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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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Results for peacekeeping
8 results foundAuthor: Jayamaha, Dilshika Title: Lessons Learned from U.S. Government Law Enforcement in International Operations Summary: Law enforcement (LE) aspects have been an increasingly prominent feature within the U.S. Government’s (USG’s) commitment to international operations. Beyond the deployment of police personnel to interim policing missions, LE agencies may also be involved in international operations to enforce U.S. domestic law; for capacity building; and/or in support of U.S. military forces. This analysis examines lessons from three operations: Panama (1989-99), Colombia (1989-Present), and Kosovo (1998-Present). This analysis was supported by an extensive range of interviews and in-country field research in Colombia and Kosovo. The lessons learned were developed and validated in a series of workshops with subject matter experts. The results show the pervasive and complex role that law enforcement and related issues have played in contemporary international operations. Despite the unique circumstances and history of each operation, there were key findings that are common to all operations considered and have implications for broader USG law enforcement efforts in support of current and future international operations. Details: Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2010. 166p. Source: Internet Resource: PKSOI Papers: Accessed February 2, 2011 at: http://pksoi.army.mil/PKM/publications/papers/paperreview.cfm?paperID=17 Year: 2010 Country: International URL: http://pksoi.army.mil/PKM/publications/papers/paperreview.cfm?paperID=17 Shelf Number: 120673 Keywords: International PolicingLaw EnforcementPeacekeeping |
Author: Braithwaite, John Title: Anomie and Violence: Non-truth and reconciliation in Indonesian peacebuilding Summary: This chapter first outlines the ambitions—methodological and substantive—of the Peacebuilding Compared project, of which this book is the first product. It then describes the history of the crash of the Indonesian economy in 1997, followed by the collapse of the political order in 1998, then progressive unravelling of the social order for regulating violence between 1998 and 2001. It is argued that Indonesia is a resilient democratising society that has managed to restabilise all these institutions to create peace (except in West Papua) and better long-term prospects for its people. Few of the structural injustices that contributed to armed conflict have changed substantially. Even though Western investment has not yet returned to the levels enjoyed by Indonesia before 1997 (Hill 2007), its economy did resume strong economic growth at the end of its millennial conflicts, with much of the benefit flowing to the poor. In 2008, Indonesia ranked eleventh in the world in the share of income or consumption that went to the poorest 10 per cent of the population (UNDP 2008). From being the society with the biggest terrorism problem in the world by 2002 (Kivimäki 2007:50)—a position thereafter lost to Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan—Indonesia became the first Muslim society with a massive terror problem to get on top of it. Indonesia showed a better path for solving it than a crude war on terror. It is hard to see Indonesia’s peacemaking as having been accomplished by truth, reconciliation and tackling structural injustices, as was advocated by the senior author eight years ago when Indonesian conflict was at its height (Braithwaite 2002:Ch.6). Rather, this book finds a great deal of peace to have been secured in Indonesia through non-truth and reconciliation. While political game playing by the security forces continues to be a risk to peace in Indonesia (especially in West Papua), in most parts of the country the military has moved from being a large part of the problem to being a big part of the solution. This book argues that between 1997 and 2004, theoretically, Indonesia experienced a period of anomie (Durkheim 1897): a breakdown of the regulatory order that secured the institutional order (the rules of the game). A security sector that pursued its own interests by taking sides instead of preventing violence from all sides was one important part of that wider problem of anomie. This will recur as a problem in the next three volumes of Peacebuilding Compared—on Bougainville, Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste. Abuses by the security forces escalated communal defiance before finally helping to bring violence under control. A Mertonian reading of anomie theory that dissects legitimate and illegitimate opportunity structures in a micro–macro way is found to be fertile for understanding the onset of these conflicts. Emulation (modelling) of strategies for seizing illegitimate opportunities contributed to the diffusion of violence. Remarkable accomplishments of the reintegration of combatants from organisations such as Laskar Jihad, in which religious leaders showed great leadership for peace, was a feature of Indonesian peacebuilding. So was reconciliation through sharing power combined with the sharing of work (gotong royong) for reconstruction. The chapter then moves on to consider the complex multidimensionality of the factors that make for both war and peace. This evidence is used to argue for locally attuned multidimensionality and redundancy in peacebuilding strategy. This is the key to managing the inherent risks of violence in the gaming of transitions to democracy. Details: Canberra, Australia: ANU E Press, The Australian National University, 2010. 518p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2012 at http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpDocuments)/3F1C00B38C42A9A4C125775E00496892/$file/Anomie+and+Violence+2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Indonesia URL: http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpDocuments)/3F1C00B38C42A9A4C125775E00496892/$file/Anomie+and+Violence+2010.pdf Shelf Number: 124319 Keywords: Conflict and Violence (Indonesia)PeacekeepingPolitical Violence (Indonesia) |
Author: Dwan, Renata, ed. Title: Executive Policing: Enforcing the Law in Peace Operations Summary: The United Nations peace operations in Kosovo and East Timor are responsible for the enforcement of law and order, establishing local police forces, and protecting and promoting human rights. This executive authority distinguishes them from earlier missions where civilian police were deployed. In this book seven authors examine the legal and political implications, the training of international police in a multinational and multicultural context, the use of community policing, the crucial issue of cooperation between the military and the civilian police components, and what has been learned about planning for the handover to local authority. Details: Solna, Sweden: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2002. 156p. Source: SIPRI Research Report No. 16: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2012 at http://books.sipri.org/files/RR/SIPRIRR16.pdf Year: 2002 Country: International URL: http://books.sipri.org/files/RR/SIPRIRR16.pdf Shelf Number: 124538 Keywords: Conflict and ViolenceInternational CooperationInternational Law Enforcement CooperationPeacekeepingPolitical Violence |
Author: U.S. Congress. House of Representatives. Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform Title: Warlord, Inc.: Extortion and Corruption Along the U.S. Supply Chain in Afghanistan Summary: In Afghanistan, the U.S. military faces one of the most complicated and difficult supply chains in the history of warfare. The task of feeding, fueling, and arming American troops at over 200 forward operating bases and combat outposts sprinkled across a difficult and hostile terrain with only minimal road infrastructure is nothing short of herculean. In order to accomplish this mission, the Department of Defense employs a hitherto unprecedented logistics model: responsibility for the supply chain is almost entirely outsourced to local truckers and Afghan private security providers. The principal contract supporting the U.S. supply chain in Afghanistan is called Host Nation Trucking, a $2.16 billion contract split among eight Afghan, American, and Middle Eastern companies. Although there are other supply chain contracts, the HNT contract provides trucking for over 70 percent of the total goods and materiel distributed to U.S. troops in the field, roughly 6,000 to 8,000 truck missions per month. The trucks carry food, supplies, fuel, ammunition, and even Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles (MRAPs). The crucial component of the HNT contract is that the prime contractors are responsible for the security of the cargo that they carry. Most of the prime contractors and their trucking subcontractors hire local Afghan security providers for armed protection of the trucking convoys. Transporting valuable and sensitive supplies in highly remote and insecure locations requires extraordinary levels of security. A typical convoy of 300 supply trucks going from Kabul to Kandahar, for example, will travel with 400 to 500 guards in dozens of trucks armed with heavy machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs). The private security companies that protect the convoys are frequently involved in armed conflict with alleged insurgents, rival security providers, and other criminal elements. The security providers report having lost hundreds of men over the course of the last year alone, though the veracity of these reports is difficult to judge. Many of the firefights purportedly last for hours and involve significant firepower and frequent civilian casualties. Indeed, in an interview with the Subcommittee staff, the leading convoy security commander in Afghanistan said that he spent $1.5 million on ammunition per month. From one perspective, the HNT contract works quite well: the HNT providers supply almost all U.S. forward operating bases and combat outposts across a difficult and hostile terrain while only rarely needing the assistance of U.S. troops. Nearly all of the risk on the supply chain is borne by contractors, their local Afghan truck drivers, and the private security companies that defend them. During the Soviet Union’s occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989), by contrast, its army devoted a substantial portion of its total force structure to defending its supply chain. The HNT contract allows the United States to dedicate a greater proportion of its troops to other counterinsurgency priorities instead of logistics. But outsourcing the supply chain in Afghanistan to contractors has also had significant unintended consequences. The HNT contract fuels warlordism, extortion, and corruption, and it may be a significant source of funding for insurgents. In other words, the logistics contract has an outsized strategic impact on U.S. objectives in Afghanistan. The Department of Defense has been largely blind to the potential strategic consequences of its supply chain contingency contracting. U.S. military logisticians have little visibility into what happens to their trucks on the road and virtually no understanding of how security is actually provided. When HNT contractors self-reported to the military that they were being extorted by warlords for protection payments for safe passage and that these payments were “funding the insurgency,” they were largely met with indifference and inaction. Specifically, the Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs Majority staff makes the following findings: Security for the U.S. Supply Chain Is Principally Provided by Warlords; The Highway Warlords Run a Protection Racket; Protection Payments for Safe Passage Are a Significant Potential Source of Funding for the Taliban; Unaccountable Supply Chain Security Contractors Fuel Corruption; Unaccountable Supply Chain Security Contractors Undermine U.S. Counterinsurgency Strategy; The Department of Defense Lacks Effective Oversight of Its Supply Chain and Private Security Contractors in Afghanistan; HNT Contractors Warned the Department of Defense About Protection Payments for Safe Passage to No Avail. There are numerous constructive changes that could be made to the U.S. military trucking effort in Afghanistan that would improve contracting integrity while mitigating corrupting influences. As the Department of Defense absorbs the findings in this report and considers its course of action, the Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs Majority staff makes the following recommendations: Assume Direct Contractual Responsibility for Supply Chain Security Providers; Review Counterinsurgency Consequences of the HNT Contract; Consider the Role of Afghan National Security Forces in Highway Security; Inventory Actual Trucking Capacity Available to the Department of Defense; Draft Contracts to Ensure Transparency of Subcontractors; Oversee Contracts to Ensure Contract Transparency and Performance; and Analyze Effect of Coalition Contracting on Afghan Corruption. Details: Washington, DC: The Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives, 2010. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2012 at http://democrats.oversight.house.gov/images/stories/subcommittees/NS_Subcommittee/6.22.10_HNT_HEARING/Warlord_Inc_compress.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Afghanistan URL: http://democrats.oversight.house.gov/images/stories/subcommittees/NS_Subcommittee/6.22.10_HNT_HEARING/Warlord_Inc_compress.pdf Shelf Number: 124583 Keywords: ConflictCorruption (Afghanistan)Extortion (Afghanistan)PeacekeepingSupply Chains (Afghanistan) |
Author: Shaw, Mark Title: Spotting the Spoilers: A Guide to Analyzing Organized Crime in Fragile States Summary: Rarely considered a serious challenge until recently, organized crime and related serious crime have become a critical issue in many fragile states. Experience shows that organized crime must be addressed during the course of any peace operation or political mission, since in many cases it is the biggest impediment to peace. Given weak institutions, few economic opportunities, and serious security threats, the activities of organized crime can have a disproportionate and devastating impact in fragile states, particularly when a political transition to peace or democracy is underway. This guide is designed for people in multilateral organizations who want to analyze the nature of organized crime in a fragile state, and should be particularly useful for field staff of peacekeeping, peacebuilding, or political missions engaged in mission planning and post-conflict needs-assessment. The objective of this guide is to hopefully allow the production of what is generally called an Organized Crime Threat Assessment (OCTA). The OCTA is a tool for generating a strategic picture of organized crime that can lead to an evidence-based response, both in terms of policy and operations. The guide seeks to provide an overview of what steps can be taken to analyze and understand organized and serious crime in a particular country. It is not a guide for conducting a criminal investigation; rather, it is a way to gather together information on things that have not been focused on before and that impact the peace or political process. Details: New York: International Peace Institute, 2012. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 24, 2012 at http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/IPI_SpottingtheSpoilers_AGuidetoAnalyzingOrganizedCrimeinFragileStates.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/IPI_SpottingtheSpoilers_AGuidetoAnalyzingOrganizedCrimeinFragileStates.pdf Shelf Number: 124727 Keywords: Conflice and ViolenceOrganized CrimePeacekeeping |
Author: den Heyer, Garth Title: The Role of Civilian Police in Peacekeeping: 1999–2007 Summary: The role of police officers in peacekeeping missions has expanded considerably since their inclusion in the first United Nations mission to the Congo in July 1960. The role of the police in that deployment was to assist the Congo government in maintaining law and order while the Belgian military withdrew from the country. Since that mission, the role of police has evolved— in unison with the evolution of peacekeeping—from one of monitoring the democratic election process to one of providing law enforcement services and of assisting with reform and reorganization of police services in post-conflict countries. Two of the biggest changes for police in peacekeeping occurred in the late 1990s with the advent of executive policing, which involved international police being responsible for local policing and for undertaking capacity development of indigenous police services. Coinciding with those changes, academics and practitioners have confirmed that the post-conflict role of police is of great importance and that police are necessary to provide the fundamentals for nation building. In parallel, the complexity of peacekeeping missions has changed the role that police play from one of mentoring the postconflict nation’s police service to one of (a) developing institutional police capacity, (b) supporting reform, and (c) restructuring and rebuilding local police (Hills, 2009; Murtaugh, 2010). The United Nations and the European Union have had to ensure that they had the administrative, strategic, and political structures in place to plan, deploy, support, and manage large comprehensive missions that comprise both police and military goals and objectives that address such changes. The United Nations recognized the change in the police peacekeeping environment when it created a police adviser position in the mid-1990s. The position included responsibility for advising the Department of Peacekeeping Operations about police-related matters. The significance of the police adviser was increased further on May 15, 2000, with the establishment of the Civilian Police Unit within the Department’s Military and Civilian Police Division. The Civilian Police Unit’s core functions included the following: • Prepare plans for the police components of field missions, monitor their implementation, and revise them as necessary. • Develop civilian police guidelines and standing operating procedures for field missions. • Establish a liaison with member states in regard to (a) the identification and deployment of civilian police officers to field missions, (b) the operational requirements of the mission, and (c) the related personnel and administrative issues. As a result of the change in emphasis and the complexity of missions, the existing institutional framework is now being tested. More than 12,500 United Nations police now exist who are from more than 90 countries and are deployed on 17 different field missions. New ways of thinking about how police are deployed, what their role is during deployment, how they undertake their duties, and how their performance is measured is needed because of the scale and comprehensiveness of modern missions. The first step in understanding how to best assist postconflict nations in the rule of law context is to understand the role of police in peacekeeping. The second step is to ensure that the service the police are delivering is meeting the requirements of the local government. The final step is identifying police officers who have the appropriate level of skill for the mission and then ensuring that they understand what their role in the mission is, how the mission is to be achieved, and how their performance will be measured. The findings from this study may assist police planners, practitioners, and researchers who are part of a widening audience that has an interest in the role of police in post-conflict or underdeveloped nations. The study fills a vacuum in previous research about how peacekeeping missions were planned, managed, and evaluated from the police perspective, and it takes the findings from 23 peacekeeping missions and develops a dynamic new police peacekeeping model that may be used in such situations. The proposed model is comprehensive but simple and easily understood. It is hoped that this research and the subsequent model provide mission leaders with the tools to implement policies and programs that will effectively reform police agencies in post-conflict nations. Details: Washington, DC: Police Foundations, 2012. 228p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: http://www.policefoundation.org/sites/pftest1.drupalgardens.com/files/201304/Den%20Heyer%20(2012)-%20Civilian%20Police%20in%20Peacekeping.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.policefoundation.org/sites/pftest1.drupalgardens.com/files/201304/Den%20Heyer%20(2012)-%20Civilian%20Police%20in%20Peacekeping.pdf Shelf Number: 129574 Keywords: Civilian PoliceDeveloping CountriesPeacekeepingPolicing (International)Post-Conflict Nations |
Author: Fielding, Marcus Title: War, Law and Order: Case Study: Australian Whole-of-Government Efforts to Develop Security and Criminal Justice Sectors Summary: This paper begins with a description of an Australian Special Forces raid in Afghanistan where civilians were killed and wounded. The subsequent White Paper prompted several questions: What exactly are 'situations of armed conflict short of conventional war'? How does the Australian Defence Force (ADF) 'establish a secure environment in conflict zones'? What role should the ADF play in a 'stabilization' situation? And what can we do to further develop a 'whole-of-government' effort? And have we adequately organized, trained and equipped Australian forces 'for conflicts within societies'? To answer these questions, this paper examines how the Australian Government can assist another state government to restore and maintain public security by developing capacity in its security and criminal justice sectors. But this paper is not just about Australia because Australia's experiences are not unlike those being experienced by the United States, the United Kingdom, and others. This is particularly relevant as the Asia-Pacific region is becoming more of an area of an interest to U.S. National Security. This paper first examines the origins, nature and prevalence of intra-state conflicts. It shows that one common feature of the ADF's interventions over the last few decades has been that forces have often been deployed in support of another state government, and in many instances the immediate and essential task has been to assist in restoring and maintaining public security. Details: Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, 2012. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: PKSOI Papers: Accessed October 6, 2016 at: https://knxup2.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=719206 Year: 2012 Country: Afghanistan URL: https://knxup2.hsdl.org/?abstract&did=719206 Shelf Number: 147820 Keywords: National SecurityPeacekeepingPolicingPublic Security |
Author: Anderholt, Charlotte Title: Female Participation in Formed Police Units: A Report on the Integration of Women in Formed Police Units of Peacekeeping Operations Summary: This report examines the obstacles that continue to hamper the integration of women into Formed Police Units (FPUs) of Peacekeeping Operations in accordance with the principles of United Nations (UN) Resolution 1325. To address this topic the study (1) briefly establishes the emerging importance of police units to peacekeeping operations, (2) outlines the key principles of UN Resolution 1325, (3) discusses the need for diversity, especially gender diversity, in police units, (4) discusses the core obstacles to integrating women into police units, (5) offers accounts of the major UN peacekeeping missions that utilized Formed Police Units (FPUs) or their predecessor organizations, and (6) concludes with summary recommendations for improving the integration of women into FPUs. It is important to clarify that while there is a literature on women in peacekeeping, there are no systematic studies that address the question of women in FPUs. Because of this lack of data, the report compares the experience of gender integration in municipal police forces in the United States with accounts of FPUs or related UN police units and their experience with gender integration. In addition, the narrow question of women in FPUs cannot be separated from the larger question of the unique vulnerability of women and girls in conflict environments and the equally unique role women and girls play in peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction of civil society. These themes will be discussed as warranted throughout the study. Finally, there is only now a clearly emerging sense of the definition and purpose of an FPU. The first FPUs were deployed to Kosovo under the UNMIK mission, and to East Timor (UNTAET) in 1999. FPUs are designed to be rapidly deployable, more heavily armed than regular UN police units (UNPOL, formerly CIVPOL), and more capable of independent operations. In short, FPUs are intended to respond to a wide range of contingencies spanning the spectrum of peace operations, but especially to be able to operate in high-risk environments. What differentiates an FPU from a standard UNPOL unit is that police in FPUs are recruited from a single-member state, and have trained together to operate as a coherent unit. Whereas UNPOL members are recruited individually and often deployed to UN missions as single members, by mandate FPUs cannot be deployed except as a full 120-140 person unit or in the smallest functional subset as a team of 10-12 officers. As a consequence of the increased operational effectiveness achieved through the particular recruitment and training model of FPUs they have generally been used for three high-risk mission-types. First, FPUs are considered a specialty force for managing public order. Examples of specific public order missions include riot control, crowd management at public assemblies, and the assurance of general public safety during potentially tense events like elections. Indeed, the core of the FPU mission can be thought of as assisting, “citizens to exercise their fundamental rights without any disturbance or unjustified hindrance and to prevent assemblies from threatening or actually harming public safety.” The second key FPU mission is the protection of UN personnel. This has included evacuations of personnel in extreme situations (post-election Cote d’Ivoire) and convoy protection (Congo). In addition, VIP and general facilities protection (prisons, warehouses, IDP camps, UN compounds) fall under this mission-rubric.3 Finally, FPUs are designed to assist local and UNPOL police with particularly high-risk operations. Such missions include high-visibility patrols (with local police, UNPOL or military peacekeepers) as in Congo, Haiti and Darfur; high-risk arrests; anti-organized crime work or SWAT and hostage negotiation operations. It is also important to note that FPUs distinguish themselves not just by this mission-set, but because they are able to perform the above while maintaining a strict code of respect for human rights law. Details: Carlisle, PA: Peacekeeping & Stability Operations Institute The United States Army War College, 2012. 70p. Source: PKSOI Papers: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2016 at: www.dtic.mil Year: 2012 Country: International URL: www.dtic.mil Shelf Number: 146011 Keywords: Female PolicePeacekeepingPolice UnitsPublic Safety |