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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
Time: 8:42 pm
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Results for teenagers
4 results foundAuthor: Mink, Michael D. Title: Violence and Rural Teens Teen Violence, Drug Use, and School-Based Prevention Services in Rural America Summary: This study had three main purposes: (1) to explore the prevalence of violence-related exposures and drug use among rural teens, (2) to investigate the effects of race and gender on the risk of exposure to violence and drug use, and (3) to compare the policies and mental health care services of rural and urban schools. The sections below summarize the results of this research: Exposure to Violence: This study found no evidence to support the common assumption that rural youth are protected from exposure to violence. • Of the 15 measures of violence activities, none showed a significantly lower prevalence among rural teens when compared to suburban and urban teens. In fact, rural teens were more likely than urban or suburban teens to have carried a weapon within the last 30 days. These results suggest that rural teens are equally or more likely than suburban and urban teens to be exposed to violent activities. Drug Use: Rural teens are at significantly greater risk of using drugs than both suburban and urban teens. • Five of the 13 measures of drug use showed a significantly higher prevalence rate among rural teens: chewing tobacco (11.5%), chewing tobacco at school (7.6%), smoking cigarettes at school (14.8%), using crack/cocaine (5.9%), and using steroids (7.4%). Only one measure showed a significantly higher prevalence rate among urban teens (smoking marijuana at school at 6.8%). The remaining seven measures showed no differences by residence. • Of important note is the prevalence of crystal meth use among rural teens. The proportion of rural teens who reported every using crystal meth (15.5%) was almost double the proportion of urban (8.8%) and suburban teens (9.5%). Crystal meth was the 4th most commonly used drug among rural teens after alcohol, cigarettes, and marijuana, making it more popular among rural teens than chewing tobacco. Effects of Race: Racial differences for exposure to violence and drug use are negligible among rural teens. • Non-white rural teens were no more likely than white rural teens to experience the 15 measures of exposure to violence. This result was similar to comparable comparisons among urban teens but not suburban teens, where non-white teens were more likely than white teens to experience 9 of the violence exposure measures. • Among rural teens, only one measure of drug use differed by race: rural non-white teens were less likely to report chewing tobacco compared to rural white teens. This pattern was strikingly different from the racial differences found among urban teens (9 differences) and suburban teens (7 differences). Effects of Gender: Exposures to violence and drug use vary by gender among rural teens. • Among rural teens, females are more likely than males to be coerced into sex or engage in suicide behaviors, while males are more likely than females to use weapons, be threatened at school, or engage in fighting behaviors. Male teens are also more likely than female teens to chew tobacco and smoke marijuana, both on and off school grounds. Teen Violence Services: Rural schools offer somewhat fewer teen violence services than rural schools. • Rural schools were less likely than urban schools to offer peer counseling and self help services, but just as likely to offer 14 other violence prevention and treatment services. • There were very few significant differences between rural and urban school in the way these services are delivered. Out of the 66 possible combinations of violence-related services and service delivery option, only 6 showed significantly lower utilization rates for rural schools. The remaining 60 combinations showed no differences by location. Teen Violence Services Personnel: Mental health care staff in rural schools are available for fewer hours, have fewer hiring requirements, and receive training for fewer teen violence services than their counterparts in urban schools. • Rural and urban schools were equally likely to have a guidance counselor, a psychologist, and a social worker on staff. However, all three of these professionals were available for significantly fewer hours per week in rural schools. • Rural and urban schools were equally likely to require a graduate degree, board certification, and a state license for newly hired guidance counselors and for newly hired psychologists. However, rural schools were significantly less likely than urban schools to require a graduate degree or a state license for newly hired school social workers. • Mental health care staff from rural schools were less likely than their counterparts in urban schools to receive training for certain teen violence services. Specifically, Mental Health Care Coordinators were less likely to receive training in suicide prevention, family counseling, peer counseling, and self help, while Health Education Coordinators in rural schools were less likely to receive training in tobacco use prevention. School Environment: Overall, rural schools report fewer policies and security practices that prevent violence and drug use than do urban schools. • Rural schools were less likely than urban schools to report using five (5) administrative policies to prevent student violence: prohibiting gang paraphernalia, student education on suicide prevention, violence prevention, and tobacco use prevention, and having a council for school health. The remaining 13 measures showed no differences by school location. • In response to student fighting, rural schools were less likely than urban schools to encourage or require participation in a student assistance program. • Rural schools were more likely than urban schools to monitor school hallways and to arm their security staff, but less likely to use a closed campus, prohibit bookbags, require school uniforms, use surveillance cameras, use uniformed police, use undercover police, and use security guards. The remaining seven school security measures did not differ by school location. Details: Columbia, SC: South Carolina Rural Health Research Center, 2005. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 29, 2011 at: http://rhr.sph.sc.edu/report/(4-5)%20Violence%20and%20Rural%20Teens.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://rhr.sph.sc.edu/report/(4-5)%20Violence%20and%20Rural%20Teens.pdf Shelf Number: 123173 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeJuvenile OffendersRural AreasRural CrimeSchool CrimeTeenagersViolence |
Author: Parents Television Council Title: TV's Newest Target: Teen Sexual Exploitation: The Prevalence and Trivialization of Teen Sexual Exploitation on Primetime TV Summary: The study, “TV’s Newest Target: Teen Sexual Exploitation,” includes programming that aired during the first two weeks of the November 2011 sweeps period [October 27 – November 9, 2011], as well as during the first two weeks of the May 2012 sweeps period [April 26 – May 9, 2012]. Only scripted original programs that aired during primetime on broadcast television were examined. Collectively, PTC analysts viewed a total of 238 episodes for a total of 194.5 hours of programming. The following types of sexually exploitative content served as the primary focus of the study: sexual violence, sexual harassment, prostitution, sex trafficking, stripping, and pornography. · Although adult female character were more likely to have sexualizing dialogue or depictions in their scenes, the likelihood that a scene would include sexual exploitation was higher if the female characters were young adults or younger. · The likelihood that a scene would include sexual exploitation was highest when the female characters were underage (23.33%). · Sexually exploitative topics targeting underage girls were more likely to be humorous (42.85%) compared to adult women (33.02%). · Topics that targeted underage girls and were presented as jokes included: Sexual violence (child molestation), sex trafficking, sexual harassment, pornography, and stripping. · Thirty seven percent of all sexual exploitation observed during the study period was intended to be humorous. · The content rose to the level of sexual exploitation in one-third of the shows where females were associated with sexual dialogue and/or depictions. · Pornography (66%) and stripping (65%) were the two forms of exploitation most likely to be written into the scripts as punch lines. · Sexually exploitative content was typically presented in the form of dialogue rather than depictions. However, the dialogue was significantly more crude and explicit than the depictions. Details: Los Angeles: Parents Television Council, 2013. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed July 19, 2013 at: http://w2.parentstv.org/MediaFiles/PDF/General/sexploitation_report_20130709.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://w2.parentstv.org/MediaFiles/PDF/General/sexploitation_report_20130709.pdf Shelf Number: 129461 Keywords: Child Sexual ExploitationMass MediaProstitutionSexual ViolenceTeenagersViolence and Television |
Author: Rape Crisis Network Ireland Title: The Older Child and Sexual Violence Summary: One in five girls and one in six boys (aged 0-17) experience contact sexual abuse. There is increasing evidence that children from 13 to 17 years of age experience sexual violence in a way that is significantly different to the younger child in terms of nature, context, relationship to abuser and duration of abuse. This was most recently evidenced in the RCNI's Hearing Child Survivors of Sexual Violence report, (Oct., 2013), regarding children attending specialist sexual violence services in Ireland. This report found that the under 13 child was most likely to experience sexual assault in their own home or the abusers, by a male family member over a period of years. However, the child between 13 and 18 years old was most likely to experience rape, by a friend, acquaintance or neighbour, with the violence lasting for hours and taking place in outdoor or location other than the home. These stark differences demand differences in responses and prevention. With statutory responsibility for children dispersed across a wide range of statutory agencies it has become critical to ask if we are confident that the specific needs of the older child are being fully understood and met. This question is not confined to the Irish context a set of recommendations at European level have been developed by stakeholders, including the RCNI, and are included in the recent Youth Sexual Aggression and Victimisation Report of 2013. When we live in a culture highly sensitised to protecting our children from the less-common 'stranger danger' and the older predator, it can leave the child being threatened and abused in other ways, for example, by a peer, isolated and vulnerable. Ireland is gaining a new understanding of these different experiences of sexual victimisation dependent on age and gender of the child. In general, it can be said, Irish child protection infrastructure is a response to the needs of the younger child. It therefore struggles to respond to the different nature and context of abuse of the teenage child. It is imperative to undertake a comprehensive review of Irish child protection infrastructure and services with regards to the older child. Three critical questions to stimulate discussion and engagement are: 1. How well informed are we about the older child's social realities? 2. Is our child protection infrastructure sufficiently joined up to ensure an appropriate response to teenagers who may experience abuse that more commonly reflects adult experiences than the younger child? 3. Does Ireland's child protection response need a specific 13 to 18 year old focused response? Details: Galway: Rape Crisis Network Ireland, 2014. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 28, 2014 at: http://www.rcni.ie/wp-content/uploads/Older-Child-Policy-Document-FINAL.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.rcni.ie/wp-content/uploads/Older-Child-Policy-Document-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 132004 Keywords: Child ProtectionChild Sexual AbuseRapeTeenagers |
Author: Anderson, Monica Title: A Majority of Teens Have Experienced Some Form of Cyberbullying Summary: Name-calling and rumor-spreading have long been an unpleasant and challenging aspect of adolescent life. But the proliferation of smartphones and the rise of social media has transformed where, when and how bullying takes place. A new Pew Research Center survey finds that 59% of U.S. teens have personally experienced at least one of six types of abusive online behaviors. The most common type of harassment youth encounter online is name-calling. Some 42% of teens say they have been called offensive names online or via their cellphone. Additionally, about a third (32%) of teens say someone has spread false rumors about them on the internet, while smaller shares have had someone other than a parent constantly ask where they are, who they're with or what they're doing (21%) or have been the target of physical threats online (16%). While texting and digital messaging are a central way teens build and maintain relationships, this level of connectivity may lead to potentially troubling and non-consensual exchanges. One-quarter of teens say they have been sent explicit images they didn't ask for, while 7% say someone has shared explicit images of them without their consent. These experiences are particularly concerning to parents. Fully 57% of parents of teens say they worry about their teen receiving or sending explicit images, including about one-quarter who say this worries them a lot, according to a separate Center survey of parents. The vast majority of teens (90% in this case) believe online harassment is a problem that affects people their age, and 63% say this is a major problem. But majorities of young people think key groups, such as teachers, social media companies and politicians are failing at tackling this issue. By contrast, teens have a more positive assessment of the way parents are addressing cyberbullying. These are some of the key findings from the Center's surveys of 743 teens and 1,058 parents living in the U.S. conducted March 7 to April 10, 2018. Throughout the report, "teens" refers to those ages 13 to 17, and "parents of teens" are those who are the parent or guardian of someone in that age range. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2018. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 3, 2018 at: http://www.pewinternet.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/9/2018/09/PI_2018.09.27_teens-and-cyberbullying_FINAL.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewinternet.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/9/2018/09/PI_2018.09.27_teens-and-cyberbullying_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 151778 Keywords: BullyingComputer CrimeCyber CrimeCyberbullyingOnline VictimizationSocial MediaTeenagers |