Transaction Search Form: please type in any of the fields below.
Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
Time: 11:20 pm
Time: 11:20 pm
Results for racism
38 results foundAuthor: Metropolican Police Authority Title: Race and Faith Inquiry Report. Commissioned by Boris Johnson, Mayor of London Summary: This report makes a series of recommendations to improve equalities and address diversity issues in the Metropolitan Police Service and create a new vision for the future of London’s police service. Details: London: Metropolitan Police Authority, 2010. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2010 at: http://www.mpa.gov.uk/downloads/publications/race-faith-inquiry.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.mpa.gov.uk/downloads/publications/race-faith-inquiry.pdf Shelf Number: 119835 Keywords: Police Recruitment and SelectionPolicingRacism |
Author: Bahdi, Reem Title: Racial Profiling Summary: Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab’s failed attempt to ignite a bomb on Christmas Day, 2009, as Northwestern flight 253 descended to the Detroit airport has spurred a new round of debate over the efficacy of racial profiling as a national security strategy. In May 2007, in Vancouver, B.C., the BC Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA) held a public conference on racial profiling. Questions of racial profiling – broadly understood as profiling on the basis of race or religion – had hardly received the attention it deserved at the time and the Association’s board felt that it was important to encourage a public and open dialogue on the issue. To that end, they invited a number of experts to share their opinions about racial profiling and national security. The papers commented on here reflect the range of papers presented at the Vancouver conference. Details: Vancouver, BC: B.C. Civil Liberties Association, 2010. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2011 at: http://www.bccla.org/pressreleases/10racialprofiling.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://www.bccla.org/pressreleases/10racialprofiling.pdf Shelf Number: 120759 Keywords: Civil RightsRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement (Canada)Racism |
Author: Caumartin, Corinne Title: Racism, Violence, and Inequality: An Overview of the Guatemalan Case Summary: This working paper was written for the first CRISE Latin American team meeting held in Lima in June 2004. The meeting provided an arena for presenting our case studies (Guatemala, Peru and Bolivia) and setting up our research agendas. This paper was designed as a broad general introduction to the ‘Guatemalan case’ for the purpose of research on ethnicity, horizontal inequalities and conflict. This ‘background paper’ attempts to provide a general overview of the issues of conflict and ethnicity in Guatemala. CRISE research in Peru, Bolivia and Guatemala, focuses primarily on the indigenous/non-indigenous divide. In a first instance, this paper sets out to examine the emergence and evolution of Guatemala’s key ethnic categories, highlighting a much greater ethnic diversity than a simple binary (indigenous/non indigenous) approach would suggest in a first place. Yet, whilst acknowledging Guatemala’s ethnic diversity, pertaining to an indigenous or non-indigenous group in Guatemala remains an important phenomenon with important social, economic, political and cultural consequences. In a second instance, this paper traces out the general history and nature of inter-actions between indigenous and Ladino groups. Furthermore, this paper introduces some of the key debates surrounding the question of ethnicity and inter-ethnic relations in Guatemala, notably those regarding the definitions and evaluations of the various populations which constitute Guatemala. The latter sections of the paper provide a general review of Guatemala’s armed conflict (1960-1996) examining its emergence, resolution and aftermath. Providing a general overview of the conflict allows us to map out the nature of violence and repression in Guatemala. This paper identifies the 1976-1985 period as being of particular relevance for CRISE research. Most of the conflict’s casualties occurred during this period with indigenous people accounting for over 80% of the victims of violence. This paper summarises and reviews the main forms of violence and repression that were perpetrated against the indigenous victims of the conflict, leading to the conclusion that there was an ‘ethnicisation’ of violence in Guatemala. Finally, to conclude our general overview of the Guatemalan case, the last sections of this paper review and evaluate the Guatemalan peace accords, paying particular attention to the agreement on indigenous rights. Details: London: Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE), 2005. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: CRISE Working Paper No. 11: Accessed November 9, 2011 at: http://www.crise.ox.ac.uk/pubs/workingpaper11.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Guatemala URL: http://www.crise.ox.ac.uk/pubs/workingpaper11.pdf Shelf Number: 123277 Keywords: Ethnic GroupsHuman RightsIndigenous PeoplesRacismViolence (Guatemala) |
Author: Silverman, Carol Title: The Consequences of Structural Racism, Concentrated Poverty and Violence on Young Men and Boys of Color Summary: This brief examines the broader structural and institutional elements that research implicates as the root causes of violence among boys and young men of color. It includes policy solutions and emerging and promising practices that respond to the primacy of broader structural issues, including structural racism. The brief also highlights organizations seeking to change conditions in their communities. Details: Berkeley, CA: Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy, University of California, Berkeley Law School, 2011. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Brief: Accessed November 29, 2011 at: http://www.boysandmenofcolor.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Youth-Violence-for-Boys-and-Men-of-Color-Research-Brief.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.boysandmenofcolor.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/Youth-Violence-for-Boys-and-Men-of-Color-Research-Brief.pdf Shelf Number: 123464 Keywords: African AmericansDelinquency PreventionPovertyRacismRestorative JusticeSocioeconomic StatusViolent CrimeYouth Violence |
Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: Bigots on Bikes: The Growing Links between White Supremacists and Biker Gangs Summary: In recent years, a disturbing trend has emerged on the white supremacist scene in the United States. More and more white supremacists are developing links to motorcycle clubs across the country, including outlaw motorcycle gangs frequently involved with criminal activity. Though there has always been a small amount of crossover between white supremacist subcultures on one hand and the biker subculture on the other, these contacts have heretofore been relatively limited. Now, however, bikers and white supremacists are commingling with increasing frequency in a number of different ways. All five of the major white supremacist movements in the United States—neo-Nazis, racist skinheads, Ku Klux Klan groups, racist prison gangs, and Christian Identity groups—have developed noteworthy ties to the biker subculture. There is a significant overlap between elements of the biker subculture and elements of white supremacist subcultures, including shared symbology, shared slang and language, and in some cases shared dress. These cultural connections make encounters between the different movements easier. As a result of these individual connections, the number of people who hold dual membership in biker clubs and white supremacist groups has grown. Institutional connections have also grown, including biker gangs co-sponsoring white power events and allowing white supremacists to meet at their club houses. The most disturbing development has been the formation in recent years of a number of explicitly white supremacist biker gangs and clubs. If these connections continue to increase, they could add strength to white supremacist movements and could also increase ties between white supremacists and organized crime. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2011. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 21, 2012 at http://www.adl.org/extremism/ADL_CR_Bigots_on_Bikes_online.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.adl.org/extremism/ADL_CR_Bigots_on_Bikes_online.pdf Shelf Number: 123712 Keywords: GangsHate CrimeOrganized CrimeRacism |
Author: Iganski, Paul Title: Rehabilitation of hate crime offenders Summary: In October 2010 the Equality Act came into force which, among the new general duties it places on public bodies, requires public authorities to take action to “promote understanding” and “tackle prejudice”. The duty on a public body to reduce prejudice can be seen to include working with those people in the community whose prejudice has an impact both on them and the people around them and therefore applies to the area of criminal justice and ‘hate crime’ offenders. However, despite the growing attention and interest in hate crime, there is a clear need for a shared learning about how to effectively manage offenders. This report aims to provide a contribution to that learning by presenting a research review of some of the initiatives that have been established. The aims of the research were to: identify, from an international search, programmes designed for the rehabilitation of hate crime offenders; determine the transferability of programmes, or elements of them, for practice learning in the UK; make recommendations for the design and delivery of rehabilitative programmes for hate crime offenders in the UK. The research drew on international knowledge and expertise to look for relevant programmes in North America, Australia and New Zealand, and Europe, as well as in the UK, and, when programmes were identified, sought more information wherever possible by visits and telephone contacts with those responsible for the programmes. No programmes were found in Australia, New Zealand or Canada. The programmes identified in the United States, most of which were aimed at young offenders, had mostly ceased to function, usually because of problems of funding. Programmes were, however, identified in Germany and Sweden, which – unlike programmes identified in the United Kingdom – are intended specifically for offenders who have or have had some contact with far-right racist groups. The UK programmes identified share with those in Europe a commitment to the acceptance and understanding, rather than the rejection and condemnation, of racially motivated offenders, and have shown that it is possible to work with them constructively while firmly conveying that racist attitudes and behaviour are not acceptable. On the basis of the research findings, and in the context of the 2010 Equality Act, a number of recommendations are made for the design and delivery of programmes for the rehabilitation of hate crime offenders in the UK. Details: Scotland: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2011. 56p. Source: Research Report. Internet Resource: Accessed on January 26, 2012 at http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/Scotland/Research/rehabilitation_of_hate_crime_offenders_report_word_for_web_2_.doc Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/Scotland/Research/rehabilitation_of_hate_crime_offenders_report_word_for_web_2_.doc Shelf Number: 123773 Keywords: Bias CrimeHate CrimeHomophobiaOffender ManagementRacismRehabilitation |
Author: Athwal, Harmit, Bourne, Jenny Title: Racial Violence: The Buried Issue Summary: For most politicians raw, crude racism is over. The Macpherson report, it is said, dealt with it. Our research shows the hideous fact that since Stephen Lawrence’s death in April 1993, eighty-nine people have lost their lives to racial violence – an average of five per year. And this is just the worst aspect of a huge problem which has, far from going away, increased its impact in new areas across the UK. Whilst the main parties are in denial about the extent and severity of racial violence and popular racism (unless it manifests itself in lost votes to the British National Party) their racist domestic and foreign policies and the terms of the race debate – that immigration is indeed a problem, that British jobs are for British workers – are helping to fuel the misinformation and disaffection that can lead to such violence. The first part of this report analyses murders with a racial element since Stephen Lawrence’s – from the attack on the street to the convictions of assailants in the courts. The second part, analyses data on 660 cases of racial violence collated for 2009. In the appendices, Lee Bridges examines official statistics on racial violence and A. Sivanandan is interviewed about Islamophobia and anti-Muslim racism. Details: London: Institute of Race Relations, 2010. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: IRR Briefing Paper No. 6: Accessed April 6, 2012 at: http://www.irr.org.uk/pdf2/IRR_Briefing_No.6.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.irr.org.uk/pdf2/IRR_Briefing_No.6.pdf Shelf Number: 124886 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate CrimesRacial Violence (U.K.)Racism |
Author: FRA – European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights Title: Making Hate Crime Visible in the European Union: Acknowledging Victims' Rights Summary: Violence and crimes motivated by racism, xenophobia, religious intolerance or by a person’s disability, sexual orientation or gender identity – often referred to as ‘hate crime’ – are a daily reality throughout the European Union (EU), as data collected by the FRA consistently shows. Such crimes not only harm the victim, they are also generally prejudicial to fundamental rights, namely to human dignity and with respect to non-discrimination. Victims and witnesses of hate crimes are reluctant to report them, whether to law enforcement agencies, the criminal justice system, non-governmental organisations or victim support groups. As a result, victims of crime are often unable or unwilling to seek redress against perpetrators, with many crimes remaining unreported, unprosecuted and, therefore, invisible. In such cases, the rights of victims of crime may not be fully respected or protected and EU Member States may not be upholding the obligations they have towards victims of crime. The EU and its Member States can combat hate crime and address the related fundamental rights violations by making them both more visible and holding perpetrators accountable. This entails encouraging victims and witnesses to report crimes and incidents, while increasing their confidence in the ability of the criminal justice system to deal with this type of criminality decisively and effectively. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2012. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2012 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012_hate-crime.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012_hate-crime.pdf Shelf Number: 127087 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (Europe)RacismReligious IntoleranceXenophobia |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: Report on Racism and Xenophobia in the Member States of the EU Summary: On 1 March 2007, the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) came into being, following the extension of the mandate of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC). This makes the current report a ‘transitional’ report, in that it has been produced on the basis of the EUMC’s legal base and mandate, but it is being published by the FRA. Whilst the equivalent reports in previous years were ‘EUMC Annual Reports’, this report does not have the title of FRA Annual Report. The first FRA Annual Report will be published in June 2008. The current report covers the area of racism and xenophobia in the EU for the year 2006. The operation of the Racial Equality Directive provides an important context for much of this report. Last year’s EUMC Annual Report focused on the stages of transposition of the Racial Equality Directive in the EU Member States. The current report looks at the implementation of the directive and the initial evidence on how the legislation is applied by courts and tribunals, as well as how the specialised bodies are using their powers. Whilst there was much progress in implementing the Racial Equality Directive in most Member States, there was wide variation in the degree to which sanctions had been applied or compensation awarded in cases of ethnic discrimination during 2006. In around half of the Member States, even with laws and procedures in place, there were no indications of any sanctions being applied. The very low level of complaints in some countries during 2006 suggests a rather low awareness of the existence of the specialised bodies. It seems, therefore, that some Member States need to do more in the way of publicity and campaigns targeting potential victims of discrimination in order to raise awareness of the specialised bodies and their powers. Furthermore, not all specialised bodies disclose the grounds of discrimination for individual complaints, which makes it impossible to ascertain how many cases of ethnic discrimination were processed by the legal system during the year. This weakness relates to a broader message of this report, namely that for discrimination to be recognised and tackled there need to be systems in place for producing relevant and accurate data. This should include data on the circumstances of those groups who are potential victims of discrimination, in all the thematic areas of education, employment and housing, as well as on incidents of racist violence and crime. This is important for a number of reasons, not least because of the need for evidence-based policies to combat discrimination and racist crimes. For example, whilst there is evidence in this year’s report of some innovative positive action practices against discrimination in employment, such positive action is difficult to introduce and apply without accurate equality data on the employment circumstances of those groups who are the targets of such policies. Meanwhile, in the context of the continuing gaps in our knowledge resulting from of the patchiness of equality data, this report demonstrates examples in many Member States where research investigations have had the important function of identifying and bringing to public attention incidents and processes of racism and discrimination in the fields of employment, housing and education. This year, the information and data collection activities for this report involved 27 National Focal Points (NFPs), not 25, including for the first time Bulgaria and Romania, who became full members of the European Union on 1 January 2007. As with previous Annual Reports from the EUMC, this report covers in turn the thematic areas of legal issues, employment, housing, education, and racist violence and crime. In addition, for a second year, there is a final chapter covering developments and policies at the EU level in combating racism and xenophobia. Details: Vienna: FRA, 2007. 172p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 23, 2013 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/11-ar07p2_en.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/11-ar07p2_en.pdf Shelf Number: 107709 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate Crimes (Europe)RacismXenophobia |
Author: Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) Title: Report on Metropolitan Police Service Handling of Complaints Alleging Race Discrimination Summary: Race has been an extremely sensitive, and at times toxic, issue for the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS). The disorders that began in Brixton in 1981, and then spread to other parts of the UK, led to Lord Scarman’s report, which found that: “a major cause of the hostility of young black men towards the police was loss of confidence by significant sections of the Lambeth public in the police. The reasons included... distrust of the procedure for investigating complaints against the police; and unlawful and in particular racially prejudiced conduct by some police officers.” Steps were taken to respond to Lord Scarman’s many recommendations. Yet, twelve years later, the ineffectual response to the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence signalled a further lack of confidence in policing by the black community and led to the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. It found that institutional racism had played a part in the failure and that: “there is a striking and inescapable need to demonstrate fairness, not just by Police Services, but across the criminal justice system as a whole, in order to generate trust and confidence within minority ethnic communities, who undoubtedly perceive themselves to be discriminated against by "the system"... The need to re-establish trust between minority ethnic communities and the police is paramount. Such distrust and loss of confidence is particularly evident in the widely held view that junior officers discriminate in practice at operational level, and that they support each other in such discrimination.” Both inquiries clearly led to changes in policing policy, practice and training, not just in the MPS but nationwide. In its 2009 report ‘The Macpherson Report - Ten Years On’, the Home Affairs Select Committee noted that all witnesses recognised that the police service had made progress towards tackling racial prejudice and discrimination since 1999, including significant improvements in training and handling of cases involving hate and race crimes across London. Nevertheless, the concerns and the lack of confidence of black and minority ethnic communities in policing – and the consequences of this – have been highlighted in more recent official reports since the Macpherson and Scarman inquiries. The report of the independent panel set up to examine and understand why the riots of August 2011 took place said that: “Black and minority ethnic happiness following contact with the police is significantly worse than it is for white people – 64% compared to 77%... the Metropolitan Police… were cited in particular as having issues around positive or ‘quality’ contact. In our view, by improving the quality of minor encounters, the Met can dramatically improve their relationships with communities.” The IPCC’s review of complaints against the MPS’s Territorial Support Group, published in December 2012, highlighted allegations of racial discrimination against young black men as a continuing area of concern. The IPCC itself, and its predecessor body, the Police Complaints Authority, owe their existence to the Macpherson and Scarman inquiries respectively, in order to introduce an element of independence and transparency into the handling of complaints against the police. Nevertheless, the most recent IPCC survey of public confidence in the complaints system (2011), showed a marked lack of confidence in the complaints system from ethnic minority respondents, 43% of whom feared that their complaint would not be taken seriously, and 40% of whom feared that they would suffer harassment if they complained. The comparative numbers for white respondents were 35% and 17%. It was therefore of great concern that during 2011-12 there was a spate of allegations of racist behaviour by officers or staff in the MPS. This included allegations of overt racism and racially aggravated assault in some high profile cases referred by the MPS to the IPCC, which the IPCC later passed on to the Crown Prosecution Service to consider criminal prosecution. These cases are particularly sensitive and have the capacity to seriously affect public confidence in policing among London’s diverse communities. Because of this, the IPCC launched a review of the MPS’s handling of complaints involving allegations of racism. Details: London: IPCC, 2013. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2013 at: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2013/jul/uk-ippc-report-met-racism.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2013/jul/uk-ippc-report-met-racism.pdf Shelf Number: 129536 Keywords: Complaints Against PoliceDiscriminationPolice Misconduct (U.K.)Racism |
Author: Southern Poverty Law Center Title: Greenwash: Nativists, Environmentalism and the Hypocrisy of Hate Summary: A quarter of a century ago, John Tanton, a white nationalist who would go on to almost single-handedly construct the contemporary, hard-line anti-immigration movement, wrote about his secret desire to bring the Sierra Club, the nation's largest environmental organization, into the nativist fold. He spelled out his motive clearly: Using an organization perceived by the public as part of the liberal left would insulate nativists from charges of racism — charges that, given the explicitly pro-"European-American" advocacy of Tanton and many of his allies over the years, would likely otherwise stick. In the ensuing decades, nativist forces followed Tanton's script, making several attempts to win over the Sierra Club and its hundreds of thousands of members. That effort culminated in 2004, when nativists mounted a serious effort to take over the Sierra Club's board of directors, an attempt that was beaten back only after a strenuous campaign by Sierra Club members and groups including the Southern Poverty Law Center. The attempt was a classic case of "greenwashing" — a cynical effort by nativist activists to seduce environmentalists to join their cause for purely strategic reasons. Now, the greenwashers are back. In the last few years, right-wing groups have paid to run expensive advertisements in liberal publications that explicitly call on environmentalists and other "progressives" to join their anti-immigration cause. They've created an organization called Progressives for Immigration Reform that purports to represent liberals who believe immigration must be radically curtailed in order to preserve the American environment. They've constructed websites accusing immigrants of being responsible for urban sprawl, traffic congestion, overconsumption and a host of other environmental evils. Time and again, they have suggested that immigration is the most important issue for conservationists. The hypocrisy of these come-ons can be astounding. The group headed by Roy Beck, one of the key activists leading the efforts, has given close to half a million dollars to a far-right news service that has described global warming as a hoax. Tanton's wife, who works hand in glove with her husband, runs an anti-immigration political action committee (PAC) that funds candidates with abysmal environmental voting records. The congressional allies of John Tanton, Beck and the other greenwashers are organized into an anti-immigration caucus whose members have even worse environmental voting records than the beneficiaries of Mary Lou Tanton's PAC. John Tanton's U.S. Inc., a foundation set up to fund nativist groups, spent about $150,000 on a highly conservative fundraising agency whose client list includes several major anti-environmental organizations. This new wave of greenwashing attempts, in particular the formation of Progressives for Immigration Reform as a purported group of “liberals,” is only the latest attempt by nativist forces to appear as something they are not. The white-dominated Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), the most important of the groups founded by Tanton, has been behind the creation of three other front groups that supposedly represented African Americans (Choose Black America), Latino Americans (You Don’t Speak for Me!) and labor (Coalition for the Future American Worker). In fact, FAIR had its own white spokesman double as a press representative for the first two organizations. Another group unrelated to FAIR, Vietnamese for Fair Immigration, turned out to be led by a white man who used a fake Vietnamese surname and whose only connection to that country was that he liked the food. The arguments being made by the nativists today — in a nutshell, that immigration drives population increase and that a growing population is the main driver of environmental degradation — have in the last 15 years been rejected by the mainstream of the environmental movement as far too simplistic. The allegation that immigrants are responsible for urban sprawl, for example, ignores the fact that most immigrants live in dense, urban neighborhoods and do not contribute significantly to suburban or exurban sprawl. In a similar way, most conservationists have come to believe that many of the world's most intractable environmental problems, including global warming, can only be solved by dealing with them on a worldwide, not a nation-by-nation, basis. The greenwashers are wolves in sheep's clothing, right-wing nativists who are doing their best to seduce the mainstream environmental movement in a bid for legitimacy and more followers. John Tanton, the man who originally devised the strategy, is in fact far more concerned with the impact of Latino and other non-white immigration on a "European-American" culture than on conservation. Most of the greenwashers are men and women of the far right, hardly "progressives." Environmentalists need to be aware of so-called "progressives for immigration reform" and their true motives. These individuals and organizations do not see protecting the environment as their primary goal — on the contrary, the nativists are first and foremost about radically restricting immigration. Environmentalists should not fall for their rhetoric. Details: Montgomery, AL: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2010. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/publication/Greenwash.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/publication/Greenwash.pdf Shelf Number: 129597 Keywords: Environmentalists (U.S.)Hate CrimesImmigrantsRacism |
Author: Beirich, Heidi Title: White Homicide Worldwide Summary: A typical murderer drawn to the racist forum Stormfront.org is a frustrated, unemployed, white adult male living with his mother or an estranged spouse or girlfriend. She is the sole provider in the household. Forensic psychologists call him a "wound collector." Instead of building his resume, seeking employment or further education, he projects his grievances on society and searches the Internet for an excuse or an explanation unrelated to his behavior or the choices he has made in life. His escalation follows a predictable trajectory. From right-wing antigovernment websites and conspiracy hatcheries, he migrates to militant hate sites that blame society's ills on ethnicity and shifting demographics. He soon learns his race is endangered - a target of "white genocide." After reading and lurking for a while, he needs to talk to someone about it, signing up as a registered user on a racist forum where he commiserates in an echo chamber of angry fellow failures where Jews, gays, minorities and multiculturalism are blamed for everything. Assured of the supremacy of his race and frustrated by the inferiority of his achievements, he binges online for hours every day, self-medicating, slowly sipping a cocktail of rage. He gradually gains acceptance in this online birthing den of self-described "lone wolves," but he gets no relief, no practical remedies, no suggestions to improve his circumstances. He just gets angrier. And then he gets a gun. The hatemaker: Don Black, the former Alabama Klan leader who founded and still runs Stormfront, provides an electronic home and breeding ground for racists who have murdered almost 100 people in the last five years. To this day, he remains fiercely unapologetic, even as he rakes in donations from his forum members. It is a myth that racist killers hide in the shadows. Investigators find that most offenders openly advocated their ideology online, often obsessively posting on racist forums and blogs for hours every day. Over the past two decades, the largest hate site in the world, Stormfront.org, has been a magnet and breeding ground for the deadly and the deranged. There is safety in the anonymity of the Web, and comfort in the endorsement others offer for extreme racist ideas, argues former FBI agent Joe Navarro, who coined the term "wound collector." "Isolation permits the free expression of ideas, especially those which are extreme and which foster passionate hatred," Navarro, who helped found the FBI's Behavioral Analysis Division, wrote in 2011 in Psychology Today. "In this cocoon of isolation the terrorist can indulge his ideology" without the restrictions of the routines of daily life. Then there is a trajectory from idea to action. Though on any given day, fewer than 1,800 registered members log on to Stormfront, and less than half of the site's visitors even reside in the United States, a two-year study by the Intelligence Report shows that registered Stormfront users have been disproportionately responsible for some of the most lethal hate crimes and mass killings since the site was put up in 1995. In the past five years alone, Stormfront members have murdered close to 100 people. The Report's research shows that Stormfront's bias-related murder rate began to accelerate rapidly in early 2009, after Barack Obama became the nation's first black president. For domestic Islamic terrorists, the breeding ground for violence is often the Al Qaeda magazine Inspire and its affiliated websites. For the racist, it is Stormfront. Details: Atlanta, GA: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2014. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 12, 2014 at: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/intelligence_report_154_homicide_world_wide.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/intelligence_report_154_homicide_world_wide.pdf Shelf Number: 132327 Keywords: ExtremistsHate CrimesHomicideRacismViolent Crime |
Author: Cox, Robynn Title: Where Do We Go From Here? Mass Incarceration and the Struggle for Civil Rights Summary: On the surface, crime and punishment appear to be unsophisticated matters. After all, if someone takes part in a crime, then shouldn't he or she have to suffer the consequences? But dig deeper and it is clear that crime and punishment are multidimensional problems that stem from racial prejudice justified by age-old perceptions and beliefs about African Americans. The United States has a dual criminal justice system that has helped to maintain the economic and social hierarchy in America, based on the subjugation of blacks, within the United States. Public policy, criminal justice actors, society and the media, and criminal behavior have all played roles in creating what sociologist Loic Wacquant calls the hyper-incarceration of black men. But there are solutions to rectify this problem. To summarize the major arguments in this essay, the root cause of the hyper-incarceration of blacks (and in particular black men) is society's collective choice to become more punitive. These tough-on-crime laws, which applied to all Americans, could be maintained only because of the dual legal system developed from the legacy of racism in the United States. That is, race allowed for society to avoid the trade-off between societies "demand" to get tough on crime and its "demand" to retain civil liberties, through unequal enforcement of the law. In essence, tying crime to observable characteristics (such as race or religious affiliation) allowed the majority in society to pass tough-on-crime policies without having to bear the full burden of these policies, permitting these laws to be sustained over time. What's more, the history of racism, which is also linked to the history of perceptions of race and crime, has led society to choose to fight racial economic equality using the criminal justice system (i.e., incarceration) instead of choosing to reduce racial disparities through consistent investments in social programs (such as education, job training, and employment, which have greater public benefits), as King (1968) lobbied for before his assassination. In other words, society chose to use incarceration as a welfare program to deal with the poor, especially since the underprivileged are disproportionately people of color. At the same time, many communities attempted to benefit economically from mass incarceration by using prisons as a strategy for economic growth, making the incarceration system eerily similar to the system of slavery. Given all of the documented social and economic costs of mass incarceration (e.g., inferior labor market opportunities, increases in the racial disparity in HIV/AIDS, destruction of the family unit), it can be concluded that it has helped to maintain the economic hierarchy, predicated on race, in the United States. In order to undo the damage that has been done, and in order to move beyond our racial past, we must as a nation reeducate ourselves about race; and then, as a society, commit to investing in social programs targeted toward at-risk youth. We must also ensure diversity in criminal justice professionals in order to achieve the economic equality that King fought for prior to his death. Although mass incarceration policies have recently received a great deal of attention (due to incarceration becoming prohibitively costly), failure to address the legacy of racism passed down by our forefathers and its ties to economic oppression will only result in the continued reinvention of Jim Crow. Details: Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute, 2015. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 21, 2015 at: http://s2.epi.org/files/2014/MassIncarcerationReport.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://s2.epi.org/files/2014/MassIncarcerationReport.pdf Shelf Number: 134424 Keywords: Economic AnalysisMass Incarceration (U.S.)MinoritiesPrisonersPunishmentRacial DisparitiesRacism |
Author: Hole, Arne Risa Title: The impact of the London bombings on the wellbeing of young Muslims Summary: This paper uses the timing of the London bombings, occurring midway through a nationally representative survey of English adolescents, to identify the impact of an exogenous shock to racism on the wellbeing of young Muslims. We extend Lechner (2011) to apply the method of difference-in-differences to ordered response data. Difference-in-differences using non-Muslim adolescents as controls, and a before-after comparison across Muslims alone, both show a decline in the wellbeing of Muslim teenage girls after the bombings, particularly for those facing high levels of deprivation and segregation. No corresponding effects are found among Muslim teenage boys. Details: Sheffield, UK: University of Sheffield, Department of Economics, 2015. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: https://www.sheffield.ac.uk/polopoly_fs/1.432877!/file/serps_2015002.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.sheffield.ac.uk/polopoly_fs/1.432877!/file/paper_2015002.pdf Shelf Number: 134512 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesBombings (U.K.)MuslimsRacial PrejudiceRacism |
Author: Canada. Office of the Correctional Investigator Title: A Case Study of Diversity in Corrections: The Black Inmate Experience in Federal Penitentiaries Final Report Summary: 1. The face of Canadian corrections is changing. As the Canadian population has become increasingly diverse so too has the federal offender population. The visible minority1 offender population (community and incarcerated) has increased over the past 5 years by 40%. Visible minorities now constitute 18% of the total federally sentenced offender population (those incarcerated and in the community) which is largely consistent with representation rates in Canadian society (19.1%). In 2011/12, Caucasians continued to make up the largest proportion of the federal offender population (62.3%). By comparison, Aboriginals represented 19.3%, Blacks 8.6%, Asians 5.4%, and Hispanics 0.9% of the population respectively. Increasing diversity presents important challenges for the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC), particularly with respect to the relevancy of programs and services as well as representative hiring and the need for greater staff cultural competence, awareness and sensitivity. 2. Prejudice and bias, particularly with respect to Aboriginal peoples, have been well documented in studies and inquiries of the Canadian criminal justice system. However, little Canadian research has systematically explored the treatment of visible minorities within the criminal justice system and even less so on their experiences in correctional facilities, primarily because of the lack of or limited access to data. The principal Canadian study in this field, conducted by The Commission on Systemic Racism in the Ontario Criminal Justice System, examined the extent to which criminal justice practices, procedures and policies in the police, courts and correctional institutions in Ontario reflected systemic racism. Overall, the Commission found evidence of systemic racism within each of the components of the criminal justice system and made a number of recommendations to improve its accountability. Specifically, with respect to correctional institutions, the Commission found evidence of pervasive racial hostility and intolerance within prison environments, racial segregation of inmates within and among prisons and racial inequality in regards to the delivery of institutional services. While this study is now dated and was conducted in provincial institutions in only one province, it provides important contextual information, both from a qualitative and quantitative perspective, on the experiences of Black inmates and visible minorities more generally, within the Canadian criminal justice system and provides a foundation for the present case study. 3. The 2011/12 Annual Report of the Office of the Correctional Investigator (OCI) identified Black inmates as one of the fastest growing sub-populations in federal corrections. It highlighted the increasing over-representation of this group relative to their proportion within the Canadian population. Over the last 10 years, the number of federally incarcerated Black inmates has increased by 75% (767 Black inmates in 2002/03 to 1340 Black inmates in 2011/12) with most of this increase occurring in the last 6 years (2006/07 to 2011/12)10. Black inmates now account for 9.3%11 of the total federal prison population (up from 6.1% in 2002/03) while representing approximately just 2.9%12 of the Canadian population (see diagram). Details: Ottawa: Office of the Correctional Investigator, 2013. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 4, 2015 at: http://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/rpt/pdf/oth-aut/oth-aut20131126-eng.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Canada URL: http://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/rpt/pdf/oth-aut/oth-aut20131126-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 135883 Keywords: African Americans Minority Groups Minority Inmates Prisons Racism |
Author: Nwabuzo, Ojeaku Title: Racist Crime in Europe: ENAR Shadow Report 2013-2014 Summary: Civil society organisations across the EU report an increase in racist crimes in 2013, in particular against Black and Asian ethnic minorities, Roma, Jews and Muslims - or those perceived as such, according to the European Network Against Racism's latest Shadow Report on racist crime in Europe, covering 26 European countries. A total of 47,210 racist crimes were officially recorded, but this is only the tip of the iceberg, as many EU Member States do not properly record and report racially motivated crimes. There was an increase in anti-Semitic (Bulgaria, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands and Sweden) and Islamophobic (France, England and Wales) crimes in some countries, and these crimes increasingly take the form of online incitement to hatred and/or violence. There were cases of violence, abuse or incitement to violence against Roma in almost all EU Member States, and in particular those with a large Roma population. In many EU countries, including Estonia, Greece, Italy, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom, the most violent physical attacks reported are perpetrated against Black and Asian people. In Sweden for example, 980 crimes with an Afrophobic motive were recorded. In addition, crimes perpetrated by members of far-right groups are over-represented (49%) in racist crimes and complaints linked to political groups. In some countries there is no official or systematic data collection of racially motivated crimes; and in others, information about the racial, ethnic or religious background of the victims is not disaggregated. Only one third of EU countries have recorded and published information on racist crimes for 2013. In addition, because many feel ashamed, do not trust the police or think their testimony will not change anything, victims often do not come forward to report racist crimes. The investigation and prosecution of racist crimes is also problematic. Although most EU Member States recognise racially motived crimes in their legislation, narrow definitions of what constitutes racially motivated crime can result in incidents not being recorded, investigated or prosecuted properly. In the Czech Republic and Italy, an estimated 40-60% of reported racist crimes are not fully investigated by police. Under-qualification of racist crimes takes place throughout the justice system, from police reporting to court judgements. Details: Brussels: European Network Against Racism (ENAR), 2015. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2015 at: http://www.enar-eu.org/IMG/pdf/shadowreport_2013-14_en_final_lowres-2.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.enar-eu.org/IMG/pdf/shadowreport_2013-14_en_final_lowres-2.pdf Shelf Number: 136616 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimeExtremist GroupsHate CrimesRacism |
Author: Jovanovic, Jelena Title: 'Vulnerability of Roma' in Policy Discourse on Combatting Trafficking in Human Beings in Serbia: Perspectives of the National Policy Actors Summary: This paper presents the results of research on national anti-trafficking policy actors' discourses on 'vulnerability of Roma' to trafficking in human beings in Serbia. According to most of the interviewed policy actors, Roma are one of the 'vulnerable groups', constituting at least half of all human trafficking victims. However, many of the interviewees argue there are no specific vulnerability factors that can be associated with Roma. Yet the analysis of their discourses suggests that institutional discrimination based on 'ethnicity' and racism can be considered the specific factors. It further suggests that these two factors do not only increase vulnerability of Roma, but also prevent local anti-trafficking policy actors from providing assistance and protection to Romani victims of trafficking. In addition, the analysis also indicates that reconstruction of the concept 'Romani culture' is another factor that prevents local anti-trafficking policy actors from helping Romani victims of trafficking. The research presented here was concerned with the different meanings embedded in the concept 'vulnerability of Roma'. The juxtaposition of policy actors' discourses alongside discourses represented through the national strategic policy documents reveals several problematic category making processes and conceptualizations. For instance, as we will soon see, the subtle conceptualization of 'trafficking in Roma' as a Romani problem and then, further to this, as a Romani women's problem. Details: Budapest: Center for Policy Studies, Central European University, 2015. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Series, 2015/4: Accessed October 20, 2015 at: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-osi-ttf-vulnerability-of-roma-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Serbia and Montenegro URL: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-osi-ttf-vulnerability-of-roma-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137037 Keywords: Human TraffickingMinority GroupsRacismRomani |
Author: El-Enany, Nadine Title: Justice, Resistance and Solidarity: Race and Policing in England and Wales Summary: This edition of Perspectives focuses on racism and policing in Britain. It brings together academics, practitioners and activists to examine, and offer their outlook on, the state of policing and its effects on black and minority ethnic communities in Britain today. In recent years the US has been in the spotlight for police killings of black men and women, including the 2014 killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, Tanisha Anderson in Cleveland, Ohio, and Eric Garner in New York, as well as the protest movements which have followed. Britain is no stranger to racialised police violence. Following these and other fatal police shootings, solidarity protests with the "BlackLivesMatter" movement drew attention to the long list of unaccounted-for deaths of black men and women in Britain. Systemic and institutional racism persists in policing despite its recognition in the Macpherson Report more than fifteen years ago. In Britain, black and minority ethnic people are disproportionately represented in the criminal justice system at every level, from arrests to stop and search, to imprisonment, to deaths in custody. Successive governments' counter-terrorism policies have resulted in racial profiling and over-policing of Muslim and Asian communities, and have fed a pervasive Islamophobia now affecting British and other European societies. Contributors to this collection have tackled these issues head on from multiple perspectives, incorporating the voices of those affected by racialised policing and those who campaign on their behalf, together with scholars in the field. Each of their short contributions seeks to provoke critical reflection and forward-thinking on key issues where race and policing intersect. The collection is organised into three parts. The first, Taking Stock - The State of Policing, sets out the key contemporary issues in race and policing within a historical context. The second part, Racism and Counter-Terrorism, examines the racial and religious profiling that is at the heart of counter-terror policing in Britain and examines the impact this is having on Asian and Muslim communities in particular. The final part, Considering a Way Forward, brings together accounts from grassroots and community organisations of their experiences and strategies when taking up the challenge of scrutinising and seeking accountability for police actions. Included in this part are comparative perspectives on practice and policy from across Europe. Details: London: Runnymede, 2015. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Runnymede Perspectives: Accessed November 28, 2015 at: http://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/Race%20and%20Policing%20v4.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/Race%20and%20Policing%20v4.pdf Shelf Number: 137350 Keywords: Minority CommunitiesPolice AccountabilityPolice ReformPolicingRacial ProfilingRacial Profiling in PolicingRacismTerrorism |
Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: With Hate in their Hearts: The State of White Supremacy in the United States Summary: The recent tragic shooting spree in June 2015 that took nine lives at Emanuel AME Church, a predominantly African-American church in Charleston, South Carolina, starkly revealed the pain and suffering that someone motivated by hate can cause. The suspect in the shootings, Dylann Storm Roof, is a suspected white supremacist. The horrific incident-following earlier deadly shooting sprees by white supremacists in Kansas, Wisconsin, and elsewhere-makes understanding white supremacy in the United States a necessity. - White supremacist ideology in the United States today is dominated by the belief that whites are doomed to extinction by a rising tide of non-whites who are controlled and manipulated by the Jews-unless action is taken now. This core belief is exemplified by slogans such as the so-called Fourteen Words: "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children." - During the recent surge of right-wing extremist activity in the United States that began in 2009, white supremacists did not grow appreciably in numbers, as anti-government extremists did, but existing white supremacists did become more angry and agitated, with a consequent rise of serious white supremacist violence. - Most white supremacists do not belong to organized hate groups, but rather participate in the white supremacist movement as unaffiliated individuals. Thus the size of the white supremacist movement is considerably greater than just the members of hate groups. Among white supremacist groups, gangs are becoming increasingly important. - The white supremacist movement has a number of different components, including 1) neo-Nazis; 2) racist skinheads; 3) "traditional" white supremacists; 4) Christian Identity adherents; and 5) white supremacist prison gangs. The prison gangs are growing in size, while the other four sub-movements are stagnant or in decline. In addition, there are a growing number of Odinists, or white supremacist Norse pagans. There are also "intellectual" white supremacists who seek to provide an intellectual veneer or justification for white supremacist concepts. - White supremacists engage in a wide variety of activities to promote their ideas and causes or to cause fear in their enemies. They also engage in an array of social activities in which white supremacists gather for food and festivities. - Among domestic extremist movements active in the United States, white supremacists are by far the most violent, committing about 83% of the extremist-related murders in the United States in the past 10 years and being involved in about 52% of the shootouts between extremists and police. White supremacists also regularly engage in a variety of terrorist plots, acts and conspiracies. However, white supremacists also have a high degree of involvement with traditional forms of criminal activity as well as ideologically-based criminal activity. Most of the murders committed by white supremacists are done for non-ideological reasons. However, even if such murders are ignored, white supremacists still commit the most lethal violence of any domestic extremist movement in the United States. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/state-of-white-supremacy-united-states-2015.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/state-of-white-supremacy-united-states-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137446 Keywords: Extremist GroupsHate CrimesHomeland SecurityRacismRadical GroupsWhite Supremacists |
Author: Montague, Richard Title: Challenging Racism: Ending Hate Summary: Migrants are often on the receiving end of negative stereotyping and scaremongering. For example, in late 2013 sections of the British media presented stories that the UK was about to be 'flooded' by a mass influx of Romanians and Bulgarians. The Sun newspaper hysterically claimed: 'a tidal wave of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants is threatening to swamp Britain - and flood our overstretched jobs market'. Such reporting came in the advent of work restrictions being removed and allowing citizens from the A2 countries (Bulgaria and Romania) access to the EU labour market by January 2014. The arrival of newcomers did not unravel as was suggested and there has been no noticeable negative impact on jobs or public services in the UK. In fact, recent European immigrants in the UK have paid $8.8 billion more in tax than they have consumed in public services. In Northern Ireland, migration also contributes to sustaining economic growth, filling labour shortages, bringing much needed skills and enriching our society through cultural diversity. Some perceptions echo slogans such as 'British jobs for British workers'. Demanding the ring-fencing of jobs specifically for UK citizens would not only be an unlawful discriminatory exercise, it would also be counter-productive in terms of trade and investment from international businesses. It is not only political parties, politicians and the media which have reflected negative images of migrants. A 2010 study on public attitudes towards migrant workers in Northern Ireland highlighted: - 70% of respondents felt that migrants put a strain on services (e.g. social housing, education, and healthcare); - Almost half (48%) of those surveyed felt that migrant workers take jobs away from people born in Northern Ireland. Moreover, a 2014 Queen's University study of community workers who were challenging myths that aided hate crime in Belfast felt that community concerns were generally articulated around jobs and housing. In this way, racist hate crimes are often a crude way of 'defending' resources coupled with notions of protecting community identity from the 'outsider'. These opinions have underpinned certain racist attacks in Northern Ireland. Between 2013 and 2014 there has been a 43% increase in racially-motivated offences, with 70% of these occurring in Belfast.8 During the present reporting period, the PSNI has noted that racially motivated crimes in Northern Ireland have risen by more than 50%. In the context of a perceived competition for scarce resources like jobs and housing, this may provide fertile ground for racism. Therefore, the media, political parties, politicians and even our neighbours or work colleagues can fuel negative and incorrect perceptions about migrants. When these ideas take root, they can create an atmosphere of ethnic intolerance, resentment and hostility, often resulting in hate crimes. We need to challenge prejudices and continue to debunk myths about migrants. It is no coincidence that racist hate crimes tend to occur in areas of multiple deprivation where foreign nationals are blamed for economic and social ills. These are communities in Northern Ireland which have not felt the economic benefits of the 'peace process.' But while socio-economic disadvantage is not a 'myth', perceptions about threats to resources like jobs and housing are forms of myth-making when we look at the facts. It must not be forgotten that such racist attitudes are not unique to communities of need. Details: Belfast?: Unite Against Hate, 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 10, 2016 at: https://www.qub.ac.uk/research-centres/isctsj/filestore/Filetoupload,472425,en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.qub.ac.uk/research-centres/isctsj/filestore/Filetoupload,472425,en.pdf Shelf Number: 137836 Keywords: Hate CrimesImmigrantsMigrantsRacism |
Author: Bakalis, Chara Title: Cyberhate: An Issue of Continued Concern for the Council of Europe's Anti-Racism Commission Summary: Fifteen years after the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) issue its General Policy Recommendation (GPR) No. 6 on Combating the dissemination of racist, xenophobic and antisemitic material via the Internet, cyberhate is still a recurring issue in its reports. Through a thorough examination of ECRIs country reports over four monitoring cycles, Chara Bakalis demonstrates that while GPR No.6 has had a substantial impact on efforts to combat cyberhate, much remains to be done. Details: Strasbourg, France: Council of Europe, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 10, 2016 at: http://www.coe.int/t/democracy/source/publications/Cyberhate_2015_en.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.coe.int/t/democracy/source/publications/Cyberhate_2015_en.pdf Shelf Number: 138157 Keywords: Anti-Semitism Cybercrime Hate Crimes Racism |
Author: Denbeaux, Mark P. Title: Racial Profiling Report: Bloomfield Police and Bloomfield Municipal Court Summary: Seton Hall Law School's Center for Policy & Research selected Bloomfield, New Jersey as a setting for a study of potential racial profiling in its police practices. The results revealed a persistent and disproportionate representation of African Americans and Latinos in the courtroom as compared to their representation in either Bloomfield itself or in the State of New Jersey. Bloomfield, New Jersey is, in many ways, demographically representative of New Jersey itself. According to the most recent census data available, its population of 47,315 is roughly 60% white, 18.5% African American, and 24.5% Latino. In comparison, New Jersey's population is 68.6% white, 13.7% African American, and 17.7% Latino. Bloomfield is ringed on the north, east and west by towns that resemble its demographic makeup. Bloomfield's southern border, however, is a different story: Newark is 26.3% white, 52.3% African American and 33.8% Latino; East Orange is 4% white, 88.5% African American and 7.9% Latino. The study entailed hundreds of observations of court appearances for traffic offenses and a small number of other minor offenses in Bloomfield Municipal Court, conducted by a team of trained Seton Hall Law School students for 70 hours over the course of a month. Students also scrutinized a database of 9,715 tickets issued to unique drivers in Bloomfield during a 12-month period immediately preceding the courtroom observations. The individuals with Spanish surnames who were cited in the Bloomfield ticket database closely approximated the Latino percentage observed in court appearances. Given the demographics of both Bloomfield and New Jersey generally, the expected representation in the courtroom would have been around 60% white. Strikingly, the observers reported the inverse, plus: instead of 60% white, African-Americans and Latinos accounted for an astounding 78% of court appearances (43% African American, 35% Latino, 20% White, and 2% other) (n=799). Remarkably, this racial disproportion was found not only across the board but in various subgroupings - including Bloomfield itself whose African American and Latino residents accounted for 73% of Bloomfield residents observed before the court, as compared with only 24% white. Similarly, a racial disproportion in ticketing also existed across the five predominantly white border towns. Although the numbers are small (n=39), 64% of those with residences in the predominantly white border towns were African American or Latino while only 33% were white. Much of the explanation for the racial distribution of tickets is undoubtedly due to the issuance of citations to residents of the cities of Newark and East Orange. The borders of these cities with Bloomfield were overwhelmingly targeted by the Bloomfield Police. To determine areas of police targeting, the database of tickets from the year immediately prior to the observation aspect of the study, was also analyzed for patrolling patterns. Where it could be determined where the traffic stop occurred (which was in some 67% of the cases), the overwhelming majority -- 88.33% -- were in the third of Bloomfield nearest to Newark and East Orange. Added to the courtroom observation data showing a greatly disproportionate number of tickets issued to African Americans and Latinos (78%), this pattern of citations compels the conclusion that African Americans and Latinos are, collectively, Bloomfield Police's target group. Indeed, Bloomfield Police policing patterns suggest a de facto "border patrol." By plotting out ticket incidence and frequency, one can see what essentially amounts to a "wall" of police erected against the Newark and East Orange border areas and their predominantly African American and Latino residents. This pattern of police citations also resulted in a dramatic subsidy of Bloomfield by African American and Latinos, in large part from residents of Newark and East Orange. For each individual charged, the average cost was $137 plus any surcharges imposed. That suggests that, for African Americans and Latinos, as a group, 7,566 tickets and a total paid to Bloomfield Municipal Court of more than $1,000,000. From the residents of East Orange and Newark who, at 29% of the observed total, received 2,910 tickets, Bloomfield Municipal Court would have received nearly $400,000. The annual budget of the Court is about $500,000, suggesting a substantial "profit" from this pattern of law enforcement, most of it from nonresidents of Bloomfield, and heavily weighted on the backs of African Americans and Latinos as a group. Perhaps not coincidentally, the Municipal Court's budgeted salaries were projected to have more than doubled in 2015, from $350,600 in 2014 to an estimated $760,794 in 2015. Details: Newark, NJ: Seton Hall University School of Law, Center for Policy and Research, 2016. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 20, 2016 at: Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 138701 Keywords: Bias Racial DisparitiesRacial ProfilingRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementRacismTraffic Stops |
Author: Maslaha Title: Young Muslims on Trial: A scoping study on the impact of Islamophobia on criminal justice decision-making Summary: The report was funded by Barrow Cadbury Trust as part of the work of its Transition to Adulthood (T2A) programme and the Young Review. The Young Review, published in December 2014, identified an over-representation and a disparity in both treatment and outcome for young African, Caribbean, mixed origin and Muslim men at every stage of the criminal justice process. The report described the treatment of Muslim prisoners as being the result of "at best a lack of cultural competence and at worst prejudice and racist stereotyping." In support of recommendations from The Young Review that a range of practical and powerful tools be developed for future providers to intervene early and reverse this disproportionality, Barrow Cadbury commissioned Maslaha to undergo a scoping exercise to ascertain how criminal justice professionals can be more effective in responding to offending by young Muslim men who come into contact with the criminal justice system (CJS.) Although there has been positive change in policy and practice in recent years in relation to young adults, which includes 'lack of maturity' being considered a mitigating factor in prosecution and sentencing decisions, the growing disproportionality of young BAME men in the system, has raised the question of whether other factors might need to be taken into account. During the course of this scoping exercise we interviewed individuals at a range of bodies and agencies including representatives and employees of: - Probation services - The Law Society - Criminologists - Regional police forces - Police and Crime Commissioners (PCC) - Voluntary sector organisations and projects working with young black and/or Muslim men in the CJS. Discussion groups in London and Leicester with young Muslims who have experience of the criminal justice system. This report summarises themes emerging in the interviews, followed by a series of recommendations proposing interventions which we believe could lead to criminal justice professionals having a broader understanding of a young Muslim's life. This could have the potential to deliver more appropriate strategies for responding to offending by young Muslims, in the same way that considering maturity as a mitigating factor improves effectiveness in relation to young adults generally. Details: London: Maslaha, 2016. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 13, 2016 at: http://www.maslaha.org/sites/default/files/images/Young_Muslims_on_Trial%20%281%29_0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.maslaha.org/sites/default/files/images/Young_Muslims_on_Trial%20%281%29_0.pdf Shelf Number: 139009 Keywords: IslamophobiaMuslimsPrejudiceRacismYouthful Offenders |
Author: Machado, Marta Rodriguez de Assis Title: Punitive Anti-Racism Laws in Brazil: An Overview of the Enforcement of Law by Brazilian Courts Summary: This paper presents the main results of research on judicial decisions connected to the enforcement of punitive anti-racism laws in by Brazilian appeal courts. We analyzed 200 decisions from 1998 to 2010 which are available through the online databases of the appeal courts of nine Brazilian States: namely Acre, Bahia, Mato Grosso do Sul, Paraiba, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Rondonia, Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo. The data presented allow us to diagnosis how the Brazilian judiciary deals with racism and racial discrimination and to understand the potential and limitations of existing legal instruments to confront the social problem of racism in Brazil. In the paper's introduction, we will carry out a brief review of Brazilian punitive anti-racism laws, address some literature on the subject and, then, shift our focus to the specific legal provisions that regulate such crimes. In Section 2, we will explain our methodological choices and advance conclusions regarding the interpretation of the data. In Section Three, we will present our main quantitative findings. In the conclusion, we will discuss the implications of these findings, while raising some important issues regarding the strategy of juridificating racism via criminal law. Ultimately, we will posit future developments of this research agenda Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2017 at: http://www.law.columbia.edu/sites/default/files/microsites/public-research-leadership/marta_macho_-_punitive_anti-racism_laws_in_brazil.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.law.columbia.edu/sites/default/files/microsites/public-research-leadership/marta_macho_-_punitive_anti-racism_laws_in_brazil.pdf Shelf Number: 145233 Keywords: Bias CrimesDiscriminationHate CrimesRacism |
Author: Carrera, Sergio Title: Combating Institutional Anti-Gypsyism: Responses and promising practices in the EU and selected Member States Summary: he notion of 'anti-Gypsyism' aims to refocus public policies addressing Roma discrimination in order to place responsibility for combating structural, historically-embedded and systemic forms of racism, discrimination and exclusion towards Roma squarely on state institutions and actors. This report examines the ways in which policies and funding combat 'anti-Gypsyism' in the European Union and selected Member States and assesses the added value of the 'anti-Gypsyism' concept, with particular reference to its institutional forms. It explores ways in which these institutional forms could be combated by identifying some "promising practices or experiences' found in five selected EU Member States (Germany, Romania, Spain, Sweden and the UK). These 'promising practices' include reactive and proactive measures organised around four main themes: i) national, regional and local institutional responses; ii) training and education activities; iii) access to justice and effective remedies; and iv) media, public attitudes and political discourse. The report further draws conclusions and provides a set of policy recommendations for EU and national policy-makers to effectively combat anti-Gypsyism. The authors highlight that discussions on anti-Gypsyism should focus not only on its definition, but on the actual outputs of current national and EU policies and a more robust application of EU rule of law and fundamental rights monitoring and reporting mechanisms. A key proposal put forward is to expand the scope of the EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies to become the EU Framework for National Roma Inclusion and Combating Anti-Gypsyism and to equip it with the necessary authority and means to tackle systematic and institutional manifestations of anti-Gypsyism. Details: Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies, 2017. 101p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2017 at: https://www.ceps.eu/publications/combating-institutional-anti-gypsyism-responses-and-promising-practices-eu-and-selected Year: 2017 Country: Europe URL: https://www.ceps.eu/publications/combating-institutional-anti-gypsyism-responses-and-promising-practices-eu-and-selected Shelf Number: 146338 Keywords: BiasDiscriminationGypsiesRacismRoma |
Author: Davies, Jon Gower Title: Mind-Forg'd Manacles:Murder, Macpherson and the (Metropolitan) Police Summary: Institutional racism is an unfair allegation to level at British police forces and its universal acceptance by public officials has led to harmful policymaking, according to a new Civitas report. In Mind Forg'd Manacles, Jon Gower Davies outlines the history and influence of 'institutional racism' since the Macpherson inquiry, following the murder of Stephen Lawrence. He finds the evidence for institutional racism within British police forces to lack substance and describes how the resulting bureaucratic burdens placed on police forces have impeded their ability actually to serve the public. Details: London: Civitas, 2012. 160p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 31, 2017 at: http://www.civitas.org.uk/content/files/MindForgdManacles.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.civitas.org.uk/content/files/MindForgdManacles.pdf Shelf Number: 146621 Keywords: Criminal Investigation Homicide Policing Racism |
Author: Godzisz, Piotr Title: Forgotten Friends: ODIHR and Civil Society in the Struggle to Counter Hate Crime in Poland Summary: The report provides an overview and comparison of key developments in two areas of hate crime policy in Poland: data collection and criminal law. By doing so, it seeks to shed light on the role of international organizations in developing national hate crime measures. It is the first report of its kind with a particular focus on the role of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) - the most specialized of all international institutions dealing with hate crime. The purpose of this report is to develop concrete policy recommendations, based on an analysis of ongoing efforts, to key stakeholders involved in the work on advancing the response to hate crime in Poland. Key findings include: - International organizations, through periodic reviews and other mechanisms, have a significant influence on Poland's response to hate crimes. - This influence is visible in the area of hate crime data collection. While a number of actors have been active in this domain, creating an effect of synergy, the influence of supranational bodies seems instrumental. - Despite on-going debates, the legal framework on hate crimes has not changed. - The lack of progress in this area can be linked with the fact that the bulk of the efforts was on the shoulders of civil society organizations, which lack the leverage that supranational bodies have. - Cooperation between Polish civil society organizations and supranational bodies, aimed at amplifying civil society demands with regard to hate crime, seems to be an effective strategy. - ODIHR had an instrumental role in improving Poland's data collection mechanisms, but was absent from the debate on the amendment of the Criminal Code. Civil society organizations were not aware of ODIHR's mandate in this area and the possible role it could play. The report suggests that through active cooperation with civil society, not limited to hate crime reporting only, ODIHR may be able to identify possible new ways to support the state in countering hate crime. For the moment, civil society organizations in Poland and ODIHR, while cooperating in some areas, "forget" about each other in other areas. For ODIHR, strengthening the cooperation may open channels of communication with political decision makers who are not aware of ODIHR's mandate, for example in the area of legislative support. For civil society, this could mean receiving tangible support in the area where support is most needed. Details: Unpublished paper, 2015. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 6, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2704306 Year: 2015 Country: Poland URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2704306 Shelf Number: 149002 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimeHate CrimeHomophobiaRacism |
Author: Sentencing Project Title: Report of The Sentencing Project to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance Regarding Racial Disparities in the United States Criminal Justice System Summary: The United States criminal justice system is the largest in the world. At yearend 2015, over 6.7 million individuals1) were under some form of correctional control in the United States, including 2.2 million incarcerated in federal, state, or local prisons and jails.2) The U.S. is a world leader in its rate of incarceration, dwarfing the rate of nearly every other nation.3) Such broad statistics mask the racial disparity that pervades the U.S. criminal justice system, and for African Americans in particular. African Americans are more likely than white Americans to be arrested; once arrested, they are more likely to be convicted; and once convicted, and they are more likely to experience lengthy prison sentences. African-American adults are 5.9 times as likely to be incarcerated than whites and Hispanics are 3.1 times as likely.4) As of 2001, one of every three black boys born in that year could expect to go to prison in his lifetime, as could one of every six Latinos-compared to one of every seventeen white boys.5) Racial and ethnic disparities among women are less substantial than among men but remain prevalent.6) The source of such disparities is deeper and more systemic than explicit racial discrimination. The United States in effect operates two distinct criminal justice systems: one for wealthy people and another for poor people and people of color. The wealthy can access a vigorous adversary system replete with constitutional protections for defendants. Yet the experiences of poor and minority defendants within the criminal justice system often differ substantially from that model due to a number of factors, each of which contributes to the over-representation of such individuals in the system. As former Georgetown Law Professor David Cole states in his book No Equal Justice, These double standards are not, of course, explicit; on the face of it, the criminal law is color-blind and class-blind. But in a sense, this only makes the problem worse. The rhetoric of the criminal justice system sends the message that our society carefully protects everyone's constitutional rights, but in practice the rules assure that law enforcement prerogatives will generally prevail over the rights of minorities and the poor. By affording criminal suspects substantial constitutional rights in theory, the Supreme Court validates the results of the criminal justice system as fair. That formal fairness obscures the systemic concerns that ought to be raised by the fact that the prison population is overwhelmingly poor and disproportionately black.7) By creating and perpetuating policies that allow such racial disparities to exist in its criminal justice system, the United States is in violation of its obligations under Article 2 and Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to ensure that all its residents-regardless of race-are treated equally under the law. The Sentencing Project notes that the United Nations Special Rapporteur is working to consult with U.S. civil society organizations on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, and related intolerance. We welcome this opportunity to provide the UN Special Rapporteur with an accurate assessment of racial disparity in the U.S. criminal justice system. This report chronicles the racial disparity that permeates every stage of the United States criminal justice system, from arrest to trial to sentencing to post prison experiences. In particular, the report highlights research findings that address rates of racial disparity and their underlying causes throughout the criminal justice system. The report concludes by offering recommendations on ways that federal, state, and local officials in the United States can work to eliminate racial disparity in the criminal justice system and uphold its obligations under the Covenant. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentencing Project, 2018. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 11, 2018 at: https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/un-report-on-racial-disparities/ Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/un-report-on-racial-disparities/ Shelf Number: 150156 Keywords: DiscriminationHuman RightsRacial DisparitiesRacismXenophobia |
Author: Iner, Derya, ed. Title: Islamophobia in Australia: 2014-2016 Summary: This report focuses on the critical analysis of Islamophobia and its various manifestations in Australia since 2014. Leaving aside terminology and historical Islamophobia within Western (e.g. Orientalism, colonialism, neo-conservatism) and Australian (e.g. dispossession of Indigenous Australians and racism towards different ethnic groups) settings, this report documents and analyses the present manifestations of Islamophobia. Grounded within a theoretical and empirical framework, the report explores the individual and institutional aspects of Islamophobia and the relationships between the two. While analysing diverse manifestations, the report does not claim to capture all forms of Islamophobia inclusively. The report is organised in two sections. Section I describes the theological, political and cultural aspects of Islamophobia as reflected in various institutions. Section I also examines the interplay of Islamophobia within the religious plane, the political sphere, media reporting of Islam and Muslims, right-wing organisations and in the field of criminology. Section II presents and analyses data gathered via the Islamophobia Register Australia reflecting Australian Muslims' Islamophobic experiences. The report captures and critically analyses 243 verified incidents reported between September 2014 and December 2015. While these incidents do not reflect all local experiences of Islamophobia in Australia, they shed light on many aspects of its manifestations, nuances and complexities. The report findings signify the circumstances under which anti-Muslim hate incidents exist, operate and affect Australian Muslims, and illustrate specific characteristics of Islamophobia. Details: Sydney, N.S.W.: Centre for Islamic Studies and Civilisation, Charles Sturt University, 2017. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 8, 2018 at: http://www.deakin.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/1075164/Islamophobia.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Australia URL: http://www.deakin.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/1075164/Islamophobia.pdf Shelf Number: 150513 Keywords: Bias Motivated Crimes Hate Crimes Islamophobia Muslims Racism |
Author: Brathay Trust Title: The Cumbria Office of the Police and Crime Commissioner: Turning the Spotlight Evaluation Report Summary: There are on average 7,000 incidents of domestic abuse in Cumbria per year, recorded instances of domestic abuse have increased slightly in 2016/17 by +1.1% compared to the previous year. Proportionally, repeat victims accounted for 38.8% of all domestic abuse incidents. The cost to Cumbria of Domestic abuse and Sexual Violence is L48million per year in direct costs and is estimated to be L151 million in respect of human and emotional costs including loss of productivity. In 2016/17 there were 315 hate crimes a reduction of -13.2% when compared to the previous year. Further analysis of hate incidents suggest that in 2016 there were 459 hate incidents with 313 or 68% resulting in a crime being recorded. 33 or 0.7% were with a repeat victim. The highest proportion of hate crimes/incidents related to racism 280 or 61%. During this time period racist hate crime was the only strand to witness an increase of +11% all other strands saw a decrease when comparing police crime data for 12 months 2015 with 2016. The Turning the Spotlight Programme was launched in 2015 following a successful bid to the Police Innovation Fund. Led by Cumbria Office for the Police Crime Commissioner (OPCC) a range of programmes were delivered to children, young people, individuals and families to prevent and reduce incidents of hate crime and domestic abuse. The core offer of the programme aimed to prevent hate crime and domestic abuse by working alongside perpetrators during the early stages of emergent offending to help prevent repeat offending. The project drew to an end in March 2017. This evaluation aimed to provide understanding of the outcomes and impact of the programme(s) for users of the programme, key stakeholders and local communities. Additionally, it sought to present insights into lessons learned and best practice. It also makes recommendations about future service delivery and research requirements. Details: Ambleside: Brathay Trust, 2017. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2018 at: http://www.restorativethinking.co.uk/prisons/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/The-Brathay-Trust-Turning-the-Spotlight-Evaluation-Report-final-Sept-2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.restorativethinking.co.uk/prisons/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/The-Brathay-Trust-Turning-the-Spotlight-Evaluation-Report-final-Sept-2017.pdf Shelf Number: 151024 Keywords: Costs of Violence Domestic Violence Family Violence Hate Crimes Intimate Partner Violence RacismRepeat Victimization Restorative Justice Sexual Violence |
Author: Ristroph, Alice Title: The Constitution of Police Violence Summary: Police force is again under scrutiny in the United States. Several recent killings of black men by police officers have prompted an array of reform proposals, most of which seem to assume that these recent killings were not (or should not be) authorized and legal. Our constitutional doctrine suggests otherwise. From the 1960s to the present, federal courts have persistently endorsed a very expansive police authority to make seizures - to stop persons, to arrest them, and to use force if the arrestee resists. This Article reveals the full scope of this seizure authority. Of particular importance are the concepts of resistance and compliance. Demands for compliance with officers, and a condemnation of resistance that authorizes police to meet resistance with violence, run throughout constitutional doctrine. Ostensibly race-neutral, the duty of compliance has in fact been distributed along racial lines, and may be contrasted with a privilege of resistance (also race-specific) elsewhere protected in American law. Tracing resistance and compliance helps reveal the ways in which the law distributes risks of violence, and it may help inspire proposals to reduce and redistribute those risks. Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Seton Hall Public Law Research Paper: Accessed January 28, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2847300 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2847300 Shelf Number: 154406 Keywords: Fourth AmendmentPolice Deadly ForcePolice Use of ForcePolice ViolenceRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementRacismStop and SearchTraffic Stops |
Author: Reclaim Chicago Title: Exercising Full Powers: Recommendation to Kim Foxx on Addressing Systemic Racism in the Cook County Criminal Justice System Summary: In 2016, Cook County State's Attorney Kim Foxx was elected in a landslide victory that was widely seen as a referendum on Cook County's criminal justice system. Voters rejected the "tough on crime" stance of Anita Alvarez as well as her cover-up of the police murder of Laquan McDonald. Voters chose, instead, a candidate who ran on a platform of holding police accountable and reversing some of the policies that led to massive increases in the number of African American and Latinx people incarcerated in Cook County. Changing practices in such a large criminal justice system is a big order. The People's Lobby and Reclaim Chicago - which organized a significant portion of Kim Foxx's electoral operation - have been working with Chicago Appleseed to report regularly on Foxx's progress to reduce incarceration. The following is a report on the first nine months of 2018 data released by the State's Attorney's Office. It includes key recommendations for how Foxx can strengthen her decarceration efforts and be a leader in rolling back the failed policies of over-policing and mass incarceration. In this report we evaluate the performance of Foxx's State's Attorney Office on four major criteria we believe are vital to the advancement of criminal justice reform and overturning decades of systematic racism in the Cook County court system. We look at the role of felony charging by the prosecutor's office and highlight limited successes in a context of rising felony charging by Foxx's office. How people are charged within the criminal justice system has far reaching consequences not just for sentencing, but also for people's ability to avoid pre-trial detention. We analyze how wealth and class effect pre-trial detention in light of recent reforms by Chief Judge Evans and attempts by Foxx to find alternatives to incarceration. This type of research and evaluation is only possible with regular, detailed access to data from the court system, so we evaluate Foxx's efforts at transparency in a court system renowned for antiquated and incomplete record keeping. The most recent data release also provides a clearer window into how gun crimes are charged and adjudicated. The data suggest that a "war on guns" is now adding to the "war on drugs" with equally disastrous results. Details: Chicago: Authors, 2019. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 25, 2019 at: http://www.uupmi.org/uploads/1/1/2/1/112170071/2019-report-kim-foxx_forweb.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: http://www.uupmi.org/uploads/1/1/2/1/112170071/2019-report-kim-foxx_forweb.pdf Shelf Number: 154739 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformDiscriminationMass IncarcerationRacial BiasRacism |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union of DC Title: Racial Disparities in D.C. Policing: Descriptive Evidence from 2013-2017 Summary: Racial disparities pervade criminal justice systems across the country; Washington, D.C. is no exception. The District of Columbia's Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) recently provided extensive arrest data for the years 2013 to 2017 in response to a Freedom of Information Act request filed by Open the Government and ACLU-DC. An examination of that data by the ACLU Analytics Team revealed a pattern of disproportionate arrests of Black people that persists across geographic areas and offense types. It also showed that MPD arrests thousands of people every year for relatively minor offenses. This report analyzes these trends and proposes steps for addressing them. Details: Washington, DC: American Civil Liberties Union of DC, 2019. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2019 at: https://www.acludc.org/en/racial-disparities-dc-policing-descriptive-evidence-2013-2017 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.acludc.org/en/racial-disparities-dc-policing-descriptive-evidence-2013-2017 Shelf Number: 156213 Keywords: ArrestsLaw EnforcementPolicingRacial DisparitiesRacial ProfilingRacism |
Author: Yankah, Ekow Title: Pretext and Justification: Republicanism, Policing, and Race Summary: On April 4, 2015, Police Officer Michael Slager gunned down Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina with a cool that resembled target practice. Scott's name joined a heartbreaking list of men of color killed by unjustified police violence. The video of the incident also broadcast to the world the spectacular violence always lurking beneath the surface of daily interactions between police and men of color. The "Black Lives Matter" movement has fiercely insisted Scott's death not be viewed as an isolated incident but understood as woven into the fabric of American policing. American policing harms individual people of color, guts communities and establishes an image of Black or brown men as criminal. Tragically, current Fourth Amendment law insulates the very police practices that allow a different policing regime for communities of color and ensures that the rising death toll of unjustly killed Black and brown men will continue. This Article reveals why policing reform cannot be achieved by piecemeal alteration of case law or even by focusing on doctrinal law alone. First, the Article makes clear why the racial harms of contemporary policing are borne by individual persons of color, unravel communities of color, and change the very social meaning of race. Yet, careful examination of Fourth Amendment doctrine reveals the Supreme Court's commitment to viewing Fourth Amendment rights as individually held and thus devoid of racial and social context. This view purposefully silences the Fourth Amendment's ability to address the volatile interaction of race and policing. Without a philosophical transformation placing the Fourth Amendment on different theoretical grounds, our bonds as civic equals, there can be little progress. Changing our understanding of Fourth Amendment justification allows us to imagine a new world of policing. A world where policing must secure civic bonds requires disabling the ability of police to use pretextual stops as a tool of racial domination. But further, this Article illustrates how a different political justification naturally leads to untying powers of police we take for granted; separating traffic or order maintenance from criminal investigation. Thus, this Article serves as the philosophical grounding for the often-invoked shift of policing from a warrior culture to a guardian culture, illustrating not only how to prevent policing from standing as racial oppression but viewing policing as in service of our civic bonds. Details: New York: Cardoza Law, Jacob Burns Institute for Advanced Legal Studies, 2018. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 18, 2019 at: http://cardozolawreview.com/pretext-and-justification-republicanism-policing-and-race/ Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://cardozolawreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/2-Yankah.40.4.2.pdf Shelf Number: 156485 Keywords: Communities of Color Police Violence Policing Race Racial Profiling Racism |
Author: Morgan-Trostle, Juliana Title: The State of Black Immigrants Summary: This background report aims to provide basic descriptive statistics regarding Black or African American immigrants based on the American Community Survey (ACS), the 2014 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics published by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and immigration data available on the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) website developed by Syracuse University. ACS 2014 1-year Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) data was used to conduct the research on specific information of the immigrant communities in the U.S. and the untabulated data was downloaded from the U.S. Census Bureau website and then analyzed in Stata and R programs. Information about immigrants' population, education, poverty rate, citizenship status, place of birth, geographic location and other demographics were analyzed. Since the PUMS data represents about 1% of the American population, results on the total population estimates were calculated by replicating the weight variable within the dataset, subject to standard errors of inferential statistics. Other conclusions on Black immigrants were analyzed based on the DHS Yearbook and TRAC data, which were both categorized by regions and/or nationalities. All data on Black immigrants from the DHS source was calculated based on immigrants from African and Caribbean countries. Since the data on immigration courts available on TRAC was obtained through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request to the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) under the Department of Justice, the data was similarly organized by nationalities and the results on Black immigrants were calculated based on all African and Caribbean countries. Details: New York: New York University Law, Immigrant Rights Clinic and Black Alliance for Just Immigration, 2019. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2019 at: http://www.stateofblackimmigrants.com/assets/sobi-fullreport-jan22.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: http://stateofblackimmigrants.com/ Shelf Number: 156915 Keywords: Asylum Seekers Immigration Immigration Court Racism |
Author: Oliver, Pamela Title: Racial Disparities in Imprisonment in Wisconsin Summary: Wisconsin ranked #2 (behind Minnesota) in 1996 black/white racial disparities in new imprisonments. This disparity arose from being fifth highest in the nation in the per capita rate of new imprisonment of African Americans, but fifth lowest in the rate of new imprisonment for whites. African Americans were 20.6 TIMES as likely to enter prison in Wisconsin as whites. (And in these numbers, "white" includes white Hispanics.) Imprisonment rates arise both from crime and from politically-influenced decisions about arrests, prosecution, and sentencing. This report documents the patterns of racial disparities as a first step toward understanding what to do about them. Part I looks at black and white arrest and new imprisonment rates for offense categories in 1996. The data show evidence both of large differentials in the rate of arrests for very serious violent crimes, and of disparities in law enforcement and sentencing. Part II looks at differences among Wisconsin's counties in the rates of imprisonment for African Americans, Hispanics, Asian Americans, American Indians and non-Hispanic whites. Details: S.L.: University of Wisconsin, Department of Sociology, 2000. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 14, 2019 at: https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/~oliver/RACIAL/Reports/WisconsinDisparitiesReport.pdf Year: 2000 Country: United States URL: https://www.ssc.wisc.edu/soc/racepoliticsjustice/category/criminal-justice/wisconsin/page/2/ Shelf Number: 156990 Keywords: Imprisonment Incarceration Prison Prisoners Racial Disparity Racism |
Author: National Association of Drug Court Professionals Title: Identifying and Rectifying Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Disparities in Treatment Courts Summary: Drug treatment courts were created to improve a troubled criminal justice system, not to mirror its worst attributes; yet racial, ethnic, and gender disparities exist in many treatment courts, reflecting and possibly exacerbating systemic injustices for African Americans, Hispanic and Latinx individuals and females, among other groups. In 2010, the NADCP Board of Directors issued a unanimous resolution directing treatment courts to determine whether racial or ethnic disparities exist in their programs and to take reasonable corrective measures to eliminate any disparities identified. NADCP's Adult Drug Court Best Practice Standards place further obligations on treatment courts to monitor their programs at least annually for evidence of racial or ethnic disparities and to adjust their eligibility criteria, assessment procedures and treatment services as necessary to eliminate detected disparities. Thus far, progress toward meeting these obligations has been unsatisfactory. This inaugural issue of the Journal for Advancing Justice is dedicated to understanding and eradicating unfair disparities in treatment courts and the broader justice system. It includes cutting-edge findings from the largest multi-site studies conducted to date on racial, ethnic and gender disparities in treatment courts. In addition, outcomes are reported from experimental and quasi-experimental evaluations of culturally proficient interventions designed to neutralize barriers faced by some racial and ethnic groups in treatment courts and blunt the piercing impact of racial discrimination and implicit cultural biases. Our hope is that the research findings reported in this journal will aid the treatment court field in meeting its most basic obligations and achieving its highest aspirations. Details: Alexandria, Virginia: Journal for Advancing Justice, 2018. 172p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 2, 2019 at: http://www.nadcp.org/advancingjustice/journal-for-advancing-justice/volume-i/ Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://advancejustice.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/AJ-Journal.pdf Shelf Number: 158109 Keywords: Drug Treatment Courts Ethnic Disparities Racism |
Author: Sekhon, Nirej Title: The Chokehold Summary: Eric Garner's last words, "I can't breathe" became a political slogan for Black Lives Matter. Professor Paul Butler takes it from there in his most recent book, Chokehold. Equal parts exegesis, polemic, and self-help tract, he argues that a chokehold is more than just a brutal police tactic. It is a metaphor for a host of social practices that treat Black men as criminals. In this guise, it is not just a chokehold, but "the Chokehold." In this review, prepared for the University of Louisville Brandeis School of Law's 2018 Symposium on Dismantling Structural Inequality, I suggest there is much that Chokehold gets right. The metaphor captures how feedback loops produce racially disparate criminal justice outcomes and how this, in turn, reproduces racist notions of Black male criminality. The book does so without losing sight of the very real pain inflicted upon Black men's bodies and psyches. But the metaphor has the problem of being very particularistic, returning the reader's mind to one specific police practice. Chokehold also might have done more to underscore the moral stakes in characterizing structural racism as the Chokehold. Details: Atlanta, Georgia: Georgia State University, College of Law, 2019. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 3, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3389936 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/branlaj57&div=7&g_sent=1&casa_token=&collection=journals Shelf Number: 158124 Keywords: Police Brutality Police Use of Force Policing Racism |