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Date: November 22, 2024 Fri
Time: 11:52 am
Time: 11:52 am
Results for immigrants and crime (u.s.)
2 results foundAuthor: Pinheiro, Erika D. Title: 287(G) and Public Safety: Determining the Effects of Local Immigration Enforcement on Crime Summary: Agreements between Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and local law enforcement under Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Naturalization Act (INA) allow city, county, state, and correctional police officers to investigate and enforce federal immigration laws. The stated objective of the 287(g) program is to fight against serious crime committed by removable aliens to improve our national security and enhance safety in local communities. This study analyzes the effect of 287(g) programs on violent and property crime, using data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reports and the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. 287(g) agreements empowering correctional officers to enforce immigration law reduce violent crime and property crime. City-level 287(g) agreements substantially increase property crime, cancelling out the effects of Correctional 287(g) agreements. The effect of county-level agreements is unclear, but there are some indications that they also increase property and violent crime. State-level 287(g) agreements have no effect on either violent or property crime. African American populations are associated with higher crime rates in jurisdictions with any type of 287(g) agreement. Recent immigrants displace African Americans from the local labor force. 287(g) programs are implemented in response to rising immigrant populations, but impose substantial costs on implementing jurisdictions for detention, overtime, litigation based on unconstitutional racial profiling, and foster care for youth whose parents are deported. Jurisdictions divert resources away from local law enforcement priorities and reduce public services, which may help explain the increase in crime amongst African American communities. Criminality amongst youth with immigrant parents also increases when some 287(g) programs are adopted, and the programs hamper collaboration between immigrant communities and local law enforcement. City, County, and State-level 287(g) agreements have either no effect or deleterious effects on public safety and should be eliminated. Correctional 287(g) programs should be limited to immigrants already convicted, indicted, or arrested based on reasonable cause to alleviate constitutional concerns. Greater federal oversight and guidance is needed to prevent waste and abuse, and further research is needed to analyze differential crime reporting amongst populations, allegations of racial profiling, and whether Correctional 287(g) programs reduce or displace criminal activity. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown Public Policy Institute, Georgetown University, 2009. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Master's Thesis: Accessed May 3, 2012 at: http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/553869/pinheiroErika.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/553869/pinheiroErika.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 125131 Keywords: Illegal AliensImmigrants and Crime (U.S.)Immigration |
Author: Bersani, Bianca E. Title: An Examination of the "Marriage Effect" on Desistance from Crime among U.S. Immigrants Summary: Interest in the relationship between immigration and crime has a long history in the United States. Since the late 19th and early 20th centuries much anxiety has been levied at the social ills associated with immigrants, and in particular, the criminal element they may bring with them (see, for example, Immigration Commission 1911). Despite these concerns, research spanning more than a century has revealed that the stereotype of the "criminal immigrant" is a myth (Hagan and Palloni 1999; Rumbaut and Ewing 2007) and that the foreign-born (e.g., first generation immigrants) are involved in significantly less crime than their native-born peers (Lee and Martinez 2009; Sampson and Laub 2005; Zhou and Bankston 2006). At the same time, however, research also demonstrates increasing rates of crime among the children of immigrants, (e.g., the second generation) (Bersani 2012; Morenoff and Astor 2006). As the second generation immigrant population continues to grow attention has shifted to understanding the reasons for the dramatic increase in offending among the children of immigrants as well as the factors that insulate the first generation from crime. Alongside this shift in research attention, a related body of work posits a declining significance of marriage among the second and later generations (Oropesa and Landale 2004). This decline is noteworthy for two reasons: First, research on immigration and crime often identifies the family as an important protective factor among first generation immigrants (Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco 2001; Zhou 1997), suggesting that "immigrant families may have an advantage because they are more likely to bond together and establish social ties and cooperative kin-based economic and childrearing practices" (MacDonald and Saunders 2012: 132). Second, the benefits of family bonds, and marriage in particular, for fostering desistance from crime have been well established in previous research (Laub and Sampson 2003; Sampson and Laub 1993). Thus, a decline in marriage among later generations holds the power to influence patterns of criminality among the children of immigrants. The aim of this research is to merge separate but related bodies of work by integrating research on immigration, marriage and family, and crime to shed light on the factors that shape patterns of criminal offending among the children of immigrants as they transition to young adulthood. This research addresses three core questions: 1) are second generation immigrants (defined as individuals born in the U.S. with at least one foreign-born parent) entering into marriage at a slower pace than their first generation immigrant (defined as those born outside the U.S. with foreign-born parents) peers?; 2) what role does marriage play in understanding immigrant offending?; and 3) is the relationship between marriage and offending conditioned by immigrant generational status and/or country/region of birth (i.e., nativity)? To situate these findings in the larger body of research, we also examine a sample of native-born youth, disaggregated by race and ethnicity, for comparison purposes. Our findings reveal important similarities and differences between immigrant generations with respect to patterns of marriage and offending. First, counter to expectations of a "retreat" from marriage (i.e., a declining rate), we find that second generation immigrants marry at rates comparable to their White, Hispanic, and first generation immigrant peers. Second, consistent with previous research, we find that marriage is negatively related to crime for both first and second generation immigrants. However, this "marriage effect" is particularly strong the second generation. Details: Unpublished report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2013. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: https://ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/242326.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/242326.pdf Shelf Number: 129583 Keywords: DesistanceImmigrants and Crime (U.S.)Marriage and Crime |