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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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41 results foundAuthor: Smee, Sharon Title: Realising Rights: Increasing Ethnic Minority Women's Access to Justice Summary: Over the last decade, there has been a greater focus on the needs of women as victims, offenders and workers in the U.K. criminal justice system. There have also been some important changes taking place to improve the position of ethnic monorities in the justice sector. However, there has been less focus on the distinct needs of ethnic minority women and the intersectional discrimination on the grounds of race and sex that these women face. This report highlights the extent of the problem and shines a spotlight on ethnic minority women's experiences across the criminal justice system. Details: London: Fawcett Society, 2010. 85p. Source: Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 118102 Keywords: DiscriminationFemalesMinorities |
Author: Lopez, Mark Hugo Title: Hispanics and the Criminal Justice System: Low Confidence, High Exposure Summary: Latinos' confidence in the U.S. criminal justice system is closer to the relatively low levels expressed by blacks than to the higher levels expressed by whites, according to a pair of nationwide surveys by the Pew Research Center. Six-in-ten (61%) Hispanics say they have a great deal or a fair amount of confidence that the police in their communities will do a good job enforcing the law, compared with 78% of whites and 55% of blacks. Fewer than half of Latinos say they are confident that Hispanics will be treated fairly by the courts (49%) and police officers (45%). Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2009. 16p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 110844 Keywords: -Hispanic AmericansDiscriminationMinoritiesPublic Opinion |
Author: Dustmann, Christian Title: Racial Harassment, Ethnic Concentration and Economic Conditions Summary: In this paper, we analyse the association between spatial concentration of ethnic minorities, and racial harassment. Ethnic concentration relates to racial harassment through at least three channels: hostility in attitudes of majority individuals that find expression in harassment behaviour, the probability of minority individuals meeting majority individuals, and the cost of expressing hostility aggressively. Harassment can thus not simply be modeled as a stronger form of hostility. Using unique data for Britain, we show that, in area of higher local ethnic concentration, experience of harassment is lower, even though hostility on the side of the majority population is not. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2010. 32p. Source: Internet Resource; IZA Discussion Paper No. 4885: Accessed April 6, 2016 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp4885.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp4885.pdf Shelf Number: 119543 Keywords: Hate CrimesMinoritiesRacial Harassment (U.K.) |
Author: Adams, Neville Title: Race and the European Criminal Justice System: The Position of Visible Minority Drug Users in the European Criminal Justice System Summary: This is the multi-country report for Europe outlining some of the key issues pertaining to visible minorities and drug use in the criminal justice system. The report is structured so as to ensure that the findings of the primary source research, involving interviews with staff and service users, can be situated within the relevant European wide and national overlapping anti-discriminatory, drug policy and criminal justice contexts. The report structure is as follows: Race and racism, a contextual framework; European anti-discriminatory legislative context; Overview of the normative potential of the EC anti-discriminatory legislation; Visible minorities in Europe and their treatment; European drug policies and legislation; Survey findings; and Conclusion. Details: Brussels: European Commission, Executive Agency for Health and Consumers, 2010. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 22, 2010 at: http://www.connectionsproject.eu/the-project Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://www.connectionsproject.eu/the-project Shelf Number: 120589 Keywords: DiscriminationDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug Abuse TreatmentDrug Offenders (Europe)Minorities |
Author: Ipsos MORI Title: A Feasibility Study for a Survey of Migrants Summary: The Analysis, Research and Knowledge Management Directorate (ARK) in the UK Border Agency commissioned Ipsos MORI and the Institute of Education to undertake a feasibility study for a large-scale face-to-face survey of migrants in the UK. The purpose of the feasibility study was to inform the design of a survey of migrants, looking at how to design and interview a statistically robust sample and the appropriate questions to adopt in such a survey. The feasibility study involved: 1. workshops with the UK Border Agency and other stakeholders to identify survey requirements; 2. the development of a definition of ’migrant’ for use in the survey; 3. the development of a sample design; 4. testing fieldwork recruitment and data collection methods to be used; and 5. the development of a questionnaire, including cognitive testing in several languages. This report focuses on the sampling and field methods aspects of the feasibility study. A separate technical report provides details on other issues, including question development. Details: London: Home Office, 2011. 57p.; Technical Report; Questionnaire Source: Internet Resource: Occasional Paper 92: Accessed January 31, 2011 at: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs11/occ92.pdf Year: 0 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs11/occ92.pdf Shelf Number: 120637 Keywords: Border SecurityImmigrationMigrants (U.K.)Minorities |
Author: Allard, Troy Title: Understanding and Preventing Indigenous Offending Summary: Indigenous over-representation is the most significant social justice and public policy issue for the Australian and New Zealand criminal justice systems. Closing the gap on Indigenous overrepresentation has been identified as a priority and promoted through the National Indigenous Law and Justice Framework and Reducing Offending by Māori Projec. This research brief reports on the data available regarding Indigenous offending patterns, and finds that over- representation is particularly acute with regard to acts intended to cause injury, public order offences, offences against justice and unlawful entry. Like other offenders, Indigenous offenders are very likely to be male, substance abusers, unemployed and poor. The legacies of colonisation, dispossession and child removal policies, such as psychological distress and social disorganisation, also appear to be risk factors. The implications of these findings for crime prevention are examined. Details: Canberra: Indigenous Justice Clearinghouse, 2010. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Brief 9: Accessed February 2, 2011 at: http://www.indigenousjustice.gov.au/briefs/brief009.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.indigenousjustice.gov.au/briefs/brief009.pdf Shelf Number: 120666 Keywords: Indigenous PeoplesMinoritiesOffenders |
Author: Wells, Heather Title: Minority Overrepresentation in Colorado's Criminal Justice System: An Interagency Report to the Colorado Commission on Criminal & Juvenile Justice Summary: There are racial and ethnic inequalities in the U.S. criminal justice system. A disproportionately high number of African Americans are arrested, convicted, incarcerated, denied early parole and rearrested. There is some evidence of ethnic (Hispanic vs. non-Hispanic) disparities. However, many government agencies do not collect ethnicity data, so it is more difficult to draw firm conclusions about ethnic disparity. There is a similar lack of information about American Indian or Alaska Natives and Asians due to their relatively small percentages in the population, but there is some evidence that American Indian or Alaska Natives are overrepresented, whereas Asians’ criminal justice outcomes are similar to those of Whites. However, there is a lot of variability in culture and socioeconomic status between different Asian subgroups, so it is likely that their experiences in the criminal justice system vary widely. This report was mandated by HB 08-1119, which states that the Colorado Criminal Commission on Criminal & Juvenile Justice should conduct and review studies and make recommendations regarding the reduction of racial disparities in the criminal justice system. This paper focuses on adult offenders. For information about how juvenile offenders’ race affects their criminal justice outcomes, please see the bibliography released by the Technical Assistance and Research Center (TARC) at New Mexico University (Bond-Maupin et al., n.d.). For information about minority overrepresentation among juveniles in Colorado, please see Colorado’s Three-Year Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Plan (Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Council & Office of Adult and Juvenile Justice Assistance, 2009). This paper defines race and ethnicity, explores the extent of the problem in each stage of the criminal justice system nationwide (policing, pre-trial detention, sentencing and court processing, community supervision, prison and the death penalty), discusses possible reasons why such disparities occur, and describes Colorado’s efforts to reduce the problem. The current study explores criminal justice outcomes in Colorado by race and ethnicity; staff diversity at Colorado’s Department of Corrections (CDOC), Division of Probation Services, and state court system; and probation and parole release types by race and ethnicity. The paper concludes with recommendations for reducing racial and ethnic disparities in Colorado. Details: Colorado Springs, CO: Colorado Department of Corrections, Office of Planning and Analysis, 2010. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 15, 2011 at: http://cdpsweb.state.co.us/cccjj/PDF/Research%20Documents/MOR_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://cdpsweb.state.co.us/cccjj/PDF/Research%20Documents/MOR_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 120774 Keywords: Criminal Justice, Administration of (Colorado)DiscriminationMinoritiesPrisonersRace/Ethnicity |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: Data in Focus Report: Police Stops and Minorities Summary: EU-MIDIS, the first EU-wide survey to ask immigrant and ethnic minority groups about their experiences of discrimination and criminal victimisation in everyday life shows that: •Minorities were stopped by the police more often than the majority groups living in the same neighbourhoods in Belgium, Germany, Greece, Spain, France and Hungary. This was not the case in the Slovak Republic, Bulgaria, Italy or Romania. Some minority groups are particularly heavily policed – for example Roma respondents in Greece who were stopped by the police experienced on average nearly 6 stops in a 12 month period. •Majority respondents tend to think that the police are respectful towards them, whereas more minority respondents indicate that the police are disrespectful. For example, in Belgium, 85% of majority population respondents considered that the police were respectful towards them during their last police stop, compared to 42% of North African respondents and 55% of Turkish respondents. •Minority groups who perceive they were stopped by the police on the basis of their ethnic or immigrant background have a lower level of trust in the police than minorities who were stopped and considered it to be unrelated to their minority background. Every second minority victim of assault, threat or serious harassment said they did not report these incidents to the police because they were not confident the police would do anything about them. Details: Vienna: FRA, 2010. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Data in Focus Report 04: Accessed February 24, 2011 at: http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/EU-MIDIS-police.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/EU-MIDIS-police.pdf Shelf Number: 120863 Keywords: DiscriminationMinoritiesPolice MisconductPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (Europe) |
Author: Krebs, Christopher P., Lindquist, Christine H. Title: The Historically Black College and University Campus Sexual Assault (HBCU-CSA) Study Summary: Sexual assault has a substantial impact on both victims and society. Victims of sexual assault may suffer both immediate and long-term physical and mental health consequences, including injury, sexually transmitted diseases, and pregnancy. Victims of sexual assault report increasing their visits to physicians by 18% the year of the assault, by 56% the year after the assault, and by 31% two years after the assault. Four out of five rape victims subsequently suffer from chronic physical or psychological conditions, and rape victims are 13 times more likely to attempt suicide than persons who have not been crime victims and 6 times more likely than victims of other crimes. Overall, rape is believed to carry the highest annual victim cost of any crime: $127 billion (excluding child sex abuse cases). It is followed by assault at $93 billion per year, murder (excluding arson and drunk driving) at $61 billion per year, and child abuse at $56 billion per year. Given the substantial impact that sexual victimization has on individual victims and society, collecting information that advances our understanding of sexual assault, helps us prevent victimization, and better meets the needs of victims is critical. Although a considerable amount of research on sexual violence on college campuses has been conducted, very little of this research has involved historically black college and university (HBCU) students. As a result, there is a substantial gap in the literature and knowledge base about the magnitude of the problem, what is being done to reduce the problem, and what more can be done to prevent sexual violence and meet the needs of victims of sexual assault on HBCU campuses. The gap in research makes it difficult to fully understand the sexual assault experiences of African American students in general, given that almost 20% of African American baccalaureates receive their degree from HBCUs. RTI International was funded by the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) to conduct the HBCU Campus Sexual Assault (HBCU-CSA) Study. The HBCU-CSA Study was undertaken to document the prevalence — as well as associated personal and behavioral factors, context, consequences, and reporting—of distinct forms of sexual assault. This study also examines campus police and service provider perspectives on sexual victimization and student attitudes toward law enforcement and ideas about prevention and policy. Faculty, staff, and students at all four of the participating HBCUs, many of whom were women of color, played an invaluable role in ensuring that the study was culturally sensitive and would be well received by the population of undergraduate women at HBCUs. HBCU faculty, staff, and students collaborated with RTI on all aspects of the study including design, instrumentation, marketing and recruitment, and analysis and dissemination of findings. In the HBCU-CSA Study, the term “sexual assault” includes a wide range of victimizations, including rape and other forms of unwanted sexual contact (e.g., sexual battery). Following the typology put forth in the previously conducted CSA Study, we classify sexual assault based on how the assault was achieved. Virtually all sexual assault research distinguishes between assaults occurring as a result of physical force or threats of physical force and those that do not involve the use or threat of force. Similarly, in the HBCU-CSA Study, we consider physically forced sexual assault as a distinct category of assault. Another means through which sexual assault is achieved is incapacitation of the victim. Legal definitions of sexual assault factor in one’s ability to provide consent, and individuals who are incapacitated because of the effects of alcohol or drugs (or otherwise incapacitated, such as when they are unconscious or asleep) are incapable of consenting. Incapacitated sexual assault can be broken down into three subtypes: alcohol or other drug (AOD)-enabled, drug-facilitated, and other incapacitated sexual assault. Drug-facilitated sexual assault (DFSA) is defined as unwanted sexual contact occurring when the victim is incapacitated and unable to provide consent after she has been given a drug without her knowledge or consent. If a woman experiences unwanted sexual contact when she is incapacitated and unable to provide consent because of voluntary consumption of alcohol or other drugs, we classify it as AOD-enabled sexual assault. Other incapacitated sexual assaults capture the remaining, and uncommon, situations in which a victim can be incapacitated, such as by being asleep or unconscious. The HBCU-CSA Study addresses several gaps in the existing literature and makes a number of contributions to the field. It is the first to generate prevalence estimates of sexual assault on a collection of HBCU campuses and thus enable us to explore whether findings on sexual assault generated from the “general” population of undergraduate women are consistent with the experiences of undergraduate women attending HBCUs. Furthermore, it is among the first to explore in substantial detail the responses to sexual assault by campus law enforcement (as well as service providers) based on data gathered both from victims themselves and from law enforcement and service provider staff. Learning more about the extent to which sexual assault is reported among HBCU students, and the criminal justice and service provider response to such reporting, is extremely important so we can assess the efficacy of these responses and make necessary policy and practice changes capable of improving the services for victims and ultimately preventing sexual assault. Details: Research Triangle Park, NC: RTI International, 2010. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2011 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/233614.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/233614.pdf Shelf Number: 121049 Keywords: Colleges and UniversitiesMinoritiesRapeSexual AssaultSexual ViolenceVictims of Crime |
Author: Leonardson, Gary R. Title: Assessment of Disproportionate Minority Contact in South Dakota Summary: Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) has been documented in research over the past three decades. In many studies, racial disparities have been found within various stages of the juvenile justice system. The results of the most recent research differ from the previous DMC reviews in that a greater proportion of the recent studies showed inconclusive results. Research that is more recent has used multiple factors with more sophisticated research and statistical techniques, while earlier studies mainly focused on ethnicity. Factors, besides the differential handling of minority youth, which have been found to be related to confinement or other decisions in the juvenile justice system are: gender, geography, age, prior criminal history, family factors, peers, experiences in school, differential offending of minority youth, differential opportunities for prevention and treatment, substance abuse, and related factors. An effective and comprehensive DMC assessment must consider multiple factors and use varied research methods. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used in the current analyses of DMC in South Dakota. Focus group methodology was the qualitative procedure employed, and various univariate and multivariate statistical procedures were used for the quantitative analyses of the available data. Quantitative Findings -- · Native Americans are more likely to be arrested. · Native Americans are more likely to be detained after arrested. · No difference by race was found in adjudicated/not adjudicated. · Native Americans are more likely to be adjudicated to DOC. · No difference by race was found in detention time for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in incarceration time for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in probation time for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in community service time for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in fine amount for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in restitution amount for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in driver’s license suspension time for those adjudicated. · No difference by race was found in placement in secure or non-secure facilities after commitment to DOC. · No difference by race was found in out-of-state placements of DOC clients in secure facilities. · No difference by race was found in any out-of-state placements of DOC clients. · No difference by race was found in secure placements of DOC clients after revocation. Qualitative Findings -- Focus groups are effective because they tap into common human interactions and tendencies. Attitudes and perceptions about common or complex concepts are developed in part by interactions with other people. In order to gain understanding of attitudes and perceptions, focus group methodology has been employed by many researchers. This methodology is a popular qualitative assessment technique that provides information that is difficult to assess through analysis of data sets or formal questionnaires, and it has been used to assess reasons for DMC. Focus groups were conducted at four locations across the state with 92 participants in 12 groups. One-half of the 12 focus groups were with youth in the juvenile justice system (e.g., probation, DOC commitments, etc.). Three focus groups were conducted with criminal justice practitioners such as judges, police department and sheriff’s office personnel, Court Service Officers (CSO) and Juvenile Corrections Agents (JCA). Additionally, three groups of parents who have adolescents in the system and providers of youth services were part of the focus group procedure. While most people tended to view multiple reasons for DMC (e.g., economics, racial and ethnic biases, family structure, gangs, substance abuse, loss of identity, etc.), some held that racial prejudice by practitioners (i.e., law enforcement, judges, etc.) was the prime reason. Others felt that the social system in general was biased, limiting the opportunities for minorities in the areas of employment, education, economic development and related areas. However, minority youth in the focus groups appeared to see less racial/ethnic bias in the juvenile justice system than did participants in the parent/provider groups. The reasons given for DMC in South Dakota include: · Prejudice or biased treatment of minorities. · Close scrutiny of law enforcement and store owners/staff of minority adolescents. · Differences in laws, mores, and cultural values between reservation and non-reservation areas. · Cultural differences concerning the importance of formal education between whites and other groups. · Greater numbers of single parent families, resulting in lack of structure in minority families. · Truancy and dropout rates are believed to be higher in minorities. · Substance abuse is viewed as higher among minority adolescents. · Excessive gang membership by minority juveniles. · Poverty and unemployment was thought to be higher in minority groups. Solutions to DMC and/or Delinquency in General: · Cultural sensitivity/diversity training for persons in the juvenile justice system. · Hire more minority staff members throughout the juvenile justice system. · Mentoring programs which match responsible adults with adolescents in need. · Tribal truancy courts. · Better communication between leaders of reservation communities and nearby or magnate non-reservations communities. · Teach traditional Native American culture to urban Indians. · Teach parenting skills, including making parents responsible for the actions of their children. · More and better services in the areas of advocacy, counseling, parenting, education, intervention, treatment, and related areas. · Use the strengths of Native American and other minority cultures in dealing with problems of delinquency. Intervention Programs found to be Helpful in Ameliorating DMC or Delinquency in General · Mentoring programs · Dropout prevention programs · Home visitation programs · After school recreation programs · Gang resistance training programs Details: Dillon, MT: Mountain Plains Research and Evaluation, 2005. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 29, 2011 at: http://doc.sd.gov/about/grants/documents/FullDMCReportFinal.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://doc.sd.gov/about/grants/documents/FullDMCReportFinal.pdf Shelf Number: 121200 Keywords: Discrimination in Juvenile Justice AdministrationDisproportionate Minority ContactJuvenile CorrectionsJuvenile Justice Systems (South Dakota)Minorities |
Author: College of Business. Office of Business and Economic Research Title: Assessment of Disproportionate Minority Confinement in Tennessee’s Juvenile Justice System Summary: A new report, funded and commissioned by the Tennessee Commission on Children and Youth, was the first systematic examination of the problem of minority over-representation in Tennessee juvenile courts. Although the report did not identify any “smoking guns,” it did recommend changes. The report identified risk factors associated with confinement and listed recommendations to address systemic problems. The purpose of the report was to investigate the nature, extent, and causes of disproportionate minority confinement in Tennessee’s Juvenile Justice System. Seven counties, Davidson, Shelby, Knox, Hamilton, Madison, Blount, and Washington, were selected for study. Tennessee’s major urban counties had been previously identified as having significant DMC problems. Blount and Washington counties had not and were selected, in part, as control comparisons. The qualitative portion of the research relied upon case studies, interviews, and focus groups in the selected counties. These case studies and the individual file reviews allowed for deeper and a more long-term examination of individual cases, some of which went back more than 10 years with 10 or more appearances before the Juvenile Court. The quantitative research provided the snapshot of what happened in the year 2000. Details: Nashville, TN: Tennessee Commission on Children and Youth, 2003. 368p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 29, 2011 at: http://www.tennessee.gov/tccy/dmcrep.shtml Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: http://www.tennessee.gov/tccy/dmcrep.shtml Shelf Number: 121201 Keywords: Discrimination in the Juvenile Justice SystemDisproportionate Minority ContactJuvenile Justice Systems (Tennessee)Juvenile OffendersMinorities |
Author: Greene, Judith Title: Numbers Game: The Vicious Cycle of Incarceration in Mississippi’s Criminal Justice System Summary: The people of Mississippi deserve and demand crime policies that promote public safety, treat people fairly—regardless of the size of their pocketbook or the color of their skin—and use public resources wisely. Unfair, ineffective, financially unsustainable and counterproductive — all terms that, regrettably, apply to significant aspects of Mississippi’s criminal justice policy. Mississippi’s drug law enforcement infrastructure is fundamentally flawed and in dire need of reform. This report undertakes a review and analysis of some of the most troubling aspects of the state’s criminal justice system, with a particular focus on drug law enforcement, and offers recommendations for reform. Major findings in the NUMBERS GAME report include that: •Mississippi’s regional drug task force funding, contingent on the quantity of drug arrests, encourages the indiscriminate use of confidential informants to increase arrest numbers over the quality and public safety impact of the drug cases. •Poorly-structured drug laws, limiting the judicial discretion of judges, produce extremely harsh sentences for relatively minor street-level transactions involving small amounts of drugs, coupled with police enforcement strategies focused on producing high volume low-impact arrest numbers pressure defendants to work as informers, even when drug treatment might prove a better public safety option. •Black Mississippians are three times more likely than whites to go to prison on drug charges even as drug use rates are largely identical for both groups. •The secrecy that shrouds the unchecked use of confidential informants is a practice that invites abuse, undermines the fundamental legitimacy of the criminal justice system and basic social structures in targeted communities. ACLU's two year attempt to secure basic information on the practice, acknowledged by state officials as public files under Mississippi’s Public Record Act, has gone unfulfilled. Details: Brooklyn, NY: Justice Strategies; Jackson, MS: American Civil Liberties Union of Mississippi, 2011. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2011 at: http://www.justicestrategies.org/sites/default/files/publications/DLRP_MississipppiReport%20Final%20Mar%202011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicestrategies.org/sites/default/files/publications/DLRP_MississipppiReport%20Final%20Mar%202011.pdf Shelf Number: 121260 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformCriminal Justice System (Mississippi)DiscriminationDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersIncarcerationMinoritiesSentencing |
Author: Alesina, Alberto F. Title: A Test of Racial Bias in Capital Sentencing Summary: This paper proposes a test of racial bias in capital sentencing based upon patterns of judicial errors in lower courts. We model the behavior of the trial court as minimizing a weighted sum of the probability of sentencing an innocent and that of letting a guilty defendant free. We define racial bias as a situation where the relative weight on the two types of errors is a function of defendant and/or victim race. The key prediction of the model is that if the court is unbiased, ex post the error rate should be independent of the combination of defendant and victim race. We test this prediction using an original dataset that contains the race of the defendant and of the victim(s) for all capital appeals that became final between 1973 and 1995. We find robust evidence of bias against minority defendants who killed white victims: In Direct Appeal and Habeas Corpus the probability of error in these cases is 3 and 9 percentage points higher, respectively, than for minority defendants who killed minority victims. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2011. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper Series; Working Paper 16981: Accessed May 3, 2011 at: http://papers.nber.org/papers/w16981 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://papers.nber.org/papers/w16981 Shelf Number: 121584 Keywords: Capital PunishmentJudicial ErrorMinoritiesRacial BiasRacial DisparitiesSentencing |
Author: Vermeire, Diana Tate Title: Balancing the Scales of Justice: An Exploration into How Lack of Education, Employment, and Housing Opportunities Contribute to Disparities in the Criminal Justice System Summary: At a time of growing need, California continues to slash basic safety net programs and underfund public education and other critical services. The state’s criminal justice system, however, does not turn anyone away. It has evolved into society’s catchall institution. As a result, California’s criminal justice system has experienced historic growth and a correlating mass incarceration of racial and ethnic minorities over the past 30 years. Consequently, people of color are disproportionately represented in the criminal justice system, and the number of women in the criminal justice system is increasing at a disproportionate rate. Systemic bias within the criminal justice system contributes to this disproportionality, but it is not the sole cause of the expansion of the system and the disparities within the system. Instead, the racial, ethnic, and gender disparities found within our criminal justice system are created in part by external socio-economic factors. External socio-economic factors, including adequate educational, employment, and housing opportunities, protect privileged individuals from contact with the criminal justice system. However, for those living in concentrated areas of poverty, especially racial and ethnic minorities, lack of access to basic necessities such as quality education, employment, and housing, increases the likelihood of criminal justice system contact. Moreover, the interventions meant to address socio-economic inequities are failing and as a result the criminal justice system is assuming the responsibilities of these failed governmental programs and agencies. With significant budget cuts for all social service institutions, the number of individuals served and the scope of available services continues to decrease. Socio-economic inequities contribute to disparities in the criminal justice system. Yet, due to a lack of data and research, it is impossible to measure the force and impact of these external factors on criminal justice system involvement and the extent to which they exacerbate the systemic and institutional bias and racism within the criminal justice system. Details: San Francisco: ACLU of Northern California and the W. Haywood Burns Institute, 2010. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2011 at: http://www.aclunc.org/docs/racial_justice/balancing_the_scales_of_justice.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.aclunc.org/docs/racial_justice/balancing_the_scales_of_justice.pdf Shelf Number: 121702 Keywords: BiasCriminal Justice Systems (California)EducationEmploymentHousingMinoritiesRacial DisparitiesSocioeconomic Status |
Author: European Roma Rights Centre and People in Need Title: Breaking the Silence: Trafficking in Romani Communities Summary: Estimates provided during research by the ERRC and PiN about the perceived representation of Roma among trafficked persons in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia are several times higher than the proportion of Roma among the general population, indicating a disproportionate impact of this practice on Romani communities. Romani women and children were found to be particularly vulnerable to trafficking, which brings Roma to other countries and to other locations within their home countries. Roma are trafficked for various purposes, including sexual exploitation, labour exploitation, domestic servitude, organ trafficking, illegal adoption and forced begging. The vulnerability factors identified in this study are closely linked to those commonly associated with non-Romani trafficked persons and include structural forms of ethnic and gender discrimination, poverty and social exclusion which result in low educational achievement, high levels of unemployment, usury, growing up in State care, domestic violence and substance abuse. Gaps in law, policy and practice in the field of anti-trafficking constitute barriers to the fight against trafficking in Romani communities. Few Roma are identified by police as trafficked persons and many are reluctant to report themselves to law enforcement agencies for fear of reprisal from their traffickers or of prosecution for the conduct of criminal acts as a trafficked person. Similarly low numbers of Romani trafficked persons access victim prevention and protection services and general social protection systems are failing to reduce the extreme vulnerability of Roma to trafficking. The overwhelming lack of support available to Romani trafficked persons negatively impacts the ability of many to re-integrate, leaving them highly vulnerable to re-trafficking. Details: Budapest: European Roma Rights Centre, 2011. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2011 at: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/breaking-the-silence-19-march-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/breaking-the-silence-19-march-2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121936 Keywords: BeggingForced LaborHuman TraffickingMinoritiesRomaniesSexual ExploitationTrafficking in Organs |
Author: Bull, Melissa Title: Building Trust: Working with Muslim Communities in Australia: A Review of the Community Policing Partnership Project Summary: The Community Policing Partnerships Project (CPPP) was one of eight projects implemented under the Australian Human Rights Commission’s Community Partnerships for Human Rights (CPHR) program. The CPHR’s central goal was to increase social inclusion and to counter discrimination and intolerance towards Australia’s Muslim and culturally and linguistically diverse communities. Under the CPPP, police and communities worked together to plan and administer 38 projects across Australia. This report provides a review of the outcomes of these projects and provides some key findings and learnings for future community policing initiatives. Evidence from the CPPP projects suggests that the individual experiences of many police and community participants were positive and beneficial. Establishing trust and building relationships between Muslim young people and local police officers was a key focus of many of the projects under the CPPP. Often this was achieved by providing opportunities for positive interaction between police and young people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds and by providing information regarding the support available to young people (Office of Multicultural Interests, 2009, p. 26). Many of the CPPP projects broke down stereotypes, improving previously tense relationships. However, projects such as those under the CPPP will need to reach deep into police organisations and communities involved to bring about significant and lasting change in the nature of police–community relationships. This report discusses some of the key learnings from the CPPP and other community policing initiatives. This report finds that in addressing social inclusion, countering discrimination and intolerance, and building mutual trust and respect, community policing initiatives need to address the: •complex underlying social conditions when tackling core issues such as social inclusion, to optimise relationships between police and communities •adversity faced by young people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds by increasing the factors that mitigate risks they face, and so facilitate their ability to contribute to the local economy in the future •danger of defining problems in terms of communication and awareness, which can at times gloss over real, deep-seated, underlying conflicts and sources of tension •potentially adverse practical consequences that may flow from using the concept of ‘community’ in the context of community policing initiatives. There is a risk that community policing initiatives may perpetuate or exacerbate the very problem they are attempting to defuse by the manner in which they define or name the problem. The most effective approaches will focus more directly on the dynamics of police–youth relationships rather than on overemphasising ethnic or religious background. Community policing initiatives must also: •avoid overemphasising the formal education of minority community members about their rights and responsibilities. For community members, these may be articulated as concerns about informal belonging, respect, recognition, fair treatment and dignity •acknowledge that the concept of ‘community’ is often not inclusive of those most affected by policing. The consensual overtones of community can hide the fact that a few select voices and interests—often those of the most respectable and powerful—can often come to represent the whole community •be realistic about the possibilities, limitations, challenges and pitfalls of community policing programs, which can be affected by the priority, resources and planning they receive. It is important that projects such as those implemented under the CPPP are integrated into other ongoing police and community activities and are guided by a long-term view of the issues. This necessarily involves evidence-based planning, policy and research that takes a long-term view and is informed by how immigration shapes the dynamics of social and community change and the implications of such change for social cohesion and policing issues. This report finds that in the absence of a broad, long-term view police services and other criminal justice agencies may be left to deal, reactively, with failings in other areas of public policy; that, if ignored, complex social problems may translate into problems of law and order; and that simplistic causal explanations may prove ineffective and counterproductive. This report demonstrates the need for a more concerted government response and a strategic research, policy and planning framework if maximum benefit is to be derived from community policing initiatives such as the CPPP. Details: Sydney: Australian Human Rights Commission, 2010. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 29, 2011 at: http://www.humanrights.gov.au/racial_discrimination/publications/police/2010building_trust.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.humanrights.gov.au/racial_discrimination/publications/police/2010building_trust.pdf Shelf Number: 122234 Keywords: Community PolicingHuman RightsMinoritiesMuslimsPolice-Community Relations (Australia) |
Author: Eichler, Thomas P. Title: Race and Incarceration in Delaware: A Preliminary Consideration Summary: Delaware has one of the highest incarceration rates of any state, in a nation with the world’s highest incarceration rate. However, even more disturbing is that Blacks, who are 20 % of the general population in Delaware, are disproportionately represented between those being arrested and jailed, particularly for drug offenses. Analysis of available data indicates that Blacks are being funneled into Delaware’s prisons far beyond any explanation that can be made from either rates of arrest or illicit drug use. Consider the following facts: Prison sentences: · Whites are 56% of those arrested, · But Blacks are 64% of those sentenced to a jail or prison term. Drug use: · Whites are an estimated 73% of those using illicit drugs, · But Blacks are 86% of those doing time for drug charges. Drug Treatment: · Whites are 59% of the admissions to the State’s community drug treatment programs; · But Blacks are a majority of those getting drug treatment in prison. When you look at Delaware’s prison census, you will see that Blacks comprise almost two-thirds of the prison population and are 86.8% of those incarcerated for drug offenses. In fact, Blacks account for two-thirds of the 344% increase in Delaware’s prison capacity over 20 years. From the data, we can derive a disturbing conclusion: White offenders enjoy a revolving door back to the community compared to Black offenders, who are disproportionately sent to prison. Unequal risk of incarceration As this report delineates, the risk of a White arrestee being sentenced to incarceration is only 40 % of the risk that a Black arrestee faces. Further, among arrestees on drug charges, the chance that a White drug offender will be sentenced to a prison term (one year or more) is only 21% of that faced by Black arrestees. Three Significant Findings This report presents three significant findings based on the data. 1. Blacks in Delaware are disproportionately represented in Delaware’s criminal justice system versus their representation in the population at large. 2. As Delaware expanded its use of incarceration for drug offenses, Blacks have borne the brunt of the increase. 3. While the reasons for Black disproportionate representation in the DOC census are complex, several indicators raise questions about possible disparate consequences for illicit activity. These facts set off many alarms ranging from questions about the quality of justice for Blacks to the effectiveness of public safety regarding White offenders. While more needs to be done to analyze the reasons for these disparities, some effective remedial steps can be taken now. Details: Wilmington, DE: Delaware Center for Justice and Metropolitan Wilmington Urban League, 2005p. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2011 at: http://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/RaceIncarceration.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/RaceIncarceration.pdf Shelf Number: 122958 Keywords: Incarceration Rates (Delware)MinoritiesRace and CrimeRacial Disparities |
Author: Delaware. Statistical Analysis Center Title: Race and Incarceration in Delaware: A Report to the Delaware General Assembly Summary: Delaware, like many other states, has significant racial disparities in arrests and incarceration when criminal justice statistics are compared to general population figures. Based on data from the 2000 to 2005 time frame, the following figures give a general sense of disproportionate minority representation in the state’s criminal justice system. Blacks are about 20 percent of the state’s general population. Blacks account for about 42 percent of statewide arrests. Blacks comprise about 64 percent of the state’s incarcerated population. In 2006, Delaware’s House Judiciary Committee created a Race and Incarceration Subcommittee to investigate criminal justice racial fairness. The Statistical Analysis Center was directed to study processes from arrest to sentencing. This preliminary phase involved detailed analysis of only adult males arrested in 2005. Race and ethnicity were combined for four race/ethnic groups. o Black, White, Hispanic, and Other. Five crime groups, in the following hierarchical order, were selected for analysis. o Rape, robbery, felony assault, burglary, and drug dealing. Cases involving homicide or attempted homicide were excluded from study. Analysis of 2005 criminal justice data relating to adult males shows that in three crimes against persons (rape, robbery, and felony assault), racial disparities in the criminal justice system in Delaware are primarily explained by disparities in reported criminal activity rather than selective enforcement. No other definitive conclusions can yet be drawn regarding other aspects of the system; nevertheless, a broad overview of criminal justice statistics from arrest through sentencing shows some significant racial disparities that cannot be ignored. It is important to distinguish between statistical disparities and whether those disparities actually reflect racial bias at any stage of the criminal justice process. As indicated later in this report, this overview shows a clear need to delve into these statistics to determine if there is racial bias or if the racial disparities reflect factors unrelated to the criminal justice system, or some combination of both. The Criminal Justice Statistical Review Committee is fully sensitive to the principle that the criminal justice system must not only be fair in how it operates but also in how it is perceived. Such perception is itself a key component of the support of all citizens in their view of how the criminal justice system operates. Details: Dover, DE: Delaware Statistical Analysis Center, 2011. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2011 at: http://sac.omb.delaware.gov/publications/documents/RaceAndIncarceration.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://sac.omb.delaware.gov/publications/documents/RaceAndIncarceration.pdf Shelf Number: 122959 Keywords: MinoritiesRace and CrimeRacial DisparitiesSentencing (Delaware) |
Author: Fortner, Michael Javen Title: The Carceral State and the Crucible of Black Politics: An Urban History of the Rockefeller Drug Laws Summary: The expansion of the carceral state and the mass incarceration of African American males have been of great concern to academics and activists. The dominant explanations for these outcomes emphasize white supremacy and the Republican law and order rhetoric that developed during the late 1960s. This paper complicates this narrative: it examines the role that African-American activists played in the development of local and national drug policy. Tracing the discourse around crime and law enforcement within New York City’s African American community from 1950s until the 1970s, this papers finds that the “urban crisis” narrative did not develop in spite of black politics: it developed, in great measure, because of black politics. The law and order rhetoric of the post-60s GOP might have been employed at the expense of racial minorities living in urban ghettos, but black politics played a preparatory role for this new Republican discourse. This paper concludes that the carceral state and the mass incarceration of African American males is as much a result of black fears as it is a result of white racism. Details: Unpublished paper, 2011. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed October 22, 2011 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1944608 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1944608 Shelf Number: 123081 Keywords: African AmericansDrug OffendersDrug PolicyImprisonmentMinoritiesRockefeller Drug Laws (New York State) |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Violent Attacks Against Roma in Hungary: Time to Investigate Racial Motivation Summary: Violent attacks against Roma, commonly believed to be racially motivated, are on the rise and have not been adequately investigated by the authorities. Over a period of 18 months in Hungary, between January 2008 and August 2009, six Romani men, women and children were killed in a series of similar attacks in different parts of Hungary. Four men were arrested soon after the last killing. However, in the same period, local NGOs recorded over 40 separate attacks on members of the Romani community in Hungary. At the same time, discriminatory attitudes towards Roma have been increasingly accepted in public discourse in Hungary since 2006. Abusive terms, initially used by far-right political groups, are now accepted in the mainstream media. The report presents first-hand accounts from victims of these violent attacks that many in the community believe are motivated by racial prejudice. It highlights the Hungarian authorities’ shortcomings in the investigation and prosecution of attacks against Roma and calls on them to ensure that members of the Romani community, as well as members of other groups, are protected from violence. It also recommends that the authorities improve the investigation and reporting of racially motivated crimes and ensure that their victims receive adequate support. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2010. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR27/001/2010/en/7ee79730-e23f-4f20-834a-deb8deb23464/eur270012010en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Hungary URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR27/001/2010/en/7ee79730-e23f-4f20-834a-deb8deb23464/eur270012010en.pdf Shelf Number: 125217 Keywords: Hate CrimesMinoritiesRace/EthnicityRomaniesViolent Crime |
Author: Lind, Bonnie K. Title: Does Race/Ethnicity Affect Criminal Case Disposition of Juveniles in Canyon County? Results of Disproportionate Minority Contact Analysis Summary: The Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDP) defines basic protections for juveniles who become involved in the juvenile justice system. States participating in the JJDP Act voluntarily agree to provide and monitor these protections. One core protection of the JJDP Act is to investigate and address Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) in the juvenile justice system where it exists. The DMC protection requires States to ascertain whether juveniles who are members of minority racial/ethnic groups are overrepresented at various decision points. The primary statistic used to measure this indicator is called the Relative Rate Index (RRI). The RRI is a comparison of the volume of activity at various stages in the juvenile justice system; it is not a calculation of the odds of a youth moving to the next stage of the system. The RRI provides a method of comparison using a single index number that indicates the extent to which the volume of that form of contact or activity is different for minority, or Non-White, youth from White youth. The RRI is similar to vital signs in a health care setting. It can guide observers to a general area, but taken alone, it cannot identify whether a problem exists that needs to be addressed through an intervention. The RRI compares the rate of occurrence for White youth to the rate of occurrence for all Non-White youth. If the RRI is 1.00, then the rate of occurrence for White youth is similar to the rate of occurrence for all Non-White youth. If the RRI is greater than 1.00, then the rate of occurrence for Non-White youth is higher than the rate of occurrence for White youth. If the RRI is less than 1.00, then the rate of occurrence for White youth is higher than the rate of occurrence for Non-White youth. In 2005, the RRI showed that Hispanic or Latino youths in Canyon County were almost twice as likely to be arrested as White youths, and they were 38% more likely to be sent to secure detention. Hispanic youths were also 81% more likely than White youths to be sent to a juvenile correctional facility. Based on these indications, additional data were collected and analyzed in order to determine whether the ratios that differ from 1.0 represent racial bias in the treatment of juveniles or whether disparities reflect differences in crime characteristics such as the seriousness of crimes committed, gang membership, and use of a weapon. These analyses can be used to plan community interventions targeting identified areas of concern. This report presents the results of analyses considering these additional factors. Details: Boise, ID: Center for Health Policy, Boise State University, 2010. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 14, 2012 at http://www.ijjc.idaho.gov/Portals/0/Final%20DMC%20Report%201-13-2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.ijjc.idaho.gov/Portals/0/Final%20DMC%20Report%201-13-2010.pdf Shelf Number: 126701 Keywords: Discrimination in Juvenile Justice AdministrationDiscrimination in the Juvenile Justice SystemDisproportionate Minority Contact (Idaho)Juvenile OffendersMinoritiesRace/Ethnicity |
Author: Lindekilde, Lassee Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: Denmark Background Report Summary: This report provides background information for understanding and assessing the impact and effectiveness of Danish counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation policies on minority ethno-cultural communities, in particular Muslim ones. The report contextualises questions of impact – positive as well as negative – in Denmark in terms of the demographic/socio-economic profile of immigrants; general perceptions of threats from terrorism and perceptions of discrimination experienced by minorities; the legal framework of counter-terrorism; policies of radicalisation prevention and their implementation in practice; key institutional structures of counter-terrorism and division of labour; high profile terrorist court-cases; and developments in the general political climate and public discourse regarding issues of ‘integration’ and security. Part 1 of this report focuses on the demographic and socio-economic profile of minority communities in Denmark and on their perceptions of discrimination. It shows that immigrants from non-Western countries and their descendants, most of whom are of Muslim origin, currently make up 6.8% of the Danish population, a proportion which is expected to increase to around 10% by 2050. These communities are of relatively recent origin: nearly all came after 1967, and 67% arrived in, or were born in, Denmark after 1980. Their socio-economic profile indicates relative disadvantage. Even allowing for the fact that they are younger than the general population, they are disproportionately absent from the labour market: only 50% of those of working age are employed, against 74% of ethnic Danes. 75% of ethnic Danes but only 49% of descendants from non-Western countries complete some form of further or vocational education. Those immigrants and descendants from non-Western countries who are employed are generally found at the lowest levels of the labour market. With regard to discrimination, one regular survey shows perceptions of discrimination on grounds of ethnicity/religion declining from 40% in 2000 to 31% in 2011, with discrimination encountered primarily in the workplace. Official figures for hate crimes report only a handful each year, but these figures are probably not reliable, and one survey reported a suspected racial motive in 10% of cases of violence and vandalism. Part 2 introduces the legal context of counter-terrorism in Denmark. It shows how Danish counterterrorism legislation was introduced in two main packages, one in 2002 and one in 2006, and looks at checks on counter-terrorism powers, both formal and in the shape of reactions in the public debate. In general, the 2002 and 2006 packages simply implement Council of the European Union, Council of Europe and United Nations resolutions, while the definition of terrorism employed is taken almost wordfor- word from the Council of the European Union resolution. Where Danish legislation has gone beyond these international models is primarily in regard to electronic surveillance and data collection, most notably in increasing access by the internal security service to the wealth of centrally linked, very detailed and generally accurate data concerning all individuals resident in Denmark that is held by various government departments and agencies. The use of secret evidence is also permitted in terrorism cases. Police gained stop-and-search powers in specified areas of Denmark in 2004, but in response to gang violence rather than terrorism. These powers are perceived to have been used especially against minority youths. Checks on all these powers consist primarily of international human rights law, which has occasionally been invoked in Danish courts, sometimes with success. There has been much public criticism surrounding the use of secret evidence to land convictions, and notably concern that in at least one case, a police informant may have been acting as an agent provocateur. Part 3 deals with Danish counter-radicalisation policies, while providing an overview of how these are perceived by the general public and by minority communities. This part shows how comprehensive counter-radicalisation measures were implemented in Denmark by one government in 2009 and then tacitly revised by another in 2011-12. The 2009 policy defined extremism very widely to include intolerant ideas and attitudes, and its counter-radicalisation measures included spreading information concerning democracy and citizenship. These and other measures were implemented by a range of local government bodies, building on existing practices, and coordinated and reinforced by a central government body. They included targeted interventions, initially by local government and mentors and ultimately by the internal security service. Of these measures, only the targeted interventions have been retained since the change of government in 2011. Part 3 also covers arrangements for oversight of both the internal security and foreign intelligence services, which are currently being revised following a number of controversial events, only one of which was connected to terrorism. Looking at the level of general trust and experiences of discrimination by the police among ethnic minority groups, it can be concluded that although trust is relatively high in comparative terms, there are groups of predominantly young male immigrant descendants living in urban areas who socialise little with ethnic Danes, who in general have lower average trust in the police and who experience a high level of police discrimination, notably in connection with ‘inspection zones’ in which stop-and-search powers can be used. Part 4 focuses on security threats and cases of terrorism in Denmark. There has been no successful terrorist attack in Denmark since 2001, but there have been thirteen high-profile terrorist cases. Two of these involved the extreme left, while extreme right-wing violence has not so far been prosecuted as terrorism in Denmark, though there are signs of changes in attitudes since the Breivik attacks. Two cases involved attempted attacks on Kurt Westergaard, the cartoonist responsible for the best-known cartoon published during the Cartoon Crisis (the one of the prophet Muhammad with a bomb in his turban), and four cases involved attempted attacks from outside Denmark against the offices of Jyllands-Posten, the newspaper that printed the cartoons. Other cases involved assistance to, or preparation for, terrorism; no targets were actually established. Part 5 offers a brief account of the development of the political climate in Denmark with regard to counter-terrorism and minority communities from 2001 until today. It shows that three events have had a significant impact on majority-minority relations in Denmark since 2001. One was the 2001 election campaign, which focused on ‘new politics’ issues of immigration, identity, and security. The second was the Cartoon Crisis of 2005-06, which took place against the background of the ‘new politics’ issues that had emerged in 2001, and caused a division in the public mind between ‘good Muslims’ and ‘bad Muslims’, as well as playing a part in the development of the original counter-radicalisation policies considered in part 3 of this report. The third was the election of 2011, which marked a turn away from the identity questions that had dominated the political agenda over the previous decade, and led to subsequent modifications in counter-radicalisation policies. Whether this last change will prove temporary or permanent remains to be seen. Part 6 of this report presents and discusses existing academic and official literature dealing with the impact and effectiveness of counter-terrorism measures and of radicalisation prevention policies on minority groups in Denmark. Counter-terrorism measures might be considered a success in the sense that there has been no successful terrorist attack in Denmark, but less so in terms of the possible contribution to the construction of Danish Muslims as a ‘suspect community’. Radicalisation prevention policies may be judged a success in terms of output, but outcomes are harder to assess. Some interventions may have worked, but certain academic studies, notably that of Lindekilde, indicate that counter-radicalisation discourses may have had an opposite impact from that intended, whether through frustrations generated by role-model campaigns or through the exclusion from the public debate of voices that fear accusations of radicalism, leaving the field open to those who have may have less to lose from such accusations. Three methodological challenges are identified: the case-based and anecdotal nature of the available data, which makes generalisation of impacts and valid conclusions on causality difficult; the difficulty of excluding alternative explanations of observed impact; and the often multiple, layered and abstract policy objectives, that create major problems in designing clear indicators of success. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_Denmark_AD_15_Oct_forwebsite.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Denmark URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_Denmark_AD_15_Oct_forwebsite.pdf Shelf Number: 126852 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (Denmark)MinoritiesRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsRadicalizationRight-Wing ViolenceSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorists |
Author: Eijkman, Quirine Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: Netherlands Background Report Summary: This country report sets the context for research on the impact of counter-terrorism legislation and policies on racial, ethnic and religious minority communities in the Netherlands. Despite the fact that over the last decade various security measures have been assessed, there are few studies on their context-specific effect. This report discusses the Dutch population and community situation, the counter-terrorism legal framework, its policy and policing background as well as security and political perspectives. It concludes that, in the years since 9/11, the Madrid and London terror attacks, and the murder of filmmaker and Islam-critic Theo van Gogh, fear of terrorism has decreased. Furthermore, the general public appears more concerned about the effect that security measures have on their civil rights and liberties. Public security and crime-prevention remain high on the political agenda and various trends, including the emergence of anticipatory criminal justice, the use and availability of ethnic data and the strength of populist parties mobilising around (cr)immigration and integration, have made the risk of side-effects of security measures for minority communities more pertinent. The apparently decreased political and public support for the anti-discrimination framework and the weak socio-economic position and institutional representation of ethnic minorities and migrants, contribute to the necessity of sound empirical research on the impact of security measures on minority, especially Muslim, communities in the Netherlands. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Netherlands_FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Netherlands URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Netherlands_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 126880 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (Netherlands)MinoritiesMuslimsRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorists |
Author: Ramalingam, Vidhya Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: Sweden Background Report Summary: This report provides an overview of the development of counter-terrorism policies and policing in Sweden, and the impact these have had on minority communities in Sweden, particularly Muslim communities. The report presents existing research and information on demographics and socio-economic contexts of ethnic minority communities, the development of a legal framework to address terrorism, the history of policy and policing with regard to counter-terrorism, the security context and attitudes towards counter-terrorism, and the political context surrounding migration, citizenship and terrorism. Part One outlines the history and current context of immigration and settlement of ethnic minority groups in Sweden, and provides a background on Sweden’s demographics. In recent years, ethnic minorities, and Muslim communities in particular, have been a major focus of counter-terrorism measures and discourse in Sweden. This section provides an overview of Muslim migration to and settlement in Sweden, and the mixed and unfavourable outcomes for Muslims and other minority groups in the labour market, education and housing. It sets out recent data on ethnic and religious discrimination in Sweden, particularly towards Muslims after 9/11. Finally, this section outlines levels of cooperation between the government and Muslim civil society organisations, and notes that there have been high levels of cooperation; Muslim civil society organisations have also received generous funding from the state and Swedish foundations. Part Two details the key legislation used in relation to counter-terrorism in Sweden. Sweden was first confronted with acts of terrorism in the early 1970s, and the government introduced the first anti-terrorist legislation in 1973. It sets out the criminalisation of terrorist attacks, legal definitions of terrorism, and the institution of special laws on criminal responsibility for financing terrorism. This section furthermore discusses the legal framework for investigatory measures and surveillance, including the controversial FRA law which had allowed the National Defence Radio Establishment to monitor all phone and email communications to and within Sweden without warrant, and, after heavy criticism, was amended in 2009 to improve privacy. Part Two ends with a discussion of checks and balances on counter-terrorism measures and laws. Part Three covers the policy context for counter-terrorism, providing an overview of the key policies in place to counter terrorism and violent extremism in Sweden. These include the ‘Action plan to safeguard democracy against violence-promoting extremism’, presented in December 2011, and ‘Sweden’s national counter-terrorism strategy’, presented by the government in February 2012. This section presents the key institutional structures, including the structure of the Swedish Police Service, and roles and responsibilities in countering terrorism in Sweden. It then outlines mechanisms for accountability within for these structures, detailing parliamentary committees and consultations set up to scrutinise the work of the police and other institutions. The section ends with a discussion of police behaviour and incidences of police misconduct and discrimination in Sweden. Several key incidents have drawn attention to the problem of racial profiling by the police in Sweden. Part Four discusses Swedish experiences with terrorism, providing an account of terrorist incidents in Sweden since the early 1970s, when cases of Croatian separatist terrorism brought terrorism onto the political agenda. This section includes the numbers of arrests, trials and convictions for terrorism offences in Sweden, and details several key events in recent years that have contributed to increased concerns about terrorism. This includes the 2007 publication of a series of cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad, which sparked protests and violent threats towards Sweden and the cartoonist himself. The most recent significant terrorist attack on Swedish soil was the December 2010 suicide bombing in Stockholm, perpetrated by a Swedish citizen of Iraqi descent. This section also discusses perceptions of the threat of terrorism among the Swedish public. Part Five explains the political climate surrounding minority communities and counter-terrorism in Sweden, and how political parties have addressed issues concerning migration, citizenship, security and terrorism. Though Swedish politics has historically been characterised by consensus across party lines on the subject of immigration, and such issues have not been politicised, recent years have seen the perceived importance of immigration and terrorism as political issues grow. The emergence of the Sweden Democrats -an anti-immigrant party arguing for increased political attention to Islamist extremism and the ‘threat’ posed by Muslim communities- in Parliament has not wavered the positions of mainstream parties on these issues. However, this section notes that the climate has become much harsher and the ‘tough on crime’ card is more often played in election campaigns, and immigrants and Muslim communities in particular are often presented as ‘problem’ communities in this respect. This shift in climate has significantly impacted ethnic and religious minorities in Sweden, and has had a particularly negative impact on Muslim communities, who have increasingly become the victims of suspicion and hatred, manifested in discrimination and violence. This report draws upon existing research on the Swedish population, the development of migrant and minority communities, and in particular Muslim communities. It refers to official government communications and external analyses to paint a picture of the legal and policy approaches to counter-terrorism and countering violent extremism in Sweden. Though there are Ombudsman statistics available on mistreatment by the police, and there has been some recent research to better understand attitudes and discriminatory behaviour within the police, more work must be done to assess the relationship between minority communities and the police. There has been little research directly on the impacts of counter-terrorism measures on Muslim communities in Sweden, and this report lays the groundwork for future inquiries on this issue. Given the existing state of research, it is, however, clear that through a combination of persistent socio-economic disadvantage, shifts in the political climate on security and migrant communities, the occurrence of Sweden’s first suicide bombing by an Islamist extremist, and increased government attention paid to Islamist extremism in Sweden, Muslim communities in Sweden have increasingly been subject both to suspicion and discrimination. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Sweden_paper_SF_FINAL.docx.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Sweden URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Sweden_paper_SF_FINAL.docx.pdf Shelf Number: 126884 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (Sweden)MinoritiesRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsRadicalizationRight-Wing ViolenceSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorists |
Author: Guasp, April Title: One Minority at a Time: Being Black and Gay Summary: There are over 400,000 black and minority ethnic lesbian, gay and bisexual people living in Great Britain. They are Chinese, Indian, Pakistani, Black Caribbean and a whole host of other identities. Some are open about their sexual orientation living, socialising and even praying with heterosexual friends and family. Some are not open. Some worry about how they might be treated if people were to know about their sexual orientation. For many, the decision about whether to be open about their sexual orientation is one that requires a great deal of thought and consideration. All gay people consider whether people will reject them when they learn about their sexual orientation. As a society we have decided that our public services should serve all citizens; black, white, straight or gay. This report highlights where we may not yet be getting this right and suggests some actions that service deliverers could take to match our aspirations with the needs and experiences of lesbian, gay and bisexual service users from black and minority ethnic backgrounds. This report has been produced by Stonewall, the lesbian, gay and bisexual charity and Runnymede, the UK’s leading independent race equality think tank. Researchers from Stonewall and Runnymede have spoken to over 50 lesbian, gay and bisexual people from black and minority ethnic backgrounds. They have shared their experiences about being gay as well as their experiences of accessing public services. The Equality Act 2010 places a duty on public bodies to proactively consider the needs and experiences of their lesbian, gay and bisexual service users. A similar duty has existed in relation to race since 2002 and although some progress has been made to understand the experiences of black and minority ethnic people very few public bodies have taken into account the fact that some black people are also gay or disabled or indeed both. Details: London: Runnymede Trust; Stonewall, 2012. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 12, 2012 at http://www.stonewall.org.uk/documents/one_minority_at_a_time_final.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.stonewall.org.uk/documents/one_minority_at_a_time_final.pdf Shelf Number: 126924 Keywords: Black BritishDiscrimination (U.K.)Gays, Lesbians and BisexualsMinoritiesPublic ServicesVictim Services |
Author: Carli, Vivien Title: The Aboriginal Justice Research Project: Report Summary: Increasing numbers of Aboriginal people in Canada are migrating to cities, and 50.6% of Aboriginal people now live in urban areas. The city has for many decades been envisioned as a place of opportunity and providing freedom from challenges back home. Montreal is but one example of a city that has experienced a growing Aboriginal population due to educational and employment opportunities, and reconnecting with family and friends. At this point in time we know that 17,865 Aboriginal people live in Montreal (Census 2006). Montreal is among the smallest per capita Aboriginal population; Aboriginal people account for just 0.5 percent of the total population of Montreal, on par with Toronto (UAPS 2011). However, according to the Census (2006) the Aboriginal population in Montreal is the fastest growing populace out of all the cities that were examined in the Urban Aboriginal Peoples Study (2011). The ‘average’ Aboriginal person living in Montreal is female, identifies herself as First Nations, is between the age of 25 and 44, has either a high school or college degree, has an average household income of $10,000 to $30,000 and lives in a rented apartment or house (UAPS Montreal report 2011). One can compare this to the ‘average’ Montreal resident who is male, identifies himself as a Canadian citizen, is between the age of 35 and 44, has either a high school or university degree, has an average household income of $68,000 and lives in a private house or condo (Statistics Canada 2007). While Montreal may be attracting more Aboriginal people, safety is a major issue for many new arrivals as well as long-term residents. Montreal’s Aboriginal population is still relatively invisible, however their vulnerability to crime and violence is oftentimes overlooked despite the fact that they experience a heightened level of exposure compared to most other groups in the city. As in other Canadian urban areas, Aboriginal people are overrepresented in the criminal justice system when one compares their representation in the city. Further, a high proportion of Aboriginal people are victims of crime and violence and Aboriginal women face greater risk of victimization, poverty and oppression than non-Aboriginal women. Urban Aboriginal youth are the fastest growing segment of the Aboriginal population in Canada and face discrimination by the wider community and denied equal opportunities in employment and education, thus being forced to engage in aggressive and risky behaviour, and illegal activities. Taking this information into consideration, safety is an important issue which cannot be neglected. Safety embodies all aspects of one’s life and is instrumental in the achievement of an equitable and inclusive city for all. Details: Montreal: International Centre for the Prevention of Crime, 2012. 130p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed November 23, 2012 at: http://www.reseaumtlnetwork.com/eng/Portals/5/Report%20on%20the%20Aboriginal%20Justice%20Research%20Project.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Canada URL: http://www.reseaumtlnetwork.com/eng/Portals/5/Report%20on%20the%20Aboriginal%20Justice%20Research%20Project.pdf Shelf Number: 126950 Keywords: Aboriginal Peoples (Montreal, Canada)Crime PreventionMinoritiesUrban AreasUrban Crime |
Author: Camilleri, Raphaelle Title: Impact of Counter-Terrorism on Communities: France Background Report Summary: This report aims to provide an overview of French counter-terrorist and counter-radicalisation policies, and assess their potential impact on the Muslim community in France. Part One focuses on the demographic composition and socioeconomic profile of the French Muslim community; the largest such community in the European Union. It finds that the Muslim community has generally tended to be marginalised in socioeconomic terms in relation to the mainstream French population, and that Muslims frequently report higher rates of discrimination than other immigrant communities in France. This broad finding helps inform subsequent sections, which look specifically at perceived discrimination by French police and security services on the basis of racial or ethnic origin. Part Two focuses on the legal framework within which French counter-terrorism policy is anchored. It reviews the development of counter-terrorist legislation since the mid-1980s, and explains how French legislation has evolved in recent years to tackle the new challenges posed by novel forms of terrorism. This section of the report also outlines the key pieces of legislation governing the operation of law enforcement and intelligence agencies involved in the fight against terrorism in France. It concludes by providing an overview of the main constitutional and institutional mechanisms which place checks and balances on the operation of the police agencies responsible for implementing counter-terrorist policies. Part Three of the report focuses on the law-enforcement agencies responsible for enacting counterterrorist policies ‘on the ground’. It provides a comprehensive list of the key government departments, as well as policing and intelligence agencies, involved in the fight against terrorism, and assesses the nature of their (often troubled) relationship with affected communities. Although more research is needed in this area, initial findings seem to suggest that Muslim communities generally perceive themselves to be unfairly targeted by the police on the basis of their ethnic or religious background. In light of these circumstances, In light of these circumstances, this section of the report also outlines official guidelines on non-discrimination and lists the various governmental and non-governmental institutions charged with protecting the rights of citizens. Part Four of the report looks at the broader security context within which counter-terrorist policies and legislation have been formulated in France. It critically assesses the extent of the terrorist threat in France, both in real and perceived terms. Two significant findings emerge. Firstly, despite the focus on religiouslymotivated Islamist terrorism since 2001, separatism terrorism carried out by Basque and Corsican nationalist groups continues to be the most pressing threat posed to the French state. Secondly, despite the initial trauma caused by Mohammed Merah’s killing spree, French public opinion nevertheless deems the terrorist threat to be quite low, suggesting that the French public does not regard terrorism as a pressing threat. Part Five builds on these initial observations by focusing on the way in which French political parties have framed the terrorist threat (particularly that emanating from suspected Islamists) especially in the aftermath of the Toulouse and Montauban shootings. It examines the impact of the shootings on the presidential race, but finds little evidence that they had any bearing on the final outcome of the election. Nevertheless, the strong performance of the far-right movement of Marine Le Pen (Front National) at the polls is underlined, but it is balanced against the conciliatory tone recently adopted by the left-wing government of François Hollande on security issues. Throughout this report, existing research by academic institutions, think tanks and government bodies on the impact of counter-terrorism policies on the Muslim community is referenced when relevant. Notable gaps in the literature are also highlighted, along with recommendations for further research. A full bibliography is provided for reference at the end of the document, as is an exhaustive list of academics, researchers, policymakers and civil society organisations, which may make a substantial contribution to future research in this area. Details: London: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2012. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2012 at: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_France_SF_FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: France URL: http://www.strategicdialogue.org/Country_report_France_SF_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 127033 Keywords: Counter-Terrorism (France)MinoritiesMuslimsRacial DiscriminationRadical GroupsRadicalizationRight-Wing ViolenceSocio-Economic ConditionsTerrorism |
Author: Dunn, Christopher Title: NYPD Stop-and-Frisk Activity in 2012 Summary: In May 2012, the New York Civil Liberties Union released a detailed analysis of the NYPD’s stop-and-frisk activity during 2011. Based on the NYPD database that the Department now makes public following earlier NYCLU litigation, the 2011 report examined stops, frisks, summonses, arrests, the use of force and gun recoveries, all on a citywide and precinct basis. The 2011 report also delved into the wide racial disparities in the NYPD’s stop-and-frisk regime. Since the release of the NYCLU report last year, the stop-and-frisk controversy in New York City has grown enormously. Shortly after release of the report, public officials and candidates seeking to succeed Mayor Michael Bloomberg started to regularly raise concerns about the stop-and-frisk program. In the summer of 2012, Mayor Bloomberg went on the offensive, attempting to aggressively defend the program by claiming that it reduces shootings and saves lives. In October 2011, a federal judge presided over a hearing in a case brought by the NYCLU and others challenging the part of the stop-and-frisk regime conducted at private residential buildings enrolled in the “Clean Halls” program in the Bronx. In January 2012, the court ruled that the NYPD was systematically stopping building residents, visitors and passersby unlawfully. Meanwhile, a package of NYPD reform bills in the City Council, collectively referred to as the Community Safety Act, has generated robust public discussion and is moving towards passage. Among other things, the bills would ban profiling by the NYPD and create an inspector general to review Department practices. Finally, just days before the release of this report, a federal judge heard closing arguments in a two-month trial challenging the enormous number of street stops that are at the heart of New York City’s stop-and-frisk regime. A ruling in that case is expected this summer. With all of these developments, a close examination of the stop-and-frisk activity from 2012 becomes particularly important. As with last year’s NYCLU report, this report discloses detailed information about all aspects of the NYPD’s stop-and-frisk program, including detailed breakdowns by precinct. New to this report is an analysis of marijuana-related aspects of the NYPD’s stop-and-frisk regime. Details: New York: New York Civil Liberties Union, 2013. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 25, 2013 at: http://www.nyclu.org/publications/report-nypd-stop-and-frisk-activity-2012-2013 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.nyclu.org/publications/report-nypd-stop-and-frisk-activity-2012-2013 Shelf Number: 128795 Keywords: MinoritiesPolice DiscretionPolice LegitimacyRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementStop and Search (New York, U.S.) |
Author: Center for Evaluation and Sociomedical Research Title: Preventing Sexual Violence in Latin@ Communities: A national needs assessment Summary: Every organization working to prevent sexual violence in the U.S. is unique. However, at least one tie binds the movement together: the drive to eliminate sexual violence and support survivors. However, to end sexual violence, the movement and all of the organizations in it must reach every part of the population. A significant proportion of people living in the United States are of Latin@ origin – about 16%, or 50.5 million, as of 2010 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). According to Census data, the Latin@ population grew in every region of the United States between 2000 and 2010. But the few existing studies on sexual violence against Latin@s have shown a lack of culturally relevant services for Latin@ survivors to be a substantial need. One in six Latina women report sexual victimization in their lifetime (Cuevas & Sabina, 2010). Latin@s encounter more barriers to seeking services than non-Latin@s, especially if they are immigrants (Ingram, 2007). Latin@s are also less likely to report rape victimization (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). The National Sexual Violence Resource Center (NSVRC), in partnership with the University of Puerto Rico Center for Evaluation and Sociomedical Research (CIES), conducted this needs assessment to add to the limited body of research on sexual violence in Latin@ and/or Spanish-speaking communities. More specifically, the NSVRC sought to identify existing strengths and needs surrounding the prevention of sexual violence with Latin@ communities and to better understand how the NSVRC, together with partners, could respond to those needs. To these ends, four fundamental questions were examined in this assessment: 1. Who are the key groups/organizations engaging in and/or supporting sexual violence prevention and intervention in Latin@ and/or Spanish-speaking communities? 2. What are the resource needs of advocates, counselors, and other professionals in the field engaging in sexual violence prevention and intervention in Latin@ and/or Spanish-speaking communities? 3. What is the cultural competency and Spanish-language capacity of programs and organizations to serve Latin@ and/or Spanish-speaking communities? 4. What is the most effective role of the NSVRC in supporting advocates working with Latin@ and/or Spanish-speaking communities? Researchers employed a mixed-methods approach, using both quantitative and qualitative methods such as a Web-based national survey, phone interviews, and focus groups. They received feedback from approximately 250 participants from all 50 states and three U.S. territories (Puerto Rico, U.S. Virgin Islands, and American Samoa). Participants were from sexual assault coalitions, community-based sexual violence programs, and health departments (sometimes referred to as “mainstream” in this report to differentiate them from culturally specific organizations), and culturally specific organizations working with Latin@ and/or Spanish-speaking communities. Details: Enola, PA: National Sexual Violence Resource Center and Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape, 2013. 147p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2013 at: http://nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/publications_nsvrc_assessments_latina-needs-assessment_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/publications_nsvrc_assessments_latina-needs-assessment_0.pdf Shelf Number: 129401 Keywords: LatinosMinoritiesSexual AssaultSexual ViolenceVictims of Sexual Violence |
Author: Shively, Michael Title: Understanding Trends in Hate Crimes Against Immigrants and Hispanic-Americans Summary: Over the past decade, substantial public attention has been directed toward the possibility that anti-immigrant rhetoric and legislation might be associated with an increase in hate crime in the United States against immigrants and those of Hispanic origin. Recent speculation about whether levels of hate crime are rising or falling, and what may be causing any observed trend, frequently arise in response to new incidents. Moreover, the speculation about hate crime trends applies across a wide range of groups that are known to be targeted for crimes motivated by hate or bias. Answers to questions about trends and why they occur have important implications for policy and practice. For example, if rising levels of hate crime are occurring in a region and targeting certain populations, resources can be deployed where they are most needed, and at appropriate levels. If specific populations are being targeted, culturally competent victim services and law enforcement responses can be tailored to serve those populations. To effectively respond to rising levels of hate crimes and to determine what may be causing the trend, it must first be established that the trend exists. While conceptually simple, it is technically challenging to distinguish random or insignificant variations that occur in any time-series from substantial, statistically significant changes over time. Establishing the significance of trends requires time-series data with: Measures and data collection methods used consistently over time; Reliable measurement of the variables of interest (e.g., ethnicity, race, sexual orientation of victim or respondent); Numbers of incidents sufficient to provide statistical power; and Coverage of geographic areas of interest. Prior to the 1990s, the ability to measure trends in hate crime was limited to a few municipalities where data were collected. Since the passage of the Hate Crime Statistics Act in 1990, substantial public investments have been made to develop data streams, including annual victimization surveys and collections of reported crimes and arrests. While much can be learned about hate crime from information gathered through Federal data collection programs, these time-series collections have not been examined to assess whether the data can support the study of a number of issues, including the detection of significant trends in hate crimes against specific groups. Fundamental questions remain to be answered, including whether the data contained in the major Federal hate crime data collection systems (primarily, the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), and National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) or other data streams (such as the School Crime Supplement (SCS) of the NCVS, and the School Survey on Crime and Safety (SSOCS) are adequate to: Estimate hate crime trends nationally, or within any state, across all hate crime types; Assess whether trends exist in hate crimes against immigrants and those whose ethnicity is classified as Hispanic; Serve as a foundation for research on the causes and consequences of hate crime; and Support evaluations of interventions meant to prevent or effectively respond to the problem. To answer such questions, the study featured: An examination of each of the major national time-series datasets (e.g., UCR, NIBRS, NCVS); Seeking additional data sources that could be used to corroborate or supplement the national data collections; Analysis of each database, examining whether trends can be modeled and tested to determine statistical significance; and Gathering qualitative input from expert researchers and practitioners regarding study findings and recommendations. Details: Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates, 2013. 175p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/244755.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/244755.pdf Shelf Number: 131953 Keywords: Crime StatisticsCrime TrendsHate CrimesHispanicsImmigrantsMinoritiesVictimization Surveys |
Author: Cox, Robynn Title: Where Do We Go From Here? Mass Incarceration and the Struggle for Civil Rights Summary: On the surface, crime and punishment appear to be unsophisticated matters. After all, if someone takes part in a crime, then shouldn't he or she have to suffer the consequences? But dig deeper and it is clear that crime and punishment are multidimensional problems that stem from racial prejudice justified by age-old perceptions and beliefs about African Americans. The United States has a dual criminal justice system that has helped to maintain the economic and social hierarchy in America, based on the subjugation of blacks, within the United States. Public policy, criminal justice actors, society and the media, and criminal behavior have all played roles in creating what sociologist Loic Wacquant calls the hyper-incarceration of black men. But there are solutions to rectify this problem. To summarize the major arguments in this essay, the root cause of the hyper-incarceration of blacks (and in particular black men) is society's collective choice to become more punitive. These tough-on-crime laws, which applied to all Americans, could be maintained only because of the dual legal system developed from the legacy of racism in the United States. That is, race allowed for society to avoid the trade-off between societies "demand" to get tough on crime and its "demand" to retain civil liberties, through unequal enforcement of the law. In essence, tying crime to observable characteristics (such as race or religious affiliation) allowed the majority in society to pass tough-on-crime policies without having to bear the full burden of these policies, permitting these laws to be sustained over time. What's more, the history of racism, which is also linked to the history of perceptions of race and crime, has led society to choose to fight racial economic equality using the criminal justice system (i.e., incarceration) instead of choosing to reduce racial disparities through consistent investments in social programs (such as education, job training, and employment, which have greater public benefits), as King (1968) lobbied for before his assassination. In other words, society chose to use incarceration as a welfare program to deal with the poor, especially since the underprivileged are disproportionately people of color. At the same time, many communities attempted to benefit economically from mass incarceration by using prisons as a strategy for economic growth, making the incarceration system eerily similar to the system of slavery. Given all of the documented social and economic costs of mass incarceration (e.g., inferior labor market opportunities, increases in the racial disparity in HIV/AIDS, destruction of the family unit), it can be concluded that it has helped to maintain the economic hierarchy, predicated on race, in the United States. In order to undo the damage that has been done, and in order to move beyond our racial past, we must as a nation reeducate ourselves about race; and then, as a society, commit to investing in social programs targeted toward at-risk youth. We must also ensure diversity in criminal justice professionals in order to achieve the economic equality that King fought for prior to his death. Although mass incarceration policies have recently received a great deal of attention (due to incarceration becoming prohibitively costly), failure to address the legacy of racism passed down by our forefathers and its ties to economic oppression will only result in the continued reinvention of Jim Crow. Details: Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute, 2015. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 21, 2015 at: http://s2.epi.org/files/2014/MassIncarcerationReport.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://s2.epi.org/files/2014/MassIncarcerationReport.pdf Shelf Number: 134424 Keywords: Economic AnalysisMass Incarceration (U.S.)MinoritiesPrisonersPunishmentRacial DisparitiesRacism |
Author: Community Legal Services of Philadelphia Title: Young Women of Color with Criminal Records: A Barrier to Economic Stability for Low-Income Families and Communities Summary: Over the past few years, young women of color have been represented at a disproportionately high rate among clients coming to Community Legal Services (CLS) for help with barriers to employment caused by criminal records. This is particularly notable, as the vast majority of research, programming, and policy attention regarding criminal records and barriers to employment have focused on men. The impact of criminal records on young women seeking employment has largely been overlooked. Many of the young female clients CLS serves are the sole providers for their families and survive on the very limited resources provided by safety-net programs. They typically are able and highly motivated to work so that they can better provide for their families. Yet in our experience, young women who often have more limited and minor criminal records than their male counterparts struggle more to find employment. Data from CLS's legal practice, as well as local and national data and research, shed some light on this troubling dynamic and what can be done to better connect these young women with employment opportunities. Details: Philadelphia: Community Legal Services of Philadelphia, 2014. 5p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2015 at: http://clsphila.org/sites/default/files/issues/Young%20Women%20with%20Criminal%20Records%20Report_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://clsphila.org/sites/default/files/issues/Young%20Women%20with%20Criminal%20Records%20Report_0.pdf Shelf Number: 134554 Keywords: Ex-offender EmploymentFemale Offenders (Philadelphia)Minorities |
Author: Broderick, Roisin Title: Ethnic Minority and Foreign National Prisoner Survey 2014 Summary: This thematic Bulletin presents the key findings of the Ethnic Minority & Foreign National Prisoners Survey 2014. The survey which was undertaken over the summer of 2014 in each of the 15 Scottish prisons involved all ethnic minority and foreign national prisoners. An ethnic minority survey has been carried out since 2004 and the survey was extended to include foreign national prisoners in 2007. A total of 192 ethnic minority and foreign national prisoners from 26 countries participated in the survey with an overall response rate of 51%. This is a drop from the 2012 response rate of 59%. The 192 responses comprised: - Male 85%, Female 15%; - Average age 36 years; - Convicted 67%; - Remand 33%. Methodology Working in association with Race Relation Managers within each prison, all prisoners identified as belonging to an Ethnic Minority or Foreign National group were visited and asked if they wished to complete a questionnaire. Questionnaires were available in a number of languages - English, Polish, Punjabi, Lithuanian, Russian, Romanian and Vietnamese. As questionnaires were not available in all languages, prisoners had the opportunity to use the services of an interpreter or alternatively, access to the help of a fellow prisoner who could help them complete the questionnaire. The questions in the survey reflect some key elements of the SPS equality and diversity agenda covering issues such as access to interpreters, mental health, food, relationships with other prisoners and staff. Ethnic minority & foreign national prisoner location Although there are ethnic minority and foreign national prisoners in all SPS establishment the majority of respondents were held in Barlinnie, Edinburgh, Glenochil and Perth. Custodial History Generally, the views of ethnic minority and foreign national prisoners with regard to many aspects of prison life, e.g. relationships, atmosphere, cleanliness, visits etc. are, with minor exceptions, very similar to other prisoners. However, when compared to other prisoners, there was a substantial difference in the number of ethnic minority and foreign national prisoners with no previous experience of prison. Ethnic minority and foreign national prisoners were more likely to report "never" having served a prison sentence (66%) or being on remand (53%) compared to other groups of prisoners (31% and 27% respectively). Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Prison Service, 2015. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 23, 2016 at: http://www.sps.gov.uk/Corporate/Publications/Publication-3527.aspx Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.sps.gov.uk/Corporate/Publications/Publication-3527.aspx Shelf Number: 138388 Keywords: Foreign InmatesInmatesMinoritiesPrisonersPrisons |
Author: Vessels, Lauren Title: Racial and Ethnic Fairness in Juvenile Justice: Availability of State Data Summary: Youth of color are overrepresented in many aspects of the juvenile justice system from arrest to court referral and confinement. A core requirement of federal juvenile justice policy (Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 2002) requires each state to identify where disparities may exist across various juvenile justice decision points. Where disparities are identified, the states must complete self-assessments informed by comprehensive data and use this research to develop solutions. The monitoring task begins with understanding federal policy for identifying racial and ethnic groups and exploring what national juvenile arrest data can tell us. Of equal importance is charting state progress toward transparently reporting meaningful fairness indicators to the public, conducting more detailed self-assessments and advancing specific strategies to improve racial and ethnic fairness at the local-level. This publication summarizes the results from a review of publicly available data that describe racial and ethnic fairness across the country. This StateScan publication is the 7th in a series that distills important knowledge from NCJJ's new Juvenile Justice Geography, Policy, Practice & Statistics website (www.JJGPS.org). The author organizes results from a national search for publicly available state-level sources for racial and ethnic fairness data. This publication outlines important details provided in the data, describes the importance of sharing this data publicly, and discusses the underlying obstacles to data collection. This original analysis also describes the federal requirements to collect and report this data; however, few states share this information with the public. Details: Pittsburgh: National Center for Juvenile Justice, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: StateScan: Accessed May 6, 2016 at: http://www.ncjj.org/news/15-08-06/New_JJGPS_StateScan_-_Racial_and_Ethnic_Fairness_in_Juvenile_Justice_Availability_of_State_Data.aspx Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjj.org/news/15-08-06/New_JJGPS_StateScan_-_Racial_and_Ethnic_Fairness_in_Juvenile_Justice_Availability_of_State_Data.aspx Shelf Number: 138960 Keywords: Disproportionate Minority ContactJuvenile Justice SystemsJuvenile OffendersMinoritiesRacial Disparities |
Author: Rotman, Maia Title: 'Unsafe'' and on the Margins: Canada's Response to Mexico's Mistreatment of Sexual Minorities and People Living with HIV Summary: 'Unsafe' and on the Margins: Canada's Response to Mexico's Mistreatment of Sexual Minorities and People Living with HIV, (PDF) is a 54-page report based on IHRP field research in Mexico, including interviews with more than 50 Mexican healthcare providers, human rights activists, members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) community, people living with HIV, journalists, and academics, all of whom testify to widespread discrimination and rights-violations in Mexico's healthcare delivery. The release of the report, funded by the Elton John AIDS Foundation, coincided with World Refugee Day on June 20, 2016 as well as Canada's first-ever pride month. 'Unsafe' and on the Margins: Canada's Response to Mexico's Mistreatment of Sexual Minorities and People Living with HIV,' The report says that Canada should remove Mexico from its refugee 'safe' list because of the country's serious human rights abuses. Failure to do so could place Canada in violation of its international legal obligations. Despite some progressive legislation, including universal healthcare and a federal commitment to non-discrimination, in practice, Mexico's most vulnerable communities continue to encounter significant obstacles to accessing these rights. As a result, the country remains unsafe for many, particularly people living with HIV or at heightened risk of infection, and especially sexual minorities and marginalized populations. Nevertheless, Mexico appears on Canada's designated country of origin (DCO) list, which entitles Mexican claimants to only half the time claimants from non-DCO countries get to prepare their claims, and creates the possibility of prejudgment among decision-makers, the report said. The report raises concerns that Canada is circumventing its international legal obligations by keeping Mexico on the 'safe' country list. As a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol, Canada has a duty to not discriminate against refugee claimants by reason of their race, religion or country of origin. According to the report, systemic discrimination and unlawful denial of healthcare to people living with HIV and populations at heightened risk of infection contravene Mexico's international legal obligations. Proper and timely HIV treatment can mean a healthy life-span for people living with HIV, but late diagnosis or lack of consistent treatment creates a high risk of life-threatening infection and higher likelihood of transmission. Furthermore, Mexico's failure to adequately fund HIV prevention or education programs has contributed to a culture of stigma and discrimination against people living with HIV. Health advocates told the IHRP about ignorance and misinformation about HIV within the medical community, breaches of confidentiality, denial of healthcare or segregation within healthcare centres, and other human rights abuses against people living with HIV. The report calls on Canada in its capacity as a champion of human rights, both domestically and internationally, and also as Mexico's third-largest trading partner. As expressed in the report's recommendations, Canada should urge Mexico to ensure that people living with HIV are able to access healthcare services free from obstruction or discrimination. The report also encourages Canada to offer assistance to Mexico to develop protocols for healthcare professionals to ensure equal and consistent access to healthcare, with particular emphasis on people living with HIV, in accordance with Mexico's international legal obligations. Details: Toronto: University of Toronto Faculty of Law, International Human Rights Program, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 28, 2016 at: http://ihrp.law.utoronto.ca/utfl_file/count/PUBLICATIONS/Report-UnsafeAndOnMargins2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: http://ihrp.law.utoronto.ca/utfl_file/count/PUBLICATIONS/Report-UnsafeAndOnMargins2016.pdf Shelf Number: 146136 Keywords: DiscriminationHIVHuman RightsLGBT PeoplesMinorities |
Author: Morris, Monique W. Title: Race, Gender and the School-to-Prison Pipeline: Expanding Our Discussion to Include Black Girls Summary: The school-to-prison pipeline refers to the policies, practices, and conditions that facilitate both the criminalization of educational environments and the processes by which this criminalization results in the incarceration of youth and young adults. This Report discusses the literature on the "school-to- prison pipeline" and explores why the "pipeline" analogy may not accurately capture the education system pathways to confinement for Black girls. Details: Cambridge, MA: The Schott Foundation for Public Education and African American Policy Forum, 2012. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 7, 2017 at: http://schottfoundation.org/resources/race-gender-and-school-prison-pipeline-expanding-our-discussion-include-black-girls Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://schottfoundation.org/resources/race-gender-and-school-prison-pipeline-expanding-our-discussion-include-black-girls Shelf Number: 145378 Keywords: Education MinoritiesSchool PoliciesSchool-to-Prison Pipeline |
Author: African American Policy Forum Title: Say Her Name: Resisting Police Brutality Against Black Women Summary: In 2015 alone, at least six Black women have been killed by or after encounters with police. For instance, just before Freddie Gray's case grabbed national attention, police killed unarmed Mya Hall "a Black transgender woman" on the outskirts of Baltimore. Alleged to be driving a stolen car, Hall took a wrong turn onto NSA property and was shot to death by officers after the car crashed into the security gate and a police cruiser. No action has been taken to date with respect to the officers responsible for her death. In April, police fatally shot Alexia Christian while she was being handcuffed in the back of a police cruiser. And in March in Ventura, California, police officers shot and killed Meagan Hockaday - a young mother of three - within 20 seconds of entering her home in response to a domestic disturbance. Say Her Name responds to increasing calls for attention to police violence against Black women by offering a resource to help ensure that Black women's stories are integrated into demands for justice, policy responses to police violence, and media representations of victims and survivors of police brutality. The brief concludes with recommendations for engaging communities in conversation and advocacy around Black women's experiences of police violence, considering race and gender in policy initiatives to combat state violence, and adopting policies to end sexual abuse and harassment by police officers. Details: New York: African American Policy Forum, 2015. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2017 at: http://static1.squarespace.com/static/53f20d90e4b0b80451158d8c/t/55a810d7e4b058f342f55873/1437077719984/AAPF_SMN_Brief_full_singles.compressed.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://static1.squarespace.com/static/53f20d90e4b0b80451158d8c/t/55a810d7e4b058f342f55873/1437077719984/AAPF_SMN_Brief_full_singles.compressed.pdf Shelf Number: 146005 Keywords: African AmericansDeadly ForceMinoritiesPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForceViolence Against Women |
Author: Henricks, Kasey Title: A Tale of Three Cities: The State of Racial Justice in Chicago Report Summary: Despite some progress, significant racial inequities have stagnated, and in some cases grown worse, in Chicago since the civil rights movement, according to a new report by University of Illinois at Chicago researchers. Racial and ethnic inequality in Chicago is "so pervasive, persistent, and consequential" that the investigators describe life for white, black and Latino residents in Chicago today as a "tale of three cities." The report, "A Tale of Three Cities: The State of Racial Justice in Chicago," is produced by UIC's Institute for Research on Race and Public Policy. It details the divergent conditions for blacks, Latinos and whites in the intersecting domains of housing, economics, education, justice and health. Present-day challenges facing the city and its residents are partly due to a "failure to address the long-term consequences of decades of formal and widespread private and public discrimination along with continuing forms of entrenched but subtle institutional and interpersonal forms of discrimination," the report states. Among the findings: Housing -High black-white segregation levels persist even among the city's most affluent households. Black households earning over $100,000 annually are almost as likely as those earning less than $25,000 to be segregated from whites. -Even when they possess equivalent measures of credit-worthiness compared to whites, black and Latino households are more likely to secure mortgages that have high interest rates, ballooning payment schedules, and numerous extra fees. -Black and Latino neighborhoods were especially hard-hit in the foreclosure crises, and large portions of some minority neighborhoods continue to experience long-term vacancies with as much as 10 percent to 25 percent of housing stock abandoned in places like Englewood and Riverdale. -The aftermath of the Great Recession has left more black and Latino homeowners and renters cost-burdened, spending 30 percent or more of their income on monthly housing or rental costs. Economics -Over 30 percent of black families, around 25 percent of Latino families, and less than 10 percent of white families live below the poverty line. -In 1960, the typical white family earned 1.6 and 1.4 times more than the typical black and Latino family. Today, the typical white family earns 2.2 and 1.7 times more than typical black and Latino families. -At nearly 20 percent today, the black unemployment rate is over four times the city's white unemployment rate. The rate for Latinos is about 10 percent. -Higher levels of education do not eliminate racial and ethnic disparities in income or joblessness. Education -About 91 percent of black students and 89 percent of Latino students attend schools where 75 percent or more of the student population is eligible for free or reduced lunch. Meanwhile, white students comprise a quarter of all students at selective enrollment high schools and are over-represented in the district's advanced courses and gifted programs. -White students represent anywhere from 32 percent to 40 percent of the student body at the district's top five nationally-ranked high schools even though they comprise less than 10 percent of the Chicago Public Schools student body. -Compared to surrounding school districts in Cook County and elsewhere in the state, Chicago Public Schools has fewer high school teachers with advanced degrees, larger class sizes, and less state investment per pupil. -Black students are suspended, both in-school and out-of-school, at double the district rate, and they are expelled at four times the rate of Latinos and 23 times the rate of whites. Justice -While both violent and property crimes are down in Chicago and nationally, incarceration rates have skyrocketed due to policy shifts, aggressive policing strategies, and mandatory minimum sentencing. Illinois prisons are operating at 150 percent of maximum capacity, and the state has one of the most overcrowded prison systems in the nation. -Chicagoans of color are subject to more police surveillance, suspicion and intervention than whites. Although blacks and Latinos have their vehicle searched at four times the rate of their white counterparts, they are half as likely to be in possession of illegal contraband or a controlled substance. -The geographical distribution of state prisons, clustered in downstate Illinois, impacts political districting and results in inflated voting for some predominantly white districts that house high numbers of prison cells because prisoners are counted as residents of the county where they are incarcerated. Health -Health outcomes are improving across Chicago, but inequalities between blacks and whites are either stagnant or widening on major indicators like heart disease, stroke, and mortality in general. -While Latino Chicagoans fare better than both whites and blacks on measures like mortality rates and incidence of certain cancers, they are uninsured at twice the rate of their black and white counterparts and may be underreported in some areas. -Racial and ethnic disparities persist in infant mortality and low birthweight - outcomes often associated with socioeconomic status and access to prenatal care. 'Many residents on the south and west sides live in healthcare provider and pharmacy "deserts," with no access to either within a half-mile to mile radius. "Advantages or disadvantages people have in one area often translate into parallel advantages or disadvantages in another," the researchers wrote. "Chicagoans of all racial and ethnic groups want to live in safe and healthy communities where they don't just subsist or survive but also thrive, but not all have equal access." "While the data we collected will not be a surprise to many, we hope that this effort to collect it all in one place will help us all to understand the challenges we face and how they are interconnected," said co-author Amanda Lewis, director of the institute and professor of African American studies and sociology. The report also highlights gaps in the available data and the challenges posed by the use of standard measures to assess racial dynamics, in particular for Asians, Pacific Islanders, Native Americans and Arab Americans. Short commentaries by scholars capture some of the key challenges facing these communities today. Details: Chicago: Institute for Research on Race and Public Policy, University of Illinois at Chicago, 2017. 178p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2017 at: http://stateofracialjusticechicago.com/ Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://stateofracialjusticechicago.com/ Shelf Number: 145554 Keywords: Ethnic DisparitiesInequalitiesMinoritiesRacial DisciminationRacial Disparities |
Author: Keeling, Peter Title: No respect: Young BAME men, the police and stop and search Summary: exactly 30 years after the Brixton riots, history repeated itself in the summer of 2011 in cities across Britain. Once again, one accelerant to that unrest was a perception among black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) young people that they were being unfairly treated by police forces using stop and search. Public figures, including - commendably - the then Home Secretary, pledged action. In the subsequent five years the number of stop and searches effected in England and Wales fell from 1.2 million to 380,000 without any deleterious impact on levels of crime. However, shockingly, the likelihood of someone black being stopped and searched in that period actually rose in relation to white people. A black person is now six times more likely to be searched. Meeting young BAME people engaged through some of the Criminal Justice Alliance's 120 member organisations made clear how toxic this discrepancy, which corrodes their self-esteem, is to good community relations. Too many of them feel a visceral hostility towards police as a consequence. What's most stark is that too many are so obviously also becoming alienated from public institutions meant to protect them at the very point of their transition to adulthood. That's why we decided to listen to what young BAME people had to tell policymakers and those police forces genuinely wrestling with this problem. Much of it, as the recommendations outlined here indicate, was constructive and thoughtful. We also resolved to test whether the views we were hearing were representative of the two million young BAME people in England and Wales, each of them a key part of twenty-first century Britain's future. Polling has confirmed, worryingly, that they were. Almost 1.5 million young BAME people, for example, believe police stop and search powers are currently used unfairly toward their communities. We inhabit a country where it's becoming a truth universally acknowledged that politicians, policymakers and those who lead our public services don't listen enough to those they serve. We hope that all of them - including Police & Crime Commissioners and Chief Constables - will not just listen to the two million young people to whom this report gives voice. We hope they'll now act, and ensure that history does not repeat itself again. Details: London: Barrow Cadbury Trust, 2017. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 27, 2017 at: https://www.barrowcadbury.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/No-Respect-CJA-June-2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.barrowcadbury.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/No-Respect-CJA-June-2017.pdf Shelf Number: 146586 Keywords: MinoritiesRacial DisparitiesRacial ProfilingRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementStop and Search |
Author: Epstein, Rebecca Title: Girlhood Interrupted: The Erasure of Black Girls' Childhood Summary: This report represents a key step in addressing the disparate treatment of Black girls in public systems. We challenge researchers to develop new studies to investigate the degree and prevalence of the adultification of Black girls - a term used in this report to refer to the perception of Black girls as less innocent and more adult-like than white girls of the same age - as well as its possible causal connection with negative outcomes across a diverse range of public systems, including education, juvenile justice, and child welfare. Further, we urge legislators, advocates, and policymakers to examine the disparities that exist for Black girls in the education and juvenile justice systems and engage in necessary reform. Lastly, we recommend providing individuals who have authority over children - including teachers and law enforcement officials - with training on adultification to address and counteract this manifestation of implicit bias against Black girls. Above all, further efforts must ensure that the voices of Black girls themselves remain front and center to the work. Details: Washington, DC: Center on Poverty and Inequality, Georgetown Law, 2017. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 7, 2017 at: http://www.law.georgetown.edu/academics/centers-institutes/poverty-inequality/upload/girlhood-interrupted.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.georgetown.edu/academics/centers-institutes/poverty-inequality/upload/girlhood-interrupted.pdf Shelf Number: 146771 Keywords: African AmericansFemalesJuvenile Justice SystemsMinorities |
Author: Hurrell, Karen Title: Race Disproportionality in Stops and Searches, 2011-12 Summary: This briefing reviews the latest stop and search data for England and Wales in conjunction with new population estimates by ethnic group from the 2011 Census. It provides estimates of race disproportionality and excess stops and searches for two years, 2010/11 and 2011/12, for each Police Force and ranks these to highlight those with the highest disproportionality or largest excesses. Key results -- Numbers of PACE stops and searches in England and Wales decreased overall between 2010/11 and 2011/12, from 1,222,378 to 1,137,551. In both years, the Metropolitan Police carried out more than 40 per cent of PACE stops and searches and Greater Manchester was second with over four per cent. Other police forces carrying out more than 40,000 stops and searches were: Northumbria, Thames Valley and Merseyside in 2010/11, and Northumbria and West Yorkshire in 2011/12. For PACE stops and searches, the highest disproportionality ratios in 2011/12 were: in Dorset for black / white disproportionality: 11.7 in 2011/12 , in West Mercia and Gwent for Asian or other / white disproportionality: 3.4 and 3.1 respectively in 2011/12, in Warwickshire for mixed / white disproportionality: 4.4 in 2011/12. 'Excess' s.1 PACE stops and searches in 2011/12 were: highest for the Metropolitan Police for each of the three ethnic minority groups, also over one thousand in 2011/12 for one or more ethnic groups in the West Midlands and Thames Valley (black and Asian or other), Greater Manchester and Avon and Somerset (black) and West Yorkshire (Asian or other). As in previous years, the vast majority of s.60 stops and searches were carried out by the Metropolitan Police: 88 per cent in 2010/11 and 84 per cent in 2011/12. Overall the total number of s.60 stops and searches had fallen by nearly a quarter from 60,963 to 46,961. Based on the ten forces with the most s.60 stops and searches in 2011/12, the highest disproportionality ratios were: in the West Midlands (29.0), Nottinghamshire (16.9) and Thames Valley (10.9) for the black/white ratio, in the Thames Valley (10.4), Nottinghamshire (8.0) and West Midlands (6.8) for the mixed/white ratio, in the West Midlands (6.0), Lancashire (3.4), Nottinghamshire (3.1) and West Yorkshire (2.9) for the Asian or other/white ratio. Details: Manchester, UK: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2013. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper no. u: Accessed August 25, 2017 at: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/briefing-paper-7-race-disproportionality-in-stops-and-searches-2011-12.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/briefing-paper-7-race-disproportionality-in-stops-and-searches-2011-12.pdf Shelf Number: 131698 Keywords: MinoritiesRacial Disparities Racial Profiling Racial Profiling in Law Enforcement Stop and Search |