty, race, hopelessness, fear, anger, boredom, and a distrust in the police. I argue that people resort to extreme forms of violence when environmental and contextual factors corrupt Emmanuel Lévinas' conception of the face-to-face encounter by priming people automatically to reduce the other to the same as a means of self-protection when the absence of a reliable protective state corrupts the ethical decision to regard the other peacefully. Furthermore, I refer to Jacques Derrida's theoretical approach on hospitality to examine how such collective norms foster a culture of violence. Details: Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2014. 115p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1965&context=gradschool_theses Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1965&context=gradschool_theses Shelf Number: 141351 Keywords: Drug-Related Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Murders Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Feigenbaum, James J. Title: Lead Exposure and Violent Crime in the Early Twentieth Century Summary: In the second half of the nineteenth century, many American cities built water systems using lead or iron service pipes. Municipal water systems generated significant public health improvements, but these improvements may have been partially offset by the damaging effects of lead exposure through lead water pipes. We study the effect of cities’ use of lead pipes on homicide between 1921 and 1936. Lead water pipes exposed entire city populations to much higher doses of lead than have previously been studied in relation to crime. Our estimates suggest that cities' use of lead service pipes considerably increased city-level homicide rates. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2017 at: http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/jfeigenbaum/files/feigenbaum_muller_lead_crime.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/jfeigenbaum/files/feigenbaum_muller_lead_crime.pdf Shelf Number: 144496 Keywords: Homicides Lead Exposure Violence Violent Crime

Author: Cannon, Ashley Title: Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters and Assault Weapons Summary: Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, assault weapons and large-capacity ammunition magazines—which hold more than 10 rounds—have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. A Crime Commission analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2016. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 21, 2017 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied-June2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/CCC-MayhemMultiplied-June2016.pdf Shelf Number: 144525 Keywords: Assault Weapons Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings

Author: Dudley, Steven Title: El Salvador Gang Truce: Positives and Negatives Summary: The truce between El Salvador's two largest gangs -- the MS-13 and Barrio 18 -- opens up new possibilities in how to deal with the seemingly intractable issue of street gangs. But it also creates new dangers. Whether it is sustainable or not, the truce -- which the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Barrio 18 put into place in March 2012 -- has changed the conventional thinking about who the gangs are and what is the best way to handle the most difficult law and order issue in the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Put simply, the gangs have stretched these governments to their limits. Gangs run large swathes of urban and semi-urban areas, prisons are overflowing and are largely administered by the gangs, and actions of the gangs may be upgrading to more sophisticated criminal activities. While it is unpopular among some observers, the gang truce in El Salvador has opened up a possibility that did not exist just a few months ago. What's more, Honduras is already experimenting with a similar pact. Although the ongoing process in Honduras brings more questions than answers, the involvement of high level Church authorities and international mediators gives hope that a similar truce may emerge and help lower what is currently one of the world's highest homicide rates. In Guatemala, similar rumblings of a gang truce have been heard but nothing concrete has emerged. In this context, it is time to take stock of the positives and the negatives of this truce. The Positives 1) Less homicides. Undoubtedly, the greatest benefit of this truce has been the startling drop in homicides. From a murder rate of 72 per 100,000, El Salvador now hovers around 36 per 100,000. There are questions about disappearances and manipulation of murders statistics, but even the most skeptical observers agree that homicides are much lower. The drop in murders has also helped illuminate the breadth of the gang problem. Prior to the truce, gangs were thought to be responsible for some 10 to 30 percent of the homicides in El Salvador. The new homicide rate gives us an indication of exactly how many are getting killed because of the gang phenomenon. 2) More trust among key stakeholders. Peace negotiations are about trust. Trust comes from meeting with the adversary, talking through issues and trading one action in the hopes that it will be rewarded by the actions of the other. This has happened in more than one way during this process. First, the gangs themselves have largely obeyed the orders from their leaders to slow the pace of homicides, which included a large number of attacks on one another. Second, the government moved the gang leaders into medium-security prisons, giving them more access to their families, and their rank-and-file gang members so they could maintain the truce. Third, the gangs and the government have begun a process of developing "peace zones," areas where gangs are supposed to limit criminal activities and the government is supposed to implement social, educational, and job training programs. 3) More emphasis on a soft-side approach. Prior to the truce, the gang debate centered around how aggressively they should be repressed, and which security institution would be responsible for implementing that strategy. The result was counterproductive: mass incarcerations led to more gang activity, which led to more repression, which led to more incarcerations and so on. The gang truce has opened a door to talk about what gangs are and how best to integrate them into Salvadoran life. For perhaps the first time, local and federal government bureaucrats, politicians, and functionaries are asking themselves what they need to do to establish effective prevention and rehabilitation programs. They are trying to calculate the costs, they are turning to those who have long worked with at-risk youth, and they are developing programs in conjunction with international donors. This could result in the implementation of a new strategy that could have long-term implications, regardless of the success or failure of this truce. The Negatives 1) Criminal activity = political capital. There is a dangerous message being sent to the gangs and other criminal actors: the government can be held hostage with violence and criminal activity. This is why the government has spent so much time trying to distance itself from this truce even when it is clear it is the designer and key implementer: the gang truce is, in essence, a tacit admission by the government that it has lost the battle with the gangs. On the flip side, the gangs understand that by upping the criminal ante -- via homicides, extortion, or other means -- they can gain political capital and obtain a proverbial seat at the table. Indeed, the gangs already employed this tactic. On the eve of the truce, gang leaders threatened to unleash their members to disrupt local elections. The government balked and transferred them to the medium security prisons, thus starting this process on what was a sour note. In addition, there is a fear that the gangs, who claim to have no ideology and no interest creating political parties, will use this political capital to help them develop criminal enterprises or shield themselves from prosecution. 2) More space for criminal activities. When insurgencies and governments negotiate, war normally continues apace and can even accelerate as both sides try to garner more power at the negotiating table. El Salvador's gang truce has been characterized by the opposite: lower homicides. But while homicides are down, there is little indication that other criminal activities are as well. Extortion, the gangs' main source of income, continues unabated. Drug trafficking activities, including by gang members, seems to be proceeding without interruption. This reality may help bolster one theory that the gang truce was really an effort by larger criminal interests to grant the MS-13 and Barrio 18 more breathing room for their operations. Such an allegation, however, remains unsubstantiated. Also worrying is the fact that by maintaining the truce for considerably longer than expected, the gangs have proved they have the discipline needed to operate more sophisticated criminal enterprises. The gang truce may grant them the space needed to try and do so, especially as the government focuses on instituting more "peace zones." Such was the case in Colombia, when the government cleared out an area the size of Switzerland to negotiate with the hemisphere's oldest insurgency, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in 1999. In what would ultimately become a failed negotiation with the government, the FARC used the area to hold kidnapping victims, retrain their forces, and deepen their involvement with drug trafficking operations, among other activities. 3) Less trust in the government. The truce has been exclusionary and has suffered from a lack of transparency. While this can lead to positive results (see the Colombian government's current peace talks with the FARC), in this case it is eroding people's confidence and trust in the government. Major civil society actors have not been included, and even the Catholic Church, part of which helped mediate the talks, recently declared that "the truce had not produced any benefit for the honorable and working society." In a hasty effort to correct this image, the mediators created the Fundacion Humanitaria. However, that organization may be meant to do nothing more besides channel the expected windfall from the international donor community for rehabilitation, job training, and prevention programs. In the meantime, there is a fear that these programs will just benefit gang members and not the "honorable and working society." According to polls, most people do not believe the truce will ever benefit them. Until the process is more open and inclusive, the government will have a hard time selling the benefits and opening the way for the next phase. Details: s.l.: InSight Crime, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2017 at: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2016/El_Salvador_Gang_Truce_Positives_and_Negatives.pdf Year: 2013 Country: El Salvador URL: http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2016/El_Salvador_Gang_Truce_Positives_and_Negatives.pdf Shelf Number: 144607 Keywords: Gang Gang Truce Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Pennsylvania. General Assembly. Joint State Government Commission Title: Protection from Abuse Orders in Pennsylvania: A Staff Study Summary: Usually depicting a young woman holding a large gun, memes like the one quoted above proliferate on social media. Their popularity tends to increase whenever an incident of domestic violence gains particular notoriety in the press. Following the shooting of a city police officer responding to a domestic incident in Chester, Pennsylvania, Police Commissioner Joseph Bail was quoted as saying "PFAs are only a piece of paper. How do you protect a woman with a piece of paper? The Legislature needs to put some teeth in the law." Little more than a year later, an incident in which a woman was shot and killed by her ex-boyfriend at a popular cultural venue in Central Pennsylvania provided the impetus for this study. The woman had obtained a protection from abuse order (PFA) against the killer, who despite laws prohibiting his ownership of a firearm under those circumstances, managed to obtain a gun. In 2015, 68 women and 45 men died in domestic violence incidents, 54 percent of them the victims of shootings. While the majority of PFA orders function as they should and do not result in violence, sometimes when they fail people die. News stories from around Pennsylvania highlight the issue: • "Officials detail Thursday shooting of Canonsburg officers." A pregnant woman, who had a final order of protection from abuse against her husband, was murdered at her home by him. He then killed himself, but not before shooting and killing a police officer and wounding another who had come to the home in response to a domestic disturbance call. The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, November 12, 2016. • "Allentown man admits vicious Bethlehem attack day after PFA order." The day after his girlfriend received a PFA order against him, the confessed attacker came to her house and severely beat another man who was at the house. The Morning Call, October 15, 2016. • "Man charged with violating restraining order after fire destroys Washington Township house." A man was arrested for violating a PFA order obtained by his estranged wife after he came to her home, tied her up and held a gun to her head. When she managed to escape, he set fire to her home. The Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, October 9, 2016. • "Man with PFA against him found with 2 guns." Responding to a call reporting an assault, a man was arrested for assault and for violating a PFA order that prohibited him from possessing firearms. Lehigh Valley News, September 29, 2016. • "Homicide victim had PFA against estranged husband." Less than a month after receiving a final PFA order against her husband, a woman was fatally shot at her home. The York Daily Record, September 13, 2016. • "Alleged crossbow killer of new wife was under court order to avoid ex-wife, kids in Carbon County." A man was the subject of a PFA order from his ex-wife when he alleged killed his new wife. The man had recently lost custody of his children by his ex-wife and his former father-in-law believed that he possessed weapons in his home and was angry and dangerous. The father-in-law contacted police, who indicated that they did not have the authority to search the man's home for weapons. The former father-in-law expressed the belief that if his former son-in-law had been relieved of all weapons at the time the PFA order was issued to his ex-wife, his new wife might not have been killed. The Morning Call, June 30, 2016. • "Victims and gunman identified in 'double murder-suicide' in Johnstown shooting.” A PFA order was in place against a man, who shot and killed his wife and son before killing himself. WJACTV, June 25, 2016. • "Woman ordered to stand trial for husband’s death in McKeesport." Upon advice of police, a man had prepared a handwritten request on a court form for a PFA order against his wife. She shot and killed him before he could file the form. WTAE.com, June 5, 2016. • "Man Accused of Violating PFA Fatally Wounded in Police-Involved Shooting." Police were called to the scene where a man was allegedly violating a PFA order. When he saw the police, the man attempted to carjack a passerby and was shot by police. Pittsburgh CBS Local KDKA, March 21, 2016. • "Police search for ‘armed and dangerous’ suspect after shooting in Reading." Shortly after his wife obtained a PFA order against him and he was evicted from the family home, a man allegedly went to his home and shot his wife in the chest multiple times. Berks Regional News, November 22, 2015. • "Murder victim filed PFA against alleged killer." A woman had obtained a restraining order against her former boyfriend one week before he fatally shot her. The Citizens Voice (Wilkes-Barre), June 4, 2015. • "District Attorney seeks death penalty in death of Valerie Morrow." Three hours after he was served with a PFA order obtained by his former girlfriend, a man shot and killed his ex-girlfriend, wounded her daughter and was charged with aggravated assault against the woman’s new husband. Press Release, Office of the Delaware County District Attorney, September 14, 2015. The incident occurred on December 15, 2014. In recognition that protection from abuse orders can be violated with fatal consequences, 2016 House Resolution No. 735 directs the staff of the Joint State Government Commission to "take another look at the law in order to identify 'blind spots' or 'gaps' that may be subjecting victims to unreasonable risk of additional harm. The study will examine not only the letter of the law, but also the practices and procedures surrounding its implementation. While this study in no way recommends "teaching your daughter to shoot," it is the hope that the recommendations contained herein with eliminate or severely restrict the opportunities for mayhem hidden in law and practice that give rise that sentiment. Details: Harrisburg, PA: Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 2016. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 29, 2017 at: http://jsg.legis.state.pa.us/resources/documents/ftp/publications/2016-11-15%20PFA%20REPORT%20FOR%20WEBSITE%2011.14.16%201pm%20WB.PDF Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://jsg.legis.state.pa.us/resources/documents/ftp/publications/2016-11-15%20PFA%20REPORT%20FOR%20WEBSITE%2011.14.16%201pm%20WB.PDF Shelf Number: 144630 Keywords: Battered Women Domestic Violence Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Protection Orders Restraining Orders Violence Against Women

Author: Australian Human Rights Commission Title: A National System for Domestic and Family Violence Death Review Summary: 1.1 Report aims This Report aims to: - highlight the importance of domestic and family violence death review mechanisms in Australia, - identify the steps needed to expand the function to jurisdictions where it does not exist; namely Tasmania, the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory. identify how to better ensure national coherence of data, and - identify mechanisms to ensure that recommendations made to Federal Government agencies in Death Review processes are actioned. 1.2 Report methodology This Report was developed using the following methods: - Literature review - Questionnaire to Coroners, the Western Australian Ombudsman, and Domestic and Family Violence Death Review Teams - Meetings with Coroners and the Western Australia Ombudsman - Meetings with the Australian Domestic Violence Death Review Network members - Meetings with National Coronial Information Service and Australia's National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety. 1.3 Report terminology The Report recognises that there is variance in the use of terms 'domestic violence', 'family and domestic violence' and 'domestic and family violence'. It also recognises that consistency of terminology in the context of statistical data and evidence based reform is critical. In this regard the work undertaken by the Australian Law Reform Commission and the Australian Bureau of Statistics in this area is key. For the purposes of this report the term 'domestic and family violence' is used in relevant contexts. 1.4 Report structure This Report is divided into the following 5 sections with 2 appendices: 1. Executive summary 2. Human rights obligations 3. Models of domestic and family violence death review 4. Guiding principles for the death review process 5. National data collection, monitoring and reporting Appendix A: Coroner and Death Review Function and remit by Jurisdiction Appendix B: Compiled responses to the Commission questionnaire sent to Australian Coroners and the Western Australian Ombudsman in 2015. Details: Sydney: AHRC, 2016. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 1, 2017 at: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/sites/default/files/document/publication/AHRC_2016_12_19_Expanding_DV_Death_Review.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/sites/default/files/document/publication/AHRC_2016_12_19_Expanding_DV_Death_Review.pdf Shelf Number: 144687 Keywords: Crime Statistics Domestic Violence Family Violence Gender-Related Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence

Author: Buitrago, Katie Title: Cycle of Risk: The Intersection of Poverty, Violence and Trauma Summary: People living in poverty are more likely to become victims of violent crime than higher income earners whether they live in cities, suburbs or rural areas, but the rural poor experience crime at higher rates, according to a Wednesday report by a Chicago research group. Chicago is currently facing a devastating surge in lethal violence in addition to staggering rates of poverty across Illinois. Policymakers and community leaders are struggling with finding short- and long-term solutions to stem the violence and allow neighborhoods to heal. In the meantime, communities are fearing for their own safety and grieving over lost parents, children, friends, and leaders every day. The stakes for getting the solutions right could not be higher. Poverty and violence often intersect, feed one another, and share root causes. Neighborhoods with high levels of violence are also characterized by high levels of poverty, lack of adequate public services and educational opportunity, poorer health outcomes, asset and income inequality, and more. The underlying socioeconomic conditions in these neighborhoods perpetuate both violence and poverty. Furthermore, trauma can result from both violence and poverty. Unaddressed trauma worsens quality of life, makes it hard to rise out of poverty by posing barriers to success at school and work, and raises the likelihood of aggressive behavior. In this way, untreated trauma - coupled with easy gun availability and other factors - feeds the cycle of poverty and violence. In last year's Report on Illinois Poverty: Racism's Toll (2016), we explored the persistent inequity caused by racially discriminatory policies and practices. Many of those themes are critically important to this discussion as well, especially given how the American justice system has been used to systemically deny opportunities and rights to people of color. A past and living legacy of segregation and the perpetuation of racial inequity today have led people and communities of color to experience poverty at higher rates than whites. The harmful policies and practices explored in last year's report have stripped resources and opportunities from many of the communities that are grappling with violence today. Through this report we make the case that, in addition to rapid responses, we must also take a long-term approach to reducing violence. The causes of violence are complex, systemic, and long-standing - and we must take a comprehensive approach to address them effectively. Importantly, we must be cautious that efforts at short- or long-term reform do not perpetuate the very inequities and conditions that have led to violence in our communities. Details: Chicago: Heartland Alliance, 2017. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2017 at: https://www.heartlandalliance.org/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/CycleofRisk2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.heartlandalliance.org/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/CycleofRisk2017.pdf Shelf Number: 144724 Keywords: Gun Violence Homicides Neighborhoods and Crime Poverty Racial Discrimination Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Victims of Crime Violent Crime

Author: Kronick, Dorothy Title: Prosperity and Violence in Illegal Markets Summary: Does prosperity generate violence in markets with ill-defined property rights? I consider the consequences of prosperity in drug trafficking markets in Venezuela. Using an original data set constructed from Ministry of Health records, I compare violent death trends in Venezuelan municipalities near trafficking routes to trends elsewhere, both before 1989 - when trafficking volumes were negligible - and after 1989, when heightened counter-narcotics operations in neighboring Colombia increased the use of Venezuelan transport routes. I find that, for thirty years prior to 1989, violent death trends and levels were nearly identical in treatment and control municipalities. After 1989, outcomes diverged: violence increased more in municipalities along trafficking routes than elsewhere. I estimate the difference-in-differences as approximately 10 violent deaths per 100,000, a magnitude similar to the overall pre-1989 violent death rate. Together with qualitative accounts, I interpret these findings as evidence in favor of the longstanding notion that, without Leviathan, prosperity creates violence. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2017 at: http://dorothykronick.com/wp-content/uploads/ProsperityViolence_2016July2.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Venezuela URL: http://dorothykronick.com/wp-content/uploads/ProsperityViolence_2016July2.pdf Shelf Number: 144742 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Illegal Markets Murders Violence Violent Crimes

Author: Tarre Briceno, Marcos Title: Como afecta la delincuencia organizada al ciudadano Con la intencion de conocer, investigar e informar sobre el Delito Organizado en Venezuela, nace en el 2012 el Observatorio de Delito Organizado, una accion emprendida por la Asociacion Civil Paz Activa Summary: In this brief manual it is a question of delving into the fact that one of the main problems of Central and South America is precisely Organized Delinquency, whether Transnational or National, which affects the State, society and citizens for being a A multiplier of violence and that, on the other hand, certain types of organized crime directly affect the citizen. Three of these modalities are studied - marked in yellow in the tables - and models are proposed to visualize, to prevent and to disintegrate it. In Venezuela, a nation that in a few years has become the second country in the world with the highest rate of homicide, some experts see a clear parallel between the strengthening of organized crime in the country and the excessive increase in violence. Between 34.4% and 55.1% of the 24,000 homicides recorded per year would be related to organized crime. Details: OBSERVATORIO DE DELITO ORGANIZADO, 2015. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: MONOGRAFIAS VISIBILIZANDO EL DELITO ORGANIZADO No. 1: Accessed April 10, 2017 at: http://observatoriodot.org.ve/cms/images/documentos/odo-manual1-crimorg-web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Venezuela URL: http://observatoriodot.org.ve/cms/images/documentos/odo-manual1-crimorg-web.pdf Shelf Number: 144767 Keywords: Homicides Murders Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Abodunrin, Hammed Title: A Survey of Violence-Related Deaths in Urue-Offong/Oruko and Udung Uko Local Government Areas in Akwa Ibom State (2006-2014) Summary: This paper highlights violent deaths in two local government areas (LGAs) in Nigeria: Urue Offong/Okubo and Udung Uko, both in Awka-Ibom State. Primary data collected using key informant interviews (KIIs), 40 copies of a questionnaire, and focus group discussions (FGDs) were analysed. The respondents considered their LGAs to be generally peaceful and blamed violent incidents on continual deprivation, youth agitation, and skirmishes experienced as part of everyday life. During the period under study (2006-2014), the main causes of violent deaths in Urue Offong/Okubo and Udung Uko were cult attacks, witchcraft, and motor accidents because of bad roads and inadequate education on traffic laws. Although the predominant religion of the area is Christianity, traditional beliefs still have a strong hold over the populace; and accusations of witchcraft sometimes resulted in the killing of persons considered to be a source of misfortune. The reasons for the non-coverage of violence by the national media in the two LGAs include the following: accessibility problems, fear of attack, lethargic attitude to volunteering information, dearth of published official records, and inadequate personnel. Other factors are the irregular salaries of journalists, the presence of many local tabloids, the poor infrastructural facilities, and illiteracy. Also worthy of note is that security operatives in the areas under review were insufficient and uncooperative in releasing information. Details: Ibadan, Nigeria: FRA Institute of African Studies , University of Ibadan 2015. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: IFRA-Nigeria working papers series, no. 53; Accessed April 11, 2017 at: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/WP15Abodunrin-Dotun.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/WP15Abodunrin-Dotun.pdf Shelf Number: 144790 Keywords: Cults Homicides Violence Violent Crime Witchcraft

Author: Tomsen, Stephen Title: Homicide and the Night-time Economy Summary: Homicide and social patterns of alcohol use have become matters of wide concern in the Australian community. In recent years there has been particular interest in understanding and preventing attacks in commercial nightlife settings that typically involve high levels of collective drinking. Although overall rates of Australian homicide are in a long-term pattern of decline the Australian Institute of Criminology National Homicide Monitoring Program has produced a series of reports that draw out the persistent role of alcohol in homicide. This study provides evidence that homicides related to the night-time economy are not highly concentrated in locations of nightlife and heavy drinking that are usually understood as problematic sites of assaults and public disorder. Nevertheless, there is a broad persistence of after dark homicides that involve intoxication and are either directly or indirectly related to commercial night leisure. Details: Canberra: Criminology Research Council, 2016. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 20, 2017 at: http://crg.aic.gov.au/reports/1617/47-1011-FinalReport.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://crg.aic.gov.au/reports/1617/47-1011-FinalReport.pdf Shelf Number: 145061 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime, Disorder Homicides Licensed Premises Night-time Economy Public Disorder Violent Crime

Author: Heinle, Kimberly Title: Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis Through 2016 Summary: This report examines trends in violence and organized crime in Mexico through 2016. Over the years, this series of Justice in Mexico special reports has compiled and attempted to reconcile often imperfect, confusing, and even conflicting information from both official and non-governmental sources regarding trends in violence and organized crime, and particularly "drug-related" violence. As the eighth annual report on Drug Violence in Mexico, this study compiles the latest available data and analysis of trends to help separate the signals from the noise to help better understand the facets, implications, and possible remedies to the ongoing crisis of violence, corruption, and human rights violations associated with the war on drugs. - Mexico has experienced dramatic increases in crime and violence in recent years. The number of intentional homicides documented by Mexico's National Institute of Statistics, Geography, and Information (INEGI) declined significantly under both presidents Ernesto Zedillo (1994-2000) and Vicente Fox (2000-2006), but rose dramatically a year after President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012) took office. All told, throughout the Calderon administration, INEGI reported 121,669 homicides, an average of over 20,000 people per year, more than 55 people per day, or just over two people every hour. No other country in the Western Hemisphere saw such a large increase either in its homicide rate or in the absolute number of homicides over the last two decades. - After a decline in 2012-2014, homicides began to rise again in 2015 and jumped 20% in 2016. Official homicide statistics from Mexico's National Security System (SNSP) registered significant decreases in 2012 (about 5%), in 2013 (about 16%), and in 2014 (about 15%), before climbing upwards again in 2015 (+7%) and 2016 (+22%). SNSP reported the number of intentional homicides at 18,650 in 2015 to 22,932 in 2016. The worsening of security conditions over the past two years has been a major setback for President Enrique Pena Nieto (2012-2018), who pledged to reduce violence dramatically during his administration. - In 2016, increases in cases of intentional homicide were registered in 24 states. Fueling the national increase in homicides were increases in 24 states. Notably, the largest increases were registered in Colima with a 600% increase from 2015 to 2016, Nayarit (500% increase), and Zacatecas (405% increase), all of which have an important role in drug production or trafficking and are contested by rival organized crime groups. Meanwhile, several states registered noticeable decreases, including Queretaro with a 69% decrease in intentional homicides and Campeche with a 24% decrease. - Local officials and journalists remained prime targets of violence in 2016. According to Justice in Mexico's Memoria dataset, seven current or former mayors were killed in 2016 (in comparison five mayoral candidates, two sitting mayors, and one former mayor were killed in 2015). Justice in Mexico also documented 11 journalists and media-support workers killed in 2016 in Mexico, continuing a slight downward trend from the 14 killed in 2015 and 15 killed in 2014. - Mexico's recent violence is largely attributable to drug trafficking and organized crime. What is particularly concerning about Mexico's sudden increases in homicides in recent years is that much or most of this elevated violence appears to be attributable to "organized crime" groups, particularly those involved in drug trafficking. While there are important methodological problems with compiling data on organized crime-related killings, tallies produced over the past decade by government, media, academic, NGO, and consulting organizations suggest that roughly a third to half of all homicides in Mexico bear signs of organized crime-style violence, including the use of high-caliber automatic weapons, torture, dismemberment, and explicit messages involving organized crime groups. In 2016, there was greater disparity in the estimated number of organized crime-style killings documented by some sources (6,325 according to Reforma newspaper and 10,967 according to Milenio), but the proportion of total homicides was at least 25% and perhaps greater than 40%. - "El Chapo" Guzman's arrest and extradition appear to be partly fueling violence. The notorious kingpin leader of the Sinaloa Cartel, Joaqu�n "El Chapo" Guzman, was arrested in early 2016. Guzman had been arrested previously in 2001, after which he escaped prison. He was then arrested in 2014, only to escape again in 2015. After the most recent arrest, demands for Guzman's extradition to the United States where he would face a 17- count indictment came to fruition. In early 2017, Guzman arrived in New York to face charges of organized crime, murder, and drug trafficking, among others. The analysis in this report suggests that a significant portion of Mexico's increases in violence in 2015 and 2016 were related to inter- and intra-organizational conflicts among rival drug traffickers in the wake of Guzman's re-arrest in 2016. - Constitutional deadline for New Criminal Justice System implementation passes. The New Criminal Justice System (NJSP) is in full effect nationwide, with the constitutional deadline for all 32 states to launch the system having passed on June 18, 2016. The justice system's overhaul from the traditional 'mixed inquisitorial' model of criminal procedure to an 'adversarial' model is significant step toward strengthening Mexico's democracy. However, many recognize that substantial further efforts will be needed to bolster the rule of law. - President Pena Nieto's approval rating hits new low amid concerns about corruption. Despite some important achievements, in 2016 President Peea Nieto (2012-2018) received the public's lowest approval rating not just for his first four years in office, but the lowest of all time for any president since Mexico began documenting approval ratings. In addition to accusations of corruption in his government and among fellow PRI politicians, Pena Nieto's unpopularity also reflects dissatisfaction with the country's recent economic and security problems, including the federal government's poor handling of the disappearance and murder of dozens of students from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero in 2014. - President Donald Trump prioritizes counter-narcotics efforts in Mexico. Drug trafficking from Mexico has become a more urgent concern in light of the mounting heroin epidemic in the United States, with the U.S. Center for Disease Control reporting that heroin-related deaths quadrupled to more than 8,200 people from 2002-2013. Initial diplomatic signals suggest that newly inaugurated U.S. President Donald Trump wants to push the Mexican government to reinvigorate its counter- narcotics efforts and also work to increase U.S. security measures along the 2,000 mile Southwest border. However, tensions between the two countries could undermine the close law enforcement and security cooperation achieved under the administrations of presidents George W. Bush (2000-2008) and Barack Obama (2008-2016). Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico, Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of San Diego, 2017. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 21, 2017 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/2017_DrugViolenceinMexico.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/2017_DrugViolenceinMexico.pdf Shelf Number: 145064 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence (Mexico) Drugs and Crime Homicides Organized Crime Violent Crime

Author: Waiselfisz, Julio Jacobo Title: Mapa da Violencia 2016: Homicidio de Mulheres no Brasil (Map of Violence 2016: Homicide for firearms in Brazil) Summary: The study focuses on the evolution of firearms homicides in Brazil from 1980 to 2014. The incidence of factors such as sex, race / color, and age of the victims of this mortality is also studied. The characteristics of the evolution of firearms homicides in the 27 Units of the Federation, in the 27 Capitals and in the municipalities with high levels of mortality caused by firearms are pointed out. Details: Brasilia: Ministerio da Justica, Instituto Sangari, 2016. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2017 at: http://www.mapadaviolencia.org.br/ Year: 2017 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.mapadaviolencia.org.br/ Shelf Number: 145151 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun-Related Violence Homicides Murders

Author: Missionary Council for Indigenous Peoples Title: Violence against the Indigenous Peoples in Brazil: Data for 2015. Summary: The Report on Violence Against Indigenous Peoples in Brazil - Data for 2015, published by the Indigenist Missionary Council (CIMI), highlights the persistence of the public authorities' omission in relation to the rights of indigenous peoples, especially in relation to the right to land, which drastically impacts on their right to live in their traditional way, both recognized and guaranteed by the Brazilian Federal Constitution. It is with a feeling of the most profound indignation that the Indigenist Missionary Council (Conselho Indigenista Missionario - Cimi) presents this report on Violence against the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil with the data for the respective occurrences in 2015. Indignation because the same criminal practices are being repeated and intensified without any effective measures having been taken The situation of omission on the part of the authorities continues; they deny their respect for the Constitution and fail to comply with its provisions in regard to the demarcation, protection and surveillance of the lands; the reality of aggression against persons who struggle for their legitimate rights persists in the form of assassinations, beatings, threats to kill; the attacks against communities grow worse, especially those against the more fragile ones and those that live in camps; the invasion and devastation of the demarcated lands goes on. Details: Brasilia: The Council, 2015. 180p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 28, 2017 at: http://www.cimi.org.br/pub/relatorio2015/Report-Violence-against-the-Indigenous-Peoples-in-Brazil_2015_Cimi.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.cimi.org.br/pub/relatorio2015/Report-Violence-against-the-Indigenous-Peoples-in-Brazil_2015_Cimi.pdf Shelf Number: 145190 Keywords: Discrimination Homicides Indigenous Peoples Land Rights Property Rights Violence

Author: Ingram, Matthew C. Title: Targeting Violence Reduction in Brazil: Policy Implications from a Spatial Analysis of Homicide Summary: Violence in Latin America generates heavy economic, social and political costs for individuals, communities and societies. A particularly pernicious effect of violence is that it undermines citizen confidence in democracy and in their own government. Responding to public fear, politicians across the region have hastily adopted a wide range of policy responses to violence, ranging from militarizing public security, to 'mano dura' crack downs, to negotiating truces with organized crime, to decriminalizing illicit economic activity. Although many of these policies are politically expedient, few are based on evidence of how public policy actually affects rates of violence. By contrast, this paper examines how violence clusters within a country-Brazil-to study how public policies affect homicide rates and how these policies might be further tailored geographically to have greater impact. Brazil provides a particularly useful case for examining the effectiveness of violence-reduction strategies because of the availability of comparable data collected systematically across 5562 municipal units. This allows for an explicitly spatial approach to examining geographic patterns of violence-how violence in one municipality is related to violence in neighboring municipalities, and how predictors of violence are also conditioned by geography. The key added value of the spatial perspective is that it addresses the dependent structure of the data, accounting for the fact that units of analysis (here, municipalities) are connected to each other geographically. In this way, the spatial perspective accounts for the fact that what happens in nearby units may have a meaningful impact on the outcome of interest in a home, focal unit. Thus, the spatial approach is better able to examine compelling phenomena like the spread of violence across units. We visualize data on six types of homicide-aggregate homicides, homicides of men, homicides of women (i.e., "femicides"), firearm-related homicides, youth homicides (ages 15-29) and homicides of victims identified by race as either black or brown (mulatto), i.e., non-white victims-all for 2011, presenting these data in maps. We adopt a municipal level of analysis, and include homicide data from 2011 for the entire country, i.e., on all 5562 municipalities across 27 states (including the Federal District). This allows us to develop maps that identify specific municipalities that constitute cores of statistically significant clusters of violence for each type of homicide. These clusters offer a useful tool for targeting policies aimed at reducing violence. We then develop an analysis based on a spatial regression model, using predictors from the 2010 census and other official sources in Brazil. This paper finds that areas with higher rates of marginalization and of households headed by women who also work and have young children experience higher rates of homicide, which suggests increased support for policies aimed at reducing both marginalization and family disruption. More specifically, the paper finds that policies that expand local coverage of the Bolsa Familia poverty reduction program and reduce the environmental footprint of large, industrial development projects tend to reduce homicide rates, but primarily for certain types of homicide. Thus, violence-reduction policies need to be targeted by type of violence. In addition, the spatial analysis presented in the paper suggests that violence-reduction policies should be targeted regionally rather than at individual communities - informed by the cluster analysis and the spatial regression. Finally, this paper argues that policies aimed at femicides, gun-related homicides, youth homicides and homicides of non-whites should be especially sensitive to geographic patterns, and be built around territorially-targeted policies over and above national policies aimed at homicide more generally. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Initiative Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS, 2014. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed April 28, 2017 at: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Ingram-Policy-Brief.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Ingram-Policy-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 145192 Keywords: Crime Analysis Crime Clusters Crime Hotspots Femicides Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Violence Prevention Violent Crime

Author: Ingram, Matthew C. Title: Geographies of Violence: A Spatial Analysis of Five Types of Homicide in Brazil's Municipalities Summary: Objectives: Examine the spatial distribution of five types of homicide across Brazil's 5,562 municipalities and test the effects of family disruption, marginalization, poverty-reduction programs, environmental degradation, and the geographic diffusion of violence. Methods: Cluster analysis and spatial error, spatial lag, and geographically-weighted regressions. Results: Maps visualize clusters of high and low rates of different types of homicide. Core results from spatial regressions show that some predictors have uniform or stationary effects across all units, while other predictors have uneven, non-stationary effects. Among stationary effects, family disruption has a harmful effect across all types of homicide except femicide, and environmental degradation has a harmful effect, increasing the rates of femicide, gun-related, youth, and nonwhite homicides. Among non-stationary effects, marginalization has a harmful effect across all measures of homicide but poses the greatest danger to nonwhite populations in the northern part of Brazil; the poverty-reduction program Bolsa Familia has a protective, negative effect for most types of homicides, especially for gun-related, youth, and nonwhite homicides. Lastly, homicide in nearby communities increases the likelihood of homicide in one's home community, and this holds across all types of homicide. The diffusion effect also varies across geographic areas; the danger posed by nearby violence is strongest in the Amazon region and in a large section of the eastern coast. Conclusions: Findings help identify the content of violence-reduction policies, how to prioritize different components of these policies, and how to target these policies by type of homicide and geographic area for maximum effect. Details: Notre Dame, IN: The Kellogg Institute for International Studies, University of Notre Dame, 2015. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series: #405: Accessed April 29, 2017 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2604096 Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2604096 Shelf Number: 145194 Keywords: Crime Analysis Femicide Geographical Analysis Homicides Murders Poverty Spatial Analysis Violent Crime

Author: Arvate, Paulo Title: Lighting and Violent Crime: Evaluating the effect of an electrification policy in rural Brazil on violent crime reduction Summary: This paper estimates the effect of lighting on violent crime reduction. We explore an electrification program (LUZ PARA TODOS or Light for All - LPT) adopted by the federal government to expand electrification to rural areas in all Brazilian municipalities in the 2000s as an exogenous source of variation in electrification expansion. Our instrumental variable results show a reduction in homicide rates (approximately five homicides per 100,000 inhabitants) on rural roads/urban streets when a municipality moved from no access to full coverage of electricity between 2000 and 2010. These findings are even more significant in the northern and northeastern regions of Brazil, where rates of electrification are lower than those of the rest of the country and, thus, where the program is concentrated. In the north (northeast), the number of violent deaths on the streets per 100,000 inhabitants decreased by 48.12 (13.43). This moved a municipality at the 99th percentile (75th) to the median (zero) of the crime distribution of municipalities. Finally, we do not find effects on violent deaths in households and at other locations. Because we use an IV strategy by exploring the LPT program eligibility criteria, we can interpret the results as the estimated impact of the program on those experiencing an increase in electricity coverage due to their program eligibility. Thus, the results represent local average treatment effects of lighting on homicides. Details: Sao Paulo: Sao Paulo School of Economics, 2016. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper no. 408: Accessed April 29, 2017 at: http://bibliotecadigital.fgv.br/dspace/bitstream/handle/10438/15094/TD%20408%20-%20CMICRO33.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2016 Country: Brazil URL: http://bibliotecadigital.fgv.br/dspace/bitstream/handle/10438/15094/TD%20408%20-%20CMICRO33.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 145196 Keywords: Crime Prevention Homicides Lighting Murders Violent Crime

Author: Moloeznik, Marcos Pablo Title: Security and Justice in Jalisco: Scenarios and proposals Summary: In the year 2015, the escalade of violence closes with a crisis of (in) security in the state of Jalisco which is unparalleled in its recent history. In that context, the demand for public security and justice has become the main concern and request by the citizenry, in accordance with the results of the most reliable opinion polls, as well as of the more diverse and representative sectors of our entity. In view of the State's failure to fulfill its obligation to guarantee the right to security for everyone who lives in our community, the University of Guadalajara, in compliance of all and every one of its substantial functions (teaching, generating knowledge and establishing links), has been systematically carrying out significant contributions in the areas of security, human rights and the justice for years. The work is a compilation of 25 collaborations, divided in five thematic sections. The great majority of the authors identify with the theories of multidimensional and integral security which claim that the phenomena of violence, crime and delinquency are based on structures of socioeconomic difference, contexts of poverty, marginality and weak social cohesion. This interpretation also leads to maintaining that government institutions suffer from notable insufficiencies, among them the lack of professionalism of government employees, corruption, opacity and lack of transparency, as well as the absence of planning and administration of the public budgets. In the first thematic section block, "Strategic vision and critical issues", the four collaborations that make it up study from the historic factors to the problems of implementing public policies in Jalisco as a whole and, in particular, in the metropolitan area of Guadalajara. The topic of the link between public security and penal justice is approached as two factors that should be integrated accompanying each other. The second section "Violence and high-impact crimes", compiles studies that compare homicides at national and state levels; the manifestation of the different kinds of violence and the study of disappearances, kidnapping and torture. These contributions expose how the official statistics are unequal and omit the description of reality, basically with political purposes, in order not to look like a state that has high crime indicators that could tint the image of local government officials, and inhibit tourism or capital investment. The six chapters making up the section "Human Rights and vulnerable groups" make a realistic analysis of the human rights violations in the state, emphasizing the lack of independence of the State Human Rights Commission. They cover the topics of suicide, juvenile delinquency, gender violence and the difficulties migrants face on their route throughout Jalisco. These analyses reflect the vulnerability besetting a lot of sectors of the population. The fourth section is devoted to the "Institutions and capacities of the state of Jalisco". It consists of five chapters that analyze the Judiciary power and the relation among the implementation of the new penal justice system; police corps, their weaknesses and capacities; the public advocacy and the public security system (or systems), which must be encouraged as a State policy. The panorama that is emerging is worrying: The justice system lacks independence and the police bodies, coordination; which has led to the proposal of a unified command, which in Jalisco has been advertised as one of the steps to follow. The articles strongly stress the weaknesses of these institutional subsystems, and they almost take for granted that they do not have the strength to implement the reforms to penal justice and the coordination of police corporations. Furthermore, if these institutional capacities are too weak to confront common crime, all the more reason to believe that they would be unable to do their job, that they would be overpowered rapidly if the cjng were to grow in influence and managed to consolidate in the state of Jalisco. In addition, in the light of the new adversarial Justice system, the aforementioned section includes recommendations made from good practices documented in the last few years in those federated entities that have already implemented them. The final section "Federacion Jalisco in the frame of national security", contains four chapters that close the book with excellent analyses on CJNG penetration and growth and the presence and role of the Army. It is pointed out that due to both, the existence of a criminal group whose name locates it in the state and to the increased presence of the Army and the Federal Police to face it; Jalisco risks a growth in the presence of organized crime, which will force the participation of the federal forces. In short, this work implicitly presents the possible scenarios for Jalisco: An increase of violence that would require the federal forces to head the effort to curb the enemy or, on the contrary, that the Jalisco leaders face reality, become aware of the magnitude of the phenomenon of (in) security, and implement the necessary reforms. This publication makes concrete recommendations, provides tools, raw materials and information to understand the security crisis that can be brewing. It is up to society and government officials to use it to put together a new security agenda. Details: Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara, Centro Universitario de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, 2016. 259p Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 1, 2017 at: http://www.casede.org/BibliotecaCasede/Novedades-PDF/Security_%20justice_Jalisco.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.casede.org/BibliotecaCasede/Novedades-PDF/Security_%20justice_Jalisco.pdf Shelf Number: 145221 Keywords: Criminal Justice Systems Homicides Public Security Security Violence Violent Crime

Author: Fuentes, Johanan Rivera Title: Crime Hype in Mexico: A fierce battle for attention Summary: The way media covers drug-related violence in Mexico generates more violence because it responds to the publicity-seeking behavior of Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTOs). My analysis shows that excessive media coverage in violent states translates into more narcomantas and that high numbers of narcomantas are positively and strongly correlated with high levels of violence. The incentive for DTOs to 'publish' a narcomanta in response to media coverage in violent states is three times larger than in states with average violence. My projections show that in extremely violent states a shock in coverage generates an average increase of 1.6 narcomantas during the following week. DTOs use media attention to build reputation and increase the perception of insecurity. The way media covers violence in Mexico is generating feelings of fear and danger in the population. The 2011 Survey on Public Safety and Governance in Mexico shows that common offenses such as house robberies and street assaults have not changed much since the early 2000s. However, insecurity perception has increased to the point that, today, over 80 percent of the population is afraid of being victims of these crimes. Fear and insecurity perception can make the population an easy target for extortion, local authorities an easy target for corruption and hinder reporting. The situation is now at a point where action is needed. The best method for promoting a more responsible behavior while protecting media freedom is self-regulation since it originates from a multi-stakeholder open discussion on editorial guidelines and accountability mechanisms. I recommend the following next steps should be taken in the next six months to build a strong self-regulatory media environment: - Create a code of editorial guidelines to reporting on publicity-seeking crimes. Each code of ethics responds to the peculiarities of the media and its context, hence it can be tailored to the sensitivities of the Mexican society and democracy. - Institute a self-regulatory body that oversees completion of the code and has a complaint system open to the public. These bodies can have different forms such as ombudsmen, press councils, editorial committees, etc. - Introduce training programs for journalists. Good reporting on publicity-seeking crimes requires a lengthier and more thoughtful narrative. Additionally, journalists reporting on violence and conflict should know how to assess risks in threatening environments and be trained in digital as well as physical security. - Design a campaign to raise awareness among the population. Raising awareness is about creating civic engagement. Without civil engagement self-regulation compliance becomes almost impossible. Setting up a self-regulatory system will prevent the media from furthering DTOs objectives. This will help raise professional standards, strengthen the social standing of journalism in the country while increasing the quality of information people receive and reducing publicity-seeking violence. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Kennedy School, 2013. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2017 at: http://ksghauser.harvard.edu/index.php/content/download/66767/1239878/version/1/file/SYPA_JohananRivera_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://ksghauser.harvard.edu/index.php/content/download/66767/1239878/version/1/file/SYPA_JohananRivera_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 145247 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug-Related Violence Fear of Crime Homicides Kidnappings Media and Crime Publicity Violent Crime

Author: Perkins, Christina Title: Achieving Growth and Security in the Northern Triangle of Central America Summary: The Northern Triangle of Latin America, consisting of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, has experienced overwhelming challenges to economic growth and development. Gang violence is the root of many of these challenges, and the cost of hiring security forces for individuals and businesses creates a significant tax on the economy of these three countries. Beyond this drain on the region's finances, the Northern Triangle is considered one of the most dangerous places on the planet, excluding active war zones. The interrelated issues of violence, poverty, and slow economic growth have led to high rates of emigration from the region, such as during the summer of 2014 when thousands of unaccompanied minors entered the United States. This study examines these issues and goes on to explore connections to the successes of Plan Colombia. Specifically, it considers the opportunity for a "Plan Colombia for the Northern Triangle" to generate long-term economic growth, personal safety, and political stability and accountability in the region. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Strategic & International Studies; Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield; 2016. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2017 at: https://csis-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/161201_Perkins_NorthernTriangle_Web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Central America URL: https://csis-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/publication/161201_Perkins_NorthernTriangle_Web.pdf Shelf Number: 145259 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Plan Colombia Security Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Schultze-Kraft, Markus Title: Toward Effective Violence Mitigation: Transforming Political Settlements Summary: Recognising the centrality of violence in the development process (though not subscribing to the notion that conflict and violence are development in reverse), in 2012-14 a group of researchers at the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) engaged in depth with the complex and thorny questions of how 'new' forms of violence in the developing world - as opposed to 'traditional' civil or intra-state war - should be understood; and through which policies they could best be prevented and/or mitigated. The result of this endeavour is a series of evidence-based reports that were produced in collaboration with Southern partners in a sample of four violence-affected countries in Africa: Nigeria (Niger Delta), Sierra Leone, Egypt and Kenya (Marsabit County). The evidence from the four case studies suggests that - contrary to the early post-Cold War accounts of 'barbarism' and 'senseless bloodshed' - the violence we observe in many countries and locales today is about something. Yet, the analyses also show that the triggers, manifestations and effects of this violence - characterised as diffuse, recursive and globalised - cannot be captured by using the analytical tools developed to explain armed conflict within states. Strictly speaking, it would be misguided to label the violence in the Niger Delta, Marsabit County, Egypt and Sierra Leone as 'civil war', 'internal armed conflict' or 'new war'. Instead, it is more accurate to speak of highly heterogeneous situations of violence or 'fields of social violence'. At the same time, it is crucial not to dissociate these situations of violence from political processes by, for instance, reducing them to manifestations of criminality, such as homicide and illicit drug trafficking, or reflections of social problems like rampant youth unemployment, the use of prohibited psychoactive substances, and gang culture. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute Of Development Studies, 2014, 35p. Source: Internet Resource: IDS Evidence Report 101: Accessed May 6, 2017 at: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/5367/ER101TowardEffectiveViolenceMitigationTransformingPoliticalSettlements.pdf;jsessionid=BE35B3DE96D5A63C6C020B53BA376257?sequence=1 Year: 2014 Country: Africa URL: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/5367/ER101TowardEffectiveViolenceMitigationTransformingPoliticalSettlements.pdf;jsessionid=BE35B3DE96D5A63C6C020B53BA376257?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 145345 Keywords: Conflict-Related Violence Drug Trafficking Gang-Related Violence Homicides Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime

Author: Haugan, Gregory L. Title: The effect of urban violence on student achievement in Medellin, Colombia Summary: This paper examines the impact of urban violence on the standardized test scores of public school students in Medellin. I use the school-level variation in exposure to local homicides for years 2004-2013 in a model that includes school and year fixed effects, allowing me to control for the endogeneity of violence. I find that each additional homicide per year occurring within 500 meters of a school reduces student achievement by slightly over 0.01 standard deviations on a variety of tested academic subjects. For an average school, this implies dropping from the 50th percentile to the 47th percentile in a typical violent period. The effect does not appear to be driven by bias from student migration, and evidence from differential effects estimates is more consistent with supply-side channels. Examining the causal pathways of the effect, the impact of local violence is shown to induce higher levels of teacher turnover, although this may actually improve the average qualifications of teachers in the school in the long run. Details: Bogota: Universidad de los Andes, Colombia, Department of Economics, 2016. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Serie Documentos Cede, 2016-09; Accessed May 9, 2017 at: https://economia.uniandes.edu.co/components/com_booklibrary/ebooks/dcede2016-09.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Colombia URL: https://economia.uniandes.edu.co/components/com_booklibrary/ebooks/dcede2016-09.pdf Shelf Number: 145362 Keywords: Education Outcomes Homicides Urban Areas Urban Violence Violent Crime

Author: Global Witness Title: How many more? 2014's deadly environment: the killing and intimidation of environmental and land activists, with a spotlight on Honduras Summary: Each week at least two people are being killed for taking a stand against environmental destruction. Some are shot by police during protests, others gunned down by hired assassins. As companies go in search of new land to exploit, increasingly people are paying the ultimate price for standing in their way. We found that at least 116 environmental activists were murdered in 2014 - that's almost double the number of journalists killed in the same period. A shocking 40 % of victims were indigenous, with most people dying amid disputes over hydropower, mining and agri-business. Nearly three-quarters of the deaths we found information on were in Central and South America. Globally, it's likely that the true death toll is higher. Many of the murders we know about occurred in remote villages or deep within the jungle, where communities lack access to communications and the media. It's likely many more killings are escaping public records. Details: London: Global Witness, 2015. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2017 at: https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/how-many-more/ Year: 2015 Country: Honduras URL: https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/how-many-more/ Shelf Number: 145397 Keywords: Environmental Crime Homicides Murders

Author: Cerqueira, Daniel R.C. Title: Mapa dos Homicidios Ocultos no Brasil Summary: Based on the Mortality Information System (SIM), the number of hidden homicides (HOs) in each Brazilian Federal Unit (UF) was estimated, considering deaths that were erroneously classified as "indeterminate cause". Analyzed the socioeconomic and situational characteristics associated to each of the almost 1.9 million violent deaths occurred in the country between 1996 and 2010. The results of this study indicated that the number of homicides in the country would be 18.3% higher than the official records , Which represents about 8,600 unrecognized homicides each year. As a result, estimates indicated that Brazil surpassed the annual mark of 60,000 deaths from aggression. The calculations also showed that the substantial increase in the homicide rate in many states of Brazil, and particularly in the Northeast, did not occur, but that the official indexes were driven by the decrease in the under-reporting that occurred with the improvement in the quality of the SIM. Nevertheless, in recent years there has been a worrying phenomenon of increasing violent deaths, the intent of which has not been determined. This fact did not occur in a generalized way in the country, but it was circumscribed, mainly, to seven states: Rio de Janeiro; Bay; Rio Grande do Norte, Pernambuco; Roraima; Minas Gerais and Sao Paulo Details: Instituto de Pesquisa Economica Aplicada � ipea 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2017 at: http://www.institutoelo.org.br/site/files/publications/95e3d6a71f009059e3585fc38bbab64b.pdf (Article is in Spanish) Year: 2013 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.institutoelo.org.br/site/files/publications/95e3d6a71f009059e3585fc38bbab64b.pdf Shelf Number: 145403 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Murders Violent Crime

Author: Human Security Report Project (Simon Fraser University) Title: Human Security Report 2013: The Decline in Global Violence: Evidence, Explanation, and Contestation Summary: During the past decade, an increasing number of studies have made the case that levels of violence around the world have declined. Few have made much impact outside the research community-Steven Pinker's The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined is a major exception. Published in 2011, Better Angels' central argument-one made over some 700 densely argued pages of text, supported by 70 pages of footnotes-is that there has been an extraordinary but little-recognized, long-term worldwide reduction in all forms of violence-one that stretches back at least to 10,000 BCE. Better Angels has received high praise for its extraordinary scope, its originality, and the breadth and depth of its scholarship. It is engagingly written, powerfully argued, and its claims are supported by a mass of statistical evidence. It has also generated considerable skepticism and in some cases outright hostility. Part I of this Report discusses the central theses of Better Angels and examines the major claims of its critics. Part II presents updated statistics on armed conflicts around the world since the end of World War II, plus post-Cold War trends in assaults on civilians and conflicts that do not involve governments. Details: Vancouver, Canada: Human Security Report Project, 2014. 127p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 13, 2017 at: https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/178122/HSRP_Report_2013_140226_Web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/178122/HSRP_Report_2013_140226_Web.pdf Shelf Number: 145152 Keywords: Armed Conflict Crime Statistics Homicides Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Human Rights Campaign Foundation Title: Addressing Anti-Transgender Violence: Exploring Realities, Challenges and Solutions for Policymakers and Community Advocates Summary: The joint report, Addressing Anti-Transgender Violence: Exploring Realities, Challenges and Solutions for Policymakers and Community Advocates, comes in a year when at least 21 transgender people have been killed - the most reported since 2006 when advocates began working to track reported homicides of transgender people across the United States. "There are now more transgender homicide victims in 2015 than in any other year that advocates have recorded. At least 21 people - nearly all of them transgender women of color - have lost their lives to violence," said HRC President Chad Griffin. "This kind of violence is often motivated by anti-transgender bias; but that is rarely the only factor. At a time when transgender people are finally gaining visibility and activists are forcing our country to confront systemic violence against people of color, transgender women of color are facing an epidemic of violence that occurs at the intersections of racism, sexism and transphobia - issues that advocates can no longer afford to address separately." Details: New York: Human Rights Campaign, 2015. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2017 at: http://hrc-assets.s3-website-us-east-1.amazonaws.com//files/assets/resources/HRC-AntiTransgenderViolence-0519.pdf?_ga=2.95631324.1157423806.1494945355-63108711.1494945187 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://hrc-assets.s3-website-us-east-1.amazonaws.com//files/assets/resources/HRC-AntiTransgenderViolence-0519.pdf?_ga=2.95631324.1157423806.1494945355-63108711.1494945187 Shelf Number: 145487 Keywords: Bias Crime Hate Crimes Homicides Transgender Peoples

Author: Couch, Neil Title: 'Mexico in Danger of Rapid Collapse'. Reality or Exaggeration? Summary: More than 55,000 people have been killed in Mexico's vicious drug wars between 2006 and 2011. The Pentagon's Joint Operating Environment Paper 2008 speculated that the country was one of two major states at risk of rapid and sudden collapse. This paper investigates the potential causes of state failure and the extent to which these are present in Mexico today as a result of corruption and violent, lucrative organised crime. It explains the mutual dependency between the two and shows how deeply entrenched and extensive their power and influence have become at all levels of government and in key state institutions. It examines progress in the National Security Strategy and the impact of crime and corruption on key strategic measures of success. It concludes that the Pentagon's failure to understand the nature of the conflict led to a gross overstatement of the risk to the country. It also demonstrates, however, that crime and corruption threaten the transitional democracy that has emerged in Mexico since the turn of the century. Finally, it raises questions regarding the reliability and general applicability of some theories of state failure, state legitimacy and civil-military relations. Details: London: Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, 2012. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Seaford House Paper: Accessed May 17, 2017 at: http://www.da.mod.uk/Publications/category/90/mexico-in-danger-of-rapid-collapse-reality-or-exaggeration-14620 Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.da.mod.uk/Publications/category/90/mexico-in-danger-of-rapid-collapse-reality-or-exaggeration-14620 Shelf Number: 131268 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Drug Wars Drug-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime Political Corruption

Author: Mena, Fernando Carrion Title: Quito: un ensamble de violencias (Quito: an ensemble of violence) Summary: During the last 20 years, violence has become one of the most relevant issues in Latin America, because, on the one hand, violence increased: the average homicide rate for Latin America rose from 12 per cent in 1990 To 24.6 in 2012 (United Nations Development Program) since, on the other hand, violence changed: it was urbanized, modernized and pluritized. The results of this process of transformation and growth of violence have been devastating: according to the Inter-American Development Bank Development, 135 thousand people were killed in 2015 and that violence and its cost reached about 120 billion dollars a year (200 per inhabitant) (Agencia de Noticias Ecuador, 2016). If these data are weighed for 20 years the tragedy is huge. Details: Wilson Center, Latin American Program, 2017. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 20, 2017 at: https://works.bepress.com/fernando_carrion/713/ (In Spanish) Year: 2016 Country: Ecuador URL: https://works.bepress.com/fernando_carrion/713/ Shelf Number: 145658 Keywords: Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Buonanno, Paolo Title: Inequality, Crime, and the Long-Run Legacy of Slavery Summary: Estimating the effect of inequality on crime is challenging due to reverse causality and omitted variable bias. This paper addresses these concerns by exploiting the fact that, as suggested by recent scholarly research, the legacy of slavery is largely manifested in persistent levels of economic inequality. Municipality-level economic inequality in Colombia is instrumented with a census-based measure of the proportion of slaves before the abolition of slavery in the nineteenth century. It is found that inequality increases both property crime and violent crime. The estimates are robust to including traditional determinants of crime (like population density, proportion of young males, average education level, quality of law enforcement institutions, and overall economic activity), as well as geographic characteristics that may be correlated with both the slave economy and with crime, and current ethnic differences. Policies aiming at reducing structural crime should focus on reducing economic inequality. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 2017. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: IDB WORKING PAPER SERIES No. IDB-WP-793: Accessed May 24, 2017 at: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8248/Inequality-Crime-and-the-Long-Run-Legacy-of-Slavery.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8248/Inequality-Crime-and-the-Long-Run-Legacy-of-Slavery.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 145757 Keywords: Crime Rate Homicides Inequality Poverty Slavery

Author: Olojo, Akinola Title: Muslims, Christians and Religious Violence in Nigeria: patterns and mapping (June 2006 - May 2014) Summary: The notion that religious violence in Nigeria is always characterised by conflicts between religions (Muslims versus Christians) is too simplistic. This study shows that between June 2006 and May 2014 the frequency of violent death incidents involving Islamic groups against Islamic groups is 60; a figure higher than 57, which is the frequency of violent death incidents involving Islamic groups against Christian groups or Churches within the same period. A second major point in this paper is that violence involving religious groups is not always caused by religious issues. This explains why the frequency of violent death incidents involving Islamic groups against Christian groups or Churches due to nonreligious issues is as high as 42 between June 2006 and May 2014. Thirdly, it remains inconclusive whether or not more Muslims than Christians (or vice versa) are killed because of violence in general in Nigeria. Finally, the western media frames violence in Nigeria as being mainly inter-religious while lethal incidents involving Islamic groups against Islamic groups are largely underreported. Details: Ibadan, Oyo State Nigeria: IFRA Nigeria, IFRA Institute of African Studies University of Ibadan, 2014. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2017 at: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/WP3OLOJOFinal.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/WP3OLOJOFinal.pdf Shelf Number: 146428 Keywords: Christian Groups Homicides Islamic Groups Religious Violence Violent Crime

Author: Ward, Catherine L. Title: Youth Violence: Sources and Solutions in South Africa Summary: In 2025, governments of many developed countries will have published reports noting how 10-20 years of programming to address root causes and risk factors for violence has brought youth homicide rates down from around five per 100 000 to less than one per 100 000 population. The reports will highlight the economic dividends paid by these prevention investments in the shape of increased economic productivity and reduced criminal justice, health and social sector costs of responding to violence, and the human and social benefits of people feeling safer and more secure at home, on the street, at school and at work. The plausibility of this scenario arises from the fact that, in 2010, programmes to stop violence from occurring in the first place shifted in many developed countries from being 'innovative' to becoming part of mainstream policy and budgeting. This scenario also begs the question as to what, in 2025, governments in today's developing countries will be writing in their annual reports. Will these reports bemoan how violence and crime, driven by the surging demand for and access of young people to alcohol, drugs and guns, have spiralled out of control? Will they lament how the collapse of the family, the unravelling of positive social relationships, and increasing economic and social inequalities are to blame? Or will they talk in more empowered and optimistic terms of how the recognition of evidence-based prevention in the first decade of the twenty-first century galvanised a prevention commitment that has helped to at least stabilise and in some instances significantly decrease youth violence rates? If the action recommendations in Youth Violence: Sources and Solutions in South Africa are actually implemented - whether in South Africa or in any other developing country - then the latter empowered and optimistic scenario for 2025 can perhaps become reality. Details: Claremont, South Africa: UTC Press, 2010. 426p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/item/2154/Youth_Violence_Sources.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2012 Country: South Africa URL: https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/item/2154/Youth_Violence_Sources.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 126309 Keywords: Developing Countries Homicides Violent Crime Youth Violence Youthful Offenders

Author: Dehart, Andrew Title: Chicago Homicides Completed with a Firearm from 1971 to 1993: A Lens of Social Disorganization Theory and Firearm Legislation Summary: Firearm legislation is a hotly debated topic in the light of recent mass shootings in Newtown, Connecticut and elsewhere. President Obama has introduced a firearm policy directed at curtailing firearm homicide. The literature on gun laws and their effect on crime are mixed. Some jurisdictions operate under strict firearm policies and others believe greater access to guns will deter potential criminals. This study uses social disorganization theory to test the effect of restrictive firearm policy in Chicago, Illinois from 1971 to 1993. In particular, this thesis seeks to determine the rate of firearm homicides in the eleven years prior to the 1982 gun ban in Chicago versus the eleven years following 1982. Furthermore, social disorganization theory is tested when comparing gun murders in gentrifying communities to different community area types from 1983 to 1993. The results suggest Chicago's 1982 ban may have lowered the city's firearm murder rate during the eleven years after the ban. Moreover, gentrifying communities, while sharing common characteristics of social disorganization theory, had a moderating impact on firearm homicides. The odd ratios from 1983 to 1993 Chicago gun murders increased in every community area type as compared to gentrifying neighborhoods. Details: Tyler, TX: University of Texas at Tyler, 2016. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://scholarworks.uttyler.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=crimjustice_grad Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://scholarworks.uttyler.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=crimjustice_grad Shelf Number: 146198 Keywords: Firearm Legislation Firearms Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides

Author: Johnston, Jennifer Title: Mass Shootings and the Media Contagion Effect Summary: According to the latest FBI analysis, mass shootings in the United States have increased three-fold in just the last fifteen years (Blair & Schweit, 2014). Recent analyses of media coverage followed by copycat incidents indicate a media contagion effect (Garcia-Bernardo, et al., 2015; Towers, Gomez-Lievano, Khan, Mubayi, & Castillo-Chavez, 2015). Lankford (2014; 2015) and Meloy, Sheridan, and Hoffman (2008) found that most shooters desired fame and wished to emulate a previous mass shooter. Madfis (2014) suggests that rampage shooters, who are almost all White men in early adulthood seek power and dominance that they perceive is their right, but perceive they are being denied, for various reasons, by society. Profiles of shooters indicate that they are often socially isolated and suffer a pattern of ostracization or bullying, yet they tend toward narcissism (Fox & Delateur, 2013; Fox & Levin, 2013; Meloy, 2014). Many fantasize about revenge or murder, and that this type of fantasy is not unusual or "extreme." Buss's (2005) research indicates up to 90% of men fantasize about murder. What tips the scales from fantasy to reality? We would argue identification with prior mass shooters made famous by extensive media coverage, including names, faces, writings, and detailed accounts of their lives and backgrounds, is a more powerful push toward violence than mental health status or even access to guns. First proposed by Phillips (1983), the violent media contagion effect was largely ignored by criminologists and psychologists, but more recently the evidence of the power of copycat homicide is mounting. Computer models developed by mathematicians note that the events cluster in time and by region (Garcia-Bernardo et al., 2015; Towers, et al., 2015), according to mass and social media coverage. Also, as Phillips (1974) and Stack (2002) determined, celebrity suicides were followed by a sudden spike of suicides in the general population, so mass media agreed to cease reporting names and some details of suicides since 1994 (O'Carroll & Potter, 1994). Our symposium panel of leading experts on this topic will examine the magnitude of the mass shooting media contagion effect, with an aim to suggest guidelines to the media about how, and how much, to cover specific details about the shooters with the aim of preventing a portion of mass murder. Details: Silver City, NM: Western New Mexico University, 2016. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2016/08/media-contagion-effect.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2016/08/media-contagion-effect.pdf Shelf Number: 146214 Keywords: Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Murders Mass Shootings Media

Author: Lumsden, Andrew Title: Black, Green, Gold and Too Much Red: Jamaica's Struggle with Gang Violence Summary: The heinous execution-style murder of 2-year-old Demario Whyte in downtown Kingston on August 23- along with unleashing a wave a fear, anger, and sorrow across the community- has highlighted the urgent need for a solution to Jamaica's epidemic of rampant gang violence. Authorities believe the child's murder was part of a gang feud possibly involving his father, who was also shot during the incident but survived. Eighty percent of all illicit activity in Jamaica is connected to criminal gangs, of which nearly 300 exist island-wide. Jamaica has struggled with gang violence for decades. Successive governments - including, so far, that of current Prime Minister Andrew Holness - have emphasized the use of punitive measures such as curfews and military deployment to stem the tide of violence. All have had only limited successes. While law enforcement is no doubt a necessary component in the fight against gang violence, Jamaican authorities must place significantly more focus than they have on social development programs in inner-city communities, and on building stronger relationships with the law-abiding majorities in these places who too often feel neglected and mistreated by the state. Details: Washington, DC: Council on Hemispheric Affairs, 2016. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2017 at: http://www.coha.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Jamainca-Lumsden.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.coha.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Jamainca-Lumsden.pdf Shelf Number: 146220 Keywords: Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides

Author: Cohen, Corentin Title: Violence between and within political parties in Nigeria: statistics, structures and patterns (2006-2014) Summary: Acts of violence between or within political parties in Nigeria are usually associated with general elections and their spectacular death toll. This research uses statistical tools to analyse this violence during the 2006-2014 period. Patterns of political violence between the 2007 and 2011 general elections differ strongly. During the 2007 election, killings occurred mainly within parties or were linked to the campaign. During the 2011 elections, however, most casualties were reported after the announcement of the results. Nevertheless, it appears that killings related to general elections accounted for less than 50% of the total number of such fatalities as they were reported between 2006 and 2014. A large share of party violence is ignored, as it is mostly internal or with a low lethality rate. Arguably, violence is a means used by the political elite, rather than the people's choice to protest against fraud. Levels of violence vary between parties and between states. As the ruling party, the PDP is a central actor, involved in 97% of the casualties of party clashes. Over the period under study, some events are particularly distinctive because of their large number of casualties and their links to ethnic, religious, or economic tensions. Details: Ibadon, Nigeria: IFRA Nigeria, 2015. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: IFRA-Nigeria working papers series, n�50; Accessed June 17, 2017 at: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/WP11Cohen.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.nigeriawatch.org/media/html/WP11Cohen.pdf Shelf Number: 146243 Keywords: Homicides Political Violence Violence Violent Crime

Author: Bryant, Willow Title: Homicide in Australia 2012-13 to 2013-14: National Homicide Monitoring Program report Summary: In the 25th year of the National Homicide Monitoring Program (NHMP) data collection, this report describes the nature and context of homicides that occurred in financial years 2012-13 and 2013-14, and trends in homicide victimisation and offending since 1989-90. Although much of the data are presented in the aggregate, certain figures for each financial year are provided to aid the monitoring of trends. Ongoing monitoring of homicide locates short-term changes within a longer timeframe, and allows policymakers and law enforcement personnel to identify changes in risk markers associated with incidents, victims and offenders. The overall number of homicide incidents continues to decline. In 2013-14, the homicide incident rate reached a historical low of one per 100,000 people since the NHMP data collection began in 1989-90. This report's key findings include: - from 1 July 2012 to 30 June 2014, there were 487 homicide incidents - 249 in 2012-13 and 238 in 2013-14; - these incidents involved 512 victims and 549 offenders - 264 victims and 276 offenders in 2012-13 and 248 victims and 273 offenders in 2013-14; - since 1989-90, homicide incident rates have decreased from 1.8 per 100,000 to 1.1 in 2012-13, and again to one in 2013-14; - males remain over-represented as both victims (n=328; 64%) and offenders (n=483; 88%); - in 2013-14, males were victimised at the rate of 1.3 per 100,000, the lowest rate recorded since 1989-90 (2.5 per 100,000). The rate of female victimisation was 0.8 per 100,000 in 2013-14; - knives continue to be the most commonly used weapon, with 37 percent (n=89) of all homicide incidents in 2013-14 involving knives or sharp instruments; - during the 2012-14 period, approximately a fifth (n=69; 14%) of homicide incidents involved the use of a firearm. This is a decrease of 11 percent in the use of firearms in homicide incidents since 1989-90 (n=76; 25%), and a decrease of one percent since 2011-12; - in 2012-14, the most common relationship between a homicide offender and a victim was a domestic relationship (41%; n=200), followed by an acquaintance (27%; n=133). Thirteen percent (n=62) of homicide incidents were stranger homicides (which includes homicide incidents involving those known to each other for less than 24 hours); - of the 200 domestic homicide incidents recorded in 2012-14, 63 percent (n=126) were classified as intimate partner homicides, 15 percent as filicides (n=30, 14 of which involved the death of a child under one year of age), 11 percent as parricides (n=21), eight percent as other family (n=16; includes aunts/uncles, in-laws, cousins etc) and four percent as siblicides (n=7); - females continue to be over-represented as victims of intimate partner homicide (n=99; 79%), while males are still over-represented as victims of acquaintance (83%; n=116) and stranger homicide (92%; n=58); - 42 children aged 17 years and younger were killed in 2012-14; - 78 victims (46 males and 32 females) and 91 offenders (75 males and 16 females) in 2012� 14 were Indigenous Australians. Indigenous people remain over-represented as both victims of homicide and homicide offenders. At a national level, the rate of Indigenous victimisation in 2013-14 (4.9 per 100,000) was approximately five times higher than non-Indigenous victimisation (0.9 per 100,000); - eight in ten homicide incidents were not committed in the course of another crime (n=408; 84%). A fifth of homicide incidents where a precipitating crime was known and recorded were committed during the course of another crime, such as a break and enter (n=15; 19%), robbery (n=14; 18%), other violent crime (n=11; 14%) or sexual assault (n=10; 13%); and - a fifth of offenders had a prior history of domestic violence (n=106; 19%) or mental illness (n=70; 13%) at the time of the homicide incident. Details: Canberra:: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2017. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: AIC Statistical Report 02: Accessed June 20, 2017 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/sr/sr002.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/sr/sr002.pdf Shelf Number: 146296 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Murders Victimization Survey Victims of Crime

Author: Nasir, Muhammad Title: Violence and Child Health Outcomes: Evidence from Mexican Drug War Summary: An emerging literature finds that early life exposure to conflict has important effects on subsequent physical and cognitive development. While this literature focuses on large-scale violent events and low intensity conflicts, there is a lack of studies examining high levels of criminal violence. This discrepancy is important as many areas in the world, particularly Central and South America, experience consistently high levels of organized crimes. This study examines whether these health effects also extend to criminal violence setting by focusing on the sharp increase in homicide rates in Mexico since 2007-08. Using sibling fixed effects, I study whether the levels and timing of municipality homicide rates affect children's physical health and cognitive and non-cognitive development in Mexico. The results show a strong effect of in utero exposure (depending on the trimester) on the physical health and cognitive development and no effect on socio-emotional behavior and chronic illnesses. Specifically, an average increase in the homicide rate between the pre-escalation period of 2005-06 and 2009 while in utero reduces both height- for-age Z-scores (HAZ) and cognition (measured by Raven's scores) by 0.08 standard deviation (SD). The results further provide suggestive evidence about maternal stress and prenatal care use as potential channels. Details: Brighton, UK: The Institute of Development Studies - at the University of Sussex , 2016. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Households in Conflict Network: Accessed June 22, 2017 at: http://www.hicn.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HiCN-WP-208.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: Shelf Number: 146346 Keywords: Children and Violence Drug War Exposure to Violence Homicides

Author: Edwards, Griffin Title: Looking Down the Barrel of a Loaded Gun: The Effect of Mandatory Handgun Purchase Delays on Homicide and Suicide Summary: The effects of policies aimed to restrict firearm ownership and usage is a heavily debated topic in modern social science research. While much of the debate has focused on right-to-carry laws, less research has focused on other policies which affect firearm ownership and use, in particular statutory delays between the purchase and delivery of a firearm. In addition to the 1994 Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, which placed a mandatory five-day wait period between the purchase and delivery of a handgun, many states enacted similar policies before and after Brady's effective years. We exploit within-state variation across time in both the existence of a purchase delay and length of the delay to examine the effect of purchase delays on firearm-related homicides and suicides. We find that the existence of a purchase delay reduces firearm related suicides by around 3 percent, with no statistical evidence of a substitution towards non-firearm suicides. We find no evidence that purchase delays are associated with statistically significant changes in homicide rates. Details: Birmingham, AL: University of Alabama, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Alabama Legal Studies Research Paper No. 2629397: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2629397 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2629397 Shelf Number: 146372 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Suicide

Author: Anderson, D. Mark Title: Child Access Prevention Laws, Youth Gun Carrying, and School Shootings Summary: Despite intense public interest in keeping guns out of schools, next to nothing is known about the effects of gun control policies on youth gun carrying or school violence. Using data from the Youth Risk Behavior Surveys (YRBS) for the period 1993-2013, this study is the first to examine the relationship between child access prevention (CAP) gun controls laws and gun carrying among high school students. Our results suggest that CAP laws are associated with a 13 percent decrease in the rate of past month gun carrying and an 18 percent decrease in the rate at which students reported being threatened or injured with a weapon on school property. In addition, we find that CAP laws are associated with a lagged decline in the probability that students miss school due to feeling unsafe. These results are concentrated among minors, for whom CAP laws are most likely to bind. To supplement our YRBS analysis, we collect a novel dataset on school shooting deaths for the period 1991-2013. We find that while CAP laws promote a safer school environment, they have no observable impact on school-associated shooting deaths. Details: Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2016. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 9830 Accessed June 28, 2017 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp9830.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp9830.pdf Shelf Number: 146431 Keywords: At-Risk Youth Gun Control Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides School Shootings School Violence

Author: Garzon Vergara, Juan Carlos Title: What is the relationship between organized crime and homicide in Latin America? Summary: Criminal and gang violence is believed to generate as much as a third of all homicides in the Western hemisphere. In some countries where collective violence is acute, this may well be true. But it is only part of the story. Organized crime groups can also reduce the extent of lethal violence in a given setting: they often regulate murder and violent crime. The extent to which such entities exert control is often in direct proportion to the relative fragility of state institutions. Where public authorities are unable to exert a monopoly over the use of force, criminal actors step in. This Homicide Dispatch critically examines the relationships between organized crime and lethal violence. In the process, it shines a light on the challenges facing public authorities intent on fighting crime. Owing to the inherent weaknesses of many governments across Latin America, they have only limited ability to reduce homicidal violence. It is only by shoring up the state's ability to guarantee fundamental rights that meaningful improvements will be possible. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, 2016. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Homicide Dispatch 3: Accessed August 7, 2017 at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Homicide-Dispatch_3_EN_23-05.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Latin America URL: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Homicide-Dispatch_3_EN_23-05.pdf Shelf Number: 146754 Keywords: Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Murders Organized Crime

Author: Edge, Samantha Title: Covering Mass Shooters: A Qualitative Review of Journalistic Practice and Perspective Summary: As the issue of frequent mass shootings continues to plague America, increased attention is being given to the way shootings are covered in the press. Within the last five years, concern has arisen that news coverage about shooters could actually incentivize future shootings, which raises a major point of concern for journalists who seek to minimize harm resulting from their duty to inform the public. Through a series of qualitative interviews, this thesis examines the opinions of news reporters and editors related to that hypothesis in order to identify the purpose and potential consequences of covering a shooter from a journalistic perspective. This research unveils a number of reporting obligations and ethical considerations to be deliberated when covering future mass shootings. This research clearly establishes that reporters and editors across the country are constantly striving to improve their coverage of mass violence, but also highlights the need for more investigation into the effects of different types of news coverage on the public, in order provide a basis of research from which decisions about future news coverage can be made. Details: Eugene, OR: University of Oregon, 2016. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed August 7, 2017 at: https://scholarsbank.uoregon.edu/xmlui/handle/1794/20277 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://scholarsbank.uoregon.edu/xmlui/handle/1794/20277 Shelf Number: 146757 Keywords: Homicides Journalists Mass Shootings Media

Author: Leshner, Alan I. Title: Priorities for Research to Reduce the Threat of Firearm-Related Violence Summary: Individuals use firearms legally for a variety of activities, including recreation, self-protection, and work. However, firearms can also be used to intimidate, coerce, or carry out threats of violence. Fatal and nonfatal firearm violence poses a serious threat to the safety and welfare of the American public. Although violent crime rates have declined in recent years, the U.S. rate of firearm-related deaths is the highest among industrialized countries. In 2010, incidents in the United States involving firearms injured or killed more than 105,000 individuals; there were twice as many nonfatal firearm-related injuries (73,505) than deaths. Nonfatal violence often has significant physical and psychological impacts, including psychological outcomes for those in proximity to individuals who are injured or die from gun violence. The recent, highly publicized, tragic mass shootings in Newtown, Connecticut; Aurora, Colorado; Oak Creek, Wisconsin; and Tucson, Arizona, have sharpened the public�s interest in protecting our children and communities from the effects of firearm violence. In January 2013, President Obama issued 23 executive orders directing federal agencies to improve knowledge of the causes of firearm violence, the interventions that might prevent it, and strategies to minimize its public health burden. One of these executive orders noted that "in addition to being a law enforcement challenge, firearm violence is also a serious public health issue that affects thousands of individuals, families, Control and Prevention (CDC), along with other relevant federal agencies, to immediately begin identifying the most pressing firearm-related violence research problems." The CDC and the CDC Foundation requested that the Institute of Medicine (IOM), in collaboration with the National Research Council (NRC), convene a committee of experts to develop a potential research agenda focusing on the public health aspects of firearm-related violence - its causes, approaches to interventions that could prevent it, and strategies to minimize its health burden. In accordance with the CDC's charge, the committee did not focus on public health surveillance and potentially related behavioral/mental health issues, as these will be addressed separately. The research program envisioned by the committee, which is designed to produce impacts in 3-5 years, focuses on - the characteristics of firearm violence, - risk and protective factors, - interventions and strategies, - gun safety technology, and - the influence of video games and other media. The committee identified potential research topics by conducting a survey of previous relevant research, considering input received during the workshop, and using its expert judgment. The committee was not asked to consider funding for the research agenda, and in addition to the CDC, it is likely that other agencies and private foundations will also implement the research agenda. Consequently, the committee identified a full range of high-priority topics that could be explored with significant progress made in 3-5 years. Research on these topics will improve current knowledge of the causes of firearm violence, the interventions that prevent firearm violence, and strategies to minimize the public health burden of firearm violence. To allow the research community flexibility in designing the research protocols, the report does not specify the methodologies that should be used to address the research topics. The evidence generated by implementing a public health research agenda can enable the development of sound policies that support both the rights and the responsibilities central to gun ownership in the United States. In the absence of this research, policy makers will be left to debate controversial policies without scientifically sound evidence about their potential effects. Details: Washington, DC: Institute of Medicine and National Research Council of the National Academies, 2013. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2017 at: http://www.ncdsv.org/images/IOM-NRC_Priorities-for-Research-to-reduce-the-threat-of-firearm-related-violence_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncdsv.org/images/IOM-NRC_Priorities-for-Research-to-reduce-the-threat-of-firearm-related-violence_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129667 Keywords: Firearms Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Russell, Nestar John Charles Title: Firearms and Homicide: The Influence of the Weapon Substitution Hypothesis on the American Gun Control Debate Summary: For several decades now the gun control literature in the United States has continued to produce conflicting accounts in regards to the availability of firearms on the U.S's high rate of homicide. This thesis proposes that this conflict is, in part, due to the implicit and continued influence of Wolfgang's (1958) 'weapon substitution hypothesis'. Wolfgang's hypothesis proposes that the intentions of an assailant, whether they be to kill or injure, determined the weapon selected. Since guns are recognised as being highly lethal, all assailants who use such weapons were believed by Wolfgang to have been highly determined to kill. Among other negative effects, it is argued that Wolfgang's hypothesis introduced a mind-set to this controversial research area that has continued to influence the opinions of academics from both sides of the debate. This mind-set revolves around the consensually held belief that if a firearm assailant is believed to have been determined to kill then they would have been capable of killing in the absence of firearms. Importantly, this belief implies that the best possible predictor of lethal weapon substitution is if a firearm assailant is determined to kill. This is unlikely to be true. Mischel (1968: 135) has argued: 'A person's relevant past behaviours tend to be the best predictors of his future behaviour in similar situations.' After adapting Mischel's logic to fit the weapon substitution debate, the following predictor was produced. The best possible predictor of lethal weapon substitution to non-firearm weapons is whether people who had killed with firearms were as experienced at killing victims with non-firearm weapons as assailants who had actually killed with such weapons. This predictor was further developed into a more workable methodology that was capable of testing the validity of both Wolfgang's hypothesis and the consensually held belief it initiated. This methodology involved a comparison of the previous serious to fatal violent non-firearm convictions between those most likely to be determined firearm and knife killers. It was discovered that only 2.94 percent of those most likely to be determined firearm assailants and 25.23 percent of those most likely to be determined knife assailants had previous convictions for serious to fatal non-firearm assaults. This result was statistically significant to the p< 0.005 (Z score=2.84). After eliminating all other possible explanations for these results it was concluded that, in conflict with both Wolfgang's hypothesis and the consensually held belief, not all determined firearm assailants are likely to be capable of lethal weapon substitution. Furthermore, if some proportion of determined firearm assailants are unlikely to be capable of lethal weapon substitution, then those not so determined are likely to be even less capable. Therefore, it was concluded that inhibiting all potential firearm assailants from accessing guns would be likely to reduce the overall rate of homicide. However, this thesis was limited in being able to apply this conclusion to the United States because it was based on a New Zealand population. Nevertheless, it is argued that the perpetuation of the consensually held belief has inhibited the best possible predictor of lethal weapon substitution from being applied to a research area where prediction is of paramount importance. When the best possible predictor of lethal weapon substitution has not previously been applied, it therefore becomes more understandable why this research area is plagued by such controversy. Details: Wellington, NZ: Victoria University of Wellington, 2000. 176p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed August 25, 2017 at: http://researcharchive.vuw.ac.nz/xmlui/handle/10063/393 Year: 2000 Country: United States URL: http://researcharchive.vuw.ac.nz/xmlui/handle/10063/393 Shelf Number: 131748 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Policy Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Grawert, Ames C. Title: Crime in 2017: A Preliminary Analysis Summary: For this analysis, researchers at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law collected crime data directly from local police departments in America's 30 largest cities, and then used historical trends to estimate 2017 year-end crime numbers. Several key findings include: - The overall crime rate in 2017 is projected to decrease slightly, by 1.8 percent. If this estimate holds, 2017 will have the second-lowest crime rate since 1990. - The violent crime rate is projected to decrease slightly, by 0.6 percent, essentially remaining stable. This result is driven primarily by stabilization in Chicago, and declines in Washington, D.C., two large cities that experienced increases in violence in recent years. The violent crime rate for this year is projected to be about 1 percent above 2014's violent crime rate, the lowest recorded since 1990. - The 2017 murder rate is projected to be 2.5 percent lower than last year. This year's decline is driven primarily by decreases in Detroit (down 25.6 percent), Houston (down 20.5 percent), and New York (down 19.1 percent). Chicago's murder rate is also projected to fall, by 2.4 percent. The 2017 murder rate is expected to be on par with that of 2009, well at the bottom of the historic post-1990 decline, yet still higher than the lowest recorded rate in 2013. - While crime is down this year, some cities are projected to experience localized increases. For example, Charlotte's murder rate doubled in the first six months of 2017 relative to last year. Detailed graphs on each of the 30 cities where data was available is included in Section III. Details: New York: Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law, 2017. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 7, 2017 at: https://www.brennancenter.org/sites/default/files/publications/Crime%20in%202017%20A%20Preliminary%20Analysis_0.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.brennancenter.org/sites/default/files/publications/Crime%20in%202017%20A%20Preliminary%20Analysis_0.pdf Shelf Number: 147142 Keywords: Crime Rates Crime Statistics Homicides

Author: Lyman, Tim Title: Race and the Death Penalty in Louisiana: An Actuarial Analysis Summary: This analysis of race and the death penalty in Louisiana looks at death-eligible cases, half of which were reduced to non-murder final charges, in addition to death penalty cases. It finds that black-on-black cases are under-represented in every category of outcome, and black-on white cases over-represented, leading all variances, at every outcome; whereas white defendant cases are mixed, over or under depending on outcome severity. Odds of a death sentence for a black defendant are eleven times greater if the victim is white rather than black. Death-eligible cases in five jurisdictions that are disparate in race mix and population density are found to have these same race category traits of variance in each, traits also shared by the death penalty cases. The hypothesis of race neutrality must be rejected in every jurisdiction, and a new hypothesis of uniformity of variance patterns, even with the death penalty group, is found viable. Felony aggravator homicide data is gathered inconsistently by jurisdictions, and the only sure aggravators, the 41% of aggravators coming from a coroner, show white-on-white over-representation leading the variance. Thus, race-of-victim analysis masks extreme differences between white victim cases, such as the fact that 31% of black-on-white homicides result in overcharged cases (death eligible cases finishing with non-murder charges), whereas only 11% of white-on-white cases do. Details: The Author, 2017. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 9, 2017 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2972627 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2972627 Shelf Number: 147176 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty Homicides Racial Discrimination Racial Disparities

Author: University of Chicago Crime Lab Title: Gun Violence in Chicago, 2016 Summary: A total of 764 people were murdered in Chicago in 2016. They were sons, brothers, and fathers; sisters, daughters, and mothers; they were, as the title of The New York Times reporter Fox Butterfield's book on urban violence noted, All God's Children. This report represents a first step towards understanding what happened with the goal of helping the city of Chicago prevent another year like the one that just passed. We draw on data obtained from the Chicago Police Department (CPD) and other sources to provide a more complete picture of the change in our city's crime problem in 2016. Our analysis highlights a number of key facts that are important for understanding what happened, but also raises some new puzzles as well. While this report focuses on establishing basic facts and avoids delving too deeply into solutions, we will continue to partner with policymakers, the civic community, and local nonprofits to identify promising approaches for moving forward. We plan to share our thinking about how to reduce violence in Chicago, informed by the best available data and research, in other venues in the future. Between 2015 and 2016, Chicago experienced 58 percent more homicides and 43 percent more non-fatal shootings. Annual increases of this size are not unprecedented among American cities, particularly in recent years, but are rare for a city of Chicago's size. One striking feature of Chicago's increase in gun violence is how sudden it was: as of December 2015, there was no indication that gun violence was on the verge of rising sharply. But in January 2016, homicides and shootings surged relative to their 2015 levels and remained higher in almost every month that followed, threatening 20 years of progress on violent crime in Chicago. This increase was mostly in gun crimes; other crimes did not change by nearly as much. The characteristics of homicide were generally similar in 2016 and 2015; what changed in Chicago was not so much the nature of our violence problem, but rather its prevalence. Most murders involved guns, occurred in public places, and stemmed from what police believe was some sort of altercation. This violence continues to be very regressive in its impact, disproportionately affecting the city's most disadvantaged residents. Most gun violence victims and suspects were African American men, more often than not having had some prior encounter with the criminal justice system. Compared to other cities, a larger share of homicide suspects in Chicago consists of adolescents, although the majority of all homicide suspects are in their 20s or older. The increase in gun violence occurred disproportionately in several disadvantaged neighborhoods on the city's South and West sides, which now account for an even larger share of the city's homicides. Another change is that from 2015 to 2016, the share of homicides that CPD believes stemmed from an altercation, as well as the share of homicide offenders who were recorded by CPD as having a gang affiliation, seemed to decline. What caused Chicago's sudden surge in gun violence in 2016 remains a puzzle. Weather cannot explain the surge in homicides and shootings, since monthly temperatures in 2016 were close to their historical averages. City spending on social services and public education did not change much in 2016 compared to previous years, and while the state budget impasse disrupted funding for many community organizations, this did not seem to change sharply in December 2015. Most relevant measures of police activity did not change abruptly enough to explain the surge in gun violence. Overall arrests declined in 2016, driven by narcotics arrests, but arrests for violent crimes, including homicides and shootings, barely changed. One policing measure that declined was the chance of arrest for homicides and shootings (the "clearance rate"), which was a result of arrests for these crimes not keeping pace with the increase in gun violence. Another policing measure that declined was the number of investigatory street stops. However, for this to explain why shootings increased in Chicago would also require an explanation for why the previous dramatic decline in street stops in New York City did not lead to more gun violence there. We also cannot know the effect of factors not measurable in the available data, such as any change in street gangs or the use of social media. However, given the timing of the recent increase in gun violence, for any alternative explanation to make sense it would need to involve something that changed abruptly near the end of 2015 and disproportionately affected gun crimes. Not knowing the definitive cause of Chicago's sudden and substantial increase in gun violence does not mean the city should be paralyzed in crafting a response. The solution to a problem need not be the opposite of its cause. One key implication of these data is the importance of a policy response that is focused on the core problem: violence concentrated largely in a moderate number of our most disadvantaged neighborhoods, carried out by teens and young adults in public places with illegally owned, and perhaps increasingly lethal, firearms. Details: Chicago: The Crime Lab, 2017. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 14, 2017 at: https://urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/store/2435a5d4658e2ca19f4f225b810ce0dbdb9231cbdb8d702e784087469ee3/UChicagoCrimeLab+Gun+Violence+in+Chicago+2016.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/store/2435a5d4658e2ca19f4f225b810ce0dbdb9231cbdb8d702e784087469ee3/UChicagoCrimeLab+Gun+Violence+in+Chicago+2016.pdf Shelf Number: 147255 Keywords: Crime Statistics Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Weapons Murders

Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: Murder and Extremism in the United States in 2016 Summary: ONE WORD LOOMS OVER THE LANDSCAPE of deadly extremism and terrorism in the United States in 2016: Orlando. The June 2016 shooting spree at the Pulse nightclub in Orlando, Florida, by Omar Mateen - who killed 49 people and wounded 53 more - dwarfed in its lethality all other extremist-related murders this past year. Mateen, who claimed his attack in the name of ISIS, though there are no known connections between him and that terror organization, achieved the dubious distinction of being the deadliest domestic terrorist since Timothy McVeigh bombed the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in 1995. Last year, the Anti-Defamation League reported that, in 2015, domestic extremists had killed more people than in any previous year since 1995. Largely because of Mateen's attack, 2016 now supplants 2015 in its deadly toll. ADL's preliminary tally of extremist-related deaths at the end of 2015 was 52. However, information that has emerged since then has now brought the 2015 total to 65 deaths at the hands of extremists, as it can sometimes take months or years for an extremist connection to a death to come to light. ADL's preliminary tally for 2016 is already at 69, a figure that includes the 49 killed by Mateen as well as 20 other murders committed by white supremacists, anti-government extremists such as sovereign citizens, and black nationalists. This grisly toll puts 2016 as the second deadliest year for domestic extremist-related deaths in the United States since 1970, the earliest year for which ADL maintains such statistics. The number will inevitably grow higher still as more 2016 murders turn out to have extremist ties. Were it not for the Orlando shootings, 2016 might have been considered a "mild" year for extremist-related deaths. Including Orlando, there were only 11 lethal incidents in the U.S. in 2016 that can be connected to extremism, compared to 29 incidents in 2015. Moreover, the number of incidents involving multiple fatalities in 2016 was only five, half the number of such incidents in 2015. Leaving out the Orlando shootings, one would have to go back all the way to 2006 to find a number of people killed by extremists smaller than that in 2016. The Pulse massacre was a single event so egregious in its casualty tolls that it can actually distort statistics and perceptions surrounding the extremist landscape. It is important to note that the number of Americans killed by domestic extremists is small compared to the total number of murders in the United States or even the number of those who die from gun violence each year. But these deaths represent merely the tip of a pyramid of extremist violence and crime in this country. For every person killed at the hands of an extremist, many more are wounded or injured in attempted murders and assaults. Every year, police uncover and prevent a wide variety of extremist plots and conspiracies with lethal intentions. And extremists engage in a wide variety of other crimes related to their causes, from threats and harassment to white collar crime. To give just one other measure of extremist violence as an example, for the five years from 2012-2016, at least 56 shooting incidents between police and domestic extremists occurred (the vast majority of them shootouts or incidents in which extremists shot at police). During these encounters, extremists shot 69 police officers, 18 fatally. Additionally, compared to many other types of violence, extremist-related violence has the power to shock or spread fear within an entire community - or an entire nation - as the Orlando shootings so tragically demonstrated this past year. The enormity of the attack in Orlando shocked and frightened all Americans, but it was a particular blow to the LGBT community in the United States, as the Pulse nightclub was a gay bar and dance club and most of the victims were gay, lesbian, or transgender. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2017. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 21, 2017 at: https://www.adl.org/sites/default/files/documents/MurderAndExtremismInUS2016.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.adl.org/sites/default/files/documents/MurderAndExtremismInUS2016.pdf Shelf Number: 147425 Keywords: Domestic Terrorism Extremist Extremist Groups Extremist Violence Homicides Terrorism White Supremacists

Author: Parkin, William S. Title: Criminal Justice & Military Deaths at the Hands of Extremists Summary: As there have been a number of high profile incidents where extremists have targeted criminal justice personnel generally, and law enforcement officers specifically, it is important to provide some context with data on attacks over time. START researchers examined the United States Extremist Crime Database (ECDB) to provide analysis on attacks on agents of the criminal justice system and military personnel in the United States between 1990 and 2015. The ECDB identifies 66 criminal justice/military homicides perpetrated by an offender associated with either al-Qaida and its associated movement (AQAM) or far-right extremism (FRE) in this time period. This background report presents information on these incidents, the offenders and victims of these attacks. Details: College Park, MD: National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START), 2016. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2017 at: https://www.start.umd.edu/pubs/START_CriminalJusticeMilitaryDeathsbyExtremists_BackgroundReport_Nov2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.start.umd.edu/pubs/START_CriminalJusticeMilitaryDeathsbyExtremists_BackgroundReport_Nov2016.pdf Shelf Number: 147461 Keywords: Extremist Groups Extremist Violence Homeland Security Homicides Military Personnel Terrorists

Author: Royal Canadian Mounted Police Title: Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women: A National Operational Overview Summary: In late 2013, the Commissioner of the RCMP initiated an RCMP-led study of reported incidents of missing and murdered Aboriginal women across all police jurisdictions in Canada. This report summarizes that effort and will guide Canadian Police operational decision-making on a solid foundation. It will mean more targeted crime prevention, better community engagement and enhanced accountability for criminal investigations. It will also assist operational planning from the detachment to national level. In sum, it reveals the following: Police-recorded incidents of Aboriginal female homicides and unresolved missing Aboriginal females in this review total 1,181 - 164 missing and 1,017 homicide victims. There are 225 unsolved cases of either missing or murdered Aboriginal females: 105 missing for more than 30 days as of November 4, 2013, whose cause of disappearance was categorized at the time as "unknown" or "foul play suspected" and 120 unsolved homicides between 1980 and 2012. The total indicates that Aboriginal women are over-represented among Canada's murdered and missing women. There are similarities across all female homicides. Most homicides were committed by men and most of the perpetrators knew their victims - whether as an acquaintance or a spouse. The majority of all female homicides are solved (close to 90%) and there is little difference in solve rates between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal victims. This report concludes that the total number of murdered and missing Aboriginal females exceeds previous public estimates. This total significantly contributes to the RCMP's understanding of this challenge, but it represents only a first step. It is the RCMP's intent to work with the originating agencies responsible for the data herein to release as much of it as possible to stakeholders. Already, the data on missing Aboriginal women has been shared with the National Centre for Missing Persons and Unidentified Remains (NCMPUR), which will be liaising with policing partners to publish additional cases on the Canada's Missing website. Ultimately, the goal is to make information more widely available after appropriate vetting. While this matter is without question a policing concern, it is also a much broader societal challenge. The collation of this data was completed by the RCMP and the assessments and conclusions herein are those of the RCMP alone. The report would not have been possible without the support and contribution of the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics at Statistics Canada. As with any effort of such magnitude, this report needs to be caveated with a certain amount of error and imprecision. This is for a number of reasons: the period of time over which data was collected was extensive; collection by investigators means data is susceptible to human error and interpretation; inconsistency of collection of variables over the review period and across multiple data sources; and, finally, definitional challenges. Details: Ottawa: RCMP, 2014. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 4, 2017 at: http://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/wam/media/460/original/0cbd8968a049aa0b44d343e76b4a9478.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/wam/media/460/original/0cbd8968a049aa0b44d343e76b4a9478.pdf Shelf Number: 147550 Keywords: Aboriginals Crime Statistics Homicides Missing Persons Murders Violence Against Women

Author: Fontaine, Jocelyn Title: Mistrust and Ambivalence between Residents and the Police: Evidence from Four Chicago Neighborhoods Summary: Violence in Chicago has been national news as shootings and homicides have increased over the past year. Total homicides in 2016 reached levels the city has not experienced since the late 1990s (University of Chicago Crime Lab 2017); meanwhile, homicides in other large US cities have been declining or remaining steady (Freidman, Grawet, and Cullen 2016). Chicago residents have been demanding reforms to the ways police treat and interact with the public; this issue, which has been a persistent one particularly for residents of high-crime neighborhoods with heavy police presence, has been given renewed visibility after the release of video showing the killing of Laquan McDonald by a Chicago police officer. A subsequent US Department of Justice investigation of the Chicago Police Department revealed the department has problems with use of force and accountability that contribute to a lack of community trust in the department (US Department of Justice and US Attorney"s Office 2017). These issues are no doubt related: community trust in the police is an important contributor to effective crime control. While this brief is not intended to weigh in on what caused the most recent crime spike in Chicago, it does present findings that show the fractured relationship between residents of high-crime neighborhoods and the police that serve those communities. The data are based on surveys collected before the recent crime spike from residents and officers living or working in four Chicago neighborhoods that have had consistently high crime rates relative to other parts in the city. Because of the sampling methodology used for this study, our findings provide new insights on a topic that has received much empirical scrutiny: the criticality of police-citizen relationships. This brief discusses the level of mutual mistrust between residents (including those recently involved with the criminal justice system) and police officers in Chicago's 5th, 10th, 15th, and 25th police districts. Drawn from surveys of both officers and residents, the data demonstrate ambivalence between the police and the residents they serve. While the results are generally sobering, we find some potential for repairing the mistrust and pathways for building stronger police-community relationships. This brief proceeds in four sections. First, we discuss the importance of strong police-resident relationships; then, we outline the study methodology and the demographic characteristics of the sampled groups. Next, we present key findings on residents' perceptions of procedural fairness of police and support for officer behavior and actions, residents' perceptions of unreasonable stops, residents' willingness to participate in crime control, and police officers' perceptions of community cooperation and community trust. A final section summarizes the key findings and discusses the implications of our findings for police-community relationships and crime control, which are most relevant for the people living in the neighborhoods we studied and executive staff and patrol officers in the Chicago Police Department. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2017. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 6, 2017 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/92316/2017.07.31_legitimacy_brief_finalized_0.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/92316/2017.07.31_legitimacy_brief_finalized_0.pdf Shelf Number: 148042 Keywords: Homicides Neighborhoods and Crime Police Legitimacy Police-Citizen Interactions Police-Community Relations Violent Crime

Author: Nigeria Watch Title: Third Report on Violence in Nigeria (2006-2011) Summary: I The methodological challenges To measure the intensity of violence is quite complex. Its quantification comes up against three main difficulties. First, researchers have to define categories that do not always properly reflect the complexity of a society. Secondly, they have to agree on indicators that cannot be comprehensive. And eventually, they have to rely on sources that are often contested. I.1. Unrealizable categories: civilians and combatants; public and private violence; criminal politicians and politicized criminals In a country like Nigeria, several distinctions can be made to quantify and qualify violence. However, none of these categories meet all the requirements of a general understanding of the problem. To start with, one could try to distinguish between combatants and civilians in accordance with the international humanitarian law in armed conflicts. If we follow the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols, we should then separate those who bear arms from those who do not take part in the hostilities. The problem is that we often don't have enough information to determine whether individuals fit such criteria. Moreover, many deaths that we record dot not result from conflicts, especially when it comes to accidents or one-sided violence. We should not overestimate the role of weapons in this regard. As the Cleen Foundation's National Crime Victimization Survey demonstrates, firearms were used in only 32% of the incidents reported by 10,036 Nigerians in October-December 2005. A second distinction has to do with political and/or criminal violence. Here again the lines are blurred. Freedom fighters and guerrillas are often disqualified by governments as terrorists or bandits, and politicians are frequently accused of criminal wrong-doing. Nigeria is no exception in this regard, but the confusion is highlighted by widespread corruption and common vocabulary that refers to officials as "godfathers" and members of a "mafia" (from Kaduna, Abeokuta, Langtang, or other cities). In practice, NigeriaWatch cannot and does not want to investigate violent incidents in order to qualify them as criminal or political. Hence many hostilities are recorded as both, depending on various points of view. The hypothesis is that the bias remains basically the same, so that we can still follow up trends. A third distinction relates to public and private violence. As NigeriaWatch focuses on deaths only, it did not plan to analyse all actions intended to cause destruction, pain, or suffering. But it aimed at dealing with so-called "public violence", i.e. violence that pertained to the affairs of all people, not just those of an individual person or a specific group. The problem was that this category was defined in opposition to the private domain, so it could not really be used except if we confined it to "mass violence" between collective groups or organisations. Take for instance a motor accident. Cars often belong to private persons. But if they are not properly maintained, a tyre can explode, provoke an accident and kill a pedestrian or another driver on a public road. Another example is a burglar who breaks into a private house and who shoots at the police while he escapes, killing a member of the public force. To consider these two cases as private or public, should we give priority to the place, the perpetrator or the victim? According to a spatial analysis, the car accident would be public, unlike the burglary. Yet in both events, the perpetrators are private persons. Regarding the burglary, however, the victim is a public agent. Of course, there is no good reason to dismiss perpetrators or victims to analyse only violence according to the place where it happens. In developing countries, the difficulty also pertains to the conflicts of interests of a corrupt ruling class that often straddles and deliberately confuses public and private money. There is no need here to elaborate further on the notion of state, public service and the res publica in Africa. Suffice it to say that NigeriaWatch had to give up trying to differentiate public and private violence. To remain coherent, however, we kept the same categories of causes, protagonists and types of conflict. Details: Nigeria Watch, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 15, 2017 at: http://nigeriawatch.org/media/html/NGA-Watch-Report11(1).pdf Year: 2011 Country: Nigeria URL: http://nigeriawatch.org/media/html/NGA-Watch-Report11(1).pdf Shelf Number: 140287 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Hale, Gary J. Title: Vigilantism in Mexico: A New Phase in Mexico's Security Crisis Summary: The violent struggle between rival Mexican drug cartels and other criminal groups has left tens of thousands dead and towns across Mexico paralyzed with fear. With overwhelmed police forces relatively powerless to control drug-related murders and kidnappings, a growing number of vigilante organizations, or self-defense groups, aim to restore order-but now even they are fighting, and killing, among themselves. The rise of these vigilantes is yet another test for the Mexican government. Will people continue to take security matters into their own hands? How long will they operate as independent security units? In Michoacan, what started as a cooperative agreement between self-defense groups and the federal government has become a tug-of-war over which group will ultimately provide security in Western Mexico. In one incident, police in March 2014 found two charred bodies-believed to be members of a self-defense group-in the back of a pickup truck. Days later, Mexican federal police arrested Hipolito Mora, leader of a prominent, rival self-defense group.1 Internecine fighting among the vigilante groups only means trouble for their future- and the government that deputized them as armed, rural defense forces. Details: Baker Institute, Rice University, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief 04.18.14: Accessed November 16, 2017 at: https://www.bakerinstitute.org/media/files/Research/3e645892/BI-Brief-041814-Vigilantism.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.bakerinstitute.org/media/files/Research/3e645892/BI-Brief-041814-Vigilantism.pdf Shelf Number: 148201 Keywords: Gangs Homicides Militias Organized Crime Vigilantism Violence

Author: Taylor, A.Y. Title: This isn't the life for you: Masculinities and nonviolence in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Results from the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) with a focus on urban violence Summary: Homicide and other forms of violence persist at high levels in Rio de Janeiro. This violence overwhelmingly affects low-income, young black men. Past research has rarely examined the relationship of this violence to gender norms nor has it focused on the interplay between urban violence and family and intimate partner violence (IPV). While most studies focus on pathways into violence, only a few studies examine at factors that encourage nonviolence. In favelas3 and other low-income, marginalized neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro, boys are exposed from an early age to multiple forms of violence in the household and in their communities. At critical points in life, boys and young men who lack attractive economic opportunities are invited to participate in drug trafficking and, oftentimes, encouraged to use arms or use violence in everyday life. Amidst high levels of urban violence, how do many men adopt and sustain nonviolence in their lives? This research led by Promundo seeks to address two key questions: 1. What factors support groups of men who are surrounded by social and economic inequality, high exposure to violence, and incentives to use violence (e.g., members of drug gangs and the police) in avoiding, abandoning, or lessening their use of violence in complex urban settings? 2. How does higher and lower exposure to urban violence (defined by homicide rates) influence construction of masculinities, experiences of violence during childhood, attitudes and self-reported behaviors about gender among the broader population? Promundo examines these questions in "IMAGES-Urban Violence", a study that adapts IMAGES, the International Men and Gender Equality Survey, to focus on gender and urban violence and the interactions between violence in the public and private spheres in Rio de Janeiro. IMAGES is a comprehensive, multi-country study on men's practices and attitudes toward gender norms, gender equality policies, household dynamics, caregiving and involvement as fathers, intimate partner violence, sexual diversity, and health and economic stress. Promundo's offices in Brazil and the United States coordinated the study, which was part of Safe and Inclusive Cities (SAIC), an initiative of Canada's International Development Research Centre and the United Kingdom's Department for International Development. IMAGES STUDY ON URBAN VIOLENCE IN RIO DE JANEIRO - 1,151 household surveys were conducted with adult men and women in two sites: "South," in the city's southern zone where homicide rates are lower, and "North," predominately in the city's northern zone where homicide rates are high. The sample was drawn using public security administrative areas. - 14 key informant interviews and 45 in-depth life history interviews were carried out. The in-depth interviews sought to capture factors that promote men's trajectories away from the use of violence in complex urban settings. Former drug traffickers, members of the police force, and local activists were invited to participate because these groups of men play crucial roles in using and experiencing of violence and nonviolence in the city. Female partners and family members were also interviewed. Details: Washington, DC and . Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Promundo, 2016. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 18, 2017 at: https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56228/IDL-56228.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Brazil URL: https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/56228/IDL-56228.pdf Shelf Number: 148263 Keywords: Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Masculinity Urban Areas and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Altheimer, Irshad Title: Toward a Research Agenda for the Rochester Shooting Database Summary: The aim of this essay is to discuss how the Rochester Shooting Database (RSD) can be utilized to expand knowledge on shootings and guide violence intervention programs. Gun violence is a serious problem in the United States. Every year thousands of Americans are shot or killed as a result of gun violence. The majority of shootings occur in urban areas, and a significant amount of urban shootings occur in socially disadvantaged neighborhoods where African Americans and Latinos are disproportionately involved as both offenders and victims. An impressive body of literature exists on this topic. This research has established the important role that neighborhood characteristics play in shaping the processes that lead to lethal victimization (Wilkinson, 2003), the contexts in which violent victimization occurs (Stewart and Simons, 2006), as well as the nature of violent victimization in socially disadvantaged areas (Kubrin, 2003). Despite these advances, however, important questions remain. One barrier to expanding knowledge on gun violence in America is the lack of sufficient crime data to critically assess important empirical questions. Much of the existing research examining violent crime has utilized self-report or victimization survey data. These data often produce samples that have too few shooting victims to allow for the separate consideration of shootings, and are unable to provide characteristics of shooting offenders, victims, or situations. Another area of research on shootings attempts to identify patterns of shootings across space and time. This research has been critical in identifying shooting hotspots and linkages between hotspots overtime (see Braga, Papachristos, and Hureau, 2010), but these analyses often fail to consider possible linkages between hotspots and characteristics of individuals or situations. The failure to adequately address these issues is not just a concern for theoretical criminologists. To the extent that public policy should be guided by sound theory, our failure to understand the nature of these problems may limit our ability to craft adequate solutions to reduce them. In an attempt to address some of the shortcomings associated with shooting data, the Center for Public Safety Initiatives (CPSI) has partnered with the Rochester Police Department (RPD) and the Monroe Crime Analysis Center (MCAC) to develop the RSD. This essay will discuss how the RSD can be utilized to expand what we know about shootings and guide criminal justice violence interventions. This paper is divided into three sections. Section One provides a brief introduction to the RSD. Section Two identifies the key research areas that can be examined with the newly developed dataset. Section Three discusses the policy implications of the research. Details: Rochester, NY: Center for Public Safety Initiatives, Rochester Institute of Technology, 2013. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper # 2013-04: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://www.rit.edu/cla/criminaljustice/sites/rit.edu.cla.criminaljustice/files/docs/WorkingPapers/2013/2013-04.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.rit.edu/cla/criminaljustice/sites/rit.edu.cla.criminaljustice/files/docs/WorkingPapers/2013/2013-04.pdf Shelf Number: 148526 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Violence Prevention Violent Crime

Author: B.C. Task Force on Illegal Firearms Title: Illegal Firearms Task Force: Final Report Summary: British Columbia continues to experience troubling and highly dangerous incidents of firearms violence that have resulted in numerous deaths and injuries. Highly public and brazen acts, often linked to organized crime and gangs, place innocent members of the public at risk, create fear, hardship and tragedy for the individuals and communities affected, and impose substantial burdens on public resources. The Government of B.C., in an enhanced provincial strategy to combat guns and gangs, convened an Illegal Firearms Task Force to make recommendations for action to the B.C. Minister of Public Safety & Solicitor General. The Task Force, consisting of provincial experts with a wide range of experience in managing illegal firearms and organized crime, reviewed and analyzed the existing published research, interviewed numerous individuals and organizations, and conducted community consultations around B.C. It reviewed the information presented and developed recommendations addressing both specific issues that had been identified and broad strategic approaches. Four themes - The recommendations fall into four themes: Theme #1: Strategic Approaches Coordinating and focussing the efforts of the diverse agencies that work to reduce crime and enhance public safety will ensure the most effective use of resources and the greatest impact in limiting the availability and use of illegal firearms. Action categories include: - An illegal firearms-focussed approach - Alignment of existing and enhanced resources in order to improve outcomes relative to illegal firearms trafficking, their availability to criminals and the manner in which they are used by organized crime - Road safety and illegal firearms - Road safety initiatives to reduce the incidence of illegal firearms possession in motor vehicles and the concurrent use of illegal firearms and motor vehicles to carry out organized crime violence - Provincial Tactical Enforcement Priority - Leveraging the innovative and unique capabilities of the Provincial Tactical Enforcement Priority model to maximize intelligence, disruption and enforcement of illegal firearms traffickers and the targeting of those who use firearms to support violent organized crime activity - Firearms tracing hub and labs - The enhanced and timely analysis of all recovered firearms and the determination of their potential association with crime to provide investigative information and strategic intelligence - Alignment of law enforcement policy - The alignment and modernization of law enforcement policy with the education of law enforcement officers and Crown prosecutors to realize strategic objectives related to illegal firearms trafficking and the use of illegal firearms in violent crimes - "Bar Watch" programs - Expansion of a successful Vancouver program to deter and mitigate gang and firearms violence within licenced liquor establishments throughout the province Theme #2: Legislative Initiatives Firearms possession and the criminal use of firearms are primarily governed by federal legislation. The Task Force has made several recommendations related to the enhancement of federal legislation and the creation of provincial legislation in order to reduce the risks of illegal firearms use. Action categories include: - Quebec's mass shooting and firearms violence mitigation: A model for provincial actions - Legislation that enhances the ability of law enforcement and partner agencies to identify and prevent firearms violence through the timely sharing of information - Imitation firearms - Legislation to control the access and use of readily available imitation firearms; to limit their risk to communities, first responders and those who possess them; and to disrupt early patterns of illegal firearms use by youth - Straw purchasers and point-of-sale record-keeping - Legislation requiring sellers to keep records of firearms sales (not a central registry), enhancing the ability of judicially authorized law enforcement to trace crime guns, collect firearms trafficking intelligence and deter firearms traffickers - Manufacture of untraceable firearms - Legislation to prohibit access to unmarked firearms parts and parts that can be assembled into illegal firearms Theme #3: Education and Prevention Focussed efforts by a wide range of stakeholders and agencies working with the public, industry and communities will create awareness, build resilience and reduce the acquisition, availability and use of illegal firearms in B.C. communities. Action categories include: - Safe schools, student and parent education - Leveraging existing school-based programs to disrupt potentially violent antisocial behaviour, including the use of firearms, and to ensure the understanding of educators and parents on the factors and indicators related to violence prevention - Community-based programs - Rural and First Nations communities - Tailored community-based strategies designed to recognize the specific risks associated with communities in which firearms are readily available and which experience violence and organized crime involving firearms - Canadian Firearms Program compliance strategies - Enhancing compliance efforts pursuant to the firearms regulations designed to prevent and deter illegal firearms trafficking - Registration issues from the former Restricted Weapons Registration System - Initiatives to reduce the large number of restricted and prohibited firearms that are not in compliance with current registration requirements and no longer under the oversight of the Canadian Firearms Program Theme #4: Data Collection and Information Sharing The purposeful collection of intelligence from a variety of sources will inform prevention, enforcement and disruption efforts by all stakeholders against the trafficking, possession and use of illegal firearms. The Task Force has made recommendations in two action categories, including: - Intelligence and data quality - Assigning a lead intelligence agency and data warehouse to coordinate all intelligence collection, assure data quality and facilitate analysis related to the trafficking, possession and use of illegal firearms - PRIME-BC access by all key stakeholders - Providing necessary access to B.C.'s own Police Record Information Management System (PRIME-BC) to key agencies engaged in illegal firearms prevention, enforcement and disruption Details: Victoria, BC: Minister of Public Safety and Solicitor General of British Columbia, 2017. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminal-justice/police/publications/government/iftf_final_report_pdf.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Canada URL: https://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/law-crime-and-justice/criminal-justice/police/publications/government/iftf_final_report_pdf.pdf Shelf Number: 148534 Keywords: Gangs Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Firearms Murders Organized Crime Trafficking in Firearms

Author: Martinez, Cesar Title: Security Policy in Mexico: Recommendations for the 2018 Presidential Election Summary: For over ten years, Mexico's security situation has been a consistent public concern and policy priority. Since the 2000 democratic transition, the country's criminal landscape has changed dramatically. The dissolution of implicit organized-crime political agreements, a move toward more confrontational security strategies, and intra- and inter-group fighting have shattered criminal groups, pushed criminal activity into new industries and exploitative practices, and forced the Mexican government to rethink and continuously adjust its security strategy. The result of these changes is that today's organized criminal groups look different from their historic predecessors, which dedicated their time and energy primarily to transporting and cultivating drugs and keeping a low profile. Today's groups experiment with a range of illicit revenue-generating activities and have adopted shockingly brutal and violent tactics. These profits are then funneled into corrupting political institutions at every level, weakening the government's ability to fulfill its mandate and decimating public trust. The overall insecurity also hurts the country's economy, with estimates that it slashes 1.25 percent off the country's GDP every year. In July 2018, Mexico will elect its next president for the following six years. In the backdrop, the country's homicide level is once again on the rise after a two-year drop. Further, almost 60 percent of the population reported in 2016 that insecurity or delinquency was Mexico's principal problem. These ongoing challenges and concerns will ensure that public security features prominently in the upcoming presidential campaigns and will be a central issue for the incoming administration. To address some of these issues, this Policy Research Project on Mexico's security policy- sponsored by the Robert Strauss Center for International Security and Law-will address Mexico's major security challenges and offer a series of policy recommendations. The report is divided into four chapters, focusing on the overall security strategy, important domestic and international security issues, illicit economic markets, and civil society efforts. Within each chapter, the authors identify the current policies, evaluate their effectiveness, and provide steps for a path forward to a safer and more secure Mexico. Details: Austin, TX: Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, University of Texas at Austin, 2017. 166p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Project Report Number 193 ; Accessed December 6, 2017 at: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/61475/prp_193-security_policy_in_mexico-2017.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y Year: 2017 Country: Mexico URL: https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/61475/prp_193-security_policy_in_mexico-2017.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 148728 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Illegal Markets Illicit Markets Murders Organized Crime Public Security Violence Violent Crime

Author: McEvoy, Claire Title: Global Violent Deaths 2017: Time to Decide Summary: Global Violent Deaths 2017: Time to Decide, a new report from the Small Arms Survey, shows that while the global conflict death rate dropped, the global homicide rate increased for the first time since 2004. Although this does not necessarily indicate a new trend, it does signal growing insecurity in non-conflict areas. Of the five countries with the highest death rates in 2016-Syria, El Salvador, Venezuela, Honduras, and Afghanistan-only two had active armed conflicts. The study also elaborates scenarios for the future based on current trends, to assess the number of people that could be saved if states implement effective violence reduction initiatives in support of Agenda 2030, as opposed to more negative outcomes if trends worsen. If prevailing trends remain unchanged, the annual number of violent deaths is likely to increase to 630,000 by 2030. On the contrary, if states commit themselves to effectively address conflict and armed violence, the number of annual deaths could be lowered to 408,000 by 2030-even considering the population increase. In total, over the next twelve years, approximately 1.35 million lives could be saved. Within the Agenda 2030 framework and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals, states have an unprecedented opportunity to save lives. It's time to decide. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2017. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 7, 2017 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/U-Reports/SAS-Report-GVD2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: International URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/U-Reports/SAS-Report-GVD2017.pdf Shelf Number: 148756 Keywords: Conflict Related Violence Homicides Murders Violence

Author: St. George, Sarah Title: Assessing the Vulnerability in Targets of Lethal Domestic Extremism Summary: Domestic terrorism is a significant issue of concern and in recent years there has been a notable rise in deadly attacks committed by extremists. Extensive government resources have been allocated to prevent domestic terrorist attacks and to harden vulnerable targets. Scholars have conducted numerous studies on domestic terrorism and target selection. However, very little is known about target vulnerability and more specifically about the relationship between target vulnerability, victims and lethality. This dissertation fills this gap and examines the victims of lethal domestic extremist attacks and the situational context that surrounds these incidents. Eight separate measures of vulnerability are examined that are derived from Clarke and Newman (2006)'s EVIL DONE framework. This dissertation expands this framework by applying the framework to human targets and considering the victim and the situational context the victim was in at the time of the attack. The ideological motivation for each attack is examined to determine if there are differences in vulnerability based on motive (ideologically motivated homicides vs. non-ideologically motivated homicides) as well as the ideology of the suspect (right-wing vs. jihadist). Several factors relating to the victim and suspect are also examined. This project utilizes the Extremist Crimes Database (ECDB) and examines lethal incidents of domestic extremism that occurred between 1990-2014. This research makes several important contributions by filling a gap in terrorism literature and helps policymakers with target prioritization. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, 2017. 189p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed January 18, 2018 at: https://search.proquest.com/docview/1949665158?pq-origsite=gscholar Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://search.proquest.com/docview/1949665158?pq-origsite=gscholar Shelf Number: 148869 Keywords: Domestic Terrorism Extremist Groups Extremist Violence Homicides Terrorism

Author: Boyle, Rachel Title: She Shot Him Dead: The Criminalization of Women and the Struggle over Social Order in Chicago, 1871-1919 Summary: From 1871 to 1919, Chicago emerged as an epicenter of a struggle over social order as municipal officials and self-proclaimed reformers fought for the power to decide which people and what behavior should be designated as criminal. Studying the criminalization of women in Chicago reveals how contested categories of crime and gender changed over time and provides insight into broader battles over moral, political, and economic power in the United States. In the late nineteenth century, an intimate economy of public women fighting, drinking, and having sex for money profoundly shaped daily life in the streets, saloons, and brothels of Chicago. Municipal and moral reformers subsequently worked to control and convict public women in order to dismantle the power of the intimate economy. Into the twentieth century, police increasingly arrested women for killing their children, spouses, and lovers. Progressive Era reformers fought to control the cultural narratives that assigned criminal culpability to some women but not others. Ultimately, the Progressive Era alliance between white middle-class reformers and an emerging bureaucratic state advanced its own political and economic interests by undermining women's already limited claims to culturally acceptable feminine violence. Details: Chicago: Loyola University Chicago, 2017. 228p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed January 20, 2018 at: http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/2582/ Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/2582/ Shelf Number: 148899 Keywords: Female Offenders Homicides Murders

Author: Kleinfeld, Rachel Title: Reducing All Violent Deaths, Everywhere: Why the Data Must Improve Summary: The new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) include a target to "Significantly reduce all forms of violence and related deaths everywhere." Given the vast decline in violence since the Middle Ages, particularly since the end of the Cold War, this ambitious target is achievable. But policymakers know the least about the countries receiving the most aid. To ensure that aid and policy are effective, current data gaps and deficiencies must be fully understood and improved. Equally important, the target must include indicators that capture all the main types of violence, not just homicide. The Data Problem - Current statistics are marred by problems that make them incomparable across countries. Policymaking that ignores flawed data may focus on less effective goals or assume programs are working when, in fact, violence is being hidden through statistical manipulation. - Policymakers know the least about the countries receiving the most aid. Among the top ten British aid recipients, four have reported no homicide statistics or have had only one data point in twenty-seven years. Eight of the top ten U.S. aid recipients have no reported homicide statistics for the past four years. Egypt, Iraq, and Jordan have no reported homicide statistics since the Arab Awakening. - Failure to accurately count different types of violence obscures possible relationships among them. For instance, these include connections between the end of civil war and rising homicide, between state brutality and increased insurgency, and possible connections between state repression and homicide. The Way Forward - A global violence dataset that accounts for "all violent deaths everywhere" should include four disaggregated types of data: homicides, deaths among armed groups in conflict, deaths of unarmed civilians perpetrated by state or nonstate actors, and deaths caused by on-duty government security forces. - The international community needs accurate data across these categories to know which programs and policies actually reduce violence, rather than simply alter the form violence takes. - If the international community does not explicitly include state repression and terrorist killings in the SDG 16.1 target, it opens a loophole to politicizing numbers through reclassification and the use of state violence to try to reduce homicide and rebellion. - International actors should press for a comprehensive set of indicators for SDG 16.1, which currently only include homicides. - Data reporting and collection could be improved by investing in independent observatories, standardization of definitions and methodologies, and other crucial steps. - These decisions are not technical, but political. Statistical manipulation is inevitable and occurs in countries from the United States to Russia. Impartial, trained, and internationally funded violence observatories can assist in gaining accurate statistics so resources can target the most effective place and programs. Details: Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2017. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 22, 2018 at: http://carnegieendowment.org/files/CP_297_Kleinfeld_Crime_Final_Web.pdf Year: 2017 Country: International URL: http://carnegieendowment.org/files/CP_297_Kleinfeld_Crime_Final_Web.pdf Shelf Number: 148900 Keywords: Crime Statistics Homicides Murders Violence Violent Crime

Author: Ross, Cody T. Title: The United States Police-Shooting Database: A Multi-Level Bayesian Analysis of Racial Bias in Police Shootings at the County-Level in the United States, 2011-2014 Summary: Several months ago, Kyle Wagner began an open source campaign to compile all records of police-involved shootings in the United States since 2011, in the U.S. Police-Shooting Database (USPSD). In this paper, we use a geographically resolved, multi-level Bayesian analysis of the initial data to investigate the extent of racial bias in the shooting of American civilians by police officers. We investigate county-specific relative risk outcomes as a function of the interaction of: 1) whether the suspect was armed or unarmed, and 2) the race/ethnicity of the suspect. As has been previously described for decades, we find evidence of significant bias in the killing of unarmed black Americans relative to unarmed white Americans. However, in contrast to previous work that relied on the FBI's Supplemental Homicide Reports, which were constructed from self-reported cases of police-involved homicide, we are able to provide and analyze a data set that is unbiased by the actions of the police whose behaviors we seek to understand. As such, this data should be of broad interest to researchers investigating the structural drivers of racial-bias in police-involved shootings. Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 30, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2534673 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2534673 Shelf Number: 148928 Keywords: Deadly Force Homicides Police Shootings Police Use of Force Racial Bias Racial Discrimination Racial Profiling in Law Enforcement

Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Federal Bureau of Investigation Title: Active Shooter Incidents in the United States from 2000-2016 Summary: This document contains a list of active shooter incidents in the United States that have been identified by the FBI from 2000 through the end of 2016. Details: Washington, DC: FBI, 2017. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 31, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/activeshooter_incidents_2001-2016.pdf/view Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/activeshooter_incidents_2001-2016.pdf/view Shelf Number: 148945 Keywords: Active Shooter Incidents Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides Mass Homicides School Violence Violent Crime Workplace Violence

Author: Cook County Gun Violence Task Force (GVTF) Title: Final Report: Findings and Recommendations Summary: The City of Chicago and Cook County are both engulfed in a crisis of gun violence and the availability of illegal guns in Chicago and Cook County has continued to fuel this crisis. In recent years, Chicago's homicide rate has hovered around 500 homicides per year. However, the city has already seen more than 700 homicides by late November - a reversal of the progress the city has made toward reducing gun violence during the past two decades. As the crisis and growing rate of gun violence in the City of Chicago and across Cook County has intensified, however, the issue has become better-documented every year. As a result, the GVTF was convened to examine the current gun violence crisis, its underlying causes, and assess various evidence-based programs, policies, and practices as potential solutions for combatting the continued growth of gun crimes and violence across Chicago and Cook County. In the past decade, over 50,000 African-American men were victims of firearm homicides in the United States. Despite the City of Chicago having a population that is as much as three times smaller, the Chicago Police Department recovers more guns than New York and Los Angeles combined, as well as also recording a greater number of shooting victims each year. In 2015, according to the Chicago Tribune, there were 2,900 shooting victims in the City of Chicago alone. During the same period, the city of New York and its police department reported having only 1,300 shooting victims-less than half of what Chicago recorded. Thus far, in 2016, there have been more than 3,900 people shot in the City of Chicago, and more than 700 people have been killed as a result of gun violence. Three quarters of the victims of shootings in Chicago are African-Americans. They are heavily concentrated in 10-20 high-crime areas on the city's South and West sides. A disturbing number of these victims are innocent children who get in the way when criminals target rivals. Homicides that result from gun violence account for only one half of an otherwise incomplete picture, however. Too often forgotten during discussions about firearm violence are the many non-fatal shootings that comprise the other half of the picture. Each year, approximately 900 individual victims of gun violence are treated at Stroger Hospital by the physicians of the Cook County Health and Hospital System. The cost to taxpayers for treatment can typically range between $35,000 and $50,000 per victim, or in cases of serious debilitating nonfatal injuries, the costs can total up to $250,000 for the first year and $200,000 each year thereafter. These local statistics paint a stark picture for the City of Chicago and Cook County. Nationally, we have seen instances of firearm violence draw increased attention in the wake of tragic recent events. Despite this increased attention, however, there has been limited action by the federal government, to take concrete steps toward addressing the increase in firearm violence and its surrounding issues. Frustration with congressional gridlock over efforts to combat gun violence, however, should not stop local government and law enforcement from doing what it can to reduce this growing problem. It is imperative that local stakeholders begin to recognize and acknowledge that there are ways to combat community violence and save lives that have little or nothing to do with either regulating firearms and enacting expensive, grand solutions-both of which have proven to be equally unrealistic and unsuccessful endeavors in spite of an escalating number of incidents of violence across the country. An important part of this recognition process is coming to understand that discussions surrounding violence, criminal justice reforms, and community economic development are not separate and unrelated issues. Instead, these issues are each a critical component of intrinsically interconnected problems that all stakeholders must begin to address through comprehensive and coordinated programs, policies, and practices that focus on proven evidence-based solutions. Successful implementation of comprehensive and coordinated proven evidence-based solutions will not be easy, nor will it take place over night. Doing so will require greater public attention, as well as some funding. More importantly, focusing the energies of everyone involved on the evidence-based programs, policies, and practices that have been proven to succeed in addressing all aspects of community violence and its underlying causes will take strong commitment, discipline, compromise, and an unrelenting dedication from all stakeholders. Ultimately, however, through the adoption and implementation of successful evidence-based policy programs and practices the number of firearm crimes and associated incidents of violence could be significantly reduced and prevented across the City of Chicago and Cook County Details: Chicago: GVTF, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 2, 2018 at: http://richardrboykin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/The-Cook-County-Gun-Violence-Task-Force-Final-Report-2016-3.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://richardrboykin.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/The-Cook-County-Gun-Violence-Task-Force-Final-Report-2016-3.pdf Shelf Number: 148965 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Guns Murders

Author: Oosterhoff, Pauline Title: Tackling Gun Violence in India Summary: This rapid response briefing covers topics such as emerging trends of growing gun-related violence in urban India, lessons from Latin America and the Caribbean, the relationship between gun violence and poverty and implications for policies and programmes dealing with gun-related crime in Indian cities. The briefing argues that gun-related violence has far-reaching adverse impacts on all levels of society. In addition to murder and injury, gun violence can exacerbate cycles of highly localised urban poverty, inequality and vulnerability. India has the second largest number of homicides in the world but the issue is little discussed. In contrast to well-known gun violence in the Americas and Africa, and is absent from public security and development agendas. With criminal violence generating at least ten times more deaths and injuries in India than terrorism and conflict, there is an urgent need to re-orient policies towards preventative frameworks and to focus efforts on rapidly growing mid-size cities suffering from under-resourced police forces and rising youth unemployment. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Rapid Response Briefing Issue 11: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Year: 2015 Country: India URL: https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/123456789/7117/RRB11.pdf;jsessionid=50B8788AB50E10C136D8D592E10672B7?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 148992 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Poverty

Author: Americans for Responsible Solutions Title: For the Record: NICS and Public Safety: Essential Improvements to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System Summary: Each year, more than 114,000 people are shot in the United States, 33,000 of them fatally. Worse yet, we know too many of these tragedies are preventable. The National Instant Criminal Background Check System, or NICS, helps keep guns out of the hands of dangerous people-one of the most effective ways of preventing deadly shootings. Improving the number and quality of records sent to NICS must be a top priority for lawmakers in every state in order to ensure the background check system is as thorough as possible. For the Record: NICS & Public Safety explores what NICS is, how it works, and why this system is so essential to safeguarding our communities. By examining existing gaps in federal law and recordreporting challenges at the state level, we can better understand how to strengthen this critical system. Background checks can and do stop the flow of guns to dangerous people, but NICS must be properly maintained and strengthened to maximize its lifesaving potential. Details: San Francisco: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2016. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/NICS-and-Public-Safety.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/NICS-and-Public-Safety.pdf Shelf Number: 149127 Keywords: Criminal Background Checks Gun Control Policy Gun Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Estimating the Effects of Law Enforcement and Public Health Interventions Intended to Reduce Gun Violence in Baltimore Summary: Baltimore has long been plagued by high rates of homicides, with guns playing an important role. City and law enforcement officials in Baltimore have attributed much of the gun violence to the illegal drug economy and the availability of guns for criminal use. For many years, the most visible and direct approaches employed by the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) to curb gun violence have focused on enforcement of drug laws to reduce violent crime associated with the drug trade. In the most ambitious and resource-intensive efforts, the objective of law enforcement actions has been to "take down" or severely weaken organized groups selling illegal drugs through targeted arrests and prosecutions. Such efforts are intended to both remove violent criminals from communities and, ideally, deter violent crime. Most of these targeted drug law enforcement efforts have been placefocused, targeting "hot spots" for homicides and shootings. Within these hot spots, there is often some degree of targeting of individuals believed to be important drivers of gun violence, based on intelligence gathered, individuals' histories of criminal offending, and individuals' criminal associates. In the early 2000s, Baltimore City leadership encouraged aggressive enforcement of drug laws, resulting in the arrests of tens of thousands of individuals for drug possession and drug distribution. However, beginning mid-2007, the BPD shifted its focus to initiatives aimed at apprehending violent criminals and targeting illegal gun possession. We used data from January 1, 2003, through December 23, 2017, to estimate the effects of place-focused policing and prevention initiatives that were focused on criminal offending involving guns and/or drugs to estimate the effects of those interventions on homicides and nonfatal shootings. An overview of the specific interventions assessed in this study follows. Details: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research; Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2018 at: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/JHSPH-Gun-Violence-in-Baltimore.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/publications/JHSPH-Gun-Violence-in-Baltimore.pdf Shelf Number: 149142 Keywords: Drug-Related Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Hotspots Policing Illegal Drugs Public Health Interventions

Author: Everytown for Gun Safety Title: A Census of Domestic Violence: Gun Homicides in Arizona Summary: On December 20, 2012, after months of escalating harassment and violent threats, Joseph Leroy Francis approached his ex-girlfriend Ashley Hicks in the parking lot of her apartment building in Tucson, Arizona. He grabbed her arm and asked to talk to her. When she resisted, he shot her seven times, killing her. Afterwards he drove to Ashley's parents home, told them he had killed their daughter, and then went home and shot himself. The incident was tragic, and it also might have been prevented, since there was ample evidence that Joseph posed a danger to Ashley. On August 17, 2012, four months before the murder, Joseph assaulted Ashley in a grocery store. That same day, she obtained an order of protection against him. The court that issued the order had the power to require Joseph to turn in his firearms�- but chose not to, even though it is well established that a gun in the hands of a batterer increases five-fold the risk of homicide for his partner. Fifteen states mandate that people subject to domestic violence protection orders turn in their firearms, but Arizona is not one of them. In the last months of Ashley's life, Joseph repeatedly violated the order of protection. He broke into her home by punching through a window. He threw a motorcycle helmet at her and smashed her phone after she called the police. He brandished a knife and threatened to kill her with it. He visited her workplace. Police received notification of the violations but Joseph was never charged. Ashley's story is devastating and, unfortunately, not unique. Domestic violence homicides in Arizona are, to a significant degree, a problem of gun violence. According to an Everytown for Gun Safety analysis of the last five years of FBI data, 62 percent of women killed by intimate partners in Arizona were shot to death. All told, the rate of intimate partner gun homicides in Arizona is 45 percent higher than the national average. To better assess the dynamics of domestic violence gun homicides in Arizona, Everytown collaborated with the Arizona Coalition to End Sexual and Domestic Violence (ACESDV) to closely examine intimate partner gun homicides in Arizona between 2009-2013. This research-the first and most comprehensive of its kind for the state-yielded the following findings: In total, Everytown identified 105 homicides in Arizona between 2009-2013 in which someone was murdered with a firearm by a current or former intimate partner. In 89 percent of the cases, the victim was a woman. Perpetrators also shot 32 other victims - neighbors, friends, family members, and children - killing 25 of them, 11 of whom were children. There were ample indications that the perpetrators posed a risk to their partners. One in seven shooters (13 percent) was prohibited from possessing firearms due to their criminal history or an active order of protection. Furthermore 41 percent of the shooters had a previous arrest or conviction or had been under an order of protection at one time. Offenders under an active order of protection were rarely required to turn in their firearms. A person under an active order of protection is prohibited from possessing firearms under federal law,11 but of the perpetrators identified in this census that were under an active order of protection, only one in six has been affirmatively required to turn in their firearms. The shootings occurred across the state but, controlling for population, the domestic violence gun homicide rate in Coconino, Mohave, and Yavapai counties is more than double that of the state as a whole. Firearms were used far more frequently to murder an intimate partner than to kill an abuser in self-defense. Out of 105 incidents, only one perpetrator claiming to have used the firearm in self-defense had that claim upheld by a court. In at least four additional incidents, the victim had purchased a gun for self-defense prior to the incident but was not able to use it or worse, had it used against them. The incidents documented in this report, and the data drawn from them, vividly illustrate that Arizona needs an improved approach to addressing the threat gun violence poses for victims of domestic violence. Details: New York: Everytown For Gun Safety, 2015. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: http://archive.azcentral.com/persistent/icimages/news/Everytown-AZDV%20Report_0504_vFINAL-web%20(4).pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://archive.azcentral.com/persistent/icimages/news/Everytown-AZDV%20Report_0504_vFINAL-web%20(4).pdf Shelf Number: 149295 Keywords: Domestic Violence Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Protection Orders

Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Pennsylvania Under the Gun: 5 Measures of Gun Violence in the Keystone State Summary: By some measures, the levels of gun violence and gun-related deaths in Pennsylvania are relatively average or moderate when compared with those of other states. Pennsylvania ranks right in the middle when it comes to the rate of overall gun deaths-coming in 30th among the 50 states-and by some metrics, it fares better than others-for example, in rates of gun-related suicides and accidental gun deaths. By other measures, however, Pennsylvania's experience with gun violence raises serious concerns, and gun deaths continue to take a terrible toll on the state. Between 2005 and 2014, 13,781 people in Pennsylvania were killed with a gun, more than two-and-a-half times the number of soldiers killed in combat in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars combined. Pennsylvania is also in the middle of the pack when it comes to another aspect of the gun debate: the strength of its gun laws. In 2015, the state received a "C" grade for the strength of its gun laws from the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. To be sure, Pennsylvania has enacted a number of strong laws that help keep guns out of the hands of those who pose an increased risk to community safety, such as requiring background checks for all handgun sales and requiring gun dealers to obtain a state license in addition to the license required under federal law. However, there is much more that must be done to strengthen laws in the Keystone State to reduce gun violence and fight gun-related crime, including requiring background checks for all sales of long guns and preventing domestic abusers from having easy access to guns. This issue brief explores five aspects of gun violence in Pennsylvania that are especially alarming, unusual, or above the national average: Pennsylvania's rate of gun homicides is among the highest in the nation, particularly in communities of color. Pennsylvania law enforcement officers are killed with guns at an exceptionally high rate. More Pennsylvanians are killed by gun violence than in car accidents annually. Pennsylvania is a top supplier of crime guns recovered in other states. Pennsylvania women are killed with guns wielded by intimate partners at a high rate. There are a number of bills currently before the Pennsylvania General Assembly that are designed to close some of the gaps in the state's gun laws. Many of the policies that these bills advance have broad popular support in the state. According to a 2016 poll, 88 percent of Pennsylvania voters support requiring background checks for all gun buyers. In addition, there are many opportunities for state and local leaders to take non-legislative action to address gun violence in Pennsylvania communities by strengthening the enforcement of current laws, enhancing oversight of the gun industry, improving data collection, and investing in community-based programs to address the underlying causes of violence. In light of the devastating effects of gun violence in many communities across the state, it is urgent that Pennsylvania's leaders take action to address this public health crisis. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2016. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/10070108/PAguns-brief1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/10070108/PAguns-brief1.pdf Shelf Number: 149297 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Khaledi, Hamed Title: A Positive Economic Analysis of Firearm Control Laws Summary: We examine the antecedents and impacts of different firearm control laws. In one hand, the restriction level affects the rates of violent crime incidents, which we measure by the number of homicides per capita. On the other hand, the laws are affected and perhaps changed by the rules for making rules. Accordingly we investigate three situations: Private Places as IUGs, Public Places as IUGs and Gun Control Law as HEC Good. The first two are about the effects of gun control law on homicide rates and the third situation as well as the ICA section are about the factors that influence the gun control laws. At the end we combine the two sides into one extensive model. Details: Unpublished paper, 2015. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed March 12, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2786343 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2786343 Shelf Number: 149427 Keywords: Firearms Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Munasib, Abdul Title: Florida Stand Your Ground Law and Crime: Did It Make Floridians More Trigger Happy? Summary: This paper examines if the passage of the Stand your Ground Law in Florida had any impact on its violent crimes and gun-deaths. We use the Synthetic Control Method which allows us to mimic what the outcome would have been in the absence of the law. A comparison of the actual and the synthetic Florida shows that the law led to an increase in gun-deaths (with and without suicides) but had no significant impact on violent crimes. We also do not find evidence that the law has resulted in criminals substituting towards property crimes. Details: Unpublished paper, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 12, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2315295 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2315295 Shelf Number: 149428 Keywords: Florida Stand Your Ground Law Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Americans for Responsible Solutions Title: The Economic Cost of Gun Violence in Ohio: A Business Case for Action Summary: Ohio's business community is severely impacted by the negative economic consequences of gun violence. Shootings engender fear in the affected neighborhood that keeps potential customers away, forces businesses to relocate or limit their hours of operation, and decreases foreign and local tourism. In too many parts of the state, the number of shootings is moving in the wrong direction, trending toward violence and death. In 2016, the Cleveland area endured its deadliest year in more than a decade, with 139 gun homicides and more than 500 nonfatal shootings. Details: San Francisco: Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2017. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-Ohio.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/The-Economic-Cost-of-Gun-Violence-in-Ohio.pdf Shelf Number: 149447 Keywords: Costs of Crime Economics of Crime Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence Title: Protecting the Parkland Generation: Strategies to Keep America's Kids Safe from Gun Violence Summary: Since 2000, more than 150,000 Americans were killed or injured by a gun before their 18th birthday. These children deserved to grow up and grow old, free to live and learn, and free from fear. But our nation failed them. As complicated as gun policy can often seem, there are some very simple truths that help explain this uniquely American phenomenon. There is simply no other high-income nation on earth that has let gunmakers and gun extremists write its gun safety laws. No other high-income nation on earth makes weapons of war available-immediately, with no questions asked-to un-vetted buyers intent on mass murder. No other high-income nation on earth has to routinely bury children gunned down in their classrooms and movie theaters and churches and parks. It doesn't have to be this way. It's been tempting for some people to turn away from the pain and shame of these tragedies, or to give in to the cynical lie that this violence can't be prevented. But not anymore. This year, America's young people are demanding change and building a movement for gun safety reform. We have watched in awe as young students emerged from bullet-ridden classrooms in Parkland, Florida, and exclaimed Never again. We have witnessed their courage and eloquence as they stood up on national television to US Senators and NRA celebrities, demanding action, answers, and accountability. This generation-the future leaders of our country-understands that gun violence is not inevitable. And they know that the Second Amendment is not under threat. We are. Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence presents this report as a tool for this new generation of activists. It provides data about the scope of the gun violence problem facing America's youth and offers concrete recommendations for evidence-based policies that save lives. Our goal is to support the Parkland students and the thousands of young people they have inspired, as well as the lawmakers who hear their call for action and want to work together to make a change. Despite the brutal pain that follows each tragic shooting in our country, the courage of our nation's youth shines a brighter light on our future. Details: San Francisco: Gifford's Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, 2018. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Protecting-Parkland-Generation_3.9.18.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Protecting-Parkland-Generation_3.9.18.pdf Shelf Number: 149448 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Violence Prevention

Author: Van Meer, James X. Title: Under the Gun: Gun Violence in America - Graphic Design as a Reactive Catalyst of Thought Summary: This final project and thesis describe gun violence in America through a statistical lens, emphasizing the implementation of graphic design to evoke a response from the audience. Advanced typography, grid design, vector theory and application, 3-D and environmental graphics, color theory, lighting design, and video have been employed in an attempt to bring the statistics to life and to engage audiences in sane conversation on a particularly volatile subject. There are often visceral opposing views when the subject of guns, especially handguns, is brought up in modern American society. Studies are cited that show gun violence data, the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution is bandied about, and arguments ensue of whether guns kill people or people kill people. One side portends that the problem is exaggerated because responsible gun owners do not contribute to the problem while the opposing side believes that gun violence is a serious public health threat, and the only safe gun is no gun at all. Growing up in a family that owned guns (both handguns and rifles), my view of American gun violence was neither pro nor con for the longest time. I was raised in what I consider to be a normal, middle-class suburban environment. My father was a bluecollar worker, my mother worked as a legal secretary until the onset of health issues, and I attended elementary, middle, and high school in Rockville, Maryland. I grew up seeing President Kennedy assassinated, his brother Robert Kennedy slain, and Martin Luther King and Malcolm X gunned down. Never one to be involved in politics, I didn't pay much attention to the gun violence taking place in the 60s-I didn't live in that circle, so why should I care? Then May 4, 1970 changed my view of guns. May 4th was a Monday, and it was the day that twenty-eight of the more than seventy Ohio National Guardsmen called to Kent State University fired their rifles and pistols into a crowd of student protesters, killing nine and injuring thirteen. The debate over cause and blame continues to this day, but one fact remains-a 13-second fusillade of bullets ruined lives and altered my belief system in ways I still have yet to fully comprehend. Gun violence has touched me personally as well. I have a long-time friend who was shot in his workplace during an armed robbery. My friend almost died, and he changed in ways I could not comprehend. I couldn't bring myself to imagine what he felt seeing the barrel of a handgun pointed at him, the searing hot pain of the shot, or the aftermath of a psyche cleaved by gun violence. I still can't fathom what he's been through. For years I bounced back and forth on both sides of the gun debate fence. After my parents had retired to the foothills of the Great Smoky Mountains in North Carolina, the family gun tradition continued. My dad owned a hunting rifle, a shotgun, and three pistols. Two of the guns were Christmas gifts from me-I walked into a gun store, filled out some forms, and walked out with the guns. Piece of cake. My dad's guns were used for hunting and for self-protection. My folks lived in the country where just about everyone owned a gun, and the only time I can recall a handgun being fired was when a large, wild cat had come too close to the house. When my parents passed away I had the task of clearing out their possessions. Of course, I came across the guns, and after selling the handguns at a local gun shop, I brought the hunting rifle and shotgun back to my home in Virginia, eventually selling them to a friend, an avid hunter. I didn't think about keeping any of my father's guns. I didn't want to have anything to do with them. And I still don't. They scare me because I know the destructive power that can be unleashed from them. It's that inherent destructive power and the toll that gun violence takes I am hoping to portray. My final project and thesis are an attempt to allow people to see the cold-hard facts of gun violence in America and let them ponder the effects that guns have on this country. Through the use of interpretive graphics, storytelling, and experiential methods, it is my intent to further the dialogue about guns and gun violence through a thoughtful perspective. Guns have the power to injure, the power to kill, the power to ruin lives. Does graphic design, as a catalyst for thought, have the power to alter views, or at the very least, lead to different perspectives? We'll never know unless we seed the conversation. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University, 2017. 92p., 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://mars.gmu.edu/handle/1920/10710 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://mars.gmu.edu/handle/1920/10710 Shelf Number: 149450 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Visual Arts

Author: Beland, Louis-Philippe Title: The Effect of High School Shootings on Schools and Student Performance Summary: We analyze how fatal shootings in high schools affect schools and students using data from shooting databases, school report cards and the Common Core of Data. We examine schools' test scores, enrollment, number of teachers, graduation, attendance and suspension rates at schools that experienced a shooting, employing a difference-indifferences strategy that uses other high schools in the same district as the comparison group. Our findings suggest that homicidal shootings significantly decrease the enrollment of students in grade 9 and test scores in math and English standardized tests. Using student-level data from California, we confirm that shootings lower test results for students that remain enrolled. Details: Baton Rouge, LA: Department of Economics, Louisiana State University, 2015. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 2015-05: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://faculty.bus.lsu.edu/papers/pap15_05.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://faculty.bus.lsu.edu/papers/pap15_05.pdf Shelf Number: 149451 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides School Crime School Shootings School Violence

Author: Orraca Romano, Pedro Paulo Title: Crime Exposure and Educational Outcomes in Mexico Summary: Driven by drug-trade related crimes, homicide levels in Mexico have dramatically increased since 2007. This study examines the effect of students' exposure to crime on educational outcomes. Using school level data, a panel of Mexico's primary and secondary schools from 2006 to 2012 is constructed to analyse the effect of exposure to local homicides on standardised test scores and grade failure rates. The results show that an increase of one unit in the number of homicides per 10,000 inhabitants reduces average standardised test scores between 0.0035 and 0.0142 standard deviations. This effect is larger in secondary schools, grows stronger if the homicide occurs closer to the examination date, and is relatively stable when using either total homicides or drug-trade related homicides to measure crime exposure. Higher homicides rates are also associated with an increase in the grade failure rate. It is proposed that the negative effects of crime exposure are partly due to a reduction in the number of contact hours, where students do not compensate for this by studying more outside of the school. By having a negative impact on educational outcomes, early exposure to homicides has potential long term consequences since it may affect educational attainment levels and future income streams. Details: Sussex, UK: Department of Economics, university of Sussex, 2015. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://conference.iza.org/conference_files/SUMS_2015/orraca_romano_p5554.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Mexico URL: http://conference.iza.org/conference_files/SUMS_2015/orraca_romano_p5554.pdf Shelf Number: 149455 Keywords: Academic Performance Children and Violence Drug Trafficking Education and Crime Homicide Homicides

Author: Griffin, Darrin J. Title: Werther Effect in Active Shooter Events Summary: If it bleeds it leads - this is an unfortunate but real mentality in the industry of news media. Reporting practices have led to what is perceived as sensationalism of negative events. The Werther effect establishes the connection between publicized suicide events and a spike in incidents of suicide that follow (see Kim et al., 2013). Given the established behavior of the Werther effect, investigations should seek to understand what impact, if any, media publicizing has on copycat behavior of other life-ending incidents. Recently, active shooter events have become heavily publicized in the media. This begets a logical question: Are there copycat active shooters that seem to be motivated by media? This study served to explore the possible presence of copycat phenomena of contemporary active shooters through media sensationalism. Through the analysis of shooters' written manifestos available through public record we examined references made within their writings to previous active shooters. This relational data was input into social network analysis software (i.e., UCINET) to construct a network visualization. Google Trend analytics were also used to explore whether media portrayals might be driving interest in past active shooters - especially Columbine and Virginia Tech (VT). Findings support the notion of an idolization effect in the context of active shooters with the focus being on the large shootings of the past. The need for journalist ethics in active shooting contexts is discussed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 13, 2018 at: http://djgriffin.people.ua.edu/uploads/6/3/6/5/63651523/submission_version_werther_effect_in_active_shooter_events_alabama_communication_conference__1_.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://djgriffin.people.ua.edu/uploads/6/3/6/5/63651523/submission_version_werther_effect_in_active_shooter_events_alabama_communication_conference__1_.pdf Shelf Number: 149459 Keywords: Active Shooter Copycat Crimes Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Journalists Mass Media Mass Shootings Social Network Analysis Werther Effect

Author: Haugaard, Lisa Title: Breaking the Silence: In Search of Colombia's Disappeared Summary: Colombia has one of the highest levels of forced disappearances in the world. Mention the word "disappearance" in the Latin American context and most people think only about Chile, where 3,000 people were killed or disappeared, or Argentina, where some 30,000 people were disappeared in the "dirty war." Yet new information is emerging that is unveiling the tragic dimensions of Colombia's missing. Little attention has been paid to disappearances in Colombia. This may be simply because the death toll from assassinations, massacres, criminal murders, and battlefield casualties- where there are bodies-is so high that disappearances have remained out of focus. The government's ability to project an image of success has also served to make disappearances, along with other human rights abuses, less visible. That the conflict is still raging makes it hard to bring attention to a crime where the proof is by definition invisible. The Colombian government and international community's response to the problem of disappearances has been delayed and inadequate, even in contrast to the limited programs and legal recourses available to other victims of the conflict. Since 2007, the Colombian government has begun to improve the ways in which disappearances are registered. As new and older cases are entered into a consolidated database, numbers are increasing dramatically by the month. As of November 2010, Colombia's official government statistics list over 51,000 disappearances, a figure that includes missing persons who may be alive, while the Attorney General's office speaks of over 32,000 "forced disappearances." More than 1130 new cases of forced disappearance have been officially registered in the last three years. However, the full total remains unknown. Many cases have yet to be entered in the database, and many disappearances are not registered at all. Earlier claims by associations of families of the disappeared of some 15,000 forced disappearances, far from being an overestimation, now look to have vastly undercounted the tragedy's enormous scope. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Working Group Education Fund and U.S. Office on Colombia, 2010. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 20, 2018 at: http://lawg.org/storage/documents/Colombia/BreakingTheSilence.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Colombia URL: http://lawg.org/storage/documents/Colombia/BreakingTheSilence.pdf Shelf Number: 149527 Keywords: Disappearances Homicides Human Rights Abuses Missing Persons

Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: Virginia Under the Gun: 4 Measures of Gun Violence and Gun Crime in Virginia Summary: In some respects, gun violence in Virginia is typical of that in much of the nation. For example, Virginia ranked 28th of the 50 states for the overall rate of gun deaths from 2004 to 2013-right in the middle of the states. On the other hand, Virginia has been the scene of some of the most horrific, high-profile acts of gun violence in recent memory: the massacre at Virginia Tech in 2007 and the on-air execution of reporter Alison Parker and cameraman Adam Ward in August 2015. In fact, in the eight and a half years since the mass shooting at Virginia Tech, approximately 7,173 Virginians have died by gunfire. These appalling incidents; Virginia's proximity to the nation's capital; and the fact that the National Rifle Association, or NRA, is headquartered in Virginia have made the commonwealth a national bellwether for the debate over gun laws. In recent years, the gun issue has been vigorously contested in political races across the state. For example, during the 2013 statewide elections, the NRA and two gun violence prevention groups-Americans for Responsible Solutions, a group founded by former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D-AZ), and Independence USA, a political action committee created by former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg (I)-collectively spent close to $4 million attempting to influence the outcome. That year, all three of the winning candidates for statewide office-Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D), Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam (D), and Attorney General Mark Herring (D)-took strong positions in favor of strengthening gun laws, opposed the NRA, and explicitly campaigned on their support for common-sense gun laws. Despite the success that gun violence prevention groups enjoyed in the 2013 elections, efforts to strengthen gun laws in the state legislature have remained stalled. The Virginia legislature even failed to act on legislation to keep guns out of the hands of domestic abusers-a law that passed with broad bipartisan support in a number of other states-despite its successful passage in the state Senate in 2014 after a 29-6 vote. With elections for all seats in the state General Assembly and Senate scheduled for November 3, 2015, the issue of gun violence is once again on the minds of many Virginia voters. Gov. McAuliffe has continued to focus on this issue, recently announcing six new executive actions to address gun violence in the state, including creating a joint task force to prosecute gun crimes, implementing a crime gun tipline, and providing training for judges and prosecutors to encourage domestic abusers to surrender firearms. Gov. McAuliffe has also pledged to continue pushing the state legislature to enact common-sense gun laws in the upcoming legislative session. This issue brief provides additional context about what is at stake as Virginia voters consider which leaders they want to represent them in Richmond. It discusses four aspects of gun violence and gun-related crime in Virginia that are exceptional, unique, or above the national average: More Virginians are killed annually by gunfire than in car accidents. Virginia is one of the top exporters of crime guns. Women are killed with guns by intimate partners at a high rate in Virginia. Virginia has been disproportionately affected by mass shootings. The 2007 Virginia Tech massacre remains the deadliest mass shooting in American history. In its wake, then-Gov. Tim Kaine (D) acted to ensure that more mental health records were accessible to the gun background check system-after the gap led directly to the Virginia Tech shooting. Since then, the rate at which Virginia submits mental health records has grown substantially, and the state now ranks third in the nation: To date, 224,079 records have been submitted to the background check system. Yet efforts to continue building on that progress and strengthen Virginia's laws and policies to address gun violence have been largely stymied by the state legislature. With 86 percent of Virginians supportive of legislation that would require background checks for all gun sales, the issue of gun violence prevention is certainly on many voters' minds as they head to the polls. 1. More Virginians are killed annually by gunfire than in car accidents For decades, more Americans have been killed annually in motor vehicle accidents than by gunfire. In response to the tens of thousands of car accident deaths every year, elected officials, policymakers, and the car industry have taken a number of steps to improve motor vehicle safety, including gathering and analyzing car death data, enhancing car design, implementing better technology, and improving road safety. As a result of this comprehensive approach to this public safety issue, the number of deaths from car accidents across the country has significantly declined. While there were 40,965 car accident deaths nationwide in 1999, that number dropped to 33,804 by 2013, a 17 percent decrease. Virginia has followed a similar trend: From 1999 to 2013, car accident deaths in the state declined 15 percent. By contrast, few national resources have been devoted to understanding gun violence and developing a comprehensive, evidence-based approach to reducing gun deaths. The NRA has effectively blocked public health research into gun deaths through limiting amendments to annual appropriations bills for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, or CDC, and the National Institutes of Health, or NIH, and many legislative bodies have lacked the political will to strengthen gun laws. During the same period that U.S. deaths due to car accidents were declining, deaths by gunfire were rising: While there were 28,874 gun deaths nationwide in 1999, that number increased to 33,636 by 2013, a 16 percent increase. As a result of the disparate approaches to these two serious public health issues, the gap between gun-related and vehicle-related deaths has shrunk significantly in recent years. While the number of U.S. motor vehicle accident deaths was 42 percent higher than gun-related deaths in 1999, this difference had decreased to less than 0.5 percent by 2013. A number of studies have concluded that these lines will cross sometime this year, when gun deaths outpace deaths due to car accidents. A 2014 report by Generation Progress and the Center for American Progress projected that 2015 will also be the year that guns become the leading cause of death of young people in the United States. Virginia is one of 17 states, along with the District of Columbia, where these lines have already crossed. In 2009, guns accounted for the deaths of more Virginians than car accidents for the first time. In 2013, the most recent year for which data are available, gun deaths were 17 percent higher than car accident deaths. If current trends continue, the number of gun deaths in Virginia will be 24 percent higher than the number of car accident deaths by the end of the next assembly's term in 2017 and 31 percent higher by the end of the next Senate's term in 2019. VAguns-brief-webfig1 2. Virginia is one of the top exporters of crime guns When a gun is recovered at a crime scene, one of the first challenges for investigators is determining from where the gun came. Restrictions on record keeping for gun purchases that are codified in federal law limit this inquiry to determining where the gun was first sold at retail and the identity of the first retail purchaser. To answer these questions, local law enforcement turns to the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, or ATF, which can trace guns from manufacturer through the first point of sale. Part of the tracing process involves identifying whether a gun crossed state lines before being used in a crime. A significant number of crime guns do move from state to state: From 2012 to 2014, 29 percent of guns recovered in crimes and traced were first purchased at retail in another state. Virginia is one of the top source states for guns recovered in crimes in other states. Due in part to the state's weak gun laws and the rise of Interstate 95 as a popular corridor for gun traffickers, Virginia exports a substantial number of crime guns. From 2012 to 2014, Virginia had the nation's ninth highest rate of crime guns exported to other states, with a rate 61 percent higher than the national average. Moreover, with more than 7,700 firearms purchased in Virginia and later recovered at crime scenes in other states, the state ranked third in terms of the absolute number of crime gun exports. Only Georgia and Texas exported a higher number of crime guns-9,134 and 8,103, respectively. VAguns-brief-webfig2 The movement of guns across state lines from states with weaker gun laws, such as Virginia, undermines other states' efforts to enact strong gun laws and curb gun violence. From 2012 to 2014, 60 percent of crime guns traced back to Virginia were either recovered in the District of Columbia or in one of the 10 states with the strongest gun laws, according to a ranking of state gun laws provided by the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. An analysis of crime guns recovered in New York City in 2011 revealed that 90 percent came from out of state, with more crime guns coming from Virginia than from any other state. 3. Women are killed with guns by intimate partners at a high rate in Virginia American women face unique challenges when it comes to gun violence. Studies show that while they are killed less frequently than men, they are much more likely to be murdered by someone they know. In the majority of these cases, the aggressor is an intimate partner. According to information from the FBI, 34 percent of women murdered in the United States from 2004 to 2013 were killed by an intimate partner; 55 percent of those murders were committed with a firearm. The risk of intimate partner gun homicides against women is even higher in Virginia. From 2004 to 2013, 37 percent of female murder victims in Virginia were killed by an intimate partner, and approximately 60 percent of those murders were carried out with a firearm. The state's rate of intimate partner gun homicides of women during this period was 21 percent higher than the national average. Additionally, Virginia ranks 16th worst in the nation for the rate of intimate partner gun murders of women. Many perpetrators of intimate partner homicide in Virginia have a history of domestic violence. A recent study by the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence found that more than one-third of perpetrators of intimate partner homicides in the state in 2014 had a history of violence or threats against the victim and that of those perpetrators, 74 percent used a gun to commit the murder. VAguns-brief-webfig3 4. Virginia has been disproportionately affected by mass shootings The FBI defines mass shootings as incidents in which four or more victims are killed with a firearm. While they constitute a small portion of overall gun violence in the United States, mass shootings receive the bulk of the media's attention and tend to have a profound impact on the population. Moreover, research from the Harvard School of Public Health shows that the rate of mass shootings in the United States has tripled since 2011. Virginia ranks ninth among all of the states for the highest rate of victims killed in mass shootings. This is driven in large part by the Virginia Tech massacre, in which 32 people were murdered-the worst mass shooting in American history to date. Virginia has also experienced a number of family-related mass shootings that contribute to this ranking. These include a 2014 incident in Culpeper, Virginia, in which a man fatally shot his wife and three daughters before taking his own life. In a 2011 case, a man involved in a custody dispute fatally shot his two children, their mother, and another man before killing himself. When considering the raw number of victims of fatal mass shootings, Virginia ranks fourth highest overall, with 56 people killed in these incidents from 2006 to October 2015. Overall, 1 in every 20 victims of fatal mass shootings in the United States from 2006 to 2015 were killed in Virginia. Conclusion Over the next four years, an estimated 3,540 people will be killed with guns in Virginia if current trends continue. Gun violence is an urgent public health issue that demands attention and action from the state's leadership. There is much more that can be done to both strengthen Virginia's laws to prevent gun deaths and reduce the illegal flow of guns across state lines into other communities being ravaged by gun violence. Upon beginning their term in January 2016, the newly elected members of the next Virginia legislature should take up legislation that would address key weaknesses in the state's gun laws, including requiring universal background checks, prohibiting domestic abusers and stalkers from buying and possessing guns, and ensuring surrender of guns by all prohibited individuals. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2015. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2018 at: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/guns-crime/reports/2015/10/27/124132/virginia-under-the-gun/ Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/guns-crime/reports/2015/10/27/124132/virginia-under-the-gun/ Shelf Number: 149602 Keywords: Gun Control Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides

Author: Cassell, Paul G. Title: What Caused the 2016 Homicide Spike? An Empirical Examination of the 'ACLU Effect' and the Role of Stop and Frisks in Preventing Gun Violence Summary: Homicides increased dramatically in Chicago in 2016. In 2015, 480 Chicago residents were killed. The next year, 754 were killed-274 more homicide victims, tragically producing an extraordinary 58% increase in a single year. This article attempts to unravel what happened. This article provides empirical evidence that the reduction in stop and frisks by the Chicago Police Department beginning around December 2015 was responsible for the homicide spike that started immediately thereafter. The sharp decline in the number of stop and frisks is a strong candidate for the causal factor, particularly since the timing of the homicide spike so perfectly coincides with the spike. Regression analysis of the homicide spike and related shooting crimes identifies the stop and frisk variable as the likely cause. The results are highly statistically significant and robust over a large number of alternative specifications. And a qualitative review for possible "omitted variables" in the regression equations fails to identify any other plausible candidates that fit the data as well as the decline in stop and frisks. Our regression equations permit quantification of the costs of the decline in stop and frisks. Because of fewer stop and frisks in 2016, it appears that (conservatively calculating) approximately 239 additional victims were killed and 1129 additional shootings occurred in that year alone. And these tremendous costs are not evenly distributed, but rather are concentrated among Chicago's African-American and Hispanic communities. The most likely explanation for the fall in stop and frisks that appears to have triggered the homicide spike is a consent decree entered into by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) with the Chicago Police Department (CPD). Accordingly, modifications to that consent decree may be appropriate. More broadly, these findings shed important light on the on-going national debate about stop and frisk policies. The fact that America's "Second City" suffered so badly from a decline in stop and frisks suggests that the arguably contrary experience in New York City may be an anomaly. The costs of crime - and particularly gun crimes - are too significant to avoid considering every possible measure for reducing the toll. The evidence gathered here suggests that stop and frisk policies may be truly lifesaving measures that have to be considered as part of any effective law enforcement response to gun violence. Details: Salt Lake City: University of Utah, S.J. Quinney College of Law, 2018. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 29, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3145287 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3145287 Shelf Number: 149607 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Murders Stop and Frisk Violent Crimes

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "One Day I"ll Kill You": Impunity in Domestic Violence Cases in the Brazilian State of Roraima Summary: Roraima is the deadliest state for women and girls in Brazil. Killings of women reached 11.4 homicides per100,000 women in 2015, more than double the national average. Studies in Brazil and worldwide estimate a large percentage of women are killed by partners or former partners. "One Day I'll Kill You" draws on documentation of 31 cases of domestic violence in Roraima and on interviews with victims, police, and justice officials. Women in Roraima often suffer abuse for years before they report it to the police. When they do, the government's response is grossly inadequate. Military police do not respond to all emergency calls from women who say are experiencing domestic violence. Some civil police officers refuse to register domestic violence complaints or request protection orders. Instead, they directvictims to the single "women's police station" in the state-which specializes in crimes against women- even at times when that station is closed. No police station in the state has private rooms to take victims' statements, and not a single civil police officer receives training on how to handle domestic violence cases. In Boa Vista, the state capital, police have failed to do investigative work on a backlog of 8,400 domestic violence complaints. Most cases languish for years until they are eventually closed because the statute of limitations on the crime expires-without any prosecution. The serious problems in Roraima reflect nationwide failures. Authorities need to reduce barriers for women to access the police and ensure that domestic violence cases are properly documented, investigated, and prosecuted. Details: New York: HRW, 2017. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0617_web.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0617_web.pdf Shelf Number: 149843 Keywords: Domestic Violence Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Protection Orders Violence Against Women, Girls

Author: Williams, Morgan C., Jr. Title: Gun Violence in Black and White: Evidence from Policy Reform in Missouri Summary: The role of state-level background check requirements for private firearm sales in reducing gun violence remains controversial in both the empirical literature and gun control policy debate. On August 28, 2007 the Missouri General Assembly repealed an 86 year-old "permit-to-purchase" (PTP) law requiring that handgun purchasers possess a permit, and subsequently undergo a background check, for all sales. The vast racial disparities in firearm homicide within Missouri raises important questions concerning the disproportionate impact of the repeal on Black communities throughout the state. Using generalized synthetic control estimation, this paper finds that the PTP repeal led to a modest increase in county-level gun ownership in addition to substantial evidence of increased firearm homicide in the early years of the 2007-2013 post-repeal period. In particular, state-level effects suggests that overall Black firearm homicide increases on average by an additional five deaths per 100,000 while the same rates for Black victims ages 15-24 rise by 29 deaths per 100,000. County-level estimates also show considerable increases in firearm homicide in Black communities within the more urban regions of the state. Treatment effect estimates for state-level Black firearm homicide translate into approximately an additional 260 deaths attributable to the change in the law over the 2007-2013 period. Details: New York: CUNY Graduate Center, Department of Economics, 2018. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 19, 2018 at: http://morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/WilliamsJr_Morgan_WP_April_2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://morganwilliamsjr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/WilliamsJr_Morgan_WP_April_2018.pdf Shelf Number: 149856 Keywords: Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Race and Crime

Author: Thomas, Kim Title: The Rule of the Gun: Hits and assassinations in South Africa, 2000-2017 Summary: This report presents an analysis of data on hits (contract killings) carried out in South Africa. The data has been compiled as part of the work of a collaborative project, Assassination Witness. The data that informs the report spans the period from 2000 to 2017 and the findings allow certain conclusions to be drawn about the evolving nature of the phenomenon of paid-for assassinations. The targeted killing of people - a form of organized crime that escalated rapidly towards the end of the data period - has a highly detrimental impact on South Africa's ongoing democratic project and often fragile governance systems. The study found that a large proportion of assassinations in South Africa are contracted for political, economic or social gain, and that commissioned killings also targeted professionals in the country's criminal-justice system. There are segments of the economy that nurture and feed this criminal market, notably South Africa's notoriously violent taxi industry, which provides a recruitment pool where hitmen can be hired. The findings of this report aim to inform a more effective policy response to the phenomenon of contract killings in South Africa in order that more can be done about it. Posted on: 14 March 2018 Share this article FacebookTwitterGoogle GmailOutlook.comPinterestLinkedInSkypeEvernoteWhatsAppEmailShare SummaryThis report presents an analysis of data on hits (contract killings) carried out in South Africa. The data has been compiled as part of the work of a collaborative project, Assassination Witness. The data that informs the report spans the period from 2000 to 2017 and the findings allow certain conclusions to be drawn about the evolving nature of the phenomenon of paid-for assassinations. The targeted killing of people - a form of organized crime that escalated rapidly towards the end of the data period - has a highly detrimental impact on South Africa's ongoing democratic project and often fragile governance systems. The study found that a large proportion of assassinations in South Africa are contracted for political, economic or social gain, and that commissioned killings also targeted professionals in the country's criminal-justice system. There are segments of the economy that nurture and feed this criminal market, notably South Africa's notoriously violent taxi industry, which provides a recruitment pool where hitmen can be hired. The findings of this report aim to inform a more effective policy response to the phenomenon of contract killings in South Africa in order that more can be done about it.Various international studies provided the terminology, framework and background to understanding how and why contract killings become prevalent. But these analyses are largely focused on developed countries. It is important to note that the South African context, as is the case with other developing countries, is different from that of the Global North. In South Africa, the sheer number of hits is greater, the urgency of collecting the data more apparent and the need to act more pressing. Various international studies provided the terminology, framework and background to understanding how and why contract killings become prevalent. But these analyses are largely focused on developed countries. It is important to note that the South African context, as is the case with other developing countries, is different from that of the Global North. In South Africa, the sheer number of hits is greater, the urgency of collecting the data more apparent and the need to act more pressing. Key recommendations - Improve firearm control to reduce the flow of illicit arms.Focus on reducing violent competition within the taxi industry.Erode the 'nurseries of violence' that provide a supply of hitmen for hire. Bolster prosecution-led investigations.Expand efforts at monitoring assassinations and disaggregate homicide data, so that better-quality statistics on contract killings are made available. Details: Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 2018. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 30, 2018 at: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/The-rule-of-the-gun_Assassination-Witness_-1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: South Africa URL: http://globalinitiative.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/The-rule-of-the-gun_Assassination-Witness_-1.pdf Shelf Number: 149960 Keywords: Assassinations Contract Killings Gun Control Homicides Mafia Violent Crime

Author: Greater London Authority Title: The London Knife Crime Strategy Summary: What do we mean by knife crime? Since 2008, knife crime has been defined as any offense that satisfies both of the following criteria: - Is classified as an offense of homicide, attempted murder, assault with intent to cause harm, assault with injury, threats to kill, sexual offenses (including rape) and robbery; - Where a knife or sharp instrument has been used to injure, used as a threat, or the victim was convinced a knife was present during the offense. Knife possession offenses have been defined as: - Having an article with blade or point in a public place (including school); - Threatening with a blade or sharply pointed article in a public place (including school); - Possession of offensive weapon; - Using someone to look after an offensive weapon; - Threatening with an offensive weapon. How many knife crimes are there? Who are the offenders and who are the victims? Knife crime is on the rise across the country. In 2016, London (excluding the City) accounted for around three in ten recorded knife offenses nationally. In the 12 months to March 2017, over 12,000 knife crime offenses were recorded in London. In 2016 knife crime across England and Wales rose by 14 per cent, compared to 11 per cent in London. The majority of knife crimes in London are related to street violence and robbery. Analysis of Metropolitan Police crime data for 2016/17 indicates that 75 per cent of victims of knife crime are male and frequently aged less than 25 years of age.3 Almost half of all victims of knife crime were from BAME backgrounds. Those recorded as black ethnicity represented one in five of all victims of knife crime in the last year. For offenders, almost ninety per cent were male and of those, 62 per cent were from BAME backgrounds. Details: London: GLA, 2017. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed May 4, 2018 at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/mopac_knife_crime_strategy_june_2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/mopac_knife_crime_strategy_june_2017.pdf Shelf Number: 150059 Keywords: Homicides Knife Crimes Robbery Violent Crime

Author: U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation Title: Active Shooter Incidents in the United States in 2016 and 2017 Summary: The FBI has designated 50 shootings in 2016 and 2017 as active shooter incidents. Twenty incidents occurred in 2016, while 30 incidents occurred in 2017. As with past FBI active shooter-related publications, this report does not encompass all gun-related situations. Rather, it focuses on a specific type of shooting situation. The FBI defines an active shooter as one or more individuals actively engaged in killing or attempting to kill people in a populated area. Implicit in this definition is the shooter's use of one or more firearms. The active aspect of the definition inherently implies that both law enforcement personnel and citizens have the potential to affect the outcome of the event based upon their responses to the situation. This report supplements two previous publications: A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 20132 and Active Shooter Incidents in the United States in 2014 and 2015.3 The methodology articulated in the 2000-2013 study was applied to the 2016 and 2017 incidents to ensure consistency. Excluded from this report are gang- and drug-related shootings and gun-related incidents that appeared not to have put other people in peril (e.g., the accidental discharge of a firearm in a bar). Analysts relied on official law enforcement investigative reports (when available), FBI holdings, and publicly available resources when gathering data for this report. Though limited in scope, this report was undertaken to provide clarity and data of value to federal, state, tribal, and campus law enforcement as well as other first responders, corporations, educators, and the general public as they seek to neutralize threats posed by active shooters and save lives during such incidents. Details: Washington, DC: FBI, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/active-shooter-incidents-us-2016-2017.pdf/view Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/active-shooter-incidents-us-2016-2017.pdf/view Shelf Number: 150072 Keywords: Active Shooter Incidents Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence (U.S.) Homicides Mass Homicides School Violence Threat Assessment Violent Crime Workplace Violence

Author: Parsons, Chelsea Title: America's Youth Under Fire: The Devastating Impact of Gun Violence on Young People Summary: On February 14, 2018, 14 students and three staff members were murdered at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, by a single shooter armed with an assault rifle. This horrific massacre galvanized the nation's attention to the issue of gun violence, particularly as it affects young people in this country. However, the scope of gun violence as it affects America's youth is much vaster than this most recent mass shooting. Gunfire has officially overtaken car accidents as one of the leading killers of young people in the United States. As of publication time, since the beginning of 2018, 820 teens ages 12 to 17 have been killed or injured with a gun. As mass shootings become more common and more deadly, a staggering 57 percent of teenagers now fear a school shooting. The epidemic of gun violence against America's youth is more than just a disturbing data point. For each bullet fired, there are multiple stories of lives changed forever. When he was just 6 years old, Missouri State Rep. Bruce Franks Jr. saw his brother shot in front of their neighbor's home. Nevada activist Mariam El-Haj witnessed the shooting of her mother by her estranged father, who then turned the gun on Mariam. Oregon youth mentor Jes Phillip's siblings have all had close calls-she has three younger sisters who were present at the Reynolds High School shooting in Troutdale, Oregon, and two bullets landed next to her brother's bed when they came through her family's apartment wall during a neighborhood shooting. Nineteen- year-old student Eli Saldana, a member of the Native American community living in Chicago, was shot on his walk home from work. These stories of gun violence are all too common among young Americans. The United States' gun violence epidemic disproportionately ravages young people, particularly young people of color. In short, gun violence is shattering a generation. Young people are not simply victims of gun violence in this country, they are among the leading voices calling for change to the nation's weak gun laws and deadly gun culture. Organizers of the Black Lives Matter movement; survivors of the Parkland shooting; youth organizers working in cities hardest hit by gun violence, such as Chicago, Baltimore, and St. Louis, have all lent their voices to an increasingly loud call to action. These young people do not just want to reform gun laws-they are also demanding that the issue of gun violence be examined as part of a complex and intersectional web of issues that also include community disinvestment, criminal justice reform, and policing. They are advocating not only for solutions to make schools safer from mass shootings but also for holistic and intersectional solutions that will help make all communities safer. This report breaks down how gun violence is affecting young people, and how young activists are rising to build an intersectional movement working for solutions. It examines the specific impact of gun violence on young people and considers both how young people as a collective are disproportionately affected and how different communities of young people share different aspects of the burden of this violence. This report also highlights examples of young people leading the advocacy efforts around this issue and discusses a number of policy solutions that are crucial to reducing gun violence, reforming the criminal justice system, improving police-community relations, and encouraging reinvestment in impacted communities. Details: Washington, DC: Center for American Progress; Generation Progress, 2018. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: http://genprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/03163735/2018-YouthUnderFire-report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://genprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/03163735/2018-YouthUnderFire-report.pdf Shelf Number: 150119 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings Violent Crime

Author: Weisser, Michael Title: Where are all the Guns? Summary: A detailed analysis of background check data correlated with gun-violence rates and gun laws for all 50 states. Paper shows that gun-violence rates may correlate more positively with gun ownership rates than with the strength of gun regulations. Paper also covers relevant bibliography. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3167983 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3167983 Shelf Number: 150124 Keywords: Crime Rates Criminal Background Checks Gun Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Right to Carry Violent Crime

Author: Ellis, Geoffrey A. Title: Evaluating common hypotheses for violence in Central America Summary: This thesis endeavors to bring analytical clarity to the assumptions that inform proposed policy solutions to the alarming rise in violence in Central America. The thesis evaluates three of the most common hypotheses for citizen insecurity in the region: the impact of structural economic problems like poverty and inequality; the efficacy of state criminological approaches; and the effectiveness of internal security institutions. To evaluate each hypothesis, the thesis uses a comparative case analysis of Nicaragua and El Salvador. In spite of dramatic divergence in violence outcomes, the two countries share many variables including geographical proximity, economic development challenges, a history of civil conflict, and democratic transition in the 1990s. Using homicide rates as the most reliable indicator of violence, the findings reveal that structural economic problems like poverty and inequality have only an imperfect correlation with citizen security. On the contrary, variables that correlate more closely with peaceful security outcomes include the effectiveness of security institutions-characterized by sophisticated plans, sound structures, and adequate resources-and rigorous criminological approaches as characterized by community involvement, efficient intelligence-gathering mechanisms, and recidivism reduction programs. The thesis's implications pertain not only to Central America but also to troubled regions throughout the world. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2016. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: https://calhoun.nps.edu/handle/10945/51687 Year: 2016 Country: Central America URL: https://calhoun.nps.edu/handle/10945/51687 Shelf Number: 150130 Keywords: Citizen Security Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Acosta, Pablo Ariel Title: Public Works Programs and Crime: Evidence for El Salvador Summary: Most evaluations of public works programs in developing countries study their effects on poverty reduction and other labor market outcomes (job creation, earnings, and participation). However, very few look at other collateral effects, such as the incidence of violence. Between 2009 and 2014, El Salvador implemented the Temporary Income Support Program, which aimed to guarantee a temporary minimum level of income to extremely poor urban families for six months, as well as provide beneficiaries with experience in social and productive activities at the municipal level. Making use of a panel data set at the municipal level for 2007 to 2014, with monthly data on different types of crime rates and social program benefits by municipalities, this paper assesses the effects of the program on crime rates in municipalities in El Salvador. There are several possible channels through which the Temporary Income Support Program can affect crime. Since the program is associated with cash transfers to beneficiaries, a reduction in economically motivated crimes is expected (income effect). But since the program enforces work requirements and community participation, this could generate a negative impact on crime, because the beneficiaries will have less time to commit crime and because of community deterrence effects. Overall, the paper finds a robust and significant negative impact of the Temporary Income Support Program on most types of crimes in the municipalities with the intervention. Moreover, the negative effects of the program on some types of crime rates hold several years after participation. Positive spillover effects for municipalities hold within a radius of 50 kilometers. Details: Washington, DC: World Bank Group, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Working Paper No. 8384: Accessed May 9, 2018 at: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/29564/WPS8384.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2018 Country: El Salvador URL: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/29564/WPS8384.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 150131 Keywords: Cash Transfers Developing Countries Homicides Poverty and Crime Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Webster, Daniel W. Title: Effects of Missouri's Repeal of Its Handgun Purchaser Licensing Law on Homicides Summary: In the United States, homicide is a leading cause of death for young males and a major cause of racial disparities in life expectancy for men. There is intense debate and little rigorous research on the effects of firearm sales regulation on homicides. This study estimates the impact of Missouri's 2007 repeal of its permit-to-purchase (PTP) handgun law on states' homicide rates and controls for changes in poverty, unemployment, crime, incarceration, policing levels, and other policies that could potentially affect homicides. Using death certificate data available through 2010, the repeal of Missouri's PTP law was associated with an increase in annual increase in firearm homicides rates of 1.09 per 100,000 (+23%), but was unrelated to changes in non-firearm homicide rates. Using Uniform Crime Reporting data from police through 2012, the law's repeal was associated with increased annual murders rates of 0.93 per 100,000 (+16%). These estimated effects translate to increases of between 55 and 63 homicides per year in Missouri. Details: Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 2013. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2018 at: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/_pdfs/effects-of-missouris-repeal-of-its-handgun-purchaser-licensing-law-on-homicides.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.jhsph.edu/research/centers-and-institutes/johns-hopkins-center-for-gun-policy-and-research/_pdfs/effects-of-missouris-repeal-of-its-handgun-purchaser-licensing-law-on-homicides.pdf Shelf Number: 150179 Keywords: Gun Control Policy Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Murders

Author: Open Society Justice Initiative Title: Corruption that Kills: Why Mexico Needs an International Mechanism to Combat Impunity Summary: In 2017, Mexico experienced its deadliest year in two decades, with homicides exceeding 25,000. Despite the many crimes which have been committed in Mexico, however, criminal accountability still remains virtually absent. The extraordinary violence Mexico is experiencing, and the questions it raises about collusion between state actors and organized crime, demand a commensurate response. This report calls for an international mechanism-based inside the country, but comprised of national and international staff-which would have a mandate to independently investigate and prosecute atrocity crimes and the corrupt acts that enable them. This report follows the Open Society Justice Initiative's 2016 report, Undeniable Atrocities, which found reasonable basis to believe that Mexican federal forces and members of the Zetas cartel have perpetrated crimes against humanity. Corruption That Kills was produced by the Open Society Justice Initiative in partnership with eight Mexican organizations: the Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human Rights, the Diocesan Center for Human Rights Fray Juan de Larios, Families United for the Search of Disappeared Persons, Piedras Negras/Coahuila, I(dh)eas Human Rights Strategic Litigationos, the Mexican Institute of Human Rights and Democracy, Miguel Agustin Pro Juarez Human Rights Center, the Foundation for Justice and Rule of Law, and PODER. Details: New York: Open Society Foundation, 2018. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2018 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/corruption-that-kills-en-20180502.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/corruption-that-kills-en-20180502.pdf Shelf Number: 150193 Keywords: Criminal Justice Systems Drug Policy Reform Homicides Human Rights Political Corruption Violence

Author: Vars, Fredrick E. Title: Slipping Through the Cracks? The Impact of Reporting Mental Health Records to the National Firearm Background Check System Summary: Both sides of the contentious debate over firearm regulation agree that some people with mental illness should be prohibited from purchasing firearms. This consensus exists despite limited empirical support. Such support will be essential to courts deciding the prohibition's constitutionality. We assess the impact on homicide and suicide of states reporting mental health records to the national firearm background check system. Using panel data and a difference-in-differences methodology, we find that upon adding mental health records to the national system, states experienced a 3.3-4.3% decrease in firearm-related suicides with no evidence of substitution to non-firearm suicides. Our findings suggest that mental health restrictions on gun sales do effectively reduce suicide but not homicide. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Alabama Legal Studies Research Paper No. 3127786: Accessed May 16, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3127786 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3127786 Shelf Number: 150244 Keywords: Firearm Background Checks Gun Control Policy Homicides Mentally Ill Persons Suicides

Author: Morgan, Anthony Title: Impact of ballistic evidence on criminal investigations Summary: The challenges associated with investigating serious crime, particularly organised crime, are well known. Increasingly, police are turning to new information technologies to support traditional investigative techniques. Automated ballistic information technology allows police to link cases that would otherwise not be known to be related. By linking investigations, police can identify new leads and suspects. The current study used interviews with investigators in two states to understand what impact ballistic evidence has on criminal investigations into firearm crime. The results revealed a significant number of cases benefited from linked investigations- including cold cases and cases involving organized crime groups. This research helps to demonstrate the potential value of technology to law enforcement, and the circumstances in which it is most effective. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 548: Accessed May 23, 2018 at: https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi548 Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: https://aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi548 Shelf Number: 150330 Keywords: Criminal Investigations Firearms Forensic Evidence Gun Violence Guns-Related Violence Homicides Organized Crime

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drug-related homicide in Europe: a first review of the data and literature Summary: Drugs can act as facilitators for all types of violence, including drug-related homicide (DRH). Addressing this phenomenon is of importance not only given the severity of a homicide event and its high costs to society, but also because DRH has the potential to act as a valuable indicator of wider drug-related violent crime. Comparing DRH levels between countries can be a valuable tool for identifying trends and new threats. As part of its programme for developing and improving drug supply indicators, the EMCDDA has been expanding its monitoring to include measures of wider drug-related crime, including DRH. However, there appears to be a significant gap in the available European data on DRH. This Paper aims to identify relevant European data sources on DRH, to assess the role of drugs in national homicide data, and to assess these sources and data in terms of monitoring potential. A critical review was conducted of existing national and international homicide data sources. Data on DRH is systematically prepared in the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Slovakia, Sweden and the United Kingdom (England, Wales, and Scotland). Available data suggests both between- and within-country variability in relation to the role of drugs in homicide events. Based on these findings, four key obstacles can be identified in terms of the current ability to monitor DRH: missing data, fragmented data, comparability issues and data quality reservations. To overcome these obstacles there is a need to define and operationalise concepts, based on common definitions and integrate them into the EMCDDA monitoring system. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2018. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: EMCDDA Papers: Accessed May 30, 2018 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/system/files/publications/8838/20182100_TDAU18001ENN_PDF.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/system/files/publications/8838/20182100_TDAU18001ENN_PDF.pdf Shelf Number: 150377 Keywords: Drug-Related Violence Drugs and Crime Homicides Violent Crime

Author: Heilman, Brian Title: Masculine Norms and Violence: Making the Connections Summary: Male identity and masculine norms are undeniably linked with violence, with men and boys disproportionately likely both to perpetrate violent crimes and to die by homicide and suicide. While biology may play a role in shaping a tendency toward certain forms of violence, the "nature" of men and boys is not the sole predictor of their violent behaviors or experiences. Rather, boys and men are often raised, socialized, and/or encouraged to be violent, depending on their social surroundings and life conditions. Why is it that men and boys are disproportionately likely to perpetrate so many forms of violence, as well as to suffer certain forms of violence? To add a new dimension to the complex answer, this report explores "masculine norms" - messages, stereotypes, and social instructions related to manhood that supersede and interact with being born male or identifying as a man - as crucial factors driving men's violence. It combines a review of academic and grey literature with program evidence and input from expert reviewers across several fields of violence prevention, making the connections between harmful masculine norms and eight forms of violent behavior: - Intimate partner violence - Physical violence against children (by parents or caregivers) - Child sexual abuse and exploitation - Bullying - Homicide and other violent crime - Non-partner sexual violence - Suicide - Conflict and war This report is not intended to be an exhaustive review of the evidence. Rather, it is an introductory-level analysis of key research findings on the links between harmful masculine norms and violent behaviors, as well as a contribution to an ongoing conversation on how to disassociate masculine norms from violence. While this report focuses on how violence is often generated as part of male socialization, it also seeks to present examples and research on men and boys' resistance to harmful masculine norms and violence. Details: Washington, DC: Promundo-US, 2018. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 30, 2018 at: https://promundoglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Masculine-Norms-and-Violence-Making-the-Connection-20180424.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://promundoglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Masculine-Norms-and-Violence-Making-the-Connection-20180424.pdf Shelf Number: 150406 Keywords: Bullying Child Sexual Abuse Child Sexual Exploitation Homicides Intimate Partner Violence Male Violence Masculinity Sexual Violence

Author: Freire, Danilo Alves Mendes Title: Evaluating the Effect of Homicide Prevention Strategies in Sao Paulo, Brazil: A Synthetic Control Approach Summary: Although Brazil remains severely affected by civil violence, the state of Sao Paulo has made significant inroads into fighting criminality. In the last decade, Sao Paulo has witnessed a 70% decline in homicide rates, a result that policy-makers attribute to a series of crime-reducing measures implemented by the state government. While recent academic studies seem to confirm this downward trend, no estimation of the total impact of state policies on homicide rates currently exists. The present article fills this gap by employing the Synthetic Control Method to compare these measures against an artificial Sao Paulo. The results indicate a large drop in homicide rates in actual Sao Paulo when contrasted with the synthetic counterfactual, with about 20,000 lives saved during the period. The theoretical usefulness of the Synthetic Control Method for public policy analysis, the role of the Primeiro Comando da Capital as a causal mediator, and the practical implications of the security measures taken by the Sao Paulo state government are also discussed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 1, 2018 at: https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/8tmhe/ Year: 2016 Country: Brazil URL: https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/8tmhe/ Shelf Number: 150424 Keywords: Homicides Urban Areas and Crime Violence Prevention Violent Crimes

Author: La Rosa, Lucy Title: The New Generation: Mexico's Emerging Organized Crime Threat Summary: Over the past decade, more than 200,000 people have been murdered in Mexico, including the record 29,000 murders that occurred in 2017 alone. While there are complex underlying factors behind every individual homicide, a substantial portion of Mexico's recent violence is attributable to organized crime groups. In an effort to reduce the operational capabilities of these groups, the government of Mexico has responded to this crisis with a deliberate strategy to target top organized crime figures for arrest and even extradition. In January 2017, these efforts culminated in the downfall of famed drug trafficker, Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman, who was extradited to the United States and is currently preparing to stand trial for various related crimes in New York. One of the unintended consequences of Guzman's downfall has been an increase in homicides to unprecedented levels. Following Guzman's removal as the purported head of the Sinaloa Cartel, one of Mexico's most powerful criminal organizations, splinter groups and rival organizations have competed to take over the lucrative drug trafficking routes he formerly controlled. One group that has been behind much of this violence is a relatively new organized crime syndicate known as the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generacion, CJNG), an offshoot of the Sinaloa Cartel that has managed to re-brand itself, consolidate splintered criminal networks, and emerge as one of the most powerful drug trafficking organizations in Mexico. Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico, 2018. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed June 20, 2018 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/180319-Policy_Brief-CJNG.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/180319-Policy_Brief-CJNG.pdf Shelf Number: 150594 Keywords: Criminal Networks Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Homicides Organized Crime Trafficking Drugs

Author: Arredondo Sanchez Lira, Jaime Title: Mapping violence: homicides trends in Mexico and Brazil 1990-2010 Summary: Latin America has become one of the most violent regions in the world. Public Safety is now among the principal citizen's demands in some of those countries. This paper begins with a consideration of the role of police in answering the demand for public safety by local populations, and its role as a tool for exercising the state's monopoly of legitimate violence within a territory. Two relevant countries in the region, Brazil and Mexico, have undertaken police reform throughout these two decades, emphasizing lately a combination of new social and policing strategies. However, public opinion and the demand for solutions vary accordingly to changes in general crime trends; previous studies have used a methodology to understand such phenomenon. Homicides provide a good indicator of violence, since its measurement is based upon a common international methodology of mortality public health data. This research develops a new comparison approach that takes into account national tendencies, historical averages and the stability across time of homicides rates at the federal state level in Mexico and Brazil. These trends draw a general picture of violence that is helpful for future public policy discussions. The correlation between violence levels and stability of crime hold for the Brazilian case but not for Mexico, where we can observe a shift of violence to federal Border States and cities. The lack of proper crime statistics and a more detailed conceptualization of reform efforts should be address in future studies to fully understand regional tendencies and tailor local solutions. Details: San Diego: University of California, San Diego, 2012. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 20, 2018 at: https://cloudfront.escholarship.org/dist/prd/content/qt4bd8c6p9/qt4bd8c6p9.pdf?t=msz23w Year: 2012 Country: Latin America URL: https://cloudfront.escholarship.org/dist/prd/content/qt4bd8c6p9/qt4bd8c6p9.pdf?t=msz23w Shelf Number: 150596 Keywords: Crime Trends Homicides Police Reform Public Safety Violence Violent Crime

Author: Arredondo Sanchez Lira, Jaime Title: The Resurgence of Violent Crime in Tijuana Summary: This policy brief provides an assessment of the recent resurgence of violent crime in the Mexican border city of Tijuana in the state of Baja California. With an estimated 1.8 million inhabitants in 2017, Tijuana is the largest Mexican city on the U.S.-Mexico border. The city is home to roughly 49% of Baja California's population, while comprising only around 2% of the state's territory. Today one of Mexico's fastest growing cities, Tijuana reportedly grows at an annual rate of 35,000 people per year, or nearly 96 new inhabitants per day, drawing large numbers of immigrants from elsewhere in Mexico to join the city's robust economy. A longtime destination for cross-border tourism, Tijuana has long prided itself as the "world's most visited city." Today, nearly 190,000 people cross the border between Tijuana and neighboring San Diego on a daily basis for work, commerce, schooling, fine dining, family gatherings, and other recreational pursuits. Moreover, an estimated 200,000 U.S. citizens reside in the state of Baja California (roughly one in five of all U.S. citizens estimated to reside in Mexico), with many of them living in Tijuana. The city's thriving manufacturing sector makes Tijuana a vital part of the vibrant cross-border economic area known as the "Cali-Baja" region, particularly in areas such as electronics and medical devices; one study estimates that this region is responsible for roughly 40% of all audio-visual manufacturing in North America. Yet, dating back to the Prohibition-era of the 1920s, Tijuana also has long suffered a reputation as a city of vice. Over the last decade, that reputation has been further damaged by dramatic surges of violent crime, often attributable to drug-trafficking and organized crime groups. The city also has high levels of drug use that are shaped by its proximity to the United States. While methamphetamine is the main illicit drug used in the State of Baja California, the city has a higher concentration of heroin drug users compared to the national average, resulting in a concentrated epidemic of HIV and Hepatitis C virus among this high-risk population. In 2017, Tijuana had more homicides than any other city in Mexico, in a record year for national homicide figures. According to information from the Baja California Ministry of Public Safety, from 2016 to 2017 Tijuana saw the number of investigations on homicide cases rise from 872 to 1,618, an increase of roughly 86% in just one year. Preliminary figures from the Baja California State Secretary of Public Security put the total number of homicides in these cases at 1,780 homicide victims in Tijuana. 8 Preliminary data from Mexico's National Public Security system puts the total number of victims of homicide in the country at 29,168, a number that could increase to over 30,000 when final tallies are completed in the coming months.9 Based on these figures, the authors calculate that in 2017 one out of twenty murders in Mexico took place in Tijuana. Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico, 2018. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief: Accessed June 20, 2018 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/180205_TJViolence.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/180205_TJViolence.pdf Shelf Number: 150597 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Illicit Drugs Organized Crime Trafficking in Drugs Violence Violent Crime

Author: Silver, James Title: A Study of the Pre-Attack Behaviors of Active Shooters in the United States Between 2000 and 2013 Summary: In 2017 there were 30 separate active shootings in the United States, the largest number ever recorded by the FBI during a one-year period. With so many attacks occurring, it can become easy to believe that nothing can stop an active shooter determined to commit violence. "The offender just snapped" and "There's no way that anyone could have seen this coming" are common reactions that can fuel a collective sense of a "new normal," one punctuated by a sense of hopelessness and helplessness. Faced with so many tragedies, society routinely wrestles with a fundamental question: can anything be done to prevent attacks on our loved ones, our children, our schools, our churches, concerts, and communities? There is cause for hope because there is something that can be done. In the weeks and months before an attack, many active shooters engage in behaviors that may signal impending violence. While some of these behaviors are intentionally concealed, others are observable and - if recognized and reported - may lead to a disruption prior to an attack. Unfortunately, well-meaning bystanders (often friends and family members of the active shooter) may struggle to appropriately categorize the observed behavior as malevolent. They may even resist taking action to report for fear of erroneously labeling a friend or family member as a potential killer. Once reported to law enforcement, those in authority may also struggle to decide how best to assess and intervene, particularly if no crime has yet been committed. By articulating the concrete, observable pre-attack behaviors of many active shooters, the FBI hopes to make these warning signs more visible and easily identifiable. This information is intended to be used not only by law enforcement officials, mental health care practitioners, and threat assessment professionals, but also by parents, friends, teachers, employers and anyone who suspects that a person is moving towards violence. In 2014, the FBI published a report titled A Study of Active Shooter Incidents in the United States Between 2000 and 2013. One hundred and sixty active shooter incidents in the United States occurring between 2000 and 2013 were included in the sample. In this first report, the FBI focused on the circumstances of the active shooting events (e.g., location, duration, and resolution) but did not attempt to identify the motive driving the offender, nor did it highlight observable pre-attack behaviors demonstrated by the offender. The 2014 report will be referred to as the "Phase I" study. The present study ("Phase II") is the natural second phase of that initiative, moving from an examination of the parameters of the shooting events to assessing the pre-attack behaviors of the shooters themselves. This second phase, then, turns from the vitally important inquiry of "what happened during and after the shooting" to the pressing questions of "how do the active shooters behave before the attack?" and, if it can be determined, "why did they attack?" The FBI's objective here was to examine specific behaviors that may precede an attack and which might be useful in identifying, assessing, and managing those who may be on a pathway to deadly violence. Details: Washington, DC; U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2018. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 21, 2018 at: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/pre-attack-behaviors-of-active-shooters-in-us-2000-2013.pdf/view Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/pre-attack-behaviors-of-active-shooters-in-us-2000-2013.pdf/view Shelf Number: 150624 Keywords: Active Shooters Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Guns Homicides Mass Shootings Threat Assessment Violent Offenders Weapons

Author: Grawert, Ames C. Title: Crime in 2017: Final Analysis Summary: In this final analysis of crime rates in 2017, the Brennan Center finds an overall decline in rates of violent crime, murder, and overall crime in the 30 largest American cities, though homicide rates in some cities remain above 2015 levels. The data reported here refine an initial report released in September, Crime in 2017: A Preliminary Analysis, which concluded by noting that "these findings directly undercut any claim that the nation is experiencing a crime wave." A December update reached the same conclusion, showing rates of crime, violent crime, and homicide all declining.= Updated Tables 1 and 2 show conclusions similar to the Brennan Center's September and December reports, with slightly different percentages: - The overall crime rate in the 30 largest cities in 2017 declined slightly from the previous year, falling by 2.1 percent to remain at historic lows. - The violent crime rate declined as well, falling by 1 percent from 2016, essentially remaining stable. Violent crime remains near the bottom of the nation's 30-year downward trend. - The 2017 murder rate in the 30 largest cities declined by 3.4 percent year-over-year. Large decreases in Chicago and Houston, as well as small decreases in other cities, contributed to this decline. The murder rate in Chicago, which increased significantly in 2015 and 2016,�declined by 12.3 percent in 2017, but remains more than 60 percent above 2014 levels. The murder rate in Houston fell by nearly 17 percent. New York City's murder rate also declined again, to 3.4 killings per 100,000 people. - Some cities saw their murder rates rise in 2017, such as Baltimore (7.8 percent) and Philadelphia (13.1 percent). These increases suggest a need to better understand how and why murder is increasing in some cities. While Las Vegas saw its murder rate rise significantly, by 23.5 percent, this was due to the mass shooting at Mandalay Bay on Oct. 1, 2017. Details: Washington, DC: Brennan Center for Justice, 2018. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 25, 2018 at: https://www.brennancenter.org/sites/default/files/analysis/Crime_in_2017_A_Final_Analysis.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.brennancenter.org/sites/default/files/analysis/Crime_in_2017_A_Final_Analysis.pdf Shelf Number: 150643 Keywords: Crime Rates Crime Statistics Homicides

Author: Brazil. Secretary General Title: Custos Economicos da Criminalidade No Brasil Summary: - Brazil is among the top 10% of countries with the highest homicide rates in the world - despite having a population equivalent to 3% of the world population, the country accounts for about 14% of all homicides in the world. Brazilian homicide rates are similar to those in Rwanda, the Dominican Republic, South Africa and Democratic Republic of the Congo. - There have been three distinct times in the number of homicides in Brazil in the last 20 years. In the first period, from 1996 to 2003, there was an increase, from 35 thousand to 48 thousand homicides per year. In the subsequent period, between 2003 and 2007, there was a 48 thousand to 44 thousand victims a year. Finally, as of 2008, there was a further increase in the number of victims, although at a slower pace than before 2003, reaching 54 thousand in 2015. - Homicide rates are highly heterogeneous in the country. Some microregions, especially that of Sao Paulo, which has the largest population, has homicide rates close to 10 per 100 thousand inhabitants. On the other hand, some North-Northeast, such as Belem, Salvador, Fortaleza and Sao Luis, as well as the micro-region of the Surroundings of the Federal District, have homicide rates above 50 per 100 thousand inhabitants, which would place them at levels of some of the world's most violent countries, such as Jamaica, Venezuela and Honduras. - The evolution in homicide rates in the last decade was also significantly with a declining trend in homicide rates in the Southeast and increase in the North-Northeast. - It is estimated that, for each homicide of 13- to 25-year-olds, the present value of loss of productive capacity is about 550 thousand reais. The cumulative loss of productive capacity resulting from homicides, between 1996 and 2015, surpassed 450 billion reais. - The economic costs of crime increased substantially between 1996 and 2015, from about 113 billion reais to 285 billion reais. This is equivalent to an average real increase of about 4.5% per year. By 2015, the components, in order of relevance were: public security (1.35% of GDP); private security (from Google Translations) Details: Brasilia: Secretary General, 2018. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: RELATORIO DE CONJUNTURA No. 4: Accessed June 27, 2018 at: http://www.secretariageral.gov.br/estrutura/secretaria_de_assuntos_estrategicos/publicacoes-e-analise/relatorios-de-conjuntura/custos_economicos_criminalidade_brasil.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.secretariageral.gov.br/estrutura/secretaria_de_assuntos_estrategicos/publicacoes-e-analise/relatorios-de-conjuntura/custos_economicos_criminalidade_brasil.pdf Shelf Number: 150714 Keywords: Costs of Crime Crime Statistics Economics of Crime Homicides Violence Violent Crime

Author: Virginia Tech Review Panel Title: Mass Shootings at Virginia Tech: Report of the Review Panel Summary: The report entitled Mass Shootings at Virginia Tech was released in August 2007, four months after the tragic events at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University ("Virginia Tech"). On April 16, 2007, a student opened fire in two related incidents on campus that left 32 students and faculty dead and 17 injured, before turning a gun on himself. Three days later, Virginia Governor Tim Kaine commissioned a panel of subject matter experts to conduct an independent and thorough review of the events leading up to the shootings; the handling of the incidents by public safety officials, emergency services providers, and the university; and, the services provided to families, survivors, caregivers, and the community in the aftermath. The Virginia Tech Review Panel reviewed the life and mental health history of the gunman; federal and state laws concerning the privacy of health and education records; the perpetrator's purchase of guns and relevant gun control issues; the shootings and the responses of Virginia Tech leadership, the actions of law enforcement officers, and the work of emergency responders; emergency medical care at Virginia Tech and in cooperating hospitals; the work of the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner of Virginia; and, the services provided for surviving victims and those injured, the families of the victims, members of the university community, and caregivers. After conducting more than 200 interviews and reviewing thousands of pages of records and relevant documents, the report's authors made more than 70 recommendations directed to colleges, universities, mental health providers, law enforcement officials, emergency service providers, law makers, and other public officials were made. They include: Virginia's mental health laws are flawed and services for mental health users are inadequate. Lack of sufficient resources results in gaps in the mental health system including short term crisis stabilization and comprehensive outpatient services. There is widespread confusion about what federal and state privacy laws allow. Also, the federal laws governing records of health care provided in educational settings are not entirely compatible with those governing other health records. Virginia is one of only 22 states that report any information about mental health to a federal database used to conduct background checks on would-be gun purchasers. Some Virginia colleges and universities are uncertain about what they are permitted to do regarding the possession of firearms on campus. State systems for rapidly deploying trained professional staff to help families get information, crisis intervention, and referrals to a wide range of resources did not work. In order to advance public safety and meet public needs, Virginia's colleges and universities need to work together as a coordinated system of state-supported institutions. Details: Richmond, VA: Virginia Tech Review Panel, 2007. 260. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 27, 2018 at:http://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Mass-Shootings-at-Virginia-Tech.pdf/ Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.policefoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Mass-Shootings-at-Virginia-Tech.pdf Shelf Number: 150718 Keywords: Campus Crime Campus Violence Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings

Author: Ausdemore, Steve E. Title: Eliminating the Lost Time Interval of Law Enforcement to Active Shooter Events in Schools Summary: The Newtown Connecticut school attack at the Sandy Hook elementary school on December 14, 2012, was another example of the tragedy of mass murder. When a targeted attack occurs, the victims must await the arrival of law enforcement personnel to address the threat and stop the loss; this "lost time interval" results in extending the duration of a targeted attack until police can resist an attacker. In the absence of onsite personnel trained to resist an attacker, such as a school resource officer, students and staff are at the mercy of an attacker. This thesis asked the question: Can existing resources be leveraged to increase available capacities in actively resisting an active shooter in a targeted school attack to eliminate or reduce the lost time interval of law enforcement during an attack on an American school especially in low resource areas, such as rural and/or isolated communities. Case studies were completed to identify opportunities to reduce the loss incurred in these attacks with an emphasis on reducing the duration of an incident when prevention measures had failed. The value of collaboration and necessity to leverage resources in the public safety sector is well researched and critical resources with the capacity to operate in an offensive posture are available through planning and preparedness. Relationships can be developed between different domains and disciplines within a community to create a multidisciplinary environment of safety with the capacity to prevent or reduce loss through violence. Through these relationships, a culture can be created that combines strategies and tactics for prevention, as well as a response to these tragedies. A culture of security can replace vulnerability and result in a greater level of confidence in the ability to keep this nation's schools safer. Details: Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. 363p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed June 27, 2018 at: http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/1010082.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/1010082.pdf Shelf Number: 150721 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings School Resource Officers School Security School Shootings School Violence

Author: InSight Crime Title: Game Changers 2017: What to Watch for in 2018 Summary: Organized crime thrives amid political corruption and uncertainty. There will be plenty of this in Latin America in 2018, helping organized crime deepen its roots across the region over the course of the year. This is the moment when we draw on our extensive research and experience to make our predictions for the coming year. And the panorama for 2018 is one of the bleakest that InSight Crime has faced in our nine years of studying criminal phenomena in Latin America and the Caribbean. Tackling organized crime requires stable governments with purpose, strategy, strong security forces, healthy democracy and transparency, along with international cooperation. These currently seem in short supply around the region. Political chaos, infighting and upheaval ensure that attention is occupied on survival and manipulation of democracy, not with tackling organized crime. State legitimacy has come into question in certain nations in the region, as political leaders are investigated for corruption or manipulation of power. Embattled political leaders will often cut backroom deals with criminal elements to ensure their survival. Moreover, several countries will see important elections in the coming year, contributing to political instability. Political Hangovers From 2017 As we wrote in our introduction to this GameChangers, 2017 saw corruption take hold at high levels in governments across the region. So we enter 2018 with several political hangovers, where we believe corruption will assume a still stronger grip: Venezuela, where the last fig leaf of democracy has fallen and a corrupt regime is entrenching itself in power. As oil revenue dries up, the government may further criminalize to survive. The disintegration of the Venezuelan state and its total corruption has far-reaching regional implications for criminal dynamics. These are most immediately impacting on neighbors like Colombia, Brazil and Caribbean nations (Trinidad and Tobago, Aruba and the Dominican Republic foremost among them), but the effects are spreading further afield. Honduras, where the re-election of President Juan Orlando Hernandez has been disputed amid claims of fraud and corruption. This has further undermined his already battered legitimacy. This Northern Triangle nation is of extraordinary importance for drugs moving from South America to the United States. Peru, which saw President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski narrowly avoid being removed from power amid accusations of corruption. He survived only by pardoning former President Alberto Fujimori, who was jailed for human rights abuses. The Fujimori family control one of the most powerful factions in Congress. Kuczynski has been fatally weakened and discredited. We expect to see major underworld activities such as cocaine, timber and gold trafficking strengthened as a result. Bolivia's president, Evo Morales, has manipulated the constitution and looks set to perpetuate himself in office by standing for a fourth term. Most checks on his power now seem to have been stripped away, even as the country plays a central role in South America's drug trade. Ecuador has seen its vice president removed after a conviction for corruption, while President Lenin Moreno find himself locked in a political war with former President Rafael Correa. Organized crime is far down the president's list of priorities, despite that the fact that we believe the port of Guayaquil to be one of the major departure points for cocaine shipments across the globe. Presidential Elections in 2018 To further feed the political uncertainty, there are elections in six important nations, which mean that political attention will be utterly focused on these and not on the fight against organized crime. Brazil has a president with around five percent approval rating universally seen as corrupt. The favorite to win this election, Luiz Inacio "Lula" da Silva, was convicted in July of accepting bribes from an engineering firm in exchange for public works contracts. Colombia, the world's foremost producer of cocaine, is struggling to implement a peace agreement with Marxist rebels and prevent a recycling of criminal actors. The enemies of peace seem stronger than its friends as the candidates line up. Costa Rica, sat astride the Central America route for cocaine heading towards the United States, has seen transnational organized crime take root and feed national criminal structures. Mexico has seen violence reach new heights and its current president, Enrique Peea Nieto, has provided few new strategies to tackle homicides or the organized crime that feeds them. New leadership is desperately needed, but no matter who wins the July elections no real changes in strategy are expected until the end of the year, when a new president will take office. Paraguay, South America's most prolific producer of marijuana already has a president associated with criminal activity in the form of cigarette smuggling. With Brazilian criminal groups projecting themselves into this landlocked nation, clear leadership is needed to contain rampant criminal activity. Venezuela is due to have presidential elections, but with President Nicolas Maduro now operating a dictatorship, there are no guarantees these will be held, much less that any real change will occur. Economic collapse is more likely to produce change than political challenge. Even in Cuba, dominated by the Castro brothers since 1959, change is coming as Raul Castro has promised to step down in 2018. And Nicaragua's president Daniel Ortega, in power since 2007, is tightening his grip on the levers of power and undermining democracy. Not since the days of the Cold War have democracy and good governance been under such threat in Latin America. These conditions have in part been created by organized crime and the corruption it feeds. And organized crime will continue to profit from the chaos. Cooperation is also key to fighting transnational organized crime and for good or ill, the United States has often provided coherency and leadership in the war on drugs and organized crime. That leadership is gone along with much US credibility in the region. All this simply gives yet more room for criminals to maneuver. More 'Plata' Than 'Plomo' There is another aspect of organized crime worth mentioning when we look to 2018. While corruption has always been one of the primary tools for organized crime, its flip side has been intimidation and violence. Pablo Escobar used to famously offer his victims two choices: "plata" ("silver," a bribe) or "plomo" ("lead," a bullet). What is becoming clear to the most sophisticated criminals is that bribery now gets you a lot further, a lot quicker, than violence. The expanding corruption scandals are evidence of this. While Mexico, Venezuela and much of the Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras register epidemic levels of homicides, Colombia is bucking the trend. Even as cocaine exports reach record levels, along with internal drug consumption, with other booming illegal economies such as gold mining and extortion, murders are falling. While this is in part due to the de-escalation of the civil conflict with the demobilization of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC), the other major factor is the development of a Pax Mafiosa. The first "mafia peace" was forged in Medellin, the capital of the cocaine trade, and expanded from there across the country. This means that our mission of exposing organized crime is getting harder here in our home base of Colombia. The criminal history of Latin America has been driven by criminal entrepreneurs, principally in the forms of the drug cartels. This is not the case in Africa, where criminal activity is often managed by elements within government. As Latin organized crime continues to fragment, and corruption becomes the preferred method of doing illicit business, Latin America may begin to look more like Africa. Criminality may not only be protected at the highest levels of government but perhaps run by these elements. This is a phenomena we have studied closely in our "Elites and Organized Crime" investigations. We will dedicate yet more resources to these kinds of investigations as we believe they point the way forward in terms of criminal evolution. SEE ALSO: InDepth Coverage of Elites and Organized Crime Transnational organized crime is the most agile business on the planet and adapts to changing conditions much faster than governments. When those governments become weakened, undermined and corrupted by transnational crime groups, the already uneven playing field become yet further skewed. This year is likely to be a year of further criminal entrenchment in the region, of further corruption of high levels of government or even state capture. Be ready, because we need to pay very close attention, if we are to see the hand of organized crime amid the political chaos Details: s.l.: InSight Crime, 2018. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 29, 2018 at: https://www.insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/GAMECHANGERS-2017-InSight-Crime-FINAL.pdf Year: 2018 Country: South America URL: https://www.insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/GAMECHANGERS-2017-InSight-Crime-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 150738 Keywords: Corruption Criminal Networks Drug Trafficking (South America) Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Street Gangs Violence

Author: Beittel, June S. Title: Mexico: Organized Crime and Drug Trafficking Organizations Summary: The notorious drug trafficking kingpin Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman is now imprisoned in the United States awaiting trial, following the Mexican government's decision to extradite him to the United States on January 19, 2017, the day before President Trump took office. Guzman is charged with operating a continuing criminal enterprise and conducting drug-related crimes as the purported leader of the Mexican criminal syndicate commonly known as the Sinaloa cartel. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) maintains that the Sinaloa cartel has the widest reach into U.S. cities of any transnational criminal organization. In November 2016, in its National Drug Threat Assessment, the DEA stated that Mexican drug trafficking groups are working to expand their presence, particularly in the heroin markets inside the United States. Over the years, Mexico"s criminal groups have trafficked heroin, methamphetamine, cocaine, marijuana, and increasingly the powerful synthetic opioid fentanyl. Mexico's drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) have been in constant flux. By some accounts, in 2006, there were four dominant DTOs: the Tijuana/Arellano Felix organization (AFO), the Sinaloa cartel, the Juarez/Vicente Carillo Fuentes organization (CFO), and the Gulf cartel. Since then, the more stable large organizations have fractured. In recent years, the DEA has identified the following organizations as dominant: Sinaloa, Los Zetas, Tijuana/AFO, Juarez/CFO, Beltran Leyva, Gulf, and La Familia Michoacana. In some sense, these organizations might be viewed as the "traditional" DTOs, although the 7 organizations appear to have fragmented to at least 9 (or as many as 20) major organizations. New crime groups have emerged since the December 2012 inauguration of Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto, who has faced an increasingly complex crime situation. The major DTOs and new crime groups have furthered their expansion into such illicit activity as extortion, kidnapping for ransom, and oil syphoning, posing a governance challenge to President Pena Nieto as daunting as that faced by his predecessors. Former Mexican President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012) initiated an aggressive campaign against Mexico's drug traffickers that was a defining policy of his government and one that the DTOs violently resisted. Operations to eliminate DTO leaders sparked organizational change, which led to significant instability among the groups and continued violence. Such violence appears to be rising again in Mexico. In January 2017, the country registered more homicides than in any January since the government began to release national crime data in the late 1980s. In a single weekend in April 2017, more than 35 died in what was assumed to be drug trafficking-related violence. Although the Mexican government no longer estimates organized crime-related homicides, some independent analysts have claimed that murders linked to organized crime may have exceeded 100,000 since 2006, when President Calderon began his campaign against the DTOs. Mexico's government reported that the annual number of all homicides in Mexico declined after Calderon left office in 2012 by about 16% in 2013 and 15% in 2014, only to rise in 2015 and 2016. In 2016, the Mexican government reported a 22% increase in all homicides to 22,932, almost reaching the high point of nearly 23,000 murders in 2011, Mexico's most violent year. The 115th Congress remains concerned about security conditions inside Mexico and the illicit drug trade. The Mexican DTOs are the major wholesalers of illegal drugs in the United States and are increasingly gaining control of U.S. retail-level distribution. This report examines how the organized crime landscape has been significantly altered by fragmentation and how the organizational shape-shifting continues Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2017. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: R41576: Accessed June 29, 2018 at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Mexico URL: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf Shelf Number: 150740 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug Violence Drug-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Drugs Organized Crime Violence

Author: Schildkraut, Jaclyn V. Title: Can Mass Shootings be Stopped? Summary: The mass shooting at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, happened nearly two decades ago, yet it remains etched in the national consciousness. Columbine spurred a national debate - from personal safety to the security of schools, workplaces, and other locations and to broader considerations of guns and mental illness. To this day, communities still are grappling to find solutions to the complex and multifaceted nature of mass shootings. Exacerbating this already complex issue is the prevalence of social media and neverending wall-to-wall media coverage. Mass shootings, and those that are particularly lethal, are amplified by the news cycle, making them appear more commonplace when they are, in fact, statistically rare. Despite their episodic and highly sensational nature, however, not all mass shootings garner the same attention by the media. Those shootings that are the most lethal may receive more coverage, while those events that are perceived as more "routine" by the media may not even be covered at all. As a result of the intense and often unbalanced media coverage of mass shootings, members of the public may hold disproportional attitudes about the events themselves. Certain shootings, for example, may be perceived as indicators of a broader social problem, while others are considered to be isolated events. Still, the collective phenomenon of mass shootings has been found to produce a host of outcomes for the public, including fear of crime, a potential moral panic, and the general belief that these events are more prevalent than their actual occurrence. Like the public, policymakers also have struggled with how to respond to mass shootings. Most policies center on either further restricting or expanding rights related to gun ownership and carrying, with a lesser emphasis on mental health protocols, regulating violent media, or policies related to security practices. More often than not, in the immediate aftermath of a mass shooting, a flurry of bills are introduced, but few, if any, are ever enacted into legislation.4 Further compounding the issue is that the new laws that are passed, or even those that have been on the books for decades, often are not enforced, leading them to be ineffective at preventing the next mass shooting. Details: Albany: Rockefeller Institute of Government, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 16, 2018 at: http://rockinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/5-22-18-Mass-Shootings-Brief.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://rockinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/5-22-18-Mass-Shootings-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 151138 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Mass Shootings

Author: McGovern, Tara Alexandra Title: New Armed Groups in Colombia: The Emergence of the Bacrim in the 21st Century Summary: The 2003-2006 paramilitary demobilization in Colombia created major public policy challenges for the government, including the emergence of new illegal groups (Bacrim or bandas criminales). To date, there is no agreement between the government, academicians, and non-governmental organizations about the nature of these bacrim. The lack of shared understanding inhibits the establishment of a comprehensive plan to combat the bacrim and does a disservice to prior demobilization efforts. If these groups are legitimate participants in the on-going conflict, members will reap economic and legal benefits; otherwise, they will face criminal consequences. In this dissertation, I used an embedded case study of five major bacrim (Las Aguilas Negras, ERPAC, Los Paisas, Los Rastrojos, and Los Urabenos) to examine their origins and leadership, members and structure, ideology and activities, and territory. I developed a comparative framework to identify key characteristics of paramilitary groups, drug trafficking organizations, gangs, and new types of organized crime. I also developed a supporting quantitative analysis of crime statistics and public opinion surveys. The case study revealed heterogeneity across all five groups, calling into question the utility of the umbrella term bacrim. The quantitative research showed a substantial postdemobilization decline in homicides and other violent crimes but steady and/or increasing extortion and corruption. Identifying and ameliorating long-standing social and economic problems, in addition to developing strategies for individual groups, will do more to support peace in Colombia than focusing on short-term homogeneous approaches to the bacrim, such as kingpin removal. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University, 2016. 357p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed August 17, 2018 at: http://ebot.gmu.edu/bitstream/handle/1920/10611/McGovern_gmu_0883E_11303.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2016 Country: Colombia URL: http://ebot.gmu.edu/bitstream/handle/1920/10611/McGovern_gmu_0883E_11303.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 151161 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Gangs Homicides Organized Crime Paramilitary Groups Violent Crime

Author: Bartley, Wm. Alan Title: The Role of Gun Supply in 1980s and 1900s Youth Violence Summary: Youth violence, particularly among young black males, particularly in urban areas, increased radically in the late 1980s and early 1990s and then began to fall. One explanation for this has been the expansion of crack markets in the 1980s; to the degree that increased gun access among young black males was believed to play a role, the implicit assumption was there was a demand shock in gun markets. Using a novel data set of handgun prices for 1980-2000, combined with ATF data on US rearm production quantities, we document that in fact the prices for cheaper "entry-level" guns fell in this period, suggesting a positive supply shock for the bottom end of the market. We argue that in substantial part this was due to a major reduction in the resources and activities of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) in the 1980s. This allowed substantially greater freedom among licensed gun dealers, a pattern which was reversed in the early 1990s (changes in manufacturing also appear to have played a role in the initial expansion). We document that the positive supply shock increased the availability of guns to criminally active youth and led to higher rates of gun access for young black men, particularly for 25 ACP, 380 ACP and 9mm autoloaders. The increase and decrease in gun violence among young black men can be matched to changes along this causal chain. Details: Lexington, KY: Transylvania University, 2016. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Conference Paper: Accessed August 27, 2018 at: www.aeaweb.org Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: www.aeaweb.org Shelf Number: 151263 Keywords: Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Neighborhoods and Crime Urban Areas and Crime Violent Crime Youth Violence

Author: Devitt Westley, Christine Title: Examining the recidivism of firearm offenders using state criminal history and mortality data Summary: The scourge of gun violence in our streets, schools, places of worship, workplaces, and entertainment venues around the nation has created a sense of urgency to find prevention and intervention strategies. Research is scarce, however, in part due to decades-long Congressional limits on federal funding to support U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention research on firearm-related topics (Sofer, 2017). This study was conducted to demonstrate the usefulness of state criminal history records for examining recidivism of specific criminal justice populations, in this case, gun offenders. Besides gathering information on repeat offending through criminal history and prison records, Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) researchers obtained state death records of deceased individuals in the study sample. These records provided detail on the cause and manner of death not available in criminal justice administrative data. Together, these findings offer relevant insights into first-time firearm-involved arrestees, their recidivism patterns and mortality rates, and inform policy and practice on the issue of guns and violence. Details: Chicago, IL: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2018. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 27, 2018 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Firearm_study_report_073118.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Firearm_study_report_073118.pdf Shelf Number: 151265 Keywords: Firearms Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Recidivism

Author: Lott, John R., Jr. Title: How a Botched Study Fooled the World About the U.S. Share of Mass Public Shootings: U.S. Rate is Lower than Global Average Summary: A paper on mass public shootings by Adam Lankford (2016) has received massive national and international media attention, getting coverage in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, plus hundreds of other news outlets spanning at least 35 different countries. Lankford's claim was that over the 47 years from 1966 to 2012, an enormous amount of the world�s mass public shooters -- 31% -- occurred in the United States. Lankford attributed this to America's gun ownership. Lankford claims to have "complete" data on such shooters in 171 countries. However, because he has neither identified the cases nor their location nor even a complete description on how he put the cases together, it is impossible to replicate his findings. It is particularly important that Lankford share his data because of the extreme difficulty in finding mass shooting cases in remote parts of the world going back to 1966. Lack of media coverage could easily lead to under-counting of foreign mass shootings, which would falsely lead to the conclusion that the U.S. has such a large share. Lankford's study reported that from 1966 to 2012, there were 90 public mass shooters in the United States and 202 in the rest of world. We find that Lankford�s data represent a gross undercount of foreign attacks. Our list contains 1,448 attacks and at least 3,081 shooters outside the United States over just the last 15 years of the period that Lankford examined. We find at least fifteen times more mass public shooters than Lankford in less than a third the number of years. Even when we use coding choices that are most charitable to Lankford, his 31 percent estimate of the US's share of world mass public shooters is cut by over 95 percent. By our count, the US makes up less than 1.43% of the mass public shooters, 2.11% of their murders, and 2.88% of their attacks. All these are much less than the US�s 4.6% share of the world population. Attacks in the US are not only less frequent than in other countries, they are also much less deadly on average. Given the massive U.S. and international media attention Lankford's work has received, and given the considerable impact his research has had on the debate, it is critical that this issue be resolved. His unwillingness to provide even the most basic information to other researchers raises real concerns about Lankford's motives. Details: Crime Prevention Research Center, 2018. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3238736 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3238736 Shelf Number: 151317 Keywords: Gun Violence Homicides Mass Homicides Mass Shootings Terrorism

Author: University of Texas School of Law. Human Rights Clinic Title: Summary: he Human Rights Clinic at the University of Texas School of Law, in cooperation with the Centro Diocesano para los Derechos Humanos Fray Juan de Larios from Coahuila, Mexico, has compiled a report based on analyzed witness testimonies from three U.S. federal trials. Between 2013 and 2016, Zeta members were put on trial in Austin, San Antonio, and Del Rio for crimes of homicide, conspiracy to import drugs and weapons, and money laundering. These trials brought new information to light and corroborated information that has already been documented about Zeta operations and human rights abuses. First-hand testimonies of ex-Zeta cartel members and victims provide a more comprehensive understanding of the dire situation in Coahuila and offer a glimpse into the Zeta structure, members, and nexus with state officials and institutions. After reviewing the witness testimonies, the Clinic has determined two major findings: (1) the Zeta cartel committed numerous human rights abuses in Coahuila with impunity; (2) public institutions and officials played a role, by actions or omissions, in the commission of these abuses. Testimonies describe the nature and degree of Zeta influence over state and municipal officials and institutions. The Zetas paid bribes and integrated police officers into their hierarchy to ensure the cartel would be able to continue their illicit operations without resistance. However, the Zetas did not only influence low level state or municipal police; witnesses described a level of Zeta control which extended to city police chiefs, state and federal prosecutors, state prisons, sectors of the federal police and the Mexican army, and state politicians. Multiple witnesses described bribery payments of millions of dollars to Humberto Moreira and Ruben Moreira, the former and current governors of Coahuila, in exchange for complete control of the state. According to the testimonies, the Zetas' influence over Coahuila government operations at all levels allowed them to conduct their business throughout the state with impunity and often with direct assistance from state officials and police officers. The report also documents the human rights abuses discussed in the witness testimonies, including the large-scale disappearances and killings in March and April of 2011, during what is known as the Piedras Negras and Allende Massacres. These crimes were perpetrated in response to information that three former Zeta operatives had begun to cooperate with U.S. authorities. In retaliation, the Zetas kidnapped, killed, and disappeared over 300 people who they believed to be associated with the former Zeta operatives. According to witnesses, this brutality was not unique to these massacres. The report documents a pattern of kidnappings, killings, torture and disappearance, targeting anyone whom the Zetas believed posed a threat to their illicit operations. In order to exercise control, Zetas also targeted innocent civilians who were completely unconnected to the cartel. Witnesses described the callous manner in which the Zetas stripped victims of their humanity, killed, and disposed of their bodies. The Zetas maintained a tight grip on Coahuila through violence and intimidation tactics such as death threats and through the forced recruitment of Coahuila residents, including the recruitment of minors. It is also clear from the testimonies that witnesses were being threatened even when members of the Zetas were already in custody in the United States. The testimonies also highlight the transnational nature of drug trafficking and the violence associated with this. In particular, witnesses discussed how weapons purchased in the United States were imported to Mexico and drugs produced in Mexico were trafficked into the U.S. Zeta operations extend to various cities in the United States, including San Antonio, Houston, Austin, Eagle Pass, Chicago and Atlanta, as well as to other states, such as New Mexico, California, and Oklahoma. The Zetas supported this transnational operation through a large network of businesses, which they used to launder money and fuel their operations in the trafficking of people, guns, and drugs. The Zetas owned ranches, race tracks, and breeding facilities in the U.S. and Mexico as a part of an elaborate horse racing scheme. Aside from owning properties connected to the horse racing scheme, the Zetas also exploited numerous businesses in Mexico, such as stores, casinos, restaurants, gyms, and carwashes. These enterprises were used as safe houses, as meeting points for drug and money trafficking operations, or instruments of the money laundering operations. Witnesses explained how the Zetas paid bribes and contributed to the campaigns of governors and political candidates to secure the free continuation of their illegal operations. These bribes also ensured that Zeta-owned companies received government contracts and building permits. Further, as has been made clear from the three analyzed trials, the U.S. government possesses valuable information regarding killings, disappearances, threats, and other violations perpetrated by the Zetas. Witness testimonies and the investigations carried out for these trials include key information, such as the location where disappearances and murders occurred. This indicates that the U.S. government may currently have undisclosed information that could lead to the clarification of murders and disappearances perpetrated in Mexico. However, witnesses made clear that the Mexican state has not conducted investigations into these murders, even when the U.S. government has directly shared vital information. Mexican State officials have willfully refused to pursue justice despite having knowledge of countless human rights abuses carried out by members of the Zeta cartel. Both the Zetas and the State are responsible for the violence in Coahuila. At best, the State turned a blind eye to the widespread corruption and grave human rights abuses committed by the Zetas in Coahuila, and at worst, directly participated in the perpetration of these abuses. Details: Austin: University of Texas School of law, 2017. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2018 at: https://law.utexas.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2017/11/2017-HRC-coahuilareport-EN.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Mexico URL: https://law.utexas.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2017/11/2017-HRC-coahuilareport-EN.pdf Shelf Number: 151321 Keywords: Cartels Homicides Human Rights Abuses Mexican Cartels Violence Violent Crime Zetas

Author: Valasik, Matthew A. Title: Summary: While violence across the United States has declined dramatically over the past two decades, gang-related crimes remain at unacceptably high rates, especially within the city of Los Angeles, America's gang capital. Gang-related crimes generally involve groups of individuals and have a strong territorial component, lending themselves to geographically targeted interventions. A strategy that has charmed law enforcement agencies with its ability to take advantage of both the social and spatial features of a gang is the civil gang injunction (CGI). Essentially, a CGI is a tailored restraining order against a gang, prohibiting its members from engaging in specific nuisance behaviors within a demarcated geographical region, termed a "safety-zone." Evaluations suggest that CGIs are effective at reducing serious crime and residents' fears; yet, CGIs remain a time-consuming and costly strategy with an unstudied mechanism for why they work. Do CGIs influence how gang members associate and where they hangout? And, more importantly, how do CGIs contribute to changes in gang violence? Using the framework of routine activities theory, this dissertation focuses on the relationship between CGIs, gang members' patterns of association and lethal violence. To address these questions I utilize two unique datasets: homicide case files and field identification (FI) cards gathered from the Hollenbeck Community Policing Area of the Los Angeles Police Department. My first chapter utilizes social network and spatial analyses to investigate the patterns of association among enjoined gang members at the individual- and group-level. I examine both the characteristics of enjoined gangs' social networks, ascertaining their influence in disrupting social ties, as well as examining the geographic characteristics of FIs to discern if enjoined gangs have changed the spatial patterns of their associations. My second chapter looks at both the homicide trends over the last decade and the disparities between non-gang and gang homicides, both enjoined and non-enjoined, to consider how CGIs influence the characteristics of violence. Lastly, in my third chapter I construct a turf-based spatial typology of gang homicide to investigate the impact that CGIs have on the mobility patterns of participants involved in gang-related homicides. If CGIs influence gangs' spatial patterns of association by discouraging members from congregating in public, then a CGI in theory shifts members' activity and travel patterns, suggesting that gang homicides involving enjoined gang members would experience a different mobility pattern than gang homicides involving only non-enjoined gang members. Results from this dissertation indicate that CGIs are able to influence the patterns of association of individual gang members, particularly in the short-run. Conversely, at the group level, enjoined gangs do not always respond as predicted by the rational of a CGI, with a gang's social network either being disrupted, with members' social ties losing connectedness, or a gang's social network converges, with members' social ties increasing in connectedness. It also appears that while CGIs are able to dislodge enjoined members from their gang's hangouts, a CGI actually constrains the overall mobility of enjoined gang members, reducing the likelihood that enjoined gang members are venturing outside of their gang's claimed turf. In relation to influencing the overall patterns of gang violence, the findings suggest that CGIs could be shifting enjoined gang homicides away from the street and into less public spaces, along with involving fewer suspects and victims. Results also indicate that the presence of CGIs in Hollenbeck has impacted the mobility patterns of participants who are involved in a gang homicide. Specifically, an increase in internal gang homicides and a reduction in predatory gang homicides were observed in the data. These findings are consistent with earlier results indicating that the mobility of an enjoined gang member is restricted by the presence of a CGI. Overall, the goal of this dissertation is to provide both scholars and criminal justice professionals with a better understanding of CGIs, and ascertain if they are an appropriate strategy to disrupt a gang's patterns of association and diminish their opportunities to participate in violent acts. Details: Irvine, CA: University of California at Irvine, 2014. 286p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2018 at: https://escholarship.org/content/qt2065d17s/qt2065d17s.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://escholarship.org/content/qt2065d17s/qt2065d17s.pdf Shelf Number: 151329 Keywords: Civil Gang Injunctions Gang Violence Gang-Related Violence Gangs Homicides Youth Gangs

Author: International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) Title: Mexico Coahuila: ongoing crimes against humanity Communication to the International Criminal Court Summary: This report, along with a series of confidential annexes, will be submitted on July 6th as a communication to the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) under Article 15 of the ICC Statute. It details a number of crimes committed against the civilian population in the State of Coahuila de Zaragoza, Mexico, including murder, illegal imprisonment, enforced disappearance, torture and sexual violence. The crimes detailed herein are limited to a certain number of representative cases occurring between 2009 and 2016. However, these cases are non-exhaustive and indicative of broader patterns of abuse, both in the state of Coahuila and in other regions in Mexico, pushing this situation past a matter of organised crime and into the field of crimes against humanity. The present communication to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC is presented by the FIDH, Familias Unidas en Busqueda y Localizacion de Personas Desaparecidas, Fuerzas Unidas por Nuestros Desaparecidos en Mexico, and Centro Diocesano para los Derechos Humanos Fray Juan de Larios, in partnership with Red Todos los Derechos Para Todas y Todos (which gathers more tan 80 non governmental organizations in Mexico), la Comision Mexicana de Defensa y Promoci�n de los Derechos Humanos (PDH), I(dh)eas Litigio Estrategico en Derechos Humanos, la Fundacion Para La Justicia y el Estado Democratico de Derecho, el Centro de Derechos Humanos Juan Gerardi, la Iniciativa Mesoamericana de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Humanos, las Asociadas por lo Justo, el Instituto Mexicano de Derechos Humanos and Democracia, Fundar Centro de Analisis e Investigaci�n, Casa del Migrante de Saltillo, Pastoral Penitenciaria de Saltillo Pastoral Social de la Diocesis de Saltillo. Mexico ratified the Rome Statute on October 28, 2005. Accordingly, the ICC has subject matter jurisdiction and temporal jurisdiction over the crimes committed in Mexican territory or by Mexican nationals from January 1, 2006 forward, according to Article 2 (2) and Article 126 (2) of the Rome Statute. Our organisations respectfully request the OTP to consider this Communication according to its obligations under Article 15 of the ICC Statute by opening a preliminary examination into the situation in Mexico, with a view towards a future investigation, as there is a reasonable basis to believe that crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC have been committed. Details: Paris: FIDC, 2017. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2018 at: https://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/angmexico_coahuila_ongoing_crimes_against_humanity_fidh-final_a_revisar-1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/angmexico_coahuila_ongoing_crimes_against_humanity_fidh-final_a_revisar-1.pdf Shelf Number: 151511 Keywords: Disappearances Homicides Human Rights Abuses Organized Crime Sexual Violence

Author: Australian Domestic and Family Violence Death Review Network Title: Australian Domestic and Family Violence Death Review Network: Data report 2018 Summary: This report provides detailed data on intimate partner homicides that have occurred across Australia between 2010 and 2014. This report has been authored by Australian Domestic and Family Violence Death Review Network and published by the Domestic Violence Death Review Team, New South Wales. The report presents findings of a specialised national domestic and family violence homicide dataset regarding histories of domestic and family violence leading up to intimate partner homicides. It aims to enhance understandings of domestic violence homicide in Australia, and to enhance intervention and prevention efforts. Among its key findings, the report highlights that between 1 July 2010 and 30 June 2014: there were 152 intimate partner homicides in Australia which followed an identifiable history of domestic violence the majority of intimate partner homicides involved a male killing their female (current or former) intimate partner, and the majority of those males who killed a female had been the primary abuser against that female prior to her death Details: Camperdown, NSW: The Network, 2018. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2018 at: http://www.coronerscourt.vic.gov.au/resources/e7964843-7985-4a25-8abd-5060c26edc4d/website+version+-+adfvdrn_data_report_2018_.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: http://www.coronerscourt.vic.gov.au/resources/e7964843-7985-4a25-8abd-5060c26edc4d/website+version+-+adfvdrn_data_report_2018_.pdf Shelf Number: 151553 Keywords: Family Violence Homicides Intimate Partner Violence

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Good Cops Are Afraid": The Toll of Unchecked Police Violence in Rio de Janeiro Summary: Since the release of Lethal Force in 2009, Rio de Janeiro has pursued several ambitious and innovative policies aimed at improving the effectiveness and professionalism of its police. These include the UPP program discussed in chapter 4, as well as the System of Goals and Results Tracking (Sistema de Metas e Acompanhamento de Resultados), a program that entails compiling and monitoring crime statistics, setting crime reduction targets for each policing district (Area Integrada de Seguranca Publica, AISP), and providing monetary rewards in the form of bonuses to all police officers in areas that meet those targets. These initiatives may have significantly contributed to the decrease in police killings- along with overall homicides-between 2009 and 2013.247 However, their impact has been severely undercut by the state's failure to address one of the main factors responsible for perpetuating the unlawful use of lethal force by police: impunity. The decrease in police killings came to a halt in 2013, and the numbers have since begun to climb dramatically, increasing by more than 50 percent in the past two years.248 Several state institutions share responsibility for this ongoing impunity, including the military police for failing to ensure that its officers preserve the evidence that investigators need to determine the lawfulness of police killings, and the civil police for failing to conduct proper investigations. Ultimate responsibility for this failure, however, lies squarely with the Attorney General's Office, for failing to exercise its oversight authority of the police with appropriate vigor, failing to conduct its own investigations of police killings, and failing to prosecute cases where evidence was available to do so. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 118p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed October 9, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0716web_1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0716web_1.pdf Shelf Number: 152862 Keywords: Extrajudicial Executions Homicides Lethal Force Police Deadly Force Police Violence

Author: Beittel, June S. Title: Mexico: Organized Crime and Drug Trafficking Organizations Summary: Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) pose the greatest crime threat to the United States, according to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration's (DEA's) National Drug Threat Assessment published in October 2017. These organizations have for years been identified for their strong links to drug trafficking, money laundering, and other violent crimes. These criminal groups have trafficked heroin, methamphetamine, cocaine, marijuana, and, increasingly, the powerful synthetic opioid fentanyl. U.S. overdoses due to opioid consumption sharply increased to a record level in 2016, following the Mexican criminal syndicates expanded control of the heroin and synthetic opioids market. The major DTOs and new crime groups have furthered their expansion into such illicit activity as extortion, kidnapping, and oil theft that costs the government's oil company more than a billion dollars a year. Mexico's DTOs have also been in constant flux. Early in his term, former Mexican President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012) initiated an aggressive campaign against Mexico's drug traffickers that was a defining policy of his government and one that the DTOs violently resisted. By some accounts, in 2006, there were four dominant DTOs: the Tijuana/Arellano Felix organization (AFO), the Sinaloa cartel, the Juarez/Vicente Carillo Fuentes organization (CFO), and the Gulf cartel. Government operations to eliminate DTO leadership sparked organizational changes, which led to significant instability among the groups and continued violence. In recent years, larger and more stable organizations have fractured, leaving the DEA and other analysts to identify seven organizations as predominant: Sinaloa, Los Zetas, Tijuana/AFO, Juarez/CFO, Beltran Leyva, Gulf, and La Familia Michoacana. In some sense, these organizations include the "traditional" DTOs, although the 7 organizations appear to have fragmented further to at least 9 (or as many as 20) major organizations. A new transnational criminal organization, Cartel Jalisco-New Generation, which split from Sinaloa in 2010, has sought to become dominant with brutally violent techniques. During the term of President Enrique Peea Nieto that will end in 2018, the government has faced an increasingly complex crime situation that saw violence spike. In 2017, Mexico reached its highest number of total intentional homicides in a year, exceeding, by some counts, 29,000 murders. In the 2017-2018 election period that opened in September 2017 and ran through June 12, 2018, 114 candidates and politicians were killed allegedly by crime bosses and others in an effort to intimidate public office holders, according to a security consultancy that tracks these homicides. On July 1, 2018, Andres Manuel Lopez Obredor won the election for President by as much as 30 points over the next contender. He leads a new party, Morena, but has served as Mayor of Mexico City and comes from a leftist ideological viewpoint. Lopez Obredor campaigned on fighting corruption and finding new ways to combat crime and manage the illicit drug trade. U.S. foreign assistance for Mexico in the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2018 (P.L. 115-141) totaled $152.6 million, with more than $100 million of that funding focused on rule of law and counternarcotics efforts. The 115th Congress pursued oversight of security conditions inside of Mexico and monitored the Mexican criminal organizations not only because they are the major wholesalers of illegal drugs in the United States but also to appraise their growing control of U.S. retail-level distribution. This report examines how the organized crime landscape in Mexico has been altered by fragmentation of criminal groups and how the organizational shape-shifting continues. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2018. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: R41576: Accessed )ctober 22, 2018 at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Mexico URL: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf Shelf Number: 153043 Keywords: Drug Cartels Drug Trafficking Drug Violence Drug-Related Violence Homicides Illegal Drugs Organized Crime Violence

Author: Bento, Fabiana Title: Murders in the city of Sao Paulo: analysis of reported incidents from January 2012 to June 2013 Summary: his study presents an analysis of incidents of murder reported in the city of Sao Paulo from January 2012 to June 2013. Our objective in completing this report is to organize and share the information available concerning murder when it is first reported to the Civil Police (i.e. the Incident Reports), with the hope of amplifying understanding about the phenomenon at large. Under what circumstances do these deaths occur? What are the profiles of the victims and the perpetrators? In which locations are these incidents most common? These are some of the questions that we sought to answer and that can contribute to the creation of policies better poised to confront homicide in the city. If today the city of Sao Paulo demonstrates murder rates that are indisputably better than they were fifteen or twenty years ago (which does not diminish in anyway the relevance of the problem currently), this is a consequence of investment in intelligence that mapped areas with higher concentrations of crime, created profiles of victims and perpetrators, and identified motives and weapons. The information that was discovered allowed for the implementation of preventative measures and investigations that directly impacted awareness about and reduction of crime. This intelligent and strategic perspective of seeking to comprehend the dynamics behind killings should be well-publicized and incorporated as a common practice; however, the last official study released to the general public - the Anuario do Departamento de Homicidios e Protecao a Pessoa - was published in 2008. It is still a common problem in Brazil that when homicides take center stage, generally due to an increase in statistics, the debate is overrun by explanations based on stereotypes- oftentimes attempting to link fatalities to the drug trade without pursuing a deeper understanding of the situation and entering into dialogue with the reality of the facts. Thus the importance of this research, which proposes to update the analysis of murders in the city with an eye towards verifying which of the characteristics previously discovered - such as the high rate of victimization of young male adults, the involvement of firearms, and the relationship between homicides and interpersonal conflicts - have remained constant. Despite its limitations, considering that we are working with the first information received by the police, the analysis creates a panorama of murders in the city using constructive data that can suggest a certain path forward. We understand that this is a first step, and our hope is that it does not become merely a rote exercise, but that it can stimulate further research that continues to build greater knowledge of the dynamics associated with homicide in Sao Paulo. Details: Sao Paulo: Instituto Sou da Paz, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 13, 2018 at: http://www.soudapaz.org/upload/file/conhecimento_homicidios_sp_ingl_s.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.soudapaz.org/upload/file/conhecimento_homicidios_sp_ingl_s.pdf Shelf Number: 153412 Keywords: Crime Rates Crime Statistics Homicides Murders Violent Crime

Author: Queensland Sentencing Advisory Council Title: Sentencing for criminal offences arising from the death of a child: Final report Summary: This report presents the advice of the Queensland Sentencing Advisory Council (Council) following its review of penalties imposed on sentence for criminal offences arising from the death of a child, referred to the Council by the Attorney-General and Minister for Justice, the Honourable Yvette D'Ath MP on 26 October 2017. In developing its final report and recommendations, the Council was asked to: - consider and analyse penalties imposed on sentence for offences arising from the death of a child and report on current sentencing practices; - determine whether the penalties currently imposed for these offences adequately reflect the particular vulnerabilities of these victims; - identify any trends or anomalies that occur in such sentencing - for example, the nature of the criminal culpability forming the basis of a manslaughter charge, which may affect any sentence imposed; - assess whether existing sentencing considerations are adequate for the purposes of sentencing these offenders and identify if specific additional legislative guidance is required; - examine the approach in other Australian jurisdictions; - identify and report on any legislative or other changes required to ensure the imposition of an appropriate sentence for these offences; - identify ways to enhance community knowledge and understanding of the penalties imposed for these offences; - consult with the community and other key stakeholders; and - advise on any other matters relevant to this reference. The focus of the review was on sentencing for the offences of murder and manslaughter (referred to throughout this report as 'child homicide offences'). These offences capture offences highlighted in submissions and consultation as being of most concern to the community with respect to current sentencing practices - that is, deaths caused as a result of child abuse and neglect. Details: Brisbane: The Sentencing Advisory Council, 2018. 299p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed Dec. 6, 2018 at: http://apo.org.au/system/files/205141/apo-nid205141-1053826.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/system/files/205141/apo-nid205141-1053826.pdf Shelf Number: 153918 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Child Homicides Child Protection Homicides Manslaughter Sentencing

Author: Jack, Shane P.D. Title: Surveillance for Violent Deaths-- National Violent Death Reporting System, 27 States, 2015 Summary: Problem/Condition: In 2015, approximately 62,000 persons died in the United States as a result of violence-related injuries. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) regarding violent deaths from 27 U.S. states for 2015. Results are reported by sex, age group, race/ethnicity, location of injury, method of injury, circumstances of injury, and other selected characteristics. Reporting Period: 2015. Description of System: NVDRS collects data regarding violent deaths obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, law enforcement reports, and secondary sources (e.g., child fatality review team data, supplemental homicide reports, hospital data, and crime laboratory data). This report includes data from 27 states that collected statewide data for 2015 (Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Georgia, Hawaii, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin). NVDRS collates documents for each death and links deaths that are related (e.g., multiple homicides, a homicide followed by a suicide, or multiple suicides) into a single incident. Results: For 2015, NVDRS captured 30,628 fatal incidents involving 31,415 deaths in the 27 states included in this report. The majority (65.1%) of deaths were suicides, followed by homicides (23.5%), deaths of undetermined intent (9.5%), legal intervention deaths (1.3%) (i.e., deaths caused by law enforcement and other persons with legal authority to use deadly force, excluding legal executions), and unintentional firearm deaths (<1.0%). (The term "legal intervention" is a classification incorporated into the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision [ICD-10] and does not denote the lawfulness or legality of the circumstances surrounding a death caused by law enforcement.) Demographic patterns varied by manner of death. Suicide rates were highest among males, non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Natives, non-Hispanic whites, adults aged 45-54 years, and men aged ≥75 years. The most common method of injury was a firearm. Suicides often were preceded by a mental health, intimate partner, substance abuse, or physical health problem, or a crisis during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks. Homicide rates were higher among males and persons aged <1 year and 20-34 years. Among males, non-Hispanic blacks accounted for the majority of homicides and had the highest rate of any racial/ethnic group. Homicides primarily involved a firearm, were precipitated by arguments and interpersonal conflicts, were related to intimate partner violence (particularly for females), or occurred in conjunction with another crime. When the relationship between a homicide victim and a suspected perpetrator was known, an acquaintance/friend or an intimate partner frequently was involved. Legal intervention death rates were highest among males and persons aged 20-54 years; rates among non-Hispanic black males were approximately double the rates of those among non-Hispanic white males. Precipitating circumstances for legal intervention deaths most frequently were an alleged criminal activity in progress, the victim reportedly using a weapon in the incident, a mental health or substance abuse problem (other than alcohol abuse), an argument or conflict, or a recent crisis (during the previous or upcoming 2 weeks). Unintentional firearm deaths were more frequent among males, non-Hispanic whites, and persons aged 10�24 years; these deaths most often occurred while the shooter was playing with a firearm and most often were precipitated by a person unintentionally pulling the trigger or mistakenly thinking the firearm was unloaded. Deaths of undetermined intent were more frequent among males, particularly non-Hispanic black and American Indian/Alaska Native males, and persons aged 30�54 years. Substance abuse, mental health problems, physical health problems, and a recent crisis were the most common circumstances preceding deaths of undetermined intent. In 2015, approximately 3,000 current or former military personnel died by suicide. The majority of these decedents were male, non-Hispanic white, and aged 45-74 years. Most suicides among military personnel involved a firearm and were precipitated by mental health, physical health, and intimate partner problems, as well as a recent crisis. Interpretation: This report provides a detailed summary of data from NVDRS for 2015. The results indicate that deaths resulting from self-inflicted or interpersonal violence most frequently affect males and certain age groups and minority populations. Mental health problems, intimate partner problems, interpersonal conflicts, and general life stressors were primary precipitating events for multiple types of violent deaths, including suicides among current or former military personnel. Public Health Action: NVDRS data are used to monitor the occurrence of violence-related fatal injuries and assist public health authorities in the development, implementation, and evaluation of programs and policies to reduce and prevent violent deaths. For example, Virginia VDRS data are used to help identify suicide risk factors among active duty service members, Oregon VDRS suicide data are used to coordinate information and activities across community agencies that support veterans and active duty service members, and Arizona VDRS data are used to develop recommendations for primary care providers who deliver care to veterans. The continued development and expansion of NVDRS to include all 50 states, U.S. territories, and the District of Columbia are essential to public health efforts to reduce deaths due to violence. Details: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, Surveillance Summaries / Vol. 67 / No. 11: Accessed December 6, 2018 at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6181254/pdf/ss6711a1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6181254/pdf/ss6711a1.pdf Shelf Number: 153921 Keywords: Child Deaths Gun Violence Gun-Related Violence Homicides Murders Police Deadly Force Public Health Issues Suicides Violence

Author: Jannetta, Jesse Title: Oakland Stakeholder Perspectives of Homicide and Shooting Scene Response Summary: This report explores how stakeholders involved in homicide and shooting scenes in Oakland, California perceive their interactions with law enforcement and community partners. This study draws on interviews with shooting survivors, family members of homicide victims, Oakland Police Department officers, and community service providers and partner staff. It found that survivors and family members desired interactions with law enforcement officers and community partners that aligned with procedural justice principles, but they did not always perceive that they received it. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2019. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2019 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99612/oakland_stakeholder_perspectives_of_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_3.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99612/oakland_stakeholder_perspectives_of_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_3.pdf Shelf Number: 154503 Keywords: Crime Scenes Criminal Investigations Gun Violence Homicides Police-Citizen Interactions Procedural Justice

Author: Jannetta, Jesse Title: Procedural Justice in Homicide and Shooting Scene Response: Executive Summary Summary: This document summarizes findings from the literature review, practice review, and interviews conducted in Oakland by the Urban Institute (Urban) and the Urban Peace Institute (UPI) under the "Oakland Procedural Justice Principles for Police Officers" cooperative agreement with the City of Oakland. The work under this cooperative agreement is intended to inform Oakland's efforts to improve policies and practices related to the police department's management, response, and activities at shooting and homicide scenes, and to develop and implement procedural justice and related trainings for proactive and investigative police units. This document draws upon and synthesizes findings presented in more detail in documents devoted to the literature, practice review, and interviews conducted by our team. It presents findings on common issues, promising practices, and possible operational approaches to improving responses to shooting and homicide scenes in Oakland, organized by the four components of procedural justice. It then presents guiding principles for efforts to improve responses to homicide and shooting scenes using a procedural justice framework. Police play a critical role in reducing community violence, but their legitimacy can be undermined by a lack of community trust, particularly in high crime communities where intervention is needed most. Mistrust of law enforcement is especially acute among young men of color, especially those living in neighborhoods afflicted by crime and disorder associated with gang activity (Kennedy 2009; Liberman and Fontaine 2015). The absence of trust reduces the public's willingness to report crime, engage with law enforcement on crime control efforts, and abide by the law, since trust is a fundamental component of police legitimacy (Bradford et al. 2014; Tyler and Jackson 2014; Resig and Lloyd 2009; Sunshine and Tyler 2003). Because the investigative process relies heavily on key witnesses from the community, it is important that detectives engage in practices that are geared at maintaining legitimacy and cultivating trust. Procedural justice provides an operational framework for building police legitimacy and repairing relationships in communities affected by gun violence. Findings from a broad array of studies find a statistically significant relationship between procedural justice and police legitimacy, and that procedural justice carries greater weight than other variables (Hinds and Murphy 2007; Murphy 2005; Tyler 2003; Tyler and Fagan 2008). There is less evidence that shows that officers can deliberately create more legitimacy by being procedurally just. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2019. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2019 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99611/procedural_justice_in_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_executive_summary_0.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99611/procedural_justice_in_homicide_and_shooting_scene_response_executive_summary_0.pdf Shelf Number: 154505 Keywords: Crime Scenes Criminal Investigations Gun Violence Homicides Police Response Police-Citizen Interactions Procedural Justice

Author: Schneider, Rodrigo Title: Crime and Political Effects of a Concealed Carry Ban in Brazil Summary: This paper studies the effects of legislation in Brazil that banned concealed carry nationwide in 2003, and provided for a voter referendum 22 months later regarding whether to ban the sale of all firearms. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find that gun-related homicides decreased by 12.2 percent, with the reduction especially pronounced in high-crime areas and among black males. Other crimes involving guns also declined. There is no evidence of substitution effect as non-gun-related homicides were not affected. Two pieces of evidence suggest that the mechanism explaining this result is a decrease in the number of people carrying gun in response to the legislation: first, the number of illegal gun carrying decreased and second, only gun-related homicides taking place outside the residence were reduced. Analysis of the subsequent voter referendum, which was defeated by a wide margin, shows stronger support for the complete weapons ban in the areas more affected by gun violence. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3311194 Year: 2018 Country: Brazil URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3311194 Shelf Number: 154608 Keywords: Concealed Weapons Gun Control Policy Gun Policy Gun Violence Homicides Right-To-Carry Laws

Author: Skott, Sara Title: Reduction in homicide and violence in Scotland is largely explained by fewer gangs and less knife crime Summary: - Scotland has a longstanding reputation for violence, especially involving gangs of young people using knives in public places. - Since the mid-2000s, both homicide and non-lethal violence decreased significantly in Scotland; however, it was unclear whether this applied to all types of homicide and violence or reflected a change in the culture of gang violence and knife crime specifically. - Analysis of both police and survey data found four main 'types' of homicide and four main 'types' of violence, all of which had decreased over time but by different amounts. - This study shows that declining incidents involving gangs of young people using weapons in public places made the biggest overall contribution to the reduction in both homicide and other forms of violence in Scotland. - Strategies introduced to tackle the problem of gang violence and knife crime seem to have been effective, although strategies to tackle other types of violence need greater attention. Details: s.l.: Applied Quantitative Methods Network (AQMeN): 2019. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Briefing 13: Accessed February 25, 2019 at: https://blogs.sps.ed.ac.uk/aqmen/files/2019/01/S-Skott-Types-of-Homicide-28.1.19.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://blogs.sps.ed.ac.uk/aqmen/files/2019/01/S-Skott-Types-of-Homicide-28.1.19.pdf Shelf Number: 154768 Keywords: Crime Drop Gang Violence Homicides Knife Crime Violence Prevention Violent Crime

Author: Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders Title: Philippines: I'll kill you along with drug addicts - President Duterte's war on human rights defenders in the Philippines Summary: The Philippines has the unflattering reputation of being one of the most dangerous countries in the world for human rights defenders. Human rights defenders in the Philippines, particularly land and environmental rights defenders, have historically been the target of extrajudicial killings and other abuses as a result of their work. For more than a decade, United Nations (UN) human rights mechanisms have expressed concern over the Philippines' poor human rights record, and in recent years, increasing attention has been brought to the plight of human rights defenders in the country. Since President Rodrigo Duterte took office on June 30, 2016, the government has taken measures that have actively contributed to an increasingly hostile environment for human rights defenders. Of particular concern is the large number of defenders who continue to be killed as a result of their work. From July 2016 to November 2018, at least 76 land and environmental rights defenders, 12 journalists, and several civil society and labour activists were killed in relation to their work. They have also been subjected to attacks, threats, and acts of intimidation. Meanwhile, members of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) have been harassed and their mandate called into question. The credibility of UN experts has similarly been attacked with slandering of UN officials. In the political sphere, the Department of Justice has pursued criminal charges against a number of Duterte's political opponents who had taken strong pro-human rights stances. In particular, Senator Leila de Lima and Senator Antonio Trillanes have both been arrested and face spurious charges. This report documents the dramatic deterioration of the situation for human rights defenders under Duterte, which is the direct result of his administration's disregard for human rights. The worsening situation for human rights defenders has been exacerbated by Duterte's violent rhetoric and the ongoing 'war on drugs,' the continued impunity for human rights abuses under his presidency, and the imposition of martial law over the entire island of Mindanao since May 2017. In order to support the research necessary for the preparation of this report, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders ('the Observatory') conducted a 10-day mission to the Philippines in August 2017 to gain a comprehensive understanding of the political dynamics and the environment in which human rights defenders operate in the Philippines. Members of the mission met with representatives of civil society, government officials, and foreign diplomats in both Manila and Davao City. This report also makes numerous recommendations to improve the situation for human rights defenders in the Philippines. Details: Geneva, SWIT: The Author, 2019. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 5, 2019 at: http://www.omct.org/files/2019/02/25257/philipppines_hrd_report_2019.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Philippines URL: http://www.omct.org/files/2019/02/25257/philipppines_hrd_report_2019.pdf Shelf Number: 154805 Keywords: Drug Addicts Executions Homicides Human Rights Abuses War on Drugs

Author: Giannini, Renata Avelar Title: Urban Security Exchange: Data, Design and Innovation for Urban Security Summary: The Urban Security Exchange: Data, Design and Innovation for Urban Security was held on January 22 and 23, 2018 in San Salvador, at a critical time for Central American countries. On one hand, in early 2018, the capitals of the Northern Triangle countries - Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador - reported significant reductions in their high homicide rates; while on the other, these positive results highlighted the complex efforts necessary to maintain this downward trend amidst the struggle against violence. Effectively, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras present some of the highest homicide rates in the world. In 2018, El Salvador leads the ranking and its capital, San Salvador, is one of the most violent cities on the planet. Nevertheless, such cities were able to reduce their homicide rates between 2016 and 2017. In El Salvador, the rate dropped by 34%, in Honduras, 22% and in Guatemala, 4%. This context of persistently high homicide rates in spite of reductions was a key element throughout the discussion endorsed by the Urban Security Exchange. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Igarape Institute, 2018. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2019 at: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/2018-06-04-AE-USEx-dialogos-seguranca-EN-1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Central America URL: https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/2018-06-04-AE-USEx-dialogos-seguranca-EN-1.pdf Shelf Number: 155033 Keywords: Crime Prevention Design Against Crime Homicides Urban Areas and Crime Urban Security Violent Crime

Author: Felbab-Brown, Vanda Title: AMLO's Security Policy: Creative Ideas, Tough Reality Summary: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY -- - Improving public safety, especially reducing Mexico's soaring murder rate, is the toughest challenge of Mexico's new president, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (known as AMLO). - In November 2018, AMLO unveiled his National Peace and Security Plan 2018-2024, describing it as predominantly focused on the roots of insecurity, as opposed to confronting drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The plan combines anti-corruption measures; economic policies; enhanced human rights protections; ethics reforms; public health, including treatment for drug use and exploration of drug legalization; transitional justice and amnesty for some criminals; and broader peace-building, to include traditional anti-crime measures such as prison reform and security sector reform, plus a new law enforcement force, the National Guard. - Various elements of his announced new security strategy-such as the formation of the National Guard - remain questionable and unclear and are unlikely to reduce violence quickly. - AMLO's proffered security strategy will likely create friction with the United States. Jointly countering fentanyl smuggling, however, could provide one venue of U.S.- Mexico cooperation. Corruption and Mexico's justice system - Combatting corruption is a foundational element of AMLO's security policy, and his administration has adopted a wide set of anti-corruption measures, including highly controversial and questionable ones. - However, AMLO has yet to appoint a dedicated anti-corruption prosecutor, make appointments to the National Anti-Corruption System, and support the 2016 National Anti-Corruption System reform. - AMLO has not broken with politically powerful and immensely corrupt unions, proposing instead to reverse reforms and lay off 70 percent of non-unionized federal workers. - It remains unclear whether AMLO will empower Mexico's civil society-crucial for reducing corruption-or continually define it as his antagonist. - AMLO's administration has not yet focused sufficiently on implementing the judicial reform by properly implementing the new prosecutorial system. - The administration has emphasized minimizing salary differences between public ministries, federal judges, prosecutors, and police officials. The weakness of prosecutors and their lack of cooperation with law enforcement and judges have been key stumbling blocks, keeping prosecution rates abysmally low. However, minimizing salary differences is inadequate. - Deleteriously, AMLO has refused to allow the independent selection of an autonomous attorney general. Focus on brutal crimes instead of drug trafficking groups and rejection of high-value targeting - The AMLO administration suspended focus on DTOs, drug trafficking, and high-value targeting of DTO leaders. Instead, it prioritizes "brutal crimes." But that strategy ignores the fact that key perpetrators of homicides, extortion, and robberies are DTOs. - Large law enforcement deployments to Tijuana and efforts to combat fuel theft have been interpreted by DTOs as direct confrontation. Instead, AMLO should prioritize targeting the most violent criminal groups, while deterring new outbreaks of violence. - The target should be the middle operational layer of a criminal group, seeking to disable the vast majority of the middle layer in one sweep, in order to reduce the group's regeneration capacity. - The Mexican government remains challenged in implementing such a policy by the continual lack of strategic and tactical intelligence in an ever more fragmented, mult-ipolar, and opaque criminal market, and by the continual corruption of Mexico's law enforcement apparatus. The National Guard -- - AMLO has not stopped using the Mexican military for domestic law enforcement. However, he has created a new structure combining military forces with Federal Police forces-The National Guard. - To be completed in three years, the National Guard is to be 150,000-strong. Sent initially to 17 areas with high homicide rates, the first contingent of 50,000 is to start functioning by April 2019. The head of the National Guard is a civilian, but much of the leadership is military.... Details: Washington, DC: Foreign Policy at Brookings Institute, 2019. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 27, 2019 at: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/FP_20190325_mexico_anti-crime.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/FP_20190325_mexico_anti-crime.pdf Shelf Number: 155191 Keywords: Criminal Justice Policy Criminal Justice System Drug Trafficking Homicides National Security Political Corruption Public Safety Security Forces Violent Crimes

Author: Felbab-Brown, Vanda Title: Mexico's Out-of-Control Criminal Market Summary: This paper explores the trends, characteristics, and changes in the Mexican criminal market, in response to internal changes, government policies, and external factors. It explores the nature of violence and criminality, the behavior of criminal groups, and the effects of government responses. Over the past two decades, criminal violence in Mexico has become highly intense, diversified, and popularized, while the deterrence capacity of Mexican law enforcement remains critically low. The outcome is an ever more complex, multi-polar, and out-of-control criminal market that generates deleterious effects on Mexican society and makes it highly challenging for the Mexican state to respond effectively. Successive Mexican administrations have failed to sustainably reduce homicides and other violent crimes. Critically, the Mexican government has failed to rebalance power in the triangular relationship between the state, criminal groups, and society, while the Mexican population has soured on the anti-cartel project. Since 2000, Mexico has experienced extraordinarily high drug- and crime-related violence, with the murder rate in 2017 and again in 2018 breaking previous records. The fragmentation of Mexican criminal groups is both a purposeful and inadvertent effect of high-value targeting, which is a problematic strategy because criminal groups can replace fallen leaders more easily than insurgent or terrorist groups. The policy also disrupts leadership succession, giving rise to intense internal competition and increasingly younger leaders who lack leadership skills and feel the need to prove themselves through violence. Focusing on the middle layer of criminal groups prevents such an easy and violent regeneration of the leadership. But the Mexican government remains deeply challenged in middle-layer targeting due to a lack of tactical and strategic intelligence arising from corruption among Mexican law enforcement and political pressures that makes it difficult to invest the necessary time to conduct thorough investigations. In the absence of more effective state presence and rule of law, the fragmentation of Mexican criminal groups turned a multi-polar criminal market of 2006 into an ever more complex multi-polar criminal market. Criminal groups lack clarity about the balance of power among them, tempting them to take over one another's territory and engage in internecine warfare. The Mexican crime market's proclivity toward violence is exacerbated by the government's inability to weed out the most violent criminal groups and send a strong message that they will be prioritized in targeting. The message has not yet sunk in that violence and aggressiveness do not pay. For example, the destruction of the Zetas has been followed by the empowerment of the equally aggressive Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion (CJNG). Like the Zetas, the Jalisco group centers its rule on brutality, brazenness, and aggressiveness. Like the Zetas and unlike the Sinaloa Cartel, the CJNG does not invest in and provide socio- economic goods and governance in order to build up political capital. Equally, the internal re-balancing among criminal groups has failed to weed out the most violent groups and the policy measures of the Mexican governments have failed to reduce the criminal groups' proclivity toward aggression and violence. The emergence of the CJNG has engulfed Mexico and other supply-chain countries, such as Colombia,in its war with the Sinaloa Cartel. The war between the Sinaloa Cartel and CJNG provides space for local criminal upstarts, compounds instability by shifting local alliances, and sets off new splintering within the two large cartels and among their local proxies. To the extent that violence has abated in particular locales, the de-escalation has primarily reflected a "narco-peace," with one criminal group able to establish control over a particular territory and its corruption networks. It is thus vulnerable to criminal groups' actions as well as to high-value targeting of top drug traffickers. In places such as Ciudad Juarez, Tijuana, and Monterrey, local law enforcement and anti-crime socio-economic policies helped in various degrees to reduce violence. When the narco-peace was undermined, the policies proved insufficient. At other times, the reduction of violence that accompanied a local narco-peace gave rise to policy complacency and diminished resources. Socio-economic policies to combat crime have spread resources too thinly across Mexico to be effective. Violence in Mexico has become diversified over the past decade, with drug trafficking groups becoming involved in widespread extortion of legal businesses, kidnapping, illegal logging, illegal fishing, and smuggling of migrants. That is partially a consequence of the fragmentation, as smaller groups are compelled to branch out into a variety of criminal enterprises. But for larger groups, extortion of large segments of society is not merely a source of money, but also of authority. Violence and criminality have also become "popularized," both in terms of the sheer number of actors and also the types of actors involved, such as "anti-crime" militias. Widespread criminality increases the coercive credibility of individual criminals and small groups, while hiding their identities. Low effective prosecution rates and widespread impunity tempt many individuals who would otherwise be law-abiding citizens to participate in crime. Anti-crime militias that have emerged in Mexico have rarely reduced violence in a sustained way. Often, they engage in various forms of criminality, including homicides, extortion, and human rights abuses against local residents, and they undermine the authority of the state. Government responses to the militias-including acquiescence, arrests, and efforts to roll them into state paramilitary forces-have not had a significant impact. In fact, the strength and emergence of militia groups in places such as Michoacan and Guerrero reflect a long-standing absence of the government, underdevelopment, militarization, and abuse of political power. In places such as Guerrero, criminality and militia formation has become intertwined with the U.S. opioid epidemic that has stimulated the expansion of poppy cultivation in Mexico. The over-prescription of opioids in the United States created a major addiction epidemic, with users turning to illegal alternatives when they were eventually cut off from prescription drugs. Predictably, poppy cultivation shot up in Mexico, reaching some 30,000 hectares in 2017. Areas of poppy cultivation are hotly contested among Mexican drug trafficking groups, with their infighting intensely exacerbating the insecurity of poor and marginalized poppy farmers. Efforts to eradicate poppy cultivation have often failed to sustainably reduce illicit crop cultivation and complicated policies to pacify these areas, often thrusting poppy farmers deeper into the hands of criminal groups that sponsor and protect the cultivation. Eradication is easier than providing poppy farmers with alternative livelihoods. Combined with the Trump administration's demands for eradication, the Enrique Peea Nieto administration, and Mexico historically, showed little interest in seriously pursuing a different path. Poppy eradication in Mexico does not shrink the supply of illegal opioids destined for the U.S. market, since farmers replant poppies after eradication and can always shift areas of production. The rise of fentanyl abuse in the United States, however, has suppressed opium prices in Mexico. Drug trafficking organizations and dealers prefer to traffic and sell fentanyl, mostly supplied to the United States from China, because of its bulk-potency-profit ratio. The CJNG became a pioneer in fentanyl smuggling through Mexico into the United States, but the Sinaloa Cartel rapidly developed its own fentanyl supply chain. Although the drug is deadly, the Sinaloa Cartel's means of distribution remain non- violent in the United States. Fentanyl enters the United States from Mexico through legal ports of entry. In the short term, fentanyl has not altered the dynamics of Mexico's criminal market, but in the long term, fentanyl can significantly upend global drug markets and the prioritization of drug control in U.S. agendas with other countries. If many users switch to synthetic drugs, the United States may lose interest in promoting eradication of drug crops. Such a switch would also weaken the power of criminal and insurgent groups who sponsor illicit crop cultivation. Even if they switch to the production of synthetic drugs, they will only have the capacity to sponsor the livelihoods of many fewer people, thus diminishing their political capital with local populations and making it less costly for the government to conduct counter-narcotics operations. Mexico's violence can decline in two ways. First, a criminal group can temporarily win enough turf and establish enough deterrence capacity to create a narco-peace, as has been the case so far. Alternatively, violence can decline when the state at last systematically builds up enough deterrence capacity against the criminals and realigns local populations with the state, from which they are now often alienated. Mexico must strive to achieve this objective. Details: Washington, DC: Foreign Policy at Brookings Institute, 2019. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 27, 2019 at: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/FP_20190322_mexico_crime-2.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/FP_20190322_mexico_crime-2.pdf Shelf Number: 155192 Keywords: Criminal Cartels Drug Markets Drug Trafficking Fentanyl Homicides Narcotics Opioids Organized Crime Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Violence

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: " We Found Their Bodies Later that Day": Atrocities by Armed Islamists and Security Forces in Burkina Faso�s Sahel Region Summary: Since 2016, armed groups linked to Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) have dramatically increased their presence in Burkina Faso, attacking army bases, police and gendarme posts, and purely civilian targets. While the violence and insecurity has progressively spread across the country, the epicenter of abuse and insecurity remains the northern Sahel region, where scores of civilians and suspects have been killed and tens of thousands have been driven from their homes. This report, "We Found Their Bodies Later That Day," documents over 40 alleged killings and other abuses by armed Islamists and over 115 alleged executions of suspects by security forces in the Sahel region, from mid-2018 until February 2019. It recommends that the armed Islamists cease all atrocities, and that the government open investigations into the alleged human rights violations by all sides and take steps to prevent further abuse. It urges Burkina Faso's international partners to call upon the Burkinabe government to put a halt to abuses and to conduct credible investigations and hold the perpetrators accountable. Details: London: HRW, 2019. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2019 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/burkinafaso0319_web2.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Africa URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/burkinafaso0319_web2.pdf Shelf Number: 155209 Keywords: Al Qaeda Homicides Human Rights Abuse Islamists Terrorists

Author: Calderon, Laura Title: Organized Crime and Violence in Mexico. Analysis Through 2018 Summary: Justice in Mexico, a research-based program at the University of San Diego, released its 2019 report on Organized Crime and Violence in Mexico, co-authored by Laura Calderon, Kimberly Heinle, Octavio Rodriguez Ferreira, and David A. Shirk. This report analyzes the latest available data to broadly assess the current state of violence, organized crime, and human rights in Mexico. The tenth edition in a series is published under a new title to reflect the gradual shift that has occurred to the restructuring illicit drug trade and the rise of new organized crime groups. In 2018, Mexico saw record violence with 28,816 homicide cases and 33,341 victims reported by the Mexican National Security System (Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Publica, SNSP). This reflects the continued augmentation in violent crime in Mexico for more than a decade with a notable increase in the last few years. The homicide rate has dramatically escalated from 16.9 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015 as reported to UNODC to 27.3 per 100,000 in 2018 based on SNSP figures. In this and past reports, the authors attribute much of the violence, between a third to a half, to the presence of organized crime groups, particularly drug trafficking organizations. According to the report, violence has become more pervasive throughout the country but remains highly concentrated in a few specific areas, especially in the major drug trafficking zones located in the northwest and the Pacific Coast. The top ten most violent municipalities in Mexico accounted for 33.6% of all homicides in Mexico in 2018, with 24.7% concentrated in the top five: Tijuana (2,246), Ciudad Juarez (1,004), Acapulco (839), Cancun-Benito Juarez (537), Culiacan (500). Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico, Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of San Diego, 2019. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2019 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Organized-Crime-and-Violence-in-Mexico-2019.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Mexico URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Organized-Crime-and-Violence-in-Mexico-2019.pdf Shelf Number: 155611 Keywords: Drug Trafficking Homicides Human Rights Organized Crime Violence Violent Crime

Author: Hinoposa, Gina Title: Turning the Tide on Impunity: Protection and Access to Justice for Journalists and Human Rights Defenders in Mexico Summary: KEY FINDINGS - Protection measures provided through Mexico's Mechanism to Protect Human Rights Defenders and Journalists are often insufficient. The Mechanism has been unable to develop risk analysis protocols that effectively identify the different needs of female, rural, indigenous, and other particularly vulnerable journalists and defenders when it comes to receiving protections. Protection measures are often unreliable, are not adequately implemented, and do not take into account realities on the ground in different parts of the country. In some cases, they have been unable to provide sufficient protection: six Mechanism beneficiaries have been murdered since August 2017. - The Mechanism suffers from a serious lack of adequate staffing and budget levels. There are only 35 Mechanism personnel overseeing the protection of 831 journalists and human rights defenders. Despite this context, Mexico's 2019 budget cut funds to the Ministry of the Interior"s Human Rights Unit-which finances the Mechanism's staff salaries-by over USD$610,500, meaning additional staff will likely not be hired in 2019. Moreover, while the Mechanism spent approximately $13.6 million on the implementation of protection measures in 2018, Mexico's Congress only allocated up to $10.9 million for protection measures in the 2019 budget. - The Mechanism has made progress in developing strategies that go beyond providing immediate protection to journalists and human rights defenders. Experiences in the state of Chihuahua could serve as a model for developing comprehensive prevention strategies that are more comprehensive and more attuned to local contexts. Since 2016, Mechanism officials have been working alongside Chihuahua's state government, national and international human rights bodies, and local civil society groups to develop a Contingency Plan focused on addressing the root causes of violence against journalists and human rights defenders in that state. - Mexican authorities are frequently identified as the perpetrators behind crimes against journalists and human rights defenders. Public officials were determined to be the likely aggressors in 39 percent of cases the Mechanism has overseen. Similarly, "abuse of authority" was the second-most common crime reported by prosecutor's offices that provided us with statistics on these crimes, pointing to how frequently public officials and security forces are involved in attacks. This helps to explain why many investigations into crimes against journalists and human rights defenders lack credibility and impartiality, particularly at the state level. - The Mexican government's failure to properly investigate and sanction crimes against journalists and human rights defenders has left these groups open to attack. Between 2012 and June 2018, only three percent of investigations opened by the state prosecutor's offices analyzed by WOLA and PBI made it to the courts. Of the 1,077 cases investigated by the federal-level Special Prosecutor's Office for Crimes against Freedom of Expression (FEADLE) during that period, less than 12 percent were taken to court. Only five FEADLE cases-less than one percent-resulted in convictions. Aside from its overall poor track record in prosecuting cases, FEADLE rarely takes advantage of its power to take investigations out of the hands of state prosecutor's offices when state authorities are not handling the cases with due diligence. - FEADLE's capacity to fulfill its mandate has been severely limited by a lack of human and financial resources. The agency's budget has been reduced by 54 percent since 2014, from over USD$2 million to around $942,000. The office only has 22 prosecutors and 15 investigative police officers on staff. - Many prosecutor's offices in Mexico do not maintain quality criminal statistics that could aid in criminal analysis and strengthen prosecutorial oversight. Without systematized databases with reliable statistics on crimes against journalists and human rights defenders, prosecutors are unable to draw patterns and connections between cases, or identify any common modus operandi used to target victims. Some offices do not track the status and results of their investigations, such as the outcome of cases that are tried in court. This makes it difficult for authorities to identify and rectify gaps in their investigative practices and processes, and makes clear that prosecutors in these offices are not being evaluated based on their performance. - Some law enforcement institutions often devote valuable time and resources toward discrediting and criminalizing the work of journalists and human rights defenders, rather than guaranteeing their protection. There is a clear pattern of Mexican authorities misusing criminal legislation to criminalize activists and media workers. In Chihuahua state, for example, we found that over the period reviewed for this report, the number of cases in which authorities deemed journalists to be the alleged aggressors was more than double the number of cases opened into crimes committed against them. - The U.S. government continues to provide significant funds to support the Protection Mechanism and to strengthen investigations into crimes against journalists and human rights defenders. In September 2017, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) initiated a USD$7.1 million project called ProVoces. ProVoces consultants have provided trainings, mentorship, and technical assistance to the Mexican agencies charged with addressing violence against journalists and defenders and aims to strengthen coordination between prosecutor's offices, federal and state-level protection mechanisms, and civil society organizations. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2019. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2019 at: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/ENGLISH-WOLA-PBI-2019.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Mexico URL: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/ENGLISH-WOLA-PBI-2019.pdf Shelf Number: 155747 Keywords: Criminal Investigation Freedom of Expression Homicides Human Rights Defenders Journalists Prosecution Protection Measures

Author: Scognamiglio, Annalisa Title: When the Mafia Comes to Town Summary: This paper investigates the effect of diffusion of organized crime on local economies by examining a legal institution that operated in Italy between 1956 and 1988. The law allowed Public Authorities to force mafiosos to resettle to another town. Using variation in the number of resettled mafia members across destination provinces in a differences-in-differences setting, I find no conclusive evidence on the effect of the policy on crime or homicides, while there is a very robust positive impact on employment in the construction sector. Results are consistent with mafia exploiting these new locations mainly for money laundering. Details: Naples, Italy: Centre for Studies in Economics and Finance, 2015. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2019 at: https://ideas.repec.org/p/sef/csefwp/404.html Year: 2015 Country: Italy URL: https://ideas.repec.org/p/sef/csefwp/404.html Shelf Number: 156028 Keywords: Homicides Italy Mafia Mafiosos Money Laundering Organized Crime