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Date: November 25, 2024 Mon
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Results for welfare
10 results foundAuthor: Mesnard, Alice Title: Migration, Violence and Welfare Programmes in Rural Colombia Summary: This paper studies migration decisions of very poor households in an environment of high level of violence. Details: London: Institute for Fiscal Studies, 2009. 42p. Source: IFS Working Paper W09/19 Year: 2009 Country: Colombia URL: Shelf Number: 117378 Keywords: MigrationPovertyViolenceWelfare |
Author: Corman, Hope Title: Effects of Welfare Reform on Illicit Drug Use of Adult Women Summary: Exploiting changes in welfare policy across states and over time and comparing relevant population subgroups within an economietric difference-in-differences framework, this study estimates the causal effects of welfare reform on adult women's illicit drug use from 1992 to 2002, the period during which welfare reform unfolded in the U.S. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2010. 52p. Source: Internet Resource; NBER Working Paper Series, Working Paper 16072 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119108 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug OffendersDrug TreatmentWelfare |
Author: Meloni, Osvaldo Title: Does Poverty Relief Spending Reduce Crime? Evidence from Argentina Summary: A large body of empirical research suggests that welfare spending reduces crime. Contrary to this dominant finding, a few recent studies conclude that there is no relationship between several measures of welfare spending and serious crime. This paper contributes to the debate using data from the largest poverty alleviation program launched by the Argentinean government to cope with the deleterious effects of the 2002 crisis featuring double-digit unemployment and half of the population below the poverty line. Province - level dynamic panel data reveals that the cash transfers program had a negative impact total crime although the effect was rather weak. The analyses of various types of crime show that the influence of the Argentine poverty relief spending was greater in Property Crimes than Crime against Persons, with the highest effect on larceny Details: Tucuman, Argentina: National University of Tucuman, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2128351 Year: 2012 Country: Argentina URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2128351 Shelf Number: 131622 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime (Argentina)Unemployment and Crime Welfare |
Author: Cerqueira, Daniel R.C. Title: The Welfare Cost of Homicides in Brazil: Accounting for Heterogeneity in the Willingness to Pay for Mortality Reductions Summary: This paper estimates the health dimension of the welfare cost of homicides in Brazil incorporating age, gender, educational, and regional heterogeneities. We use the marginal willingness to pay approach from the "value of life" literature to assign monetary values to the welfare cost of increased mortality due to violence. The results indicate that the present discounted value of the welfare cost of homicides in Brazil corresponds to roughly 78% of the GDP or, measured in terms of yearly flow, 2.3%. The analysis also indicates that reliance on aggregate data to perform such calculations, without taking into account the relevant dimensions of heterogeneity, can lead to biases of the order of 20% in the estimated social cost of violence. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Institute of Applied Economic Research, 2012. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: TEXTO PARA DISCUSSION, No. 600: Accessed April 2, 2015 at: http://www.econ.puc-rio.br/pdf/td600.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.econ.puc-rio.br/pdf/td600.pdf Shelf Number: 135143 Keywords: Costs of CrimeHomicides (Brazil)Violent CrimeWelfare |
Author: Dolan, Karen Title: The Poor Get Prison: The Alarming Spread of the Criminalization of Poverty Summary: Poor people, especially people of color, face a far greater risk of being fined, arrested, and even incarcerated for minor offenses than other Americans. A broken taillight, an unpaid parking ticket, a minor drug offense, sitting on a sidewalk, or sleeping in a park can all result in jail time. In this report, we seek to understand the multi-faceted, growing phenomenon of the "criminalization of poverty." In many ways, this phenomenon is not new. The introduction of public assistance programs gave rise to prejudices against beneficiaries and to systemic efforts to obstruct access to the assistance. As University of California-Irvine professor Kaaryn Gustafson has noted, the intersections of race, income and gender bias were at play in the 1960s and 1970s as black, single mothers were targeted as criminal, lazy, promiscuous welfare cheats.1 The 1980s saw this demographic become the emblem of all that is wrong with government assistance for the poor - the infamous Welfare Queen. Black, single mothers were fictionalized as criminally defrauding the taxpayer, taking in public assistance while driving Cadillacs, eating bon-bons, and presumably getting rich off of drug-dealing boyfriends. Thus the 1990s brought aggressive state attacks on welfare recipients as they were increasingly investigated for fraud and other suspected criminal activities. The welfare system became a system of criminalization and punishment, rather than a program to assist needy families. So-called welfare reform, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, ended federal cash aid programs and replaced them with time-limited, restrictive, state block-grants. New punishable behaviors were mandated and policed, all but erasing the already tenuous line between the welfare and criminal justice systems. Today, when applying for welfare in the United States, many applicants are photographed, finger-printed, drug-tested, interrogated, and asked to prove paternity of children. Similarly, eligibility for public housing is restricted or denied if the applicant has a criminal record, including misdemeanors or a prior lease violation. Further, local Public Housing Authorities can be even more restrictive and evict occupants if a member of their family or another person residing in - or in some cases visiting - commits a crime, such as a misdemeanor drug offense. Poverty, in other words, is too often treated as a criminal offense. Details: Washington, DC: Institute for Policy Studies, 2015. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2015 at: http://www.ips-dc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/IPS-The-Poor-Get-Prison-Final.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.ips-dc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/IPS-The-Poor-Get-Prison-Final.pdf Shelf Number: 135492 Keywords: Poverty (U.S.)Racial DisparitiesRacial ProfilingSocioeconomic StatusWelfare |
Author: Bandyopadhyay, Subhayu Title: Terrorism, Trade and Welfare: Some Paradoxes and a Policy Conundrum Summary: We present a standard trade model and show that terrorism can be trade inducing, starting from autarky. In addition, terrorism can be shown to be welfare augmenting for a group of nations. Finally, we present some qualitative conditions that identify when a nation's trade volume may rise (or fall) in response to a greater incidence of terrorism. Our trade and welfare results point to potential difficulties in international coordination of counterterrorism policy because of terrorism's differential impact across nations. Details: St. Louis, MO: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2016. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: FRB St. Louis Working Paper No. 2016-2 : Accessed march 9, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2744529 Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2744529 Shelf Number: 138149 Keywords: TerrorismWelfare |
Author: Caprirolo, Dino Title: Custos de bem-estar do crime no Brasil: Um país de contrastes (Cost of welfare of crime in Brazil: A Country of Contrasts) Summary: n 2014, violence cost US $ 75,894 million to Brazil or 3.14% of GDP. This represents 53% of the total cost of crime in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). Brazil stands out for its high spending on private security (48% of the total cost of crime). Public expenditure is the second largest component (36% of costs), while social costs make up the smallest part (16% of the cost). The cost of crime between states and regions is similar in terms of heterogeneity to that observed in LAC countries. There are states whose cost corresponds to about 2% of GDP, while in others violence costs about three times more. The heterogeneity also manifests itself in terms of composition: in some states, social costs represent a relatively large share, while in others, public or private spending accounts for the highest costs of crime. Details: Washington, DC Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento. Divisão de Capacidade Institucional do Estado, 2017. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Nota técnica do BID ; 1243: Accessed February 24, 2017 at: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8131/Custos-de-bem-estar-do-crime-no-Brasil-um-pais-de-contrastes.pdf?sequence=1 (In Portuguese) Year: 2017 Country: Brazil URL: https://publications.iadb.org/bitstream/handle/11319/8131/Custos-de-bem-estar-do-crime-no-Brasil-um-pais-de-contrastes.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 141209 Keywords: Costs of CrimeCosts of ViolenceEconomics of CrimeViolenceViolent CrimeWelfare |
Author: Eide, Stephen D. Title: Poverty and Progress in New York III: Crime and Welfare Enrollment One Year Into the de Blasio Administration Summary: Mayor Bill de Blasio assumed office in January 2014, promising to "take dead aim at the Tale of Two Cities - [and] put an end to economic and social inequalities that threaten to unravel the city we love." With respect to public safety, this promise translated into a determination to continue the low crime rates of recent years through a modified version of the Giuliani and Bloomberg approaches to policing. On welfare, de Blasio made a sharper break from the past. The overarching goals remain greater economic mobility and less government dependence. But these goals are to be achieved through a less "punitive" approach toward enforcing eligibility requirements and "more effective" employment programs that emphasize education and training over work experience. This paper is the third installment in a series that has been tracking the effect of de Blasio's policies at the neighborhood level. Focusing on the effect of initiatives on policing and public assistance, it examines how conditions in the poorest neighborhoods in the five boroughs have changed during 2014, the first year of the de Blasio administration. The paper also investigates citywide trends in arrests, data regarding potential racial bias in the police department, and rates of dependence on social assistance programs. Key Findings Welfare - New York City ended 2014 with more people on welfare than it began. Midyear, the Human Resources Administration (HRA) announced major changes to the city's public assistance program; by the end of 2014, enrollment had grown by about 16,000 since the HRA announcement. - This increase has come during a time of relative prosperity for the local economy, which added more than 90,000 jobs in 2014. Significant growth came in low-wage industries likely to hire welfare recipients. Throughout New York City's history, the general tendency has been for welfare enrollment to decline as job numbers grow. - Enrollment in the Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP) proved more responsive to improved economic conditions, steadily declining throughout 2014. - The number of public assistance recipients remains very low, by historical standards. Policing - The year 2014 saw annual declines in six out of seven major crime categories. Murders reached historical lows. - There are exceptions to the general good news on crime: 28 precincts saw at least one more murder in 2014 than in 2013; and total crime was up in 14 precincts. The lowest-income neighborhoods in the five boroughs remain far more dangerous than their high-income counterparts. - In the ten lowest-income neighborhoods in the five boroughs, eight saw two or three more murders in 2014 than in 2013. Two experienced more total crime in 2014 than in 2013. - Misdemeanor arrests, though higher than they were ten years ago, are currently on a downward trend. This includes arrests for many, though not all, "Broken Windows," or quality-of-life, offenses such as drug possession. - Civilian Complaint Review Board complaints and allegations of unnecessary or excessive use of force by police are trending down. The year 2014 saw fewer complaints against the NYPD than all but three of the last 16 years. - Use of force in making misdemeanor arrests is extremely rare (2.2 percent) and trending down. - With respect to allegations of racial bias, a comparison between victim-initiated and police-initiated misdemeanor arrests shows that police do not arrest minorities at a higher rate when acting on their own judgment than when responding to specific victim complaints. - Crime is overwhelmingly more of a problem for poor minority neighborhoods, where the greatest demand for policing, measured by 911 calls, is found. Details: New York: Manhattan Institute, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Civic Report no. 94: https://www.manhattan-institute.org/sites/default/files/cr_94.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.manhattan-institute.org/sites/default/files/cr_94.pdf Shelf Number: 146471 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimePovertySocioeconomic Conditions and CrimeUrban Areas and CrimeWelfare |
Author: Tuttle, Cody Title: Snapping Back: Food Stamp Bans and Criminal Recidivism Summary: I estimate the effect of access to Food Stamps on criminal recidivism. In 1996, a federal welfare reform imposed a lifetime ban from Food Stamps on convicted drug felons. Florida modified this ban, restricting it to drug traffickers who commit their offense on or after August 23, 1996. I exploit this sharp cutoff in a regression discontinuity design and find that the ban increases recidivism among drug traffickers. The increase is driven by financially motivated crimes, suggesting that the cut in benefits causes ex-convicts to return to crime to make up for the lost transfer income. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 1, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2845435 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2845435 Shelf Number: 150434 Keywords: Food Stamps Poverty Crime Recidivism Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Unemployment and Crime Welfare |
Author: Thompson, Darrel Title: No More Double Punishments: Lifting the Ban on SNAP and TANF for People with Prior Felony Drug Convictions Summary: Introduction Individuals with prior felony convictions, incarcerated or not, often face "collateral consequences," which are significant barriers imposed in addition to their sentences that can range from being denied employment to losing voting rights. Some states subject people with a drug-related felony conviction to restrictions or complete bans on food assistance under SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly food stamps), cash assistance through TANF (Temporary Assistance for Needy Families), or both. This practice began in 1996 under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA). The act imposes a lifetime ban on SNAP and TANF for those with a previous drug felony conviction, whether they have completed their time in jail or prison or received a lighter sentence due to the nonviolent and/or low-level nature of the offense. States, however, can opt to remove or modify the ban. And all states except three and the District of Columbia have either modified or removed the ban for at least one program, recognizing that it is not an effective crime deterrent, fails to address substance use disorders, and impedes reconnecting formerly incarcerated people to their families and communities. Successful reentry into society from the criminal justice system requires access to basic needs such as food, healthcare, and housing as well as employment and training services. Some individuals may also need childcare and/or mental health and substance use disorder treatment. Denying access to basic needs programs such as SNAP and TANF makes it harder for returning citizens to get back on their feet. And such exclusions are especially punitive for communities of color. Over the last four decades, the War on Drugs has engendered uneven enforcement of drug laws and targeting of low-income communities of color, resulting in the conviction and incarceration of disproportionate numbers of Black and Latino people, especially Black men. According to the Sentencing Project, one in three Black males born in 2001 will be imprisoned at some point in their lives, compared to one in six Latino men and one in 17 White men. When considering educational attainment, young men of color, especially Black men, without a high school diploma are most at risk of incarceration. In 2010, for instance, nearly one-third of Black males ages 25 to 29 who dropped out of high school were incarcerated or institutionalized. For women, incarceration rates have risen exponentially in recent years. While fewer women than men are incarcerated, the number of women in prison "has been increasing at twice the rate of growth for men since 1980." Women, too, are more likely than men to be convicted of a drug offense: Twenty-five percent of incarcerated women were convicted of a drug offense in 2016, compared to 14 percent of men, according to the Sentencing Project. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Law and Social Policy, 2019. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 3, 2019 at: https://www.clasp.org/sites/default/files/publications/2019/01/2019_%20nomoredoublepunishments.pdf Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://www.clasp.org/sites/default/files/publications/2019/01/2019_%20nomoredoublepunishments.pdf Shelf Number: 154751 Keywords: Drug Felony ConvictionsLow-Income Communities of ColorMass IncarcerationNon-Violent OffendersSNAPTANFWelfareWelfare Eligibility |