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Date: November 25, 2024 Mon
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Results for undocumented migrants
15 results foundAuthor: Accardi, Steven Title: "Humanitarian Aid in Never a Crime." A study of one local public's attempt to negotiate rhetorical agency with the state Summary: At its core, this dissertation is a study of how one group of ordinary people attempted to make change in their local and national community by reframing a public debate. Since 1993, over five thousand undocumented migrants have died, mostly of dehydration, while attempting to cross the US/Mexico border. Volunteers for No More Deaths (NMD), a humanitarian group in Tucson, hike the remote desert trails of the southern Arizona desert and provide food, water, and first aid to undocumented migrants in medical distress. They believe that their actions reduce suffering and deaths in the desert. On December 4, 2008, Walt Staton, a NMD volunteer placed multiple one-gallon jugs of water on a known migrant trail, and a Fish and Wildlife officer on the Buenos Aires National Wildlife Refuge near Arivaca, Arizona cited him for littering. Staton refused to pay the fine, believing that he was providing life-saving humanitarian aid, and was taken to court as a result. His trial from June 1-3, 2009 is the main focus of this dissertation. The dissertation begins by tracing the history of the rhetorical marker "illegal" and its role in the deaths of thousands of "illegal" immigrants. Then, it outlines the history of NMD, from its roots in the Sanctuary Movement to its current operation as a counterpublic discursively subverting the state. Next, it examines Staton's trial as a postmodern rhetorical situation, where subjects negotiate their rhetorical agency with the state. Finally, it measures the rhetorical effect of NMD's actions by tracing humanitarian and human rights ideographs in online discussion boards before and after Staton's sentencing. The study finds that despite situational restrictions, as the postmodern critique suggests, subjects are still able to identify and engage with rhetorical opportunities, and in doing so can still subvert the state Details: Phoenix, AZ: Arizona State University, 2011. 192p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed January 16, 2015 at: http://repository.asu.edu/attachments/56796/content/Accardi_asu_0010E_10757.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://repository.asu.edu/attachments/56796/content/Accardi_asu_0010E_10757.pdf Shelf Number: 134414 Keywords: Illegal Immigrants (Arizona)Illegal ImmigrationImmigration EnforcementUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Hipsman, Faye Title: In-Country Refugee Processing in Central America: A Piece of the Puzzle Summary: In December 2014, the Obama administration established the Central American Minors (CAM) Refugee/Parole Program, an in-country refugee processing program for minors in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras deemed deserving of humanitarian protection in the United States. An element of the government's response to the 2014 surge in arrivals at the U.S.-Mexico border of unaccompanied minors from Central America, the CAM program seeks to provide certain minors with a legal, safe alternative to undertaking dangerous, unauthorized journeys to the United States. In fiscal year (FY) 2014, almost 69,000 unaccompanied minors were apprehended by the U.S. Border Patrol, up from 39,000 in FY 2013 and 24,000 the prior year. Unlike in prior years, when Mexico was the top sending country, the majority of unaccompanied children in 2014 came from Central America's Northern Triangle countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The growing power of gangs and organized-crime groups, as well as rising rates of homicide, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and gender-based violence in the region are well documented, and the new CAM in-country processing program was created with the aim of providing minors affected by violence in Central America the ability to legally reunite with parents living lawfully in the United States. This report provides an overview of the CAM program and its operations, and reviews the history of U.S. in-country processing programs, which date to the 1970s and have operated in countries including Vietnam, Haiti, Cuba, and Iraq. It also examines the issues such programs have raised about goals, participation rates, and the process and criteria for in-country applications. Details: Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2015. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 14, 2015 at: http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/In-Country-Processing-FINAL.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Central America URL: http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/In-Country-Processing-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 136400 Keywords: MigrantsMigrationRefugeesUnaccompanied ChildrenUndocumented Migrants |
Author: De Vito, Elisabetta Title: Public health aspects of migrant health: a review of the evidence on health status for undocumented migrants in the European Region Summary: Undocumented migrants are people within a country without the necessary documents and permits. They are considered at higher risk for health problems because of their irregular status and the consequences of economic and social marginalization. A systematic review found 122 documents that suggested policies and interventions to improve health care access and delivery for undocumented migrants. Undocumented migrants mostly have only access to emergency care across Europe, and even in the countries where they are fully entitled to health care, formal and informal barriers hinder their access. This raises concerns for both public health and migrant care. On the basis of findings, policy options are suggested regarding data collection, research, entitlement to health care, information and communication, training and intersectoral approaches. Details: Copenhagen: World Health Organization, 2015. 49p., app. Source: Internet Resource: Health Evidence Network synthesis report 42: Accessed November 9, 2015 at: http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/289255/WHO-HEN-Report-A5-3-Undocumented_FINAL-rev1.pdf?ua=1 Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/289255/WHO-HEN-Report-A5-3-Undocumented_FINAL-rev1.pdf?ua=1 Shelf Number: 137227 Keywords: Health CareIllegal ImmigrationMigrantsUndocumented Migrants |
Author: European Migration Network Title: Synthesis Report - The Use of Detention and Alternatives to Detention in the Context of Immigration Policies Summary: The Synthesis Report was prepared on the basis of National Contributions from 26EMN NCPs (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom and Norway) according to a Common Template developed by the EMN and followed by EMN NCPs to ensure, to the extent possible, comparability. National contributions were based on desk analysis of existing legislation and policy documents, reports, academic literature, internet resources and reports as well as information collected from national authorities. Statistics were sourced from national authorities and other (national) databases. The listing of Member States in the Synthesis Report results from the availability of information provided by the EMN NCPs in the National Contributions. It is important to note that the information contained in this Report refers to the situation in the above-mentioned (Member) States up to and including 2014 and specifically the contributions from their EMN National Contact Points. More detailed information on the topics addressed here may be found in the available National Contributions on the EMN web-site and it is strongly recommended that these are consulted as well. EMN NCPs from other Member States could not, for various reasons, participate on this occasion in this Study, but have done so for other EMN activities and reports. Details: Brussels: European Migration Network, 2014. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 14, 2016 at: .http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-we-do/networks/european_migration_network/reports/docs/emn-studies/emn_study_detention_alternatives_to_detention_synthesis_report_en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-we-do/networks/european_migration_network/reports/docs/emn-studies/emn_study_detention_alternatives_to_detention_synthesis_report_en.pdf Shelf Number: 138680 Keywords: Immigrant DetentionImmigration PoliciesUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants Title: Prisoners in a Foreign Land: Migrant Workers in Jail Summary: PRISONERS IN A FOREIGN LAND: Migrant Workers in Jail is an exploration of the vulnerability of migrant workers to imprisonment and detention on the context of existing policies and practices both in the host and sending countries; the condition of migrant workers in jail and in detention centers; and the response of grassroots migrant organizations, various civil society organizations (CSOs), and the governments of sending and receiving countries. Through a study of the human rights concerns of migrants in jail and in detention in major migrant destination countries in Asia-Pacific and the Middle East regions - Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Lebanon, Japan, Malaysia, Taiwan and South Korea - the research shows that human rights of migrants in jail and detention centers are routinely violated. The crisis situation of migrants serves as the context that put them in a condition where their rights are violated even before their deployment overseas and during the period of their employment. While the research focuses on host countries, it also expounds on the response, or the lack thereof, of sending governments to the plight of their nationals in jails and in detention. It also explores the actual experiences of migrant workers organizations and advocates in addressing the concerns of migrants in jail and in detention. To make more concrete the issue tackled by the research, various case studies of migrants who have been or are currently in detention and jail are presented. Through this research, the APMM hopes to shed more light on the conditions of migrants in jail and help in addressing and resolving their concerns. Details: Hong Kong SAR: APMM, 2012. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 14, 2016 at: http://www.apmigrants.org/articles/researches/MIJ%20Research.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Asia URL: http://www.apmigrants.org/articles/researches/MIJ%20Research.pdf Shelf Number: 138681 Keywords: Human Rights AbusesImmigrant DetentionMigrant WorkersMigration PolicyUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Global Detention Project Title: Immigration Detention in the United States Summary: The United States operates the world's largest immigration detention system. On any given day, the country has some 30,000 people in administrative immigration detention at an estimated cost of nearly $150 a day. In 2016, the combined budget of enforcement agencies was $19 billion. The country's sprawling detention estate counts on some 200 facilities, including privately operated detention facilities, local jails, juvenile detention centres, field offices, and euphemistically named "family residential centres." The country has also supported the detention of migrants and asylum seekers in neighbouring countries. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Global Detention Project, 2016. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2016 at: http://www.globaldetentionproject.org/publications/immigration-detention-united-states Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.globaldetentionproject.org/publications/immigration-detention-united-states Shelf Number: 138908 Keywords: Immigrant DetentionImmigration EnforcementMigrantsUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Greene, Judith Title: Indefensible: A Decade of Mass Incarceration of Migrants Prosecuted for Crossing the Border Summary: December 2015 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of a program to target for criminal prosecution migrants who had crossed the border without authorization. It was named "Operation Streamline." It is known for the mass hearings (often lasting less than two hours) in which up to 80 migrants are arraigned, found guilty, convicted and sentenced for 8 USC 1325 (improper entry, a misdemeanor) simultaneously. The policy has long been decried by immigrant rights advocates. However, the mass hearings of Operation Streamline, as shocking as they are, are only the tip of the iceberg. Lesser known by the general public, media, and even some immigrant rights and criminal justice reform advocates, is the widespread expansion of 8 USC 1326 (re-entry, a felony) prosecutions over the past decade that came with the Streamline program. Though border officials in some sectors say that Operation Streamline has ended, the numbers of migrants prosecuted in federal courts is still massive in sheer numbers. The criminal prosecution of migrants crossing our southern border has had profound impacts on the federal courts and federal prisons over the last decade. In 2015, improper entry and re-entry prosecutions accounted for almost half of all federal prosecutions (49 percent). Improper entry is punishable by up to 180 days in federal jail while improper re-entry is punishable by up to two years. And if the migrant has a serious prior criminal history, many more years may be added to the sentence. Almost a quarter of those in the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) prison population are non-citizens (23 percent). Using the data available, we conservatively estimate the incarceration costs for those convicted of improper entry and re-entry at more than $7 billion since the start of Operation Streamline in 2005. This book provides an oral history of the evolution of Operation Streamline over 10 years and its legacy today. We document the beginnings Operation Streamline and the evolution of targeted migrant prosecutions. We explore how the program took hold across border districts in distinct ways. We examine how an already politicized issue collided with media hype and, "moral panic" over immigration levels. We describe how ambitious and powerful individuals and agencies within the newly formed Department of Homeland Security launched this huge, targeted prosecution program. We interviewed more than three dozen people who work inside the federal criminal justice system, or who have been impacted by it, for this book. We have attempted to amplify their voices by using their own words as often as possible. In looking back at 10 years of mass prosecution of migrants, we have an opportunity to examine how and why the program emerged. We can also examine the harm it has caused against the scant evidence that it has achieved the stated goal of deterring migration at the southern border. There exists in the story of migrant prosecutions an intersection where those working for immigrant rights and for criminal justice reform can join hands to work together. Finally, we can find inspiration in the ample opportunities for resistance and in this book we highlight the efforts of those who are organizing to bring an end to prosecution of migrants at the border. Details: Austin, TX: Grassroots Leadership; New York: Justice Strategies, 2016. 181p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2016 at: http://grassrootsleadership.org/sites/default/files/reports/indefensible_book_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://grassrootsleadership.org/sites/default/files/reports/indefensible_book_web.pdf Shelf Number: 139655 Keywords: Border SecurityImmigrant DetentionImmigrantsOperation StreamlineUndocumented Migrants |
Author: European Programme for Integration and Migration Title: Forgotten: Administratively detained irregular migrants and asylum seekers Summary: i. FINDINGS 1. The number of administratively detained irregular immigrants and asylum seekers is significantly reduced compared to the prior to 2015 period. 2. The detention conditions diverge from the relevant legislation, regarding not only the international standards and the CPT recommendations, but also the governmental declarations of February 17, 2015. In particular, we observed: - Use of detention areas that the CPT has deemed inappropriate for more than a few days detention as well as use of the Special Juvenile Detention Center in Amygdaleza which has been declared inappropriate for the detention of minors - Inadequate maintenance of the facilities - Lack of yard time - Inadequate healthcare - Lack of support by social workers and psychologists - Inadequate and poor quality feeding - Inadequate heating/ cooling conditions - Lack of provision in clothes, shoes and personal hygiene items - Lack of recreational activities - Lack of interpretation services - Lack of information to the detainees regarding: - their legal status; - the Rules of operation of the detention centers - the impending forced return - Lack of free legal aid 3. The procedures followed by the competent authorities regarding administrative detention diverge from provisions laid down in the legislation and from the governmental declarations of February 17, 2015. In particular, we observed that: In the Hellenic Police Departments there are serious long-standing systemic problems: - Lack of an individualized approach based on the characteristics, the situation and the needs of foreign nationals who are under arrest - Lack of use of alternatives to detention - Systematic, unjustified detention of dubious legitimacy on the grounds of public order - Detention of individuals whose removal violates the principle of non-refoulement - Detention for a period longer than six months - Re-arrest for the purpose of return despite prolonged and ineffective previous detention - Detention of seriously ill people - Failure to take into account data that arise over the period of detention regarding the health status of detainees and extension of the detention of vulnerable persons - Lack of interpretation services, indispensable to the detainees in order to fully understand their legal status, the decisions that concern them and the documents they are asked to sign - Lack of free legal assistance - Lack of information regarding an imminent enforcement of forced return Details: s.l.: EPIM, 2016. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 1, 2016 at: http://www.asylumineurope.org/sites/default/files/resources/forgotten.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://www.asylumineurope.org/sites/default/files/resources/forgotten.pdf Shelf Number: 145008 Keywords: Asylum SeekersImmigrant DetentionMigrantsMigrationRefugeesUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Collingwood Research Title: The Politics of Refuge: Sanctuary Cities, Crime, and Undocumented Immigration Summary: This paper assesses the claim that sanctuary cities - defined as cities that expressly forbid city officials or police departments from inquiring into immigration status - are associated with post-hoc increases in crime. We employ a causal inference matching strategy to compare similarly situated cities where key variables are the same across the cities except the sanctuary status of the city. We find no statistically discernible difference in violent crime rate, rape, or property crime across the cities. Our findings provide evidence that sanctuary policies have no effect on crime rates, despite narratives to the contrary. The potential benefits of sanctuary cities, such as better incorporation of the undocumented community and cooperation with police, thus have little cost for the cities in question in terms of crime. Details: Riverside, CA: Collingwood Research, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2017 at: http://www.collingwoodresearch.com/uploads/8/3/6/0/8360930/shelter_nopols_blind_final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.collingwoodresearch.com/uploads/8/3/6/0/8360930/shelter_nopols_blind_final.pdf Shelf Number: 145231 Keywords: Illegal ImmigrantsImmigrantsImmigration PolicySanctuary CitiesUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Stepick, Alex Title: False Promises: The Failure of Secure Communities in Miami-Dade County Summary: This report addresses the impact on Miami-Dade County of the Secure Communities program, currently one of the primary federal immigration enforcement programs administered by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) through Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). DHS claims that the program prioritizes the removal of convicted criminal aliens who pose a danger to national security or public safety, repeat violators who game the immigration system, those who fail to appear at immigration hearings, and fugitives who have already been ordered removed by an immigration judge. Contrary to these policy goals, we found that 61% of individuals ordered for removal from Miami-Dade County are either low level offenders or not guilty of the crime for which they were arrested. By ICE's standards only 18% of the individuals ordered for removal represent high priority public safety risks, and that number drops to a mere 6% when we apply local standards suggested by Miami-Dade County's Public Defender. Interviews with detainees also reveal that often residents are stopped by police for no apparent reason and subjected to detention and deportation. Secure Communities in Miami-Dade County also has a disproportionately negative impact on Mexicans and Central Americans who constitute a relatively low percentage of the local population but a high percentage of those whom Secure Communities detained and removed. For this report, the Research Institute on Social and Economic Policy (RISEP) of the Center for Labor Research and Studies at Florida International University analyzed twelve months of arrest records, and the detentions and subsequent dispositions of all 1,790 individuals held in Miami-Dade County Corrections' jails for the Secure Communities program. RISEP complemented this analysis with interviews of individual Miami-Dade County residents who were directly affected by Secure Communities and interviews with local government officials in the City of Miami and Miami-Dade County. We also conducted a thorough analysis of DHS and ICE documents that guide Secure Communities. Our analysis of these documents demonstrates that the program is based on internally ambiguous priorities and directives that result in contradictory guidelines. Accordingly, Secure Communities has become a program that in essence removes virtually all undocumented migrants who are identified through Secure Communities, in spite of DHS Secretary Napolitano calling for ICE to use prosecutorial discretion. The program's guidelines bear the signs of a centrally devised policy created without consideration for the complex criminal justice landscapes of the thousands of jurisdictions where the program is implemented. The implications and effects of enforcing Secure Communities are far reaching. It disrupts and tears apart honest and hardworking families and makes Miami-Dade less secure for everyone as it discourages immigrants from cooperating with law enforcement. ICE's detention and deportation of immigrants for minor crimes, ordinary misdemeanors, and non-offense incidents reduces trust of law enforcement. This is especially dangerous in Miami-Dade County where the majority of the population is immigrants and approximately three-fourths are either immigrants themselves or children of immigrants. Miami's Mayor and Police Chief both expressed their belief that the reduced trust that Secure Communities produces will make protecting all communities more difficult - the opposite of what DHS and ICE claim is their goal. When community trust in law enforcement decreases, residents are less likely to report crimes and cooperate with police in the investigation of crimes. When serious crimes do occur, the reduced trust engendered by ICE's Secure Communities program makes it more difficult for local law enforcement to do its job, undermining the security of all county residents. We strongly recommend that Miami-Dade leaders form a broad-based task force to review the impact of Secure Communities. We urge Miami-Dade County residents, elected officials, law enforcement leadership, and representatives of the criminal justice system to carefully and conscientiously evaluate and determine which aspects of this federal program are in the best interests of Miami-Dade County and adjust their cooperation accordingly. The task force should be charged with carefully defining those aspects of Secure Communities that, in fact, help protect public safety and the parts of the program that contradict local law and enforcement policy. This evaluation should include a meticulous cost analysis. Without this knowledge, Secure Communities has the potential for creating long-term damage and problems that will persist long after reform of the country's current federal immigration law. We suggest that Miami-Dade County and its municipalities follow the lead of numerous other state and local governments and not honor ICE detainer requests unless an immigrant has been convicted of a serious crime. Details: Miami, FL; Research Institute on Social & Economic Policy, Center for Labor Research & Studies. Florida International University' Miami: Americans for Immigrant Justice, 2013. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2017 at: http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=soc_fac Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=soc_fac Shelf Number: 145258 Keywords: Community PolicingIllegal ImmigrantsImmigrant DeportationImmigrant DetentionImmigration EnforcementImmigration PolicyRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement Sanctuary CitiesUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Fair Punishment Project Title: The Promise of Sanctuary Cities and the Need for Criminal Justice Reforms in an Era of Mass Deportation Summary: While many officials champion their status as "sanctuary cities" and have taken meaningful steps to protect immigrant communities, sweeping criminal laws in these places leave many immigrants trapped within an arm's reach of deportation. President Trump intends to use local criminal justice systems to deport as many non-citizens as resources will allow. Local officials - mayors, city council members, county commissioners, prosecutors, and the police - now have a critical opportunity to thwart his plans and acknowledge the inextricable link between the deportation pipeline and the criminal justice system, and to finally reform their criminal justice systems. It is already smart policy to stop sending people to jail en masse; localities' punitive policies disproportionately send people of color, including immigrants, to languish in jail or prison. But to make good on their laudable sanctuary goals, local officials must heed the advice of criminal justice reformers, immigration advocates, and their communities, and institute sweeping change. This report is a collaboration between the Fair Punishment Project and the Immigrant Defense Project, with the support of the Immigrant Legal Resource Center. Together, we hope that our breadth of experience can help advance the conversation that has already started about the intersection between criminal justice and President Trump's immigration policies. In this report, we first explain the various ways that non-citizens are trapped in the deportation web, starting with arrest. We then offer concrete reform proposals that officials at every level of city and county government can implement. Details: Cambridge, MA: Fair Punishment Project, 2017. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2017 at: https://www.ilrc.org/sites/default/files/fpp-sanctuary-cities-report-final.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.ilrc.org/sites/default/files/fpp-sanctuary-cities-report-final.pdf Shelf Number: 145543 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformIllegal ImmigrantsImmigrant DeportationImmigrantsImmigrationSanctuary CitiesUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Dorling, Kamena Title: Growing Up In a Hostile Environment: The rights of undocumented migrant children in the UK Summary: Public concern about immigration is currently at the highest level seen for a number of years. In May 2013, one poll found that 57% of those surveyed ranked 'immigration' among the top three most important issues currently facing Britain, a rise of 11% compared to when the question was asked 12 months previously. In another poll, conducted in December 2012, 80% showed support for the current policy to reduce net migration and 67% perceived immigration as 'having been a bad thing' for Britain. Even allowing for the uncertainties inherent in measuring public opinion, the evidence available clearly shows high levels of opposition to immigration in the UK, with the widely held belief that there are too many migrants in the UK, that fewer migrants should be let in, and that legal restrictions on immigration should be tighter. A number of concerns stem from the perception that migrants claim benefits or use public services without having contributed in return, and are adding pressure on schools and hospitals. Past and current government policy has reacted to this public concern in a number of ways, and a large amount of legislation has been passed in the area of immigration and asylum law over the past two decades. The current government is committed to reducing net migration to 'tens of thousands', having introduced stricter border controls and tighter criteria for permitting non-European Economic Area (EEA) migrants to enter and remain in the UK. In particular, current policy is focussed on 'illegal immigration', where individuals enter or are living in the UK unlawfully (this group are referred to in this report as 'undocumented migrants'). Details: Colchester, UK: Children's Legal Centre, 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2017 at: http://www.childrenslegalcentre.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Hostile_Environment_Full_Report_Final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.childrenslegalcentre.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Hostile_Environment_Full_Report_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 131674 Keywords: Children of MigrantsIllegal ImmigrantsImmigrationMigrantsUndocumented Migrant ChildrenUndocumented Migrants |
Author: PICUM, the Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants Title: Untold Stories: immigration Detention and Deportation Summary: In recent years, European migration policy area has undergone a significant shift in political narrative and priorities. The presence of undocumented migrants has been perceived as an innate risk to Europe's common asylum system, the security of Europe's citizens, and even the stability of the European Union itself. Decision makers have been spurred on to appear tough on migration, and have responded by fixing an objective of increasing deportations and stopping certain migratory movements. Seen as a benchmark of success in migration management, the focus on fast-track deportations may lead to a weakening of procedural safeguards, increasing the likelihood of human rights violations and abuse. As a network of civil society organizations working directly with undocumented migrants, PICUM members are confronted daily with individual cases of migrants who are detained and deported from the EU. Through the stories and testimonies that migrants have conveyed about their individual experiences of detention and deportation - which by no means are an exhaustive overview of the situation - six major areas of concern have emerged. Issues around the futility and extreme harmfulness of immigration detention have come strongly to the fore, especially in cases in which children and families are detained. Immigration detention of children is still a reality in Europe, despite the fact that the Committee on the Rights of the Child and other UN experts4 have held that states cannot justify detaining migrant children under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which has been ratified by all EU member states. The consequences of auctioning off migration management tasks to third countries that systematically abuse and harm migrants on their territories are also highlighted. These stories depict cases of extreme violence, torture, humiliation and abuse of power in the deportation process, as well as the more subtle but equally devastating act of separating families through detention and deportation. Asylum seekers and other migrants who are returned to countries that are labelled as "safe" can face disastrous consequences when they are deported. A complete disregard for the risks of deporting people to unsafe situations coupled with the lack of monitoring and accountability mechanisms for governments who deport them are among the key concerns that have emerged through this collection of stories. This booklet sets out each of these areas of concern, and presents them in a succinct way to contextualize them within on-going policy debates. It is intended that the stories can illustrate how certain policy initiatives, existing laws and their implementation (or lack thereof) are responsible for creating conditions which may lead to violations of human rights, suffering and injustice. Details: Brussels: PICUM, 2017. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 25, 2018 at: http://picum.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Deportation_Stories_EN.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Europe URL: http://picum.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Deportation_Stories_EN.pdf Shelf Number: 150371 Keywords: Immigrant DeportationImmigrant DetentionImmigration EnforcementUndocumented ImmigrantsUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Rivera, Laura Title: No End in Sight: Why Migrants Give Up on Their U.S. Immigration Cases Summary: When the Trump administration began separating children from their families at the U.S.-Mexico border, it exposed the horrific conditions within the nation's immigrant detention centers: people locked in cages, sleeping on floors and denied their basic humanity. But harsh detention conditions are nothing new. Every day, thousands of people are locked away in these detention centers - essentially prisons - as they pursue their immigration cases and the hope of a new life in the United States. Many have fled violence and bodily harm in their home countries. But all too often, detained immigrants, particularly in the Deep South, give up on their cases because their conditions of confinement are too crushing to bear. As this report demonstrates, these prisons and immigration courts are part of a system seemingly designed to make immigrants give up. They face courts - many without counse - where relief is not only a long shot but may be a virtual impossibility as some judges deny asylum at rates nearing 100 percent. And, in the meantime, they may be held on civil immigration charges for months, even years, before their cases are resolved. It's a situation that leaves them feeling as if there's no end in sight to their oppression. "In jail, you get your sentence and you know when you are free, but detention is endless," said one man who was detained for more than 800 days. Belief in the immigration courts also fades for the detained as their cases - and their confinement - drag on. "I have no trust that there will be justice in my case," one detained immigrant said. The goal of the system seemed clear through his eyes: "[The judges'] work is to deny everything. This journey [to the United States] was about saving my life. Three or six months in detention, I can take, but one-and-a-half years in detention is too unjust." At the Stewart Detention Center in Georgia, where many of the people sharing their stories for this report were held, 93.8 percent of detained immigrants were deported or gave up on their cases and left the country. At the LaSalle ICE Processing Center in Louisiana, the rate was 93.5 percent. Both rates far exceed the national average of 67.5 percent - evidence of how immigrants detained in the Deep South face especially long odds in a system already stacked against them. The stories and findings presented in this report reflect more than a year of work by the Southern Poverty Law Center's Southeast Immigrant Freedom Initiative (SIFI), a project launched in 2017 to ensure detained immigrants have access to pro bono counsel. Though President Trump has greatly exacerbated the situation, the issues encountered by immigrants and the advocates who try to assist them are not solely the result of one president who has relentlessly demonized immigrants. They are the result of a detention and deportation machine built by decades of increasingly harsh immigration policy. This punitive approach to immigration policy effectively mirrors the failed "War on Drugs" that propelled the United States to become the world's leader in incarceration. Details: Montgomery, AL: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2018. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed October 12, 2018 at: https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/leg_ijp_no_end_in_sight_2018_final_web.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/leg_ijp_no_end_in_sight_2018_final_web.pdf Shelf Number: 152905 Keywords: Immigrant DetentionImmigrantsImmigration EnforcementImmigration PolicyMigrantsUndocumented Migrants |
Author: Blanchard, Daphne N. Title: .Immigration and National Security: An Empirical Assessment of Central American Immigration and Violent Crime in the United States Summary: Executive Summary - The arrival of the October 2018 Central American caravan became a flashpoint in the immigration debate between human rights and national security. Thousands of migrants traveled in a caravan from Central America's Northern Triangle to the United States in October of 2018. President Trump called on Mexico to stop the influx, sent troops to the U.S.-Mexican border, and threatened to cut aid to the Central American country. While several hundred returned on Honduran-sponsored busses and roughly 2,000 people applied for asylum in southern Mexico, the group totaled 6,500 migrants when they arrived at the wall lining the San Ysidro-Tijuana border. Conflicts between the migrants, Mexican police, citizens of Tijuana and U.S. protesters made national headlines. Meanwhile, international aid groups offered makeshift housing, basic necessities, and legal representation for the asylum seekers. Immigration was central to the November mid-term election debates. - Central American immigration has risen significantly over the last few decades. Presently 3.4 million people born in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras are living in the United States, more than double the estimated 1.5 million people in 2000, with half of them undocumented. In the time period between 2011 and 2017, the number of Northern Triangle immigrants rose approximately 400,000 which indicated a growth of 0.1 percent of the foreign-born population. The number of Northern Triangle migrant arrivals nearly quadrupled in 2014, with the arrival of approximately 131,000 migrants. El Salvador is the largest sending country from the region, with 1.4 million immigrants in the United States, a 112- fold increase since 1970. Guatemala is second with 815,000, followed by Honduras with 623,000. - The number of unaccompanied minors (also known as UACs) crossing the U.S.- Mexico border has dramatically increased since 2008. Between 2008 and the first eight months of 2014, the number of unaccompanied minors that crossed the U.S. southern border each year jumped from about 8,000 to 52,000, prompting the U.S. Congress to request further research and a hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations. The year 2014 was dubbed the Central America migration crisis due to the 90 percent increase in UACs between 2013 and 2014. The composition of the recent caravans that arrived in April and October of 2018 suggest that child and family migration from the Northern Triangle is an enduring phenomenon. - The root causes of the flows are pervasive violence and systematic persecution in the Northern Triangle region. El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras are consistently ranked among the world's most violent countries not at war due to their exceptionally high rates of homicide, extortion, gang proliferation, narcotics trafficking, weak rule of law, and official corruption. Many migrants reported fleeing systematic persecution from authorities, pervasive violence from organized criminal organizations, and forced gang recruitment. - Northern Triangle migrants make up less than one percent of the U.S. population. To put the increases in immigrant population in perspective and understand the scope of Central American migration, it is important to note that in 2017 the Northern Triangle subset of immigrants constitute 0.9% of the share of overall population, of which by far the largest percentage is attributed to those with El Salvadoran origins. Asian foreign-born are the most prevalent with 4.3 percent of the share, which consists of Eastern, South Central, and South Eastern Asian immigrants. Those born in Mexico are second with 3.4 percent; while European and African foreign-born make up 1.2 and 0.7 percent respectively. - Public anxiety over Central American migrants stalls immigration reform. The tension at the U.S.-Mexico border due to Central American asylum seekers has reached a fever pitch, polarizing views on how to deal with ever increasing immigration. Although seven percent of Northern Triangle refugees were granted asylum the year after the 2014 surge in migration, compared to 24 percent of refugees from China, the continual flow of Central American migrants to the United States' southern border elicits anxiety, protests, and much public debate. As rhetoric from high-level politicians and news media make connections between violent crime and immigration, political parties' stances on immigration become more divergent -- leading to the inability to agree on comprehensive immigration reform. The difference in opinion between Democrats and Republicans has grown over time with 42 percent of Republicans, compared to 84 percent of Democrats, saying that immigrants strengthen the country, the largest partisan gap on openness to immigrants since 1994. Democrats triple the share of Republicans with the opinion that the nation has a responsibility to care for refugees. - The internet and social media have heightened the risk of mass manipulation and emotional decision-making in immigration policy. Although the Trump administration and news outlets of today are not the first to make a public connection between crime and immigration - the debate has been ongoing for decades - changes in media technology have exacerbated the issue. The internet and social media platforms have significantly increased the scope and reach of consumers at hyper speed without third-party filtering, fact-checking, or editorial judgement to add context to complex issues. This is evident in a Republican-sponsored political commercial that connected an undocumented Mexican cop-killer with the tagline: "Stop the caravan. Vote Republican." Although widely rejected by major television and news outlets on both sides of the aisle for being misleading, the ad was seen approximately 6.5 million times while featured atop Trump's Twitter page. Studies have shown how elite discourse shapes mass opinion and action on immigration policy without necessarily tying the rhetoric to empirical data of the actual threat posed by the group. - Studies show that as immigration levels have risen in the United States, overall violent crime rates have reduced. The relationship between immigration and crime in the United States has been studied at length by scholars whose findings convey a similar conclusion: that immigration does not increase crime and violence, in fact, in the first generation it seems to reduce it. Since 1970 to today, the share and number of immigrants in the United States have increased rapidly while violent crime has been trending in the opposite direction to a level below what it was in 1980. Even as the U.S. undocumented population doubled to 12 million between 1994 and 2005, the violent crime rate in the United States declined 34.2 percent. In addition, cities with large immigrant populations such as Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Miami also experienced declining crime rates during that period. - Evidence does not support the notion that increases in Central American immigrant populations lead to increases in violent crime rates. Although Northern Triangle immigration has surged over the past several years, the evidence does not support the claim that they are posing a U.S. national security threat. Not only did overall U.S. violent crime rates descend as Central American migration share rose; but the influx of these foreigners in 27 metro areas showed no correlation when compared to the violent crime rate changes of each one during 2012 to 2017. When compared to homicide rate changes, there is no correlation between the changes in the immigrant population from Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras; in fact, the vast majority of cases demonstrate a reduction in crime. Not one of the 27 metros with high concentration of immigrants from that region is within the top ten of the most violent metros in the United States. The violence that Northern Triangle migrants are fleeing is not translating into more violence in American communities, as the public discourse seems to suggest. The Central American migration threat has been hyper-inflated in scope and potential for insecurity. - The scope of the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) gang is narrow by comparison. According to the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), approximately ten thousand MS-13 members inhabit the United States, amounting to 0.3 percent of the overall U.S. population. By comparison, there are approximately 1.4 million gang members living in the United States that make up more than 33,000 gangs. Of the 45,400 UACs apprehended at the border in the five-year period of 2012 and 2017, U.S. Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) apprehended 159 UACs with confirmed or suspected gang affiliations, 56 of which were suspected or confirmed to be affiliated with MS-13. The Cato Institute reports that 0.1 percent of U.S. Customs and Border Patrol arrests were MS-13 gang members at the border midyear in 2018, similar to the statistics from prior years. - The brutality of MS-13 has the potential to disrupt neighborhoods, but not the United States as a whole. The threat of the MS-13 gang is far smaller in scope and reach than high-profile dialogue suggests, and it is given disproportionate attention in the public discourse considering the levels of crime. Of the 1.2 million violent crime offenses committed in the United States between 2012 and 2017, 345 were committed by members of the MS-13 gang. Although spread throughout cities in the United States and a legitimate concern for the communities which they inhabit, the members of this murderous gang do not demonstrate an ability to disrupt the stability and security of the entire nation and show no sign of expansion. Containing the threat of this violent criminal organization is best left to local authorities with local solutions. This research does not advocate ceasing to address the root causes of MS-13 criminal activity, only to keep the risk in perspective to reduce the negative consequences of fear-based decision-making. - The conflating of MS-13 with all immigrants in public discourse is unfounded and problematic. Connecting all immigrants with the violent acts of the few stalls progress on immigration reform, influences public opinion and immigration policy decisions without data to support the level of threat, creates an atmosphere of conflict surrounding those requesting asylum and settling in American neighborhoods, and is counterproductive to keeping Americans safe. Anxiety-inducing messaging from elite levels slows productive, compromise-driven dialogue that is necessary for immigration reform and effective allocation of finite resources. Details: San Diego: Justice in Mexico, Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of San Diego, 2019. 40p. Source: Internet Resource:JUSTICE IN MEXICO WORKING PAPER SERIES Volume 16, Number 1: Accessed May 9, 2019 at: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/BLANCHARD_Immigration-and-National-Security.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://justiceinmexico.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/BLANCHARD_Immigration-and-National-Security.pdf Shelf Number: 155705 Keywords: Asylum SeekersGang ViolenceImmigrants and CrimeImmigration and CrimeImmigration PolicyMS-13 - Mara SalvatruchaNational SecurityNorthern TriangleSocial MediaUnaccompanied MinorsUndocumented MigrantsViolent Crime |