PAGENO="0001" 86th Con~ress} JOINT COMMITTEE PRINT (L2~ ~ 6/? ~ STUDY PAPER NO. 6 THE EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT BY Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor MATERIALS PREPARED IN CONNECTION WITH THE STUDY OF EMPLOYMENT, GROWTH, AND PRICE LEVELS FOR CONSIDERATION BY THE JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES ~ARV k~stitute 9f ~ ~ ~L~or Re1at,or-~ 2 `~959 NOVEMBER 19, 1959 1 RUTGERS ~ Printed for the use of the Joint Economic Committee UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 47884 WASHINGTON: 1959 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington 2~, D.C.. Prlc,~ 25 cents p,1 PAGENO="0002" II JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE (Created pursuant to sec. 5(a) of Public:Law 304, 79th Cong.) PAUL H. DOUGLAS, flhlnois, Chairman WRIGHT PATMAN, Texas, Vice Chairman HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES RICHARD BOLLING, Missouri HALE BOGGS, Louisiana HENRY S. REUSS, Wisconsin FRANK M. COFFIN, Maine THOMAS B. CURTIS, Missouri CLARENCE E. KILBURN, New York WILLIAM B. WIDNALL, New Jersey STUDY OF EMPLOYMENT, GROWTH, AND PRICE LEVELS (Pursuant to S. Con. Res. 13, 86th Cong., 1st sess.) OTTO ECESTEIN, Technical Director JOHN W. LEHMAN, Administrative Officer JAMES W. KNOWLES, Special Economic G'ounoel SENATE JOHN SPARKMAN, Alabama J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, Arkansas JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming JOHN F. KENNEDY, Massachusetts PRESCOTT BUSH, Connecticut JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland JACOB K. JAVITS, New York PAGENO="0003" This is part of a series of papers being prepared for con~ sideration by the Joint Economic Committee in connection with their "Study of Employment, Growth, and Price Levels." The committee and the committee staff neither approve nor disapprove of the findings of the individual authors. The findings are being presented in this form to obtain the widest possible comment before the committee prepares its report. `U PAGENO="0004" PAGENO="0005" LETTERS OF TRANSMITTAL NOVEMBER 13, 1959. To Members of the Joint Economic Committee: Submitted herewith for the consideration of the members of the Joint Economic Committee and others is Study Paper No. 6 "The Extent and Nature of Frictional Unemployment." This is among a number of subjects which the Joint Economic Committee has requested scholars to examine and report on to pro- vide factual and analytic materials for consideration in the preparation of the staff and committee reports for the study of "Employment, Growth, and Price Levels." The papers are being printed and distributed not only for the use of the committee members but also to obtain the review and comment of other experts during the committee's consideration of the materials. The findings are entirely those of the authors, and the committee and the committee staff indicate neither approval nor disapproval by this publication. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, Chairman, Joint Economic Committee. U.S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS, Washington ~5, D.C., November 3, 1959. Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: I transmit herewith the report, "The Extent and Nature of Frictional Unemployment," which was prepared at your request by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. A supplement to this report, dealing with unemployment in cyclically vulnerable and chronically distressed areas, is in preparation, and will be transmitted separately upon its completion. The present report identifies and measures the various types of unemployment which are to be expected even in times of prosperity. Sources of data which have not been previously exploited in the seme way have been used to elicit a considerable amount of new information. I have been privileged to appear before you regularly during the past several years to deliver testimony and submit reports in which emphasis has been given to the problem of unemployment. During this long period of fruitful cooperation between the Bureau of Labor Statistics and your committee, your committee has stood as patron and sponsor for a number of useful studies and provided a forum for the dissemination of wanted information. It is my hope that the information contained in the present report will contribute further to the general understanding of the nature of unemployment and lead us closer to the day when its harmful aspects can be eliminated or greatly mitigated. V PAGENO="0006" VI LETTERS OF TRANS~VIITTAL This report was compiled in the Bureau's Division of Manpower and Employment Statistics, Harold Goldstein, Acting Chief. It was prepared under the supervision and guidance of Joseph S. Zeisel by Robert L. Stein with substantial assistance contributed by Messrs. Arnold Katz, Irving Stern, and Herman Travis. Sincerely yours, EWAN CLAGUE, Commissioner of Lab or Statistics. NOVEMBER 3, 1959. Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, ~Yhairman, Joint Economic Gommittee, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: Transmitted herewith is the sixth in the series of papers being prepared for the study of "Employment, Growth, and Price Levels." As is noted in the transmittal letter to you from Commissioner Clague, this paper has been prepared by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Additional papers in the series are being prepared by outside con- sultants and members of the staff and deal with studies of price changes, economic growth and other aspects of employment and unemployment. All papers are presented as prepared by the authors for consideration and comment by the committee a.nd staff. OTTO ECKSTEIN, Technical Director, Study of Employment, Growth, and Price Levels. PAGENO="0007" CONTENTS Page Summary 1 Introduction 2 The extent of short-term frictional unemployment 3 Long-term employment 4 Structural employment 6 Chapter I. Short- and long-term unemployment 8 Current monthly survey data 8 Annual work experience survey data 12 Characteristics of the short- and long-term unemployed in 1957 14 Age and sex 14 Marital status 18 Color 18 Industry~~ 20 Occupation 25 Long-term unemployed as a percent of all workers 28 Appendix I to chapter I 30 Source of duration and turnover data 30 Appendix II to chater I 31 Selection of period for study 31 Chapter II. Turnover, or gross changes, in unemployment 32 How much turnover 32 Patterns of gross changes in labor force and unemployment 33 Patterns of gross changes between employment and unemployment - 34 Chapter III. Unemployment associated with job shifts 37 Summary of results 38 Frictional unemployment due to mobility 39 Unemployment related to involuntary and job changing 40 Duration of unemployment 40 Effect of differences in mobility on unemployment rates 41 Age and sex 44 Occupation and industry~~ 46 Conclusion 50 Chapter IV. Seasonal unemployment~~. 52 Seasonal unemployment in 1957 54 Appendix to chapter IV 59 Technical note on seasonal unemployment 59 Chapter V. Some postwar trends in unemployment 60 The trend in total unemployment 60 New versus continuing unemployment 61 Changes in labor force patterns and the rate of unemployment 62 Other industry-occupation changes and the rate of unemployment. - - 64 New workers 69 LIST OF CHARTS Employment status of entrants into the labor force, 1957 37 Industry unemployment rates by seasonal and nonseasonal components, 1957 53 Job changing and unemployment among persons who worked in 1955. 51 Seasonal variations in unemployment by age and sex. 58 Summary characteristics of unemployment in a period of high employment 7 Trends in unemployment rates, 1948 and 1956~~ 68 Unemployment totaling 15 weeks or longer for selected groups during calendar year 1957~. 13 LIST OF TABLES Table I-1.--Persons unemployed 4 weeks or less, by industry group: January 1955-December 1957 9 VII PAGENO="0008" vm CONTENTS Table 1-2--Persons unemployed 15 weeks or longer, by industry group: Page January 1955-December 1957 11 Table 1-3.-Duration of unemployment, by age and sex: Annual average, 1957_ 15 Table I-4.-----Cumulative weeks of unemployment, by age and sex: Calendar year 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) 17 Table 1-5.-Duration of unemployment by color and sex: Annual average, 1957 19 Table 1-6.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment by color and sex: Calen- dar year 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) 19 Table 1-7.-Average monthly duration of unemployment by industry, 1957 21 Table 1-8.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment, by industry division of longest job: 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) 22 Table 1-9--Persons unemployed a cumulative total of 15 weeks or longer, by spells of unemployment, by selected characteristics: Calendar year 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) - 24 Table 1-10.-Average monthly duration of unemployment, by major occupation group, 1957 26 Table 1-11.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment, by occupation of longest job in 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) 27 Table 1-12.-Persons unemployed a cumulative total of 15 weeks or longer as a percent of total with work experience, by selected characteristics: Calendar year 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) 29 Table 11-1.-Gross changes in unemployment, by type of change: Annual average, 1957 32 Table 11-2.-Gross changes in the labor force, by type of change: Annual average, 1957 Table 11-3.-Gross changes in the labor force by age and sex: Annual average, 1957 34 Table 11-4.-Gross changes in unemployment, by age and sex: Annual average, 1957 Table 11-5.-Gross reductions in unemployment, by type, by duration of unemployment in previous month: Annual average, 1957 36 Table 111-1.-Unemployment levels and rates, by job mobility status: Calendar year 1955 39 Table 111-2.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment, by job mobility status: Calendar year 1955 41 Table 111-3.-Unemployment associated with voluntary job mobility, by personal characteristics: Calendar year 1955 42 Table 111-4.-Unemployment associated with voluntary job mobility, by occupation and industry of longest job in 1955~. 43 Table 111-5.-Unemployment and job mobility status, by age and sex: Calendar year 1955 45 Table 111-6.-Unemployment and job mobility status, by major occupa- tion group of longest job in 1955. 47 Table 111-7.-Unemployment and job mobility status, by major industry group of longest job in 1955 49 Table 111-8.-Job changers with unemployment during 1955 50 Table IV-1.-Distribut.ion of seasonal and nonseasonal unemployment by industry of last full-time job, 1957 52 Table 11/-2.-Total and seasonal unemployment in 1957 55 Table IV-3.-Comparative seasonal unemployment by sex and major age group between months of peak and low point~ 57 Table V-1.-New, continuing, and total unemployment, 1948-56_ 61 Table V-2.-Selected measures of the duration of unemployment, 1948, 1952, and 1956 62 Table V-3.-Changes in experienced labor force and unemployed, 1948-56, by type of activity and class of worker 63 Table V-4.-Changes in civilian labor force and unemployed, 1948-56, by age and sex 64 Table V-5.-Changes in unemployment between 1948 and 1956, by major industry group for wage and salary workers 65 Table V-6.-Changes in unemployment between 1948 and 1956, by major occupation group 66 Table V-7.-Experienced labor force, unemployment, and long-term unem- ployment in goods-producing and service-rendering industries wage and salary workers, 1956 67 PAGENO="0009" STUDY PAPER NO. 6 THE EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMLN T S TJMMARY This report summarizes an attempt to identify and measure some of the types of frictional unemployment which must be expected even in periods of prosperity. The focus of this study was the period 1955-57, years of relatively full employment on the whole. Some of the principal findings are as follows: 1. The continuing entry of new workers into the labor market (including those who reentered after a period of absence) accounted for about 20 percent of the unemployed (ch. II). In the 1955-57 period, most new entrants were finding jobs after a relatively brief search. 2. Voluntary shifting from one job to another (job mobility) ac- counted for roughly 10 percent of the unemployed (oh. III). Persons changing jobs had a very high rate of unemployment (one in three) but only a small proportion of the work force (4 percent) was involved in such shifting at all. 3. Seasonal fluctuations in employment accounted for an estimated 20 percent of the unemployed (ch. IV). It is likely that the percentage would have been slightly higher had more detailed data been available to measure this factor. 4. Changes in the composition of the labor force affected the com- position of the unemployed but were an almost negligible factor in the slight rise in the overall unemployment rate since the early postwar period. These changes will play a more prominent role during the 1960's. 5. A more significant factor was the tendency for the rate of unem- ployment to rise among workers in goods producing industries. These changes have raised unemployment by about 8-10 percent in the decade following World War II (ch. V). There remain, of course, significant components of unemployment that have not been measured. For example, there is the problem of geographic pockets of unemployment (distressed areas) which will be the subject of a future report. There are also numerous short-term dislocations, e.g., secondary effects of labor disputes, which have not yet been measured systematically for the labor force as a whole. There may be a group of relatively unskilled or otherwise less em- ployable persons who, except in periods of acute labor shortages, tend to become unemployed repeatedly during the course of a year. These and other aspects of the unemployment problem will have to be ex- plored in future research. 1 47884-59------2 PAGENO="0010" 2 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1I~EMPLOYMENT A more detailed discussion of the focus and results of the present study is included in the introductory chapter which follows. INTRODUCTION It has been generally recognized that some unemployment is un- avoidable in a free market economy where employers and workers are constantly adjusting to changes in the level and structure of de- mand and to opportunities for employment or increased income. This so-called frictional unemployment is in contrast with the cyclical unemployment resulting from periodic generalized dislocations be- tween production and effective demand. Frictional unemployment may be defined as that level of joblessness that could not be reduced significantly in the short run by increased aggregate spending. At this level of employment and unemploy- ment, increased demand would theoretically result in heightened in- flationary pressure rather than increased employment and reduced unemployment. The acceptance of the fact of an unavoidable minimum level of un- employment in our economy raises the inevitable question of what that level ought to be. Federal GoverunTlent action to minimize unem- ployment without unduly stimulating inflationary pressures demands, as a prerequisite, as complete an understanding as possible of the nature of frictional unemployment. This is especially true since frictional unemployment is not a single form of unemployment, but rather a comlex of many factors-economic, institutional, and personal. An extremely important portion of frictional unemployment is a direct result of seasonal fluctuations in employment, which reflects the effects upon both production and distribution of weather, crop cycles, model changeovers in industry, holidays, etc. A second form of frictional unemployment results from the tremendous movement into and out of the labor force each month. A third source of fric- tional unemployment is the very high degree of mobility between jobs in the American labor force. Frictional unemployment has been popularly identified with short- term unemployment. Also included, however, may be unemployment of a longer duration associated with long-term declines in occupations, industries, and areas, reflecting the development of new products, changing tastes, developing technology, etc.-sometimes called structural unemployment. This is a form of long-term frictional un- employment. However, to complicate identification and estimation even further, long-term unemployment is not necessarily a function exclusively of structural changes in the economy. It may also be associated with personal characteristics of workers, such as age, color, sex, education, physical condition, and so forth. Our present system for collecting employment and unemployment statistics, although relatively comprehensive and technically refined, is not currently designed to include inquiries of employees as to the reason for layoff or unemployment. It is doubtful that respondents would have the knowledge to provide an answer, even if asked. This is especially true in the case of continuing unemployment. Whereas a person might know the specific reason for his having become unem- ployed, it probably would be impossible for him to provide a meaning- ful answer as to why he continued to be unemployed, since this depends PAGENO="0011" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 3 on various factors: the state of the labor market, the actions of the individual himself, of employers, etc. In any case, there is no direct information of this kind on a regular monthly basis. However, this study does attempt to measure indirectly the extent of unemployment accounted for by the several major components of frictional unem- ployment: seasonal fluctuations in employment; job mobility; entrance into the labor market; and structural dislocations in the economy. It should he pointed out, however, that the tools for measurement are imprecise in many respects. Furthermore, the categories of unemployment as they are measured in this report cannot be con- sidered exhaustive or even mutually exclusive; there is some degree of overlap that cannot be readily estimated. It is in the measurement of structural unemployment that our pres- ent data are least adequate. However, studies of the characteristics of the unemployed in relation to the duration of their unemployment provide much light on this subject, since structural unemployment is more likely than other types to result in long-term unemployment. In addition, entirely apart from its value as a measure of the under- lying nature of unemployment in periods of full employment, a study of duration is important in its own right from the standpoint of per- sonal and social welfare; the duration of unemployment is probably more significant than the causes, although a knowledge of the latter is vital for remedial action. The focus of this study is a detailed description of unemployment in the period 1955-57, years for the most part of high and rising em- ployment. The unemployment rate averaged 4.3 percent of the labor force during this period. The availability, for the first time, of some unique forms of data was also a significant factor in determining the period for study. See appendix II, chapter I, for additional discus- sion of these matters. THE EXTENT OF SHORT-TERM FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT There are many temporary situations in the working lives of in- dividuals that generate unemployment even in periods of relatively full employment. The general striving of workers to improve their economic and social status often involves a job shift and a brief period of unemployment. The high rate of voluntary mobility in the United States is frequently cited as an important reason why the level of frictional unemployment in this country is significantly higher than in virtually any foreign nation. A special retabulation of information from the 1956 Census Bureau study relating to job mobility indicates that groups who left their jobs to improve their status, or because of dissatisfaction with the kind of work or conditions of employment, accounted for about 15 percent of unemployed persons, Moreover, it is estimated that if these persons had been subject only to unem- ployment from causes other than job mobility, total unemployment in 1955 would have been reduced by about 10 percent. (See ch. III.) A more significant factor in determining the level of frictional Un- ~mp1oyment is the effect of entry of new workers into the labor ~narket (or the reentry of workers-mainly married women-who ~iave been temporarily out of the labor force). These entries are ~stimated to account for roughly one-fifth of the unemployed total n an average month (ch. II). PAGENO="0012" 4 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT Unemployment resulting from entry into the labor market or from voluntary job change is likely to be brief in periods of full employ- ment, because a decision to look for another job, or to change jobs, is often made only if there is some previous knowledge that openings are readily available. The labor force behavior of teenagers and married women during the postwar period reflects this tendency, as indicated by changes in their rates of labor force participation. These groups are most lilcely to enter the labor force in good years. Data on factory quit rates also reflect this general psychology in relation to job shifts; the quit rate rises in periods of expanding economic ac- tivity, and falls in periods of declining activity. Still more important than either voluntary job shifting or entrance into the labor market as a factor in determining the level of frictional unemployment are the very sharp seasonal variations in the level of production and employment in many American industries. It is estimated that variation in the level of employment in industry be- cause of seasonal reasons (including the effects of weather, regular model changeovers, vacation, etc.) is a factor causing at least 20 per- cent of total unemployment in a year of high employment (ch. IV). It is true that unemployment resulting from each of these kinds of situations (seasonal reasons, voluntary job shifting or labor force en- trance) is likely to be of relatively short duration, at least for any given spell. Over the course of the year, however, the cumulative time lost by workers between seasons or between jobs is substantial. This point is dramatically made by the data from work experience studies covering an entire year, which are incorporated in this report. Moreover, there is evidence that the off season in outdoor work, such as farming and construction, is long enough so that at least some of those laid off in the winter turn up as long-term unemployed by March or April. The post-Christmas lull in trade also adds slightly to the total of long-term unemployed several months later. However, the effect of seasonality on long-term unemployment is not great, except in certain industries, since many of those who are dismissed from seasonal industries are women and teenagers who withdraw from the labor force immediately, or after a brief search for other jobs. LONG-TERM UNEMPLOYMENT Whereas the terms "frictional" unemployment and "short term" unemployment have sometimes been used interchangeably, not all frictional unemployment is short term. As already noted, even some of the seasonally unemployed may become long-term unemployed before they are recalled. Moreover, some of the persons involved in frictional unemployment due to entry into the labor market or to voluntary job shifting may remain jobless for more than 15 weeks, perhaps because of unrealistic job aspirations or other personal char- acteristics. In addition, as defined in this study, frictional unem- ployment includes layoffs resulting from long run structural changes in the economy, which by their very nature tend to cause long-term unemployment. As we have noted, personal characteristics sometimes obscure this latter relationship; the reason for unemployment is not the sole determinant of duration. Individual spells of unemployment of long duration, however, are more likely to result from basic developments PAGENO="0013" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1T~EMPLOThtENT 5 in the economy-changes in skill requirements, the movement of an industry, and the like. Unemployment lasting 15 weeks or over- long-term unemployment-averaged 560,000 in 1957, or about 20 percent of the unemployed total. Included among these were 240,000, or 8 percent, out of work for more than 6 months in one continuous spell. These figures, however, do not reflect the full extent of the long- term unemployment problem. A more meaningful estimate can be obtained from data relating to cumulative weeks of unemployment during an entire calendar year. Such data for 1957, based on the regular Census Bureau survey of the annual work experience of the population, showed a total of 1~ million workers with more than 26 weeks of unemployment over the course of the year (cumulating weeks lost in all spells of unemployment). About 900,000 of the 1 3~ million had more than one spell of unemployment, but from a welfare stand- point, it really makes little difference as to whether this much unem- ployment was experienced in a single continuous stretch or in several different spells. Manufacturing and closely allied industries such as mining and transportation accounted for 500,000 of the 1 ~ million very long-term unemployed. Farm and construction workers ac- counted for some 400,000. Long-term unemployment tends to be a problem of particular industries and areas. Because of the geographic concentration of many manufacturing industries, a decline in demand for a particular product might affect many firms in a labor market area. Workers laid off by one employer would thus have considerable difficulty in finding other jobs in that area. Similarly, the movement of an industry away from one part of the country to another may result in long-term unemployment because it leaves unemployed workers with few alternative opportunities in their own communities. Most basic - changes in the economy, such as automation, which lead to the obsolescence of skills may call for major readjustments on the part of individual workers, such as transfer to another line of work and possibly movement to another community. The difficulties involved in such changes usually require a relatively long period of time to overcome, except perhaps in the case of young unmarried persons. Analysis of monthly labor force data has indicated that unemploy- ment spells of long duration are a particular problem of the aged and of nonwhite groups. The work experience data substantiate these relationships but bring out some additional facts: Men are more likely than women to have more than one spell of unemployment in a year; older workers (especially those 45 and over) are more subject to repeated layoffs during the year; nonwhites not only have higher unemployment rates, but are more subject than whites to repeated spells of unemployment. Taking the number unemployed 15 weeks or more during a calendar year as a percentage of all workers in a given age, industry, or occupa- tion group provides an interesting new perspective on the incidence of unemployment. On this basis, boys 18 to 24 years of age are seen to have the highest rate of such long-term unemployment-about :8 to 10 percent of their number in the labor force, as compared with about 5 percent for older workers (45 to 64 years). Similarly the high rate of unemployment of nonwhites in conjunction with the PAGENO="0014" 6 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT longer average duration of their unemployment results in their having a rate of long-term unemployment almost three times the rate for whites (11.3 percent for nonwhite males; 4.3 percent for white males). It is long-term unemployment that generates most of the concern on the part of policymakers and other students of the employment situation. The workers involved in long-term unemployment face serious problems in terms of wage loss and the possible psychological effects of prolonged idleness. Many of the long-term unemployed exhaust their rights to unemployment insurance benefits. In some cases the e~stence of long-term unemployment is symptomatic of underlying maladjustments in the economy. For these reasons, as well as considerations of individual welfare, the characteristics of both the short and long-term unemployed are presented in considerable detail. STRUCTURAL UNEMPLOYMENT Chapter V of this report analyzes changes in unemployment during the postwar period resulting from structural changes in the economy. Major trends in the composition of the labor force were studied, together with unemployment trends within specific occupational and industrial groupings. The major findings were: (1) the absence of any significant trend in the overall rate of unemployment due to labor force changes since World War II; (2) a slight rise due to structural changes. In 1956, about 8 to 10 percent of the unemployed could be considered jobless as a result of structural changes over the postwar period. Probably the most significant development was the continuing shift of emphasis within the economy from goods-producing to service- rendering activities. The unemployment rate among wage workers in goods-producing industries (agriculture, mining, construction, manufacturing) taken as a group rose from 4.1 to 5 percent, with each industry showing some increase. The unemployment rates in service- type industries (including transportation, trade, finance, government, and personal and professional services) either remained the same or declined somewhat. The rise in unemployment among goods pro- ducers did not reflect an increased number of different persons becom- ing unemployed, but rather, longer duration on the average for those who did become unemployed. For the future, it is likely that the rate of unemployment will edge upward as a result of the increasing numbers and proportions of both older and younger workers in the labor force. The changed age com- position of the labor force alone could lead to an increase of about 0.5 percent in the rate of unemployment by 1975, assuming that the age- specific unemployment rates remain at about 1955-57 levels. A forthcoming report will compare unemployment and other labor force characteristics in depressed areas with those in nondepressed areas. Special tabulations are being prepared for this study, in order to provide detailed characteristics for four groupings of labor market areas, classified according to their history of unemployment levels over the past 3 years. These data may provide useful new informa- tion on cyclically vulnerable as well as chronically distressed localities whose extensive and persistent unemployment has caused national concern. PAGENO="0015" TYPES MONTHLY TURNOVER DURATLON TOTAL UNEMPLOYMENT 100% 1''-'~'~> TOTAL UNEMPLOYMENT 1000/0 `j~~J. "``/`/ Unemployment Not Measured I, JIj.~jf Un~n~P~J~d Month ,,,,,,, ~ Le~sT~rnn 5 0 ~ ,~o iIE~i~J * Long-Term Structural Changes New Workers or ~ec;~t~rt~etto Vo~t~r~~5 ///////// ~, 2O% Entered or boFOrce /,,/,,/,, ~ ~ ~ ~0 to 10 Weeks lo~c~~ Seasonal Unemployment 30% Lost Jobs L!!~T ~ ~ 5v~e2~~ More Than 26 ee s CHART 1 SUMMARY CHARACTERISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN A PERIOD OF HIGH EMPLOYMENT t?~J t~rJ L~i 0 0 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF lABOR Includes only limited aspects measured in this report. PAGENO="0016" 8 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT CHAPTER I. SHORT- AND LONG-TERM UNEMPLOYMENT CURRENT MONTHLY SURVEY DATA In a typical week during 1957, a year of relatively high employment,' about 1.5 mfflion. or half the 2.9 million unemployed, had been seeking work or were on layoff for less than 5 weeks. This short-term group included 150,000 persons on temporary layoff with definite instructions to return to work within 30 days, and 100,000 persons who were scheduled to begin new jobs within 30 days. An additional 650,000, or 22 percent of the jobless total, had been unemployed for 5 to 10 weeks at the time of the survey. Unemployment lasting 15 weeks or longer-long-term unemploy- ment-averaged 560,000 in 1957 or about 20 percent of the unem- ployed total. Included among these long-term unemployed were 240,000 persons out of work for more than 6 months in one continuous spell, 8 percent of the jobless total. The total long-term group represented a little under 1 percent of the total labor force (70~ million). Short-term unemployment is, to a certain extent, seasonal unem- ployment and the range of seasonal variation in short-term unemploy- ment in recent good years has been from a low of about 1.2 million to a high of about 2 million. The low point is generally reached in early spring and early fall, when layoffs in outdoor work and new entries into the labor market are both at a minimum. The peak is usually reached in June with the influx of students into the labor force in search of summer jobs. Other relatively high months are November, due to holiday season jobseekers, and January, reflecting cutbacks in trade and outdoor work (table I-i). `See apps. I and 2, ch. J, for description of sources of duration data, and reasons for selection of 1957 as the main focus for this study. PAGENO="0017" C) C) C) C) C. C) C. C)) C. .~ ~, 0 C) C. C) C) C) C) C) CC C) C) H C) CC C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) 0) C) C) ~ .9 C) C) .9 .9 v .9 C) 4) C) C) ~) C) 0 C) o 0) -9 ~ C.) CC 9 C) ~ .9 C) 0) CC C) `C) C) `C) C) C) C) C) .C~ C) C) - C) )) .~ CC 9 C) 9 C) .9 ~ *~C ~ ~ 9 C) `C) C) 0) `cC C) C) `C) C) 0 0) 9 0 `C) 9 C) C) C) 9 C) `C) C) C) 8 `cC~ 00) C)C) C) "0 C) 9 C) 0 C)) 9 0 C) C) `C) C) CC C) .9 ,0 0 9 C) U ~C) ~C) `0° C)'C) "8 `C) EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 9 , C) C) ~9 ~ C) C) C) C) CC `4~-~ C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) ,0 0 0 C) C) C) C) 8 ~ ~ C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) CC - C) CCC) C) ~8 8 C) C) 8 C) , ~L ~.0 CC) C) C) C) ~83 `~-~-~ C) C) C) C) C) C) CCC) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) CCC) ~ 4) C) CO C) .01 C) C) C) C) C) C)) ` C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) -i-- )~C C) C) C) ~ C)C)C) CCC) CC) C) CCC) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) CCC) C) ~ C) C) C) :~ 0) <1 C)CCC) $88 ~-~`-~-~ C)C)C)C'CC)t..C)C)C)C)C)CCC)C)C)C)C)C) ~C)C)CC .0 C) C) ~ C) C) CC C) C) C) -C)- C)C)C) C) C) C) C) C) CCC) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) CCC) C) C) C) C) C) CC C)C)C)C)CCC)C)C) C)C)C)C)C)C) , 9C) C)C) C) C) C) C) 888 --C) C) CCC) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C)C)C)~C)C)CC C) ~ C) C) C) ~., C) C) C) ~ ~" C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) C) #~8888~°~° ~~;88 888 0) C) 0 CO C) C) `C) C) 0 47884-59-3 PAGENO="0018" 10 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT Longer term unemployment also shows a pattern of seasonality- although less pronounced. It is related, of course, to a seasonal rise in unemployment some months previous. For example, the con- struction layoffs that come in the fall with bad weather are the genesis of a seasonal increase in the number out of work 15 weeks or longer in the early spring. The range of seasonal variation in the number unemployed 15 weeks or longer was from 450,000 to 700,000 in 1957. The high point is reached in spring, reflecting the accumulation of winter layoffs in outdoor work such as agriculture and construction (table 1-2). On the whole, however, seasonality accounted for only a small proportion of the annual average level of long-term unemployment in 1957. PAGENO="0019" E~ z ,0 C 0 L C~0 CI) I) 00 CI .ol ~.O CI ~.0 I) CI ~., ~.O C ~ `C C ~1 ~. C CI ~ P.O C ~P. .~ .O~ 0000 000000 000)) CI) 00 CO 0000)0-00CC CCCI) 0)) 0000 00 CC 01 0'- 1- o-o 0'- CI) CO 0001 N CC) 0000CC 0000 CC 0000CC 01CC 0)0000000000 N NO- 00CC CC 0001 0'- CC C- 0)0000CC ~-00100~C 0000 N CC) CC) CC 000)) -~ CC) 0000000000 N 0)) 0') CC CC) CC cq - CO CC N N CC N 00CC) N 0000)0)) CC) CC) CO CI) CC CC CC) N 00CC) 0000 CON 00 N 0)0000 C') C') CC) 00000) CC) CO 0)0000 CO CC) CO 00CC 0001CC 00CC) C') CC CC) CC CCC') N CC 000000000000CC CCCI) 0000 CO 000000 0000CCCI)0)CI)00 CC 01~0CC)~')'-ooo.o~o,.o N 000000 000100CC CC C') CC 0) N CC) CC 0000 EXTENT AND NATuRE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 11 OCCCCC C')o-N--O o-~ I .9 _________________ C 0) .0) 0) C I_________ .0) C C) 0) _________________ 0) 0) .0) 0) .0 0.) C) CO C C 0~.) ________________________ 0CC Co C 0. 0~ I) .9 C) 0) .9 $ 0/0 .9 ,~ .~ 0) I) C C jQ j ~ ~ .9 ~ .~ .~ ~o *~ *~ ~ ~ :~ .~ ~ PAGENO="0020" 12 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNE~LOTh~NT The current monthly survey data, however, do not provide a direct measure of final duration of unemployment because the figures relate only to the duration for persons still unemployed at the time of the survey. The data for any single month do not reveal, for example, how many of the unemployed will end their spell of unemployment immediately after the survey week and how many will remain un- employed and move into a longer duration category. Some indica- tion of the relationship between duration of unemployment at the time of the survey and final duration at the time of reemployment or labor force withdrawal can be obtained by use of a cohort method, that is, tracing the experience of the same individuals over a period of months. This technique is a little more precise when data for single weeks of unemployment are used. However, estimates for single weeks were first tabulated in 1959; April-July 1959 data are used here for illustrative purposes even though the level and rate of unemploy- ment were about 20 percent higher than in 1957. In April 1959, there were 3.6 million unemployed-about 5 percent of the civilian labor force. The short-term unemployed (less than 5 weeks) included 1.4 mfflion persons. The experience of these work- ers in the following 3 months was: (a) 950,000 were no longer unemployed in May; 450,000 con- tinued to be unemployed in May. (b) 150,000 (of the 450,000) were no longer unemployed in June; 300,000 continued to be unemployed in June. (c) 170,000 (of the 300,000) were no longer unemployed in July; 130,000 continued to he unemployed in July. Thus, of the original group of 1.4 million newly unemployed, 130,000- less than 10 percent-definitely moved into the long-term group and another 170,000 ended their unemployment somewhere between 10 and 18 weeks. On the basis of the data for single weeks, it has been estimated that about 70,000 of the latter group eventually experienced from 15 to 18 weeks of unemployment. ANNUAL WORK EXPERIENCE sunv~~ DATA Another way of looking at the extent of unemployment is to study the work history of the population over an entire calendar year. From this viewpoint, we want to know how many different people were unemployed at any time during the year, and the total number of weeks they were unemployed, counting all the spells of unemploy- ment they may have had during the year. This kind of information is available from the survey of work experience during the entire year, which is conducted annually. PAGENO="0021" OHART 2 UNEMPLOYMENT TOTALING IS WEEKS OR LONGER FOR SELECTED GROUPS DURING CALENDAR YEAR 1957 (As Percent of Experienced Workforce in Group) 0 3 6 9 2 15 ~1~ ALL WORKERS Malesl8to24 years of age ...~ Nonwhite - ~1 males _____________________________________- ] 0 Consfruction 1 workers * .~...... . ~ Farm ...-.... I workers ~ . -~ ~ .....~. J I:-' Mine workers* Operatives ~ . Nonfarm I laborers UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR Wage and salary PAGENO="0022" 14 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL ITh~EMPLOYMENT The 1957 work experience data showed that there were 10.6 million different persons who had lost some working time during the year because of unemployment or layoff. About 3.6 million-or one-third of the total-lost less than 5 weeks. Another 2.3 million lost from 5 to 10 weeks. More than half (55 percent) of those experiencing any unemployment lost a total of 10 weeks or less. There were some 3.4 million-one-third of the total-who expe- rienced 15 weeks or more of unemployment. This group included 1.5 million (14 percent of the total) who had over 26 weeks of unem- ployment during the course of the year. As compared with the data for a single month (or an average of monthly data) the work experience data necessarily show a much smaller proportion with unemployment of less than 5 weeks and a much larger proportion with 15 weeks or more. One reason is that the work experience data reflect an aggregate. of all spells of unem- ployment; about 4.4 million of the annual total of unemployed had more than one spell. Another reason for the longer duration is that by and large the data reflect completed spells of unemployment rather than duration of those still unemployed. Moreover, there are indi- cations that unemployment is underreported when respondents are asked to recall their experience during a whole year, and a short period of unemployment is more likely to be overlooked than are longer spells or a succession of short spells. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SHORT- AND LONG-TERM UNEMPLOYED IN 1957 Age and sex In just about every age group, men are more likely than women to have a higher proportion of long-term unemployed and a lower pro- portion of short-term unemployed.2 At the same time, for both men and women, duration of unemployment tends to lengthen with age. The differences are especially marked at the two extremes of the age scale. For those under 18, the short-term unemployed outnumber the long-term by 6 to 1. For those 65 and over, the numbers of short- and long-term unemployed are virtually equal (table 1-3). 2 Rates of long-term unemployment in the sections through p. 27 represent the number unemployed 15 weeks or longer as a percent of all the unemployed in a given group. PAGENO="0023" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 15 ~- co ~ CC CC CCC CC IC CC CC CC C 0) Cl 0) CC GO 0) Cl *IC" 0) ~ 0) C 0~ p p -1: )-I_~ 0)CI ~ ~ co~ CD) -D)~ CC ~C l10C'~ V-IcC r~ ~ ~~-DCCCC r- ooo~t'.c CC " GD ~ C ~ CC ~ IC CD CCC ICC- I'- o~-~ CCC IC IC GO CC CC CCCI CD 110 103 dCC~iC~ D)D IC ICC GO GO CC IC CCC CC CC ~ IC CC CC ICC GO I-, s-I `0 C~01i: CO~ t~0 CD CD) CCC CC CD) IC ~-D CD 00G. CC CD) `-DCC C CD) CC DO C `~)D CC ` ~; ,-~ `~ El oi CC~ ,-~ CD 3 ~ CC CCCI ~-r E~ ~~D~)C0 ~ 10 C'- Cl IC CC GO ~CC'-CCCCCC CC CC CC CC GO GO dC'~C'~C~ C'- C -~ C IC GO -~ CD) .~ DO `C 10 I 0 P1 DO 0 El `CD 0 00 C IC CC IC CC CC CD) CD) GO CC `Cl ~ c-ID GOCCCICICIC GOICCICICIC CCCCC4CC'~CC CCCCClCDDGOCC PAGENO="0024" 16 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT In age groups under 25, duration of unemployment is shorter than average; in age groups over 45, it is above average. Altogether, per- sons under 25 accounted for 37 percent of the short-term, but only 23 percent of the long-term unemployed. These proportions were just about reversed for those 45 and over. These age-sex patterns are the same in both the monthly survey data and in the work experience data relating to cumulative weeks of unemployment for the entire calendar year. The monthly data reflect the fact that each continuous spell of unemployment tends to be longer for men than for women, and longer for older workers than for younger workers. The work experience data reflect the additional fact that men are more likely than women to have more than one spell of unemployment in a year, and that older workers (especially those 45 and over) are more subject to repeated layoffs (more than one spell) during the year (table 1-4). PAGENO="0025" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 17 CCCI CCC) C) CC 0 C) C)t~-C)cC~~CI d t~t~ . .0 P CC C)) C)) ~C CI CC ?4t~cL5 C)) C)) 010000 ~C ~ CI OCt- C)) C) t~- `IC C) C-'- `I~ 0'- 00CC C)) C)) CC CO 000000 C) 0)0 ~ COO "-C, 0 CI C) CC CCCI CC 00 0100 0'- CC) 00 C~C)~C `I000CCCI'-C c4 c~5,-~- CC CC'ICCCCCCO00 0) C-) 0) 0~ 0) 0) 0~ C) 0) C, C) 0) CC 0) 0~ 0) 0~ ~ 0 0 0 0) C-,) 0) 0) 0) C) C, 0) 0) 00 r~ CO CO CO 0 0 CO C, 0 0 CC CO `C C CO CO CO CO CO `C 0 C `C 00 C C `C ~CO Co `CO CCC) Cs -SC) CO -~ E~ C~ CO'ICCIJICC 000- C ~`I 00 `CCI ~ CC')) 47884-59------4 CC: :~ `0 00 `CCI `I' CC `C PAGENO="0026" 18 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT In general, the groups with the shorter average duration are also the ones with the higher rates of unemployment. That is, a larger proportion of their numbers in the labor force is subject to unemploy- ment, but is unemployed a shorter period of time in any given spell. The unemployment rate for teenage boys is three times that for adult men 25 years and over. Youngsters are in the process of adjusting to the labor market and experience a good deal of unemployment in the course of finding or changing jobs during the year. This kind of unemployment is apparently shorter, however, than that experienced by regular workers who lose their jobs. Marital status Married men living with their families report a lower rate of unem- ployment over the course of a calendar year than do other men, and also less long-term unemployment. About a third of the married men with unemployment or layoff had lost as much as 15 weeks of working time during 1957 as compared with two-fifths of the single men 20 years of age and over, and nearly one-half of all other men (widowed, divorced, separated, etc.). In part, these differences could be related to the age distributions of the various marital groups. Those who are widowed, divorced, or married but living apart from their wives tend to be older and because of age alone would have greater difficulty in finding another job once unemployed. More recent data from the 1959 monthly surveys show, however, that married men have shorter average duration of unemployment age by age than other men who had been (but are not currently) married. Apparently, the marital status of men is itself a factor which leads to less unemployment, in part, because responsibilities exert more pres- sure on such men to find and hold a job, in part, because men who are married have other personal characteristics which make them more employable. Marital status makes little difference in the average duration of unemployment among women, and none at all in the extent of long- term unemployment. About one-third of both married and single unemployed women (among single women only those age 20 and over are included in the comparison) had 15 weeks or more of unemploy- ment in 1957 and one-third of each group also reported short duration unemployment, i.e., less than 5 weeks of unemployment. Golor The average monthly rate of unemployment for nonwhite workers was twice that of white workers in 1957 (8 percent versus 4 percent), the usual relationship in most postwar years. There was also a slightly greater tendency for nonwhite workers than white workers to be among the long-term unemployed (table 1-5). The difference in duration shows up much more sharply in the work experience data because the nonwhites not only have higher unemployment rates, but are more subject than the whites to repeated spells of unemploy- ment. As a result, 44 percent of the nonwhites who experienced any unemployment were long-term unemployed (on an annual basis) as compared with 33 percent of the whites (table 1-6). PAGENO="0027" TABLE 1-5.-Duration of unemployment by color and sex: Annual average, 1957 Percent distribu- ~ tion H 15 weeks ~ and over H 100.0 53.3 24.4 H 22.3 ~ L~i 15. 7 6.6 0 a H Percent distribution 15 weeks and over 100.0 76.5 56. 3 _________ 20.2 ____ 23.5 ~ ___ ___- H 16.0 7.5 [Number in thousands] Color and sex Uriem- ployment rate Total number 4 weeks or less 5 and 6 weeks 7 to 10 weeks 11 to 14 weeks 15 weeks and over As a percent of total unemployed Total 15 to 26 27 and over 4 weeks or less 15 weeks and over 4 weeks or less Total White Male Female Nonwhite Male Female 4.3 2,936 1,485 258 392 240 160 321 239. 50.6 19.1 100.0 3. 9 2, 350 1, 205 206 311 191 436 253 183 51. 3 18. 6 81. 2 77. 7 3. 7 4. 3 1, 519 832 745 460 137 69 208 103 129 62 299 137 169 84 130 53 49. 0 55. 3 19. 7 16. 5 50. 2 31. 0 8. 0 585 279 52 81 48 125 69 56 47. 7 21. 4 18. 8 8. 4 7. 4 374 211 171 108 33 19 51 30 31 17 88 37 49 20 39 17 45. 7 51. 2 23. 5 17. 5 11. 5 7. 3 TABLE 1-6.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment by color and sex: Calendar year, 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) {Numbers in thousandsi Color and sex Total number 4 weeks or less 5 to 10 weeks 11 to 14 weeks 15 weeks and over As a percent of total with unemployment Total 15 to 26 27 and over 4 weeks or less 15 weeks and over 2 or more spells 4 weeks or less Total White Male Female Nonwhite Male Female 9, 528 2, 443 2, 339 1, 394 3,352 1,898 1, 454 25. 7 35. 2 45. 9 100. 0 7, 736 2, 106 1, 957 - 1, 111 2, 563 1, 497 1,066 27. 2 33. 1 43. 9 86. 2 5, 420 2, 316 1, 287 819 1, 403 554 842 269 1, 888 677 1, 095 404 793 273 23. 7 35. 4 34. 8 29. 2 46. 5 37. 8 52. 7 33. 5 1, 792 338 381 283 789 401 388 18. 9 44. 0 55. 4 13.8 1, 156 636 190 148 240 141 189 94 537 252 292 109 245 143 16. 4 23. 3 46. 5 39. 6 56. 7 52. 8 7.8 6. 1 NoTE-See table 1-4. PAGENO="0028" 20 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL TJNE~LOTh~NT One reason for the difference is the concentration of nonwhite workers in laboring and other relatively unskilled jobs. Among all laborers, white and nonwhite, the proportion who lose an aggregate of more than 15 weeks due to unemployment runs as high as 44 percent of those with any unemployment. Nonwhite workers account for an especially large proportion of those with unemployment cumulating~ to more than one-half year. They represented 27 percent of the very long-term unemployed, although they constituted only 11 percent of the total number of workers. Industry For any given spell of unemployment, the duration tends to be longer for factory workers than for those losing nonmanufacturing jobs. Duration is comparatively short for workers previously em- ployed in agriculture, construction, trade, services, and for those without previous work experience (table 1-7). Over the course of an entire year, however, workers from industries which are highly sea- sonal and/or in which job attachments are relatively unstable (agri- culture, construction, domestic service) lose a comparatively large number of weeks due to unemployment (table 1-8). Over 60 percent of the workers in these activities who had any unemployment expe- rienced two or more spells of unemployment. PAGENO="0029" EXTENT AND NATURE ,0 0)0 .~ ~ci .-~ ~icc cio - OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 21 ci ~ ci ci ci 00 ci ci N ci N ci ci ci ci ci ci ci ci ci N ci `0~ ci CO CO ci ci ci ci 0000 ~cici00 ,-O,-O cci ci ci -i ~ ci ci ~ ci ci ci ci ci ci ~ `-~ 0 )_~ 0)00 oo~ ~0c1 ci~ 0D~ 0)1:~ 0) 0 ~:ci ci~ ~-o0) ~- ci ci ci~-o - ci ci- `~ 0).~ ~ ci c3 ~-4cicici ciciciciNcicicici'O° ~c~$C~C~ ~ 00ci~O~'O~00cicici0000 °` 00 0) ~0 0 ci ~ ~c ~ ~ ci - ci Nci,~~4O~ciot0C_4ciciciN,..4Nci ci ci - - ci ci ci ci ci -ci ci - ci ci ci cici cC~0~ NC ci - ci ci Cci ci ci ci ci ci ci N ci - ci ci ci ~ ci C) - ci N ~° ci ~° - ~° 0~ - Cl ~ ci ~- ci ci ci ci ci ~ N ci ci ci N N ci ci N 00 ci ciC)oCciciNci,-4,-4~ 0 E~ .00 - 00) ;:~ ci ~ Cci ci 00 ci ci Ci ci ci ci N 00 ci .00 ci ci - ci ci ci ci .00 ci - ci ci ci Coo -.~ 0~ ~C ci ci~~cici~ ci cici - !I ci~ci'00~ ,~ ~: ~ ci CON C)ciC)N.0~cicici ~0) ~ Ei~ CC C)ciCC)i0ci~CciNC0 0) ci 0) .~ .~ ci 0) Co 0-. 0) 001 to: -01 H 0) ~0 0) ci ci 0) 0 z ,0 0) ~0 Ic; 0 0 CO CC ci 0 0 -C ci ci ci C h C `C 0 04 z PAGENO="0030" 22 EXTENT OF FRICTIONAL UNE~LOYMENT AND NATURE i - c~ c~ C.)Q ~ ~; - o#3 H UJ C z C C C C C C C C C PAGENO="0031" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 23 Tables 1-9 shows the number with 15 weeks or more of cumulative unemployment during 1957 by number of spells. The unemployed factory workers in the long-term group (about I million) were about equally divided between those who had one spell of unemployment and those who had more than one spell during the year. On the other hand, about three-fourths of the unemployed farm, construction, and domestic service workers with 15 weeks or more of unemployment had two or more spells. One group with comparatively high rates of long-term unemploy- ment in both the monthly and annual surveys are the nonfarm self- employed. This group probably includes many persons in highly seasonal or marginal enterprises who are obligated to seek wage work during the off season. It is difficult to generalize about the relationship between an in- dustry's unemployment rate and the duration of individual spells of unemployment. Construction is one example of a high rate of un- employment associated with re]atively short duration for each spell. In trade and services, on the other hand, the rates of unemployment are oniy average or slightly below and the duration is also shorter than average. PAGENO="0032" 24 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT TABLE I-9.---Persons unemployed a cumulative total of 15 weeks or longer, by spells of unemployment, by selected characteristics: Calendar year 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) [Numbers in thousands] Selected characteristics ~ Total 1 spell 2 or more spells 2 or more as a percent of total Age and sex, total Male 14to19 20to24 25to44 45to64 65and over 3,352 1,303 2,049 2,426 891 1,535 63.3 209 320 981 802 114 14 to 19 `Xi f,~ `)~t 76 146 348 279 42 133 174 633 523 72 926 63.6 54. 4 64. 5 65. 2 63. 2 412 25 to 44 45 and over Color and sex: White Male Female 91 123 402 310 514 30 66 191 125 55. 5 61 57 211 185 67. 0 46.3 52. 5 59. 7 2, 563 1, 030 1, 533 59.8 1,888 677 707 325 1,181 352 62.6 52.0 789 273 537 252 516 184 89 65.4 353 163 65. 7 64. 7 262 57 548 1,046 Female Industry: Agriculture Nonagricultural wage and salary: Mining Construction Manufacturing Durables Nondurables Transportation Trade Services Public administration Nonagricultural sell-employed and unpaith.. Occupation: White-collar Professional and managerial Clerical 57 17 146 513 205 40 402 533 571 475 78. 2 70. 2 73.4 51.0 290 223 281 252 49. 2 53. 1 180 541 496 61 162 507 72 239 185 38 34 230 108 302 311 23 128 277 60. 0 55.8 62. 7 37. 7 79. 0 54. 6 193 204 -110 Blue collar - Craftsmen Operatives Laborers 73 110 47 2, 168 120 94 63 854 62. 2 46. 1 57. 3 530 1,060 578 1,314 Private household Other 176 475 203 443 354 585 375 163 66. 8 55. 2 64. 9 280 111 332 25 138 86 194 77.5 58.4 63.2 e',irm 1iihnv~r~ 224 49 175 78. 1 PAGENO="0033" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL W~EMPLOYMENT 25 Occupation White-collar workers-especially those previously employed in clerical occupations-tend to remain unemployed for shorter periods of time than do blue-collar workers (table 1-10). The differences are magnified when a whole year's experience is considered, as the blue- collar workers are more likely to suffer more than one spell of unem- ployment. The blue-collar group includes a sizable number of con- struction craftsmen and laborers who are particularly subj ect to periodic layoffs (table I-il). As noted in the industry discussion, farm laborers aild domestic service workers have frequent spells of unemployment (60 to 70 per- cent have at least two during the year). Although each stretch may be relatively brief, the cumulative total of lost time exceeds 15 weeks for over two-fifths of the workers in these two occupations who had any unemployment. 47884-59------~ PAGENO="0034" tn ___________ ___________ tn Percent distribu- tion 15 weeks ~ 111(1 over 100.0 17.8 5.0 79 0 ~ ~rJ 58.0 13.3 C) 30.S ~ 14.6 o 12.6 2.0 9.7 ____ ____ ____ ____ ____ ____ ____ 3.2 .4 2.0 7.7 0 N0TE.-Data based on quarterly months only (January, April, July, and October). The distribution for the total, therefore, differs from that shown on other tables. TABLIS 1-10.-Average monthly duration of unemployment, by major occupation group, 1967 [Numbers in thousands] Major occupation group Unem- ployment rate Total number 4 weeks or less 5 afl(l 6 weeks 7 to 10 weeks 11 to 14 weeks 15 weeks and over As a percent of total unemployed ~ 4 weeks 15 weeks or less and over Total 15 to 26 27 and over 4 weeks or less TotEd WhIte-collar Professional and managerial Clerical Sales Blue-collar Craftsmen Operatives Laborers 4.2 2, 863 1,438 291 355 223 556 313 243 50. 2 19. 4 100. 0 1. 9 516 280 45 58 34 09 51 48 143 19.2 19. 5 1. 1 2. 8 2.6 144 203 109 74 147 59 12 25 8 17 31 10 13 16 5 28 44 27 11 27 13 17 17 14 51. 4 55. 9 54.1 10. 4 16. 7 24.8 5. 1 10. 2 4.1 5. 0 1, 573 740 154 207 137 326 187 139 47.6 20. 7 52. 1 3. 8 6.3 0. 4 345 845 383 167 395 187 32 86 36 44 112 51 28 81 28 74 171 81 36 103 48 38 (18 33 48. 4 46.7 48. 8 21.4 20.2 21. 1 18.6 11. 6 27.5 13.0 14.0 Service Private household Other service Farm 4.7 376 201 36 43 26 70 38 32 53.5 3. 7 5. 1 81 295 46 155 5 31 7 36 7 19 16 54 8 30 8 24 56. 8 52. 5 10. 8 18. 3 3. 2 10. 8 1.0 115 66 9 13 0 18 10 8 57.4 15.7 4.6 3 Farmers Farm laborers New workers . 3 3. 7 9 106 4 62 9 2 11 1 8 2 16 1 9 1 7 16 (1) 58. 5 50. 2 (I) 15. 1 15. 2 . 4. 3 9.9 (2) 283 142 47 34 17 43 27 1 Percent not shown where base is less than 50,000. 2 Not applicable. PAGENO="0035" L~i L:rJ Percent distribution 15 weeks and over 1000 15. 1 0 5.8 6.1 ITJ 3.3 ~ 64.7 0 ___ ___* 15.8 0 17.2 31.6 13.2 3.3 9.9 t?~J _____ 7.0 *~ o 6.7 TABLE I-i 1.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment, by occupation of longest job in 1957 (based on survey of annual work experience) [Numbers in thousands] Major occupation group Total number 4 weeks or less 5 to 10 weeks 11 to 14 weeks 15 weeks and over As a percent of total with unemployment Total 15 to 26 27 and over 4 weeks or less 15 weeks and over 2 or more spells 4 weeks or less Total White-collar Professional and man- agerial Clerical Sales Blue-collar Craftsmen Operatives Laborers Service Private household Other Farm Farmers Farm laborers 9, 528 2,443 2,339 1,394 3,352 1, 898 1,454 25. 7 35.2 45. 9 100. 0 1,870 661 447 256 507 322 185 35. 3 27. 1 33. 9 27. 1 557 932 381 130 391 140 146 226 75 88 112 56 193 204 110 131 121 70 62 83 40 23.3 42. 0 36. 7 34. 6 21. 9 28. 0 39. 3 30. 5 34. 1 5.3 16. 0 5. 7 5,944 1,354 1, 515 907 2, 168 1,237 931 22. 8 36. 5 47. 8 55. 4 1, 542 3,069 1,333 348 768 - 238 416 789 310 248 452 - 207 530 1,060 578 293 610 334 237 450 244 22. 6 25. 0 17. 9 34. 4 34. 5 43. 4 51. 4 43. 5 53. 4 14.2 31.4 - 9. 7 1, 183 307 265 169 443 242 201 26. 0 37. 4 46. 7 12. 6 304 879 78 229 80 185 35 134 111 332 53 189 58 143 25. 7 26.1 36. 5 37.8 60. 5 41.9 3. 2 9.4 531 121 113 64 233 98 135 22.8 43.9 67.0 5.0 45 486 8 113 22 91 6 58 9 224 6 92 3 132 (1) 23.3 (1) 46. 1 (1) 68. 3 .3 4. 6 1 Percent not shown where base Is less than 50,000. NOTE.-SCO table 7. PAGENO="0036" 28 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1INEMPLOYMENT Long-term unemployed as a percent of all workers It is also meaningful to examine the number of long-term unem- ployed in relation to the entire work force within each group. The problem of long-term unemployment is placed in a somewhat different perspective when shown as a percentage of all workers in a given age, industry, or occupation group. (See table 1-12.) The reason is that such rates reflect not only the duration of any given spell and the proportion with more than one spell, but also the overall rate of unem- ployment in the group. On this basis, for example, boys 18 to 24 years of age are seen to have the highest rate of long-term unemployment (8 to 10 percent of their number in the annual labor force, as compared with 5 percent for men 45 to 64). The much higher incidence of unemployment among young men on a calendar year basis apparently outweighs the fact that older men tend to remain unemployed longer once out of a job and also are more likely to have more than one spell. PAGENO="0037" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 29 TABLE 1-12.-Persons unemployed a cumulative total of 15 weeks or longer as a percent of total with work experience, by selected characteristics, calendar year 1957 based on survey of annual work experience 14to17 18 and 19 20 to 24 25to44 45 to 64 65 and over 14 to 17 18 and 19 20to24 25 to 44 45to64 65 and over Male Female awhlte - Male Female Industry: A ori,'n1tnr~' - Wage and salary Nonagricultural wage and salary: Mining Construction Manufacturing Durables Nondurable Transportation Trade Service Private household Other Public administration Nonagricultural self-employed and unpaid Occupation: White-collar - Professional and managerial - Clerical - Sales - ie-collar Craftsmen - Operatives - Laborers - [Numbers in thousands] Selected characteristics Total with work experience Part-year workers with unemployment or layoffs Number Percent of total 15 weeks and over Number Percent of total Age and sex, total M~,le 77. 664 9, 528 12. 3 48, 709 6, 576 13. 5 3.352 I~mn1e 2, 730 1, 558 3, 926 21,474 15. 876 3, 145 4.3 2, 426 251 413 1,013 2,919 1, 771 209 5.0 9.2 26. 5 25.8 13. 6 11.2 6.6 61 148 320 981 802 114 2.2 9.5 8.2 4.6 5. 1 3.6 28,955 2,952 10.2 Color and sex: Whit~ 926 3.2 1,087 1,511 141 242 7.1 16.0 29 62 1.5 4.1 3,356 11. 974 8, 938 442 1,288 785 13.2 10.8 8. 8 123 402 290 3.7 3.4 3.2 1,189 54 4.5 20 1.7 69,116 7,736 11.2 2, 563 43, 958 25. 158 5, 420 2,316 12. 3 9.2 1, 888 677 4. 3 2.7 3.7 8,546 1,792 21.0 789 4,751 3,795 1,156 636 24.3 16.8 537 252 11.3 6.6 9.2 8,355 2, 469 705 4, 022 10,409 584 506 152 1, 347 3, 360 7.0 20. 5 19. 1 33. 5 17. 3 262 237 57 548 1, 046 3. 1 9.6 7.2 13.6 5.4 11,112 8.297 1,009 1,361 18.0 16.4 571 475 5.1 5.7 4,887 12, 407 16, 929 512 1, 565 1, 479 10.5 12. 6 8. 7 180 541 406 3.7 4. 4 2. 9 3,370 13, 559 382 1, 097 11.3 8. 1 154 342 4.6 2. 5 3,318 7, 541 30, 833 182 345 1,870 5.5 4.6 6. 1 61 162 507 1.8 2. 1 1.6 14, 499 11,071 5,253 557 932 381 3. 8 8.4 7.2 193 204 110 1. 3 1.8 2.1 28, 589 5, 944 20. 8 2, 168 Private household - Other 9,659 14,384 4, 546 1.542 3,069 1, 333 16.0 21.3 29. 3 530 1,060 578 5.5 7.4 12.7 7.6 10. 169 1, 183 11. 6 443 3,068 7,101 304 879 9.9 12.4 111 332 3.6 4.7 4.4 Farm laborers 4, 741 486 10.3 224 4.7 PAGENO="0038" 30 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1J~EMPLOYMENT This approach toward measurement of long-term unemployment does not alter the previously observed comparisons by sex and color. The rates of unempleyment among men are higher than among women in every age group, as is the proportion of long termers among the unemployed. Similarly, the proportion of unemployed is higher in the nonwhite than in the white labor force. This fact, taken together with the longer duration of those nonwhite workers who become unemployed, results in a rate of long-term unemployment (as a percentage of those who worked at any time during the year) three times that of white workers. `When viewed in this broader context, however, construction workers fare the worst of any industry group in terms of long-term unem- ployment. Some 14 percent of those whose longest job was in that industry during 1957 had 15 weeks or more of unemployment as compared with only 4 percent for all workers. Farm wage workers had the second highest rate of long-term unemployment (10 percent). In these two groups, the especially high rates of unemployment (one- third and one-fifth, respectively) combine with a high proportion who are hit several times during the year to produce an especially high rate of long-term unemployment, even though each individual spell may be comparatively brief. On the other hand, public administration workers and the nonfarm self-employed have the smallest overall incidence of long-term unem- ployment. This is the case despite the fact that a high proportion of those who do become unemployed remain out of work for over 15 weeks, and results from the fact that only a small proportion of these kinds of workers ever become unemployed at all. In terms of occupation, the fact that unemployment is a much more serious problem for blue-collar than for white-collar workers again is brought out more sharply. The unemployment rate for blue-collar workers is three times that of white-collar workers; the rate for un- skilled laborers is nearly eight times that of professional, technical, and managerial workers. Blue-collar workers with any unemploy- ment are also more likely to be out of work two or more times. For the year as a whole, 73~ percent of all blue-collar workers had 15 or more weeks of unemployment as compared with 1~ percent of all white-collar wOrkers. APPENDIX I TO CHAPTER I SOURCE OF DURATION AND TURNOVER DATA Monthly estimates of the duration of unemployment have been compiled from the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey for nearly two decades. Each respondent identified as unemployed in the survey is asked the number of con- tinuous weeks he was looking for work (through the survey week). Duration also reflects the time that respondents would have been looking for work except for temporary illness, or belief that no work was available in their line or in the com- munity. For persons on layoff, duration of unemployment represents the num- ber of full weeks since the termination of their most recent employment. The current duration of unemployment, as measured in the monthly surveys, is not necessarily the final duration for any given spell of unemployment. Cur- rent duration and final duration are the same only for those persons who actually find a job or leave the labor force immediately after the survey week. Another limitation is that the data represent only the most recent unbroken spell of un- employment. It is useful, therefore, to supplement the current survey data w'ith information from surveys of work experience. These work history surveys meas- ure the extent of employment and unemployment over the Course of an entire calendar year. They reflect all spells of unemployment and the aggregate amount PAGENO="0039" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 31 of time lost because of unemployment during the calendar year. Moreover, they provide information as to the proportion of unemployed workers who had more than one spell of unemployment. The monthly Current Population Survey also provides data on turnover among the unemployed. These data are based on tabulations for individuals who are in the sample for ~ consecutive months (each month, 25 percent of the sample is replaced by new households and 75 percent continue to be in the sample). By a matching process, it is possible to estimate the changes in status from one month to the next for identical persons. These data are designated as "gross" changes, as contrasted with "net" changes. An illustration would be a situation in which unemployment, for example, might be unchanged over the month (net change) even though 1 million persons found jobs; 1 million other persons lost jobs (gross changes). APPENDIX II TO CHAPTER I SELECTION OF PERIOD FOR STUDY For a number of technical reasons, the year 1957 was selected as the primary focus for this study of unemployment: 1. The survey data on labor force, employment, and unemployment were based on the current sample design (instituted in May 1956) of 35,000 households in 330 areas, the largest, most widespread, and most reliable sample ever used for OPS. 2. The survey data were based on the current definitions of unemployment, adopted in January 1957. The change in definitions shifted the temporary layoffs and persons waiting to begin new jobs in 30 days from the employed to the unemployed. 3. The timing of the survey week (reference week for the activity or status of respondents) in 1957 was the same as at present. The timing was changed in July 1955 from the week containing the 8th to the week containing the 12th of the month, a change which affected seasonal patterns in some months. 4. The year 1957 was also the first in which information was compiled from the survey on more detailed occupation and industry groupings, including two-digit detail within manufacturing, although duration of unemployment data for these more detailed groups are not available prior to 1959. From an analytical standpoint, the selection of 1957 appears to be satisfactory. The average level and rate of unemployment in 1957-2.9 million or 4.3 percent of the civilian labor force-were not significantly different from 1955 or 1956 levels. Although the recession began in the second half of 1957, unemployment did not rise more than seasonally until November and the big jump did not occur until January 1958. For the year as a whole, the basic characteristics of the unemployed were also largely the same as in the 2 preceding years. In terms of duration, the year 1957 was fairly representative of good postwar years. If anything, there appeared to be a slightly lower rate of short-term and a higher rate of long-term unemployment in 1957 than in earlier postwar years, so that conclusions about the extent of short-term unemployment can be taken as conservative, and estimates of long-term unemployment can be regarded as a little on the high side for a full-employment year. The selection of the year 1957 does not imply that 1957 levels of unemployment constitute either normal or minimum levels. Its only significance is that 1957 represented a fairly typical post-World War II good year in terms of high em- ployment levels, even though the signs of recession were unmistakable during the year. It was also unaffected by any special conditions such as the partial mobilization during the Korean period, by postwar readjustment or by the rapid expansion typical of postrecession years. There were no major labor disputes, nor any major legislation affecting employment, wages and hours, unemployment insurance, etc., during 1957. PAGENO="0040" 32 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL TThTEMPLOYMENT CHAPTER II. TURNOVER, OR GROSS CHANGES, IN UNEMPLOYMENT HOW MUCH TURNOVER The extent of turnover among the unemployed is indicated by the fact that in a typical month during 1957, about 1 ~ million of the unemployed in 1 month had moved out of an unemployed status the following month and were replaced by an approximately equal number of newcomers to the unemployed.3 About 900,000 of those leaving unemployment in any month had first become unemployed in the preceding month. Of the 1~ niiffion who leave the unemployed each month, about 1 mfflion move into employment while one-half million withdraw from the labor force. Usually these are replaced by equivalent numbers who leave jobs or enter the labor market to look for jobs (table Il-i). This extensive turnover in the unemployed explains in part why there were 10.6 million different persons with unemployment during 1957, even though the average level was only 2.9 mfflion. In fact, with 1~ million persons becoming unemployed each month, the total for the entire year would have been much higher except for the fact that many of the unemployed are "repeaters"-that is, they become unemployed two or more times during the year. About 4.4 mfflion of the 10.6 million who lost any working time due to layoff or unem- ployment during 1957 had two or more spells of unemployment. TABLE 11-1.-Gross changes in unemployment, by type of change: Annual average, 1957 [Numbers in thousands] Type of change Total Male Female Percent distribution Total Male Female Unemployment Total gross changes Percent of total Total gross change.s Type (or source) of change: Employment Agriculture Nonagricultural industries Full time Part time Economic reasons Other reasons Not in labor force Housework School Other 2, 936 1,515 51. 6 1, 515 1, 893 898 47. 4 898 1, 043 617 59. 2 617 100.0 100.0 100.0 966 670 296 63.8 74. 6 48.0 8 898 57 613 11 285 4. 5 59. 3 6.3 68.3 1.8 46. 2 543 355 379 234 164 121 35. 8 23. 4 42. 2 26. 1 26. 6 19. 6 189 166 136 98 53 - 68 12. 5 11.0 15. 1 10. 9 8. 6 11.0 549 228 321 36. 2 25.4 52.0 237 149 163 92 136 237 57 27 15.6 9.8 10.8 10. 2 15. 1 38.4 9. 2 4.4 NOTE-Gross monthly entries and withdrawals to and from each status have been averaged without regard to net change. 3 The turnover figures cited in this report are averages for 12 monthly observations during 1957. The actual figures for specific months would vary around the mean because of seasonality, among otber reasons. The additions and reductions have also been averaged, thus disregarding the slight uptrend in the series during the year. PAGENO="0041" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL DNEMPLOYMENT 33 PATTERNS OF GROSS ORANGES IN LABOR FORCE AND UNEMPLOYMENT In 1957 and other recent years, an average of 3~ million persons- mostly housewives, students, and older semiretired men entered the labor force each month (on the average) while an almost equal number withdrew. Of this total of 3~ million, an average of about 550,000 persons entered the labor market to seek work and thus became unemployed, replacing about the same number of unemployed who left the labor force. Entries into the labor market accounted for close to an average of 20 percent of all the unemployed. About half of these withdrawals from the labor force occurred after a period of unemployment ranging from 1 week up to 2 months. Only a little over 100,000, on the average, remained unemployed for 15 weeks or longer and then withdrew from the labor force. Many of these were housewives and students rather than year-round labor force members. Postexhaustion studies of the Bureau of Employment Security show that, under relatively favorable employment conditions, the great majority of exhaustees remain in the labor force even after a rather lengthy spell of unemployment. One reason why oniy 550,000 of those entering the labor force become unemployed is that the largest part of the 3~ million gross changes involves farm employment and part-time jobs. Most of these changes are accounted for by women and teenagers who ap- parently begin working on farms or at part-time jobs without passing through a stage of unemployment. (See tables 11-2 and 11-3.) TABLE 11-2. Gross changes in the labor force, by type of change: Annual average, 1957 [Numbers in thousandsj Type of change Total Male Female Percent distribution Total Male Female Civilian labor force Total gross changes Percent of total Total gross changes Type (or source) of change: Employment Agriculture Nonagricultural industries Full time Part time Economic reasons Other Unemployment 67, 946 3, 265 4. 8 3, 265 45, 882 1, 148 2. 5 1, 148 22, 064 2, 117 9. 6 2, 117 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 2, 716 920 1, 796 83. 2 80. 1 84. 8 685 2, 030 272 648 413 1, 382 21. 0 62. 2 23. 7 56. 4 19. 5 65. 3 690 1, 341 214 434 476 907 21. 1 41. 1 18. 6 37. 8 22. 5 42. 8 167 1, 174 57 377 110 797 5. 1 36. 0 5. 0 32. 8 5. 2 37. 6 549 228 321 16. 8 19. 9 15. 2 NoTE-See table 11-1. PAGENO="0042" 34 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT TABLE II-3.----Gross changes in the labor force by age and sex: Annual average, 1957 [Numbers in thousands] Age and sex Civilian labor force Gross changes Percent of labor force Percent distribu- tion Total 67,946 3,265 4. 8 100.0 14 to 17 . 18 and 19 . 20 to 24 . 2,5 to 44 . 2, 860 2,433 6,068 30,673 22,622 3,290 773 239 301 903 730 320 27. 0 9.8 5.0 2.9 3.2 9. 7 2.5 23. 7 7.3 9.2 27.7 22.4 9.8 35.2 45 to 64 - 65 and over - Male . 14to 17 - 18 and 19 - 20 to 24 . 25to44 45 to 64 - 6Sand over . Female . 45,882 1, 148 1, 812 1,290 3,626 21,302 15,375 2, 478 429 112 107 125 173 202 23. 7 8. 7 3.0 .6 1.1 8. 2 13. 1 3.4 3.3 3.8 5.3 6.2 22,064 2, 117 9. 6 64. 8 14to 17 l8andl9 . 20 to 24 . 25 to 44 . 45 to 64 . 65 and over 1,048 1,144 2,442 9.371 7,246 813 344 127 194 778 557 118 32. 8 11.1 7.9 8.3 7. 7 14. 5 10. 5 3.9 5. 9 23.8 17. 1 3.6 NoTE-See table 11-1. Marginal workers do not add significantly to the unemployed since they fill jobs as seasonal demands increase or as they become aware of available job openings, to a large extent without any active search. Special studies have shown that only about 10 to 15 percent of the unemployed are actively seeking part-time jobs. Only about 5 per- cent of the unemployed were previously engaged in agriculture. Most of the seasonal expansion and contraction in the farm work force is accounted for by housewives, students, and older men who remain outside the labor force when their services are not required on the farm. PATTERNS OF GROSS CHANGES BETWEEN EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT With unemployment at about 3 million, and with no significant trend during the year, about 1 mifiion persons can be expected to leave their jobs (due to seasonal a.nd nonseasonal causes) each month and become unemployed. An approximately equal number will be- come reemployed, although not necessarily in the same job they held before. Stated another way, about 1 million previously employed persons leave jobs for a variety of voluntary and involuntary reasons and become unemployed, while another 1 million previously unem- ployed persons find jobs. About 600,000 of the 1 million who find jobs were in the short-term duration group in the preceding months. Their total completed spell of unemployment ranged from a minimum of 1 week to 8 or 9 weeks' duration. Most of the shifts between employment and unemployment involve full-time, nonfarm employment. Moreover, half the gross changes that do take place between unemployment and part-time employment PAGENO="0043" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 35 involve persons working part time involuntarily due to economic reasons. In terms of age and sex, the major part of the gross changes between employment and unemployment occur among adult men rather than women or teenagers, since a relatively large proportion of the women and youngsters leave the labor force on losing their jobs, rather than enter unemployment (table 11-4). TABLE 11-4.-Gross changes in unemployment, by age and sex: Annual average, 1957 [Numbers in thousands] Age and sex . tTnem- ployed Gross changes Percent of unem- ployed Percent distribu- tion of gross changes Gross changes between unem- ployment and not in labor force Number Percent of unem- ployed Percent distribu- tion Total 14 to 17~~ 18 and 19 20 to 24... 25 to 44._ 45 to 64 65 and over Male 14 to 17.._ 18 and 19 20 to 24 25 to 44 45 to 64 65 and over Female 14 to 17 18 and 19 20 to 24 25 to 44. 45 to 64. 65 and over 2, 936 1, 515 51.6 100. 0 549 18. 7 100. 0 308 266 429 1, 072 749 112 203 140 198 545 367 63 65.9 52. 6 46.2 50. 8 49. 0 56. 3 13.4 9. 2 13.1 35. 9 24. 2 4. 2 - 131 59 70 154 104 31 42. 5 22. 2 16.3 14. 4 13. 9 27. 7 23.9 10. 7 12.8 28. 1 18. 9 5. 6 1, 893 898 47. 4 59.3 228 12. 0 41. 5 192 159 283 653 522 83 120 77 118 308 230 47 62. 5 48. 4 41.7 47. 2 44.1 56. 6 7. 9 5. 1 7.8 20. 3 15.2 3. 1 75 25 27 38 41 23 39. 1 15. 7 9.5 5. 8 7.9 27. 7 13. 7 4. 6 4.9 6.9 7.5 4. 2 1,043 617 59. 2 40. 7 321 30. 8 58.5 115 107 147 419 226 28 83 63 80 237 137 16 7~2 58. 9 54.4 56.6 60.6 (1) 5.5 4. 2 5.3 15.6 9.0 1. 1 56 34 43 116 63 8 48.7 31. 8 29.3 27.7 27.9 (1) 10.2 6. 2 7.8 21.1 11.5 1. 5 1 Percent not shown where base is less than 50,000. N0TE.-See table 11-1. On the average, the probability of reemployment is related to the prior duration of unemployment. The shorter the period of time a person has been out of a job, the greater the likelihood he will be re- employed quickly. In 1957, for example, some 41 percent of the persons who in one month had been jobless for only 4 weeks or less had found a job by the following month. The comparable proportion for those out of work 5 to 14 weeks was 28 percent; for those out 15 weeks or longer, 21 percent. Conversely, the proportions remaining unemployed were 40 percent for the short-termers, 55 percent for the middle termers, and 61 percent for the long-termers (table 11-5). The reason for these patterns is not so much that duration of unem- ployment itself renders the worker less employable, although that may become a factor in cases of very long-term unemployment. Rather, the point seems to be that duration of unemployment itself is related to the personal and economic characteristics of workers dis- cussed above, and that whatever characteristics or situations caused them to be unemployed for varying periods of time in the first place, also determine their chances for reemployment in any given month. PAGENO="0044" 36 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT An employer will hold onto his most highly skilled and productive workers the longest, and will try to hire them back first, within the limitations imposed by seniority and other contractual arrangements covering layoffs and hiring. TABLE 11-5.-Gross reductions in unemployment, by type, by duration of unemploy- ment in previous month: Annual average, 1957 Numbers in thousands] Age and sex Total 4 weeks or less 5 to 14 weeks 15 weeks and over Unemployment Total reductions Status after change: Employment Agriculture Nonagricultural industries Full time Part time Economic reasons Other reasons Not in labor force School Other Percent of unemployed who- Became reemployed... Dropped out of labor force Remained unemployed 2,936 1, 515 1, 485 893 890 401 560 220 966 601 249 115 68 898 39 562 39 230 10 105 543 355 351 211 134 96 57 48 189 166 106 105 55 41 28 20 549 292 152 105 149 400 88 204 47 105 14 91 32. 9 18. 7 48. 4 40. 5 19. 7 39. 8 28. 0 17. 1 54. 9 20. 5 18. 8 60. 7 It is important to note that turnover among the unemployed occurs each month at a fairly high rate. This is true even in years when employment conditions are less favorable, although the extent of turnover may fall as low as 40 to 45 percent as compared with 55 percent in 1957. At the same time, however, observations rega.rding turnover should be qualified by at least two pieces of related data. (1) Although the overall turnover rate is 55 percent between one month and the following month, not all of those moving out of unem- ployment had been looking for work for only 1 month. That is, of the 1.5 million leaving the unemployed between March and April of 1957, for example, about 600,000 had already been unemployed 5 weeks or longer at the time of the April survey. In fact, about 200,000 had already been out of work 15 weeks or longer. (2) Not all of those leaving the unemployed enter full-time employ- ment. About 550,000 persons withdrew from the labor force in an average month in 1957. There is little direct information about the reasons for those withdrawals, although it has been presumed that most of them were voluntary. Another 350,000 are persons who enter part-time employment, with at least half reporting that their employ- ment at part-time jobs is involuntary, due to economic reasons. Thus, only about 600,000 of the gross reductions in unemployment represent entries into full-time jobs and of this group, only 400,000 could be classified with some assurance as short-term unemployed- that is, they were only classified as unemployed in one previous survey before becoming reemployed. PAGENO="0045" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 37 C~&RT 3 EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF ENTRANTS INTO THE LABOR FORCE, 1957 (Average Gross Monthly Additions from Outside of Labor Force, by Employment Status After Entry) CHAPTER III. UNEMPLOYMENT ASSOCIATED WITH JOB SHIFTS The relationship between job mobility and unemployment has been a subject of great interest among labor force analysts for many years. There has been some statistical evidence, along with the experience of everyday life, to show that job changing is a significant factor in gen- crating unemployment and that layoffs frequently lead to a job change. Illustrative of these tendencies are the relatively high rates of unemployment among young workers and among construction workers, a high proportion of whom are involved in job shifts during the course of a calendar year. Moreover, survey data on the work experience of the population have shown that workers with only one job are far more likely to be year~round workers than are persons who change jobs. By and large, however, quantitative estimates of the relationship between job mobility and unemployment have been based on untested assumptions rather than on empirical studies. Now for the first time, a body of data has become available which, although imperfect in many respects, sheds some statistical light on this relationship. These data are based on a retabulation of informa- tion collected in 1956 by the Bureau of the Census relating to job mobility, weeks worked, and weeks of unemployment during the cal- endar year 1955. Two reports were previously issued by the Census Bureau presenting in detail the results of the work experience survey UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LAROR PAGENO="0046" 38 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT and, separately, the study of job mobility (Current Population Re- ports, Series P-50, 68, and 70). The present report differs from those earlier ones in that it specifically relates the information on job shifts to that on the incidence and duration of unemployment during 1955. Some limitations of the present study should be made clear at the outset. Although it provides statistics on how much unemployment occurred among different kinds of job changers in the aggregate, it cannot provide information as to how many cases of unemployment occurred as a direct result of a job change, or how many cases of job changing were the ultimate result of a layoff. Future surveys might be oriented more specifically toward the answering of such questions. Future research should also refine the information on reasons for job leaving. It would be important to know, for example, whether an instance of job leaving was voluntary or involuntary. In the present study it was impossible to determine whether the termination of a temporary job involved a quit or a separation. Another major problem with the present data is the absence of any information about the reasons for unemployment among persons who did not change jobs. It would be desirable to know, for example, how many cases were new entrants or reentrants to the labor market, how many were seasonal workers on layoff, how many were laid off for economic reasons, etc. It might then be possible to develop some indexes of proclivity to change jobs as a result of unemployment of different types, among various groups in the labor force. SUMMARY OF RESULTS Despite their obvious limitations, a number of significant findings have emerged from these data. In the calendar year 1955, of the 10 million different persons who had any unemployment or layoff, some 3.7 million were persons who changed jobs at least once. Persons who had a job change ~ (for any reason) accounted for 11 percent of the entire work force of 75 mifiion, but they represented 37 percent of those with unemployment (table 111-1). The rate of unemployment on a calendar year basis (percent of those with work experience who had any unemployment) for job changers of all kinds was five times as large as that for workers who did not change jobs during the year (45 percent versus 9 percent). This rate was even higher for those workers involved in more than one shift during the year (about 60 per- cent, as compared with 40 percent for those who had only one change). Each change in employer, or a change from wage and salary work to self-employment, or vice versa, was classified as a job shift. Persons with more than one job, all held concurrently, were defined as nonchangers. PAGENO="0047" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 39 TABLE 111-1.-Unemployment levels and rates, by job mobility status: Calen- dar year 1955 [Numbers in thousands] Mobility status Total Total with unemployment Number Percent of total Percent distribu- tion Total who worked during 1955 75,353 9,814 13. 0 100. 0 Did not change jobs Did change jobs 1 Changed jobs only once: Economic reasons 67, 113 8, 240 6, 149 3, 665 9. 2 44. 5 62. 7 37. 3 1, 116 545 2,665 1, 182 187 209 397 83 792 1,064 719 214 767 341 165 132 156 45 564 562 64. 4 39. 3 28. 8 28.8 88. 2 63. 2 39. 3 54. 2 71. 2 52. 8 7.3 2.2 7.8 3.5 1.7 1.3 1. 6 . 5 5. 7 5. 7 Termination of temporary job Improvement in status All other reasons 2 Changed jobs 2 or more times, same category of reason for each job leaving: Economic reasons Termination of temporary job Improvement in status All other reasons 2 Changed jobs 2 or more times, combination of reasons for job leaving: Some economic reasons No economic reasons 1 The total number of job changers shown here is slightly less than that shown In the original P-SO report because of minor differences in estimating methods. 2lncludes illness or disability, family and school responsibilities, and all other reasons. FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT DUE TO MOBILITY The classification of job changers by reasons for change, while by no means without problems, does add to our insight into the relation- ship between unemployment and mobility and permits us to identify one important group of the frictionally unemployed. In a very rough way, it has been possible to distinguish between persons who left their jobs more or less voluntarily and those who were separated from their jobs. The former group would include: (1) those who left because of a desire to improve their status, and (2) those who became temporarily unavailable for a particular job because of illness or disability, household or school responsibilities, and the like. The group who left to improve their status-to get a better job, make more money, or because of dissatisfaction with the kind of work, conditions of employment, or other aspects of the job-comes closest to our usual concept of frictional unemployment due to job shifting. This group accounted for about 10 percent of all persons with unem- ployrnent (on a calendar year basis). It is possible from these data to develop a crude estimate of how much of the annual average level of unemployment in 1955 (2.9 million), could be ascribed to voluntary job changers, that is, persons who made job shifts due to a desire for improvement in status. Tak- ing into account the available information on their annual duration of unemployment, around 15 percent of annual average unemploy- ment could be ascribed to job shifters. At least a third of these voluntary shifters undoubtedly had unemployment due to other causes. Therefore, only about 10 percent of unemployment can be ascribed to voluntary job mobility itself. PAGENO="0048" 40 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT UNEMPLOYMENT RELATED TO INVOLUNTARY JOB CHANGING Persons who changed their jobs involuntarily include: (1) Most of those who reported termination of a temporary, usually seasonal, job (although some of these may have quit voluntarily, their character- istics indicate that a majority lost their jobs), and (2) those laid off because of economic reasons-lack of sufficient work, business failure, business movement, and the like. The highest rate of unemployment (for those who changed jobs only once) was among those whose job change was dictated by economic factors. About two-thirds of these job changers experi- enced at least one spell of unemployment. A somewhat lower rate (4 out of every 10) was reported by workers who had one job change but whose job leaving was due to the termina- tion of a temporary job. This group largely includes persons who were separated from, or who left, seasonal jobs or other jobs which were taken with the knowledge that they were temporary. This group is difficult to evaluate because the original reports were ap- parently not specific enough to distinguish voluntary from involuntary job leaving. As might he expected, the lowest rates of unemployment among job changers were registered by those who had only one change during the year and who quit their jobs more or less voluntarily. About 3 out of 10 such workers had unemployment, fewer than other job changers but still three times as many as workers who had only one job during the year. There was no difference in the rate of unem- ployment between the group that quit to take another job in order to improve their status and the group that quit because of such personal considerations as illness, or family and school responsibilities. Incidentally, the latter group which comprised about 5 to 10 percent of the unemployed, might also be regarded as largely frictional in the sense that much of their unemployment was probably due to reentry into the labor market after a period of absence. Whatever the reason for job change, persons who changed jobs more than once had considerably higher rates of unemployment than did those with only one change. For those with two or more shifts, the rate of unemployment ranged from 40 percent of those whose reason in each case was to improve their status, to 90 percent of those whose reasons in each case were economic. DURATION OF UNEMPLOYMENT About 41 percent of the single-job workers and 36 percent of the changers who had any unemployment experienced less than 5 jobless weeks (table 111-2). Among 1)0th groups, about one-fourth of those with any unemployment lost 15 weeks or more of working time. PAGENO="0049" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 41 TABLE 111-2.-Cumulative weeks of unemployment, by job mobility status: Calendar year 1955 [Numbers in thousands] Mobility status Total Duration of unemployment Less than 5 weeks S to 10 weeks 11 to 14 weeks 15 to 26 weeks 27 weeks or longer Percent of total Less 15 or than 5 longer Total with unemployment Did not change jobs Did change jobs 1 Changed jobs only once: Economic reasons - Termination of temporary job Improvement in status All other reasons 2 Changed jobs 2 or more times, same category of reason for each job leaving: Economic reasons Termination of temporary job Improvement in status All other reasons 2 Changed jobs 2 or more times, combination of reasons: Some economic reasons No economic reasons 9, 814 3, 827 2, 112 1, 196 1,614 1, 065 39.0 27.3 6, 149 3, 665 2, 507 1, 320 1, 184 928 747 449 988 626 723 342 40. 8 36. 0 27. 8 26.4 719 214 767 341 165 132 156 45 564 562 256 45 351 175 27 10 73 30 185 168 160 48 185 77 42 36 40 4 178 158 98 32 87 25 33 22 19 2 59 72 126 45 92 47 47 44 19 3 100 103 79 44 52 17 16 20 5 6 42 61 35. 6 21.0 45. 8 51. 3 16. 4 7.6 46. 8 66.7 32. 8 29. 9 28.5 . 41.6 18. 8 18. 8 38.2 48.5 15.4 20. 0 25. 2 29. 2 1 The total number of job changesshown here is slightly less than that shown in the original P-SO report because of minor differences in estimating methods. 2 Includes illness or disability, family and school responsibilities, and all other reasons. Within the job-changing group there were sizable differences in duration, depending on the reason for change. Voluntary job leavers who went through a period of unemployment were most likely to be among the short-term and least likely to be among the long-term unemployed. About 5 out of 10 were unemployed less than 5 weeks, while only 2 out of 10 were unemployed 15 weeks or longer. The proportions for those who lost their jobs for economic reasons were 36 percent among the short-term, and 29 percent in the long-term group. The highest proportion of long-term unemployed (42 percent) was recorded by persons whose job leaving was due to the termination of temporary jobs. For voluntary job leavers, duration of unemployment was about the same for those who had only one job change as for those who had more than one. Among the other groups, however, those who had two or more changes had a much smaller proportion of short-term unem- ployed, and a substantially larger proportion of long-term unemployed. EFFECT OF DIFFERENCES IN MOBILITY ON UNEMPLOYMENT RATES There is a good deal of variation in the extent of voluntary job leaving among different groups in the labor force. However, this variation has very little effect in causing differential rates of unem- ployment because the numbers of workers involved are relatively few. Whereas job changing is much more common among young men 18 to 24 years of age than among men over 45, for example, and manual workers are more likely to leave their jobs than are professional, technical, or managerial workers, the occurrence of voluntary job changing is infrequent among all age and occupation groups. The PAGENO="0050" 42 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL E~LOY~NT very highest rate, recorded by young men in their early twenties, was only 10 percent. Because of the low level of mobility rates, intergroup differences have only a minor effect in creating differences in unemployment rates. In order to quantify this effect, a procedure of standardization was adopted whereby all groups of workers were assumed to have an identical proportion of voluntary job changers (i.e., 4 percent, which was the overall rate for the entire work force). For all groups, the rate of unemployment among job changers is much higher than among nonchangers (roughly 1 out of 4 as compared with 1 out of 10 for the work force as a whole). Therefore, the result of standardization was to raise the unemployment rates for groups with below-average mobility rates and to lower the unemployment rates for groups with above-average mobility rates. (See tables 111-3 and 111-4.) In nearly all cases, however, the difference between the actual and the standardized rate was less than 1 percentage point. The largest effect was on young men 18 to 24 years of age, where the assumption of a 4-percent mobility rate instead of the actual rate of 10 percent reduced their overall unemployment rates (calendar year basis) from 25 to 23 percent. Even after standardization, their rates remained more than twice as high as those for adult men. TABLE 111-3. Unemployment associated with voluntary job mobility, by personal characteristics: Calendar year 1955 [Numbers in thousands] Personal characteristics All workers Voluntary job changers 1 Percent with any unemployment during the year Number Percent of all workers With any unem- ployment Number Percent of all job changers Actual Stand- ardized' Male 14 to 17 years 18 and 19 20 to 24 25 to 44 45 to 64 65 and over White Nonwhite Single Married, wife present Other mai tal status Female 14 to 17 years 18to19 20 to 24 24 to 44 45 to 64 65 and over White Nonwhite Single Married, husband present Other marital status 47,624 2,220 4. 7 551 24. 8 12. 6 12. 5 2, 541 1, 618 3,509 21, 516 15,331 3, 109 65 146 359 1,216 420 14 2. 6 9. 0 10.2 5. 7 2. 7 . 5 16 35 113 254 129 4 24. 6 24. 0 31.5 20. 9 30. 7 28. 6 10. 9 23. 9 24.7 12. 0 11. 0 7. 4 11. 3 22. 7 22.8 11. 6 11. 4 8.4 42. 935 4, 689 9, 480 35. 351 2, 783 2, 051 177 448 1, 670 108 4. 8 3. 8 4. 7 4. 7 3. 8 477 83 137 377 44 23. 3 46. 9 30. 6 22. 6 41. 5 11. 6 22.3 18. 1 10. 8 17. 9 11. 4 22. 4 17. 9 10. 6 18. 0 27, 729 842 3. 0 249 29. 6 9. 8 10. 1 1, 663 1,508 3, 367 11. 800 8, 199 1, 102 47 119 200 315 124 7 2. 8 7.9 5. 9 2. 8 1. 5 . 6 17 31 70 93 38 -- 36. 2 26.1 35. 0 27. 0 30. 6 12. 7 17.4 11. 6 9. 8 7. 8 4. 0 13. 2 16.4 11. 0 10. 2 8. 6 4.0 24.035 3, 694 6. 821 15, 778 5, 130 756 83 279 412 146 3. 1 2. 2 4. 1 2. 6 2. 8 210 36 95 110 41 27. 8 43. 4 34. 1 26. 7 28. 1 9. 0 14. 9 11. 0 8. 5 12. 2 9. 3 15. 8 11. 0 8.9 12. 5 Includes persons who made 1 or more job shift during the year in order to improve status only. 2 Assumes a 4.1-percent rate of voluntary job changing for all groups of workers. NoTE-Details will not necessarily add to totals because of rounding. Unlike tables 1 and 2, excludes year-round workers with 1 or 2 weeks of layoff because not available by characteristics. PAGENO="0051" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNE~EPLOYMENT 43 TABLE 111-4 .-Une'mployment associated with voluntary job mobility, by occupation anēl industry of longest job in /955 [Numbers in thousands] Occupation and Industry of longest job All workers Voluntary job changers I Percent with any unemployment during the year Number Percent of all workers With any unem- ployment Number Percent of all job changers Actual Stand- ardized 2 Total Professional, technical Farmers and farm managers..... Maccagers, officials, proprietors. Clerical workers Sales workers Craftsmen, foremen Operatives Private household workers Service workers excluding pri. vate household Farm laborers Laborers excluding farm and mine Agriculture Nonagricultural wage and sal- ary workers Forestry, fisheries, and mining Construction Manufacturing Durable goods Nondurable goods Transportation Trade Service Public administration Nonagricultural self-employed and unpaid 75, 353 3,062 4. 1 800 26. 1 11. 6 11. 6 6, 765 3,959 6,696 30, 074 ~ 5,284 9, 131 14, 666 2, 887 6, 600 5, 109 4,182 9,261 58,839 868 3, 779 18, 503 10, 495 8,008 4,896 12,351 15,387 3,055 7,253 183 63 202 417 311 424 758 54 260 102 289 210 2, 752 48 218 812 580 232 183 804 594 93 137 2. 7 1. 6 3. 0 4. 1 5. 9 4. 6 5.2 1. 9 3. 9 2. 0 6.9 2.3 4. 7 5. 5 5. 8 4. 4 5. 5 2. 9 3. 7 6. 5 3. 9 3. 0 1. 9 22 2 35 106 60 109 257 16 102 27 71 61 745 15 64 201 131 70 53 208 180 24 32 12. 0 3. 2 17. 3 25. 4 19.3 25. 7 33. 9 29. 6 39. 2 26. 5 24.6 29. 0 27. 1 31.3 29. 4 24. 8 22. 6 30. 2 29. 0 25. 9 30. 3 25. 8 23. 4 3.3 1. 8 3. 6 7.8 7. 7 15. 6 19.2 9.6 12. 9 8. 9 28.1 6. 2 13. 4 23. 5 32. 9 14. 6 14. 0 15. 4 10. 3 13. 1 9.3 5.0 4. 1 3. 5 1. 8 3.8 7. 8 7.4 15. 5 18.8 10.3 12. 9 9.4 27.4 6. 7 13.2 23. 0 32. 4 14. 5 13. 7 15. 8 10.4 12. 5 9. 4 5.3 4. 6 I Includes persons who made 1 or more job shift during the year in order to Improve status only. 2 Assumes a 4.1-percent rate of voluntary job changing for all groups of workers. NOTE-Details will not necessarily add to totals because of rounding. Unlike tables 1 and 2, excludes year-round workers with 1 or 2 weeks of layoff because not available by characteristics. Among those who did change jobs voluntarily, there was consider- able variation in the extent to which different groups of workers experienced any unemployment, although these differences should be interpreted with caution because the base figures are relatively small. In general, workers with the highest rate of unemployment or longest duration overall are also the ones most subject to unemployment in the course of changing jobs. Some illustrations are as follows: (a) Workers in the central age groups (25 to 44) were less sub- ject to unemployment as a result of a job change than were younger or older workers, especially among men. (b) White job changers were only half as likely to experience unemployment as were nonwhite changers. (c) Married men and women were more successful in changing jobs without unemployment than were other workers. (d) White-collar workers-especially the professional and tech- nical groups-were less likely to be jobless during their transition than were blue-collar or service workers. PAGENO="0052" 44 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNE~tPLOYMENT AGE AND SEX The labor market difficulties of young people in their late teens and early twenties-especially the young men-are brought somewhat more sharply into focus by the data presented in table 111-5. More of these young workers are involved in job shifts (about one-fourth) for one reason or another during the course of a calendar year than any other age-sex gToup in the force labor. At the same time, the rate of unemployment among those involved in job shifts is compara- tively high. Perhaps even more significant, however, is the fact that the unemployment rates even for those who had no job change of any kind were still twice as high as the rate for adult men. To a large extent, this difference reflects the fact that initial entry into the labor force on a permanent basis probably occurs most often in the 18 to 24 age group, and the first search for employment is so often preceded by a period of unemployment. To some extent, however, these high rates may also reflect a high layoff rate due to low seniority, inexperience, and lack of training. PAGENO="0053" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 45 00 05 0006-0-0- 05 ~ CS 00000 00 34) 0003000500 00 00 ~ 00 00 000000 00 00 C 00 0. C ,0 0 03 0 0 0 0 0 ~0) , E~ ~ E~ 0~ © 03 g ~ 00 00 0- g ~ o `o ~ 0000 00 ~ 000Q00300Q 54) ~ -403000000 ~c~ct3~ 0000 ~q ~ ,-) 0 0 03 0 0 00 CO 60 00 0 00 0 035 0 sO 60 60 0 60 0 C CO 3.4 ~ ~4.4 46-CC--CS 0- CO ~ 00000000 60 ~O C) ~ 0 p4~ CS 00 ~C 0Q 00300000 CO 00 cs$ 00-54 0Q C 34) 54) 54) 0000000 00005000 -Q C) z 4)05000054) CO 0 000 0~ 0 00 0~ 0 60 0 0) 0 0) C) 60 0 0 0) Os 0 0) ~ --4 60 00 C) 0 0 0 0) 00 0) 0 1~1 00 ~ ~ 0 ~ I 4) ~ C3.~0 0ss~-~ ~~60 00 ~ 03 00 54CC) C CC) 030060 4)0)CC)C4 59 CC) 33) 50 - 000000000 ~3)C © 00 0)C-0)0)-) 0)0303 ~: 00~-46-E~ 00 .E ~60 0 00 6)00 Cl C C) C) 0 C C C) C) C 0 CC) 000 P0.0 56~0 0.3.3 00 04) ~C3Q 0)0 00) 0)00000000 000059090) CO 0 PAGENO="0054" 46 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNE~PLOYMENT Some of the problems of older workers are also indicated by these data. The worker over 45 is less likely to be a job changer-either of the voluntary or involuntary type--than is the younger worker among both men and women. Those that do become engaged in a job change, however, are more likely to have some unemployment associated with that change than are workers under 45. Table 111-5 also shows the age-sex distribution of workers with unemployment who had a job change, by reason for change. There is some tendency for women to be relatively more numerous among voluntary job changers than among involuntary job changers (about a third versus a fifth). This reflects their concentration in white- collar jobs and in trade and service activities rather than in heavy industry or in outdoor work subject to wide seasonal fluctuations. Men 20 and over, on the other hand, were most prominent in the group which reported job changes due to economic factors (75 percent) and least likely to appear in the group whose job leaving was related to family and school responsibilities, ifiness or disability (50 percent). OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRY As in the case of age, the mobility data also sharpen our previous knowledge about unemployment by occupation and industry. For example, nonfarm laborers-the group historically subject to the highest unemployment rates under any economic conditions-are far more likely to have a job change at some time during the year and are also more likely to have some unemployment associated with that change (table 111-6). At the same time, they are more subject to unemployment even if all their work experience was with one em- ployer during the year. At the other extreme, professional, technical, and managerial workers and proprietors are least likely among the nonfarm groups to be involved in a job shift. Those who do so are less frequently subject to unemployment than are other groups of workers. For those who remain at a. single job, the rate of unemploy- ment is only one-tenth that of nonfa.rm laborers and lower than that of any other group. Among the remaining nonfarm occupations, other white-collar workers tend to fare better than service workers among both changers and nonchangers, while service workers make a better showing than the skilled or semiskilled blue-collar workers. PAGENO="0055" TABLE Ill-6 .-Unemployment and job mobility status, by major occupation group of longest job in 1955 Percent distribution by type of change Other voluntary ~ reasons 2 0 100.0 #~j 29.2 -4 ____ ____ ____ _____ 0 80 21.2 ~ 49.8 9.6 29.5 ~ 10.7 ~ 14.3 ___ ____ 6.6 0 . [Numbers in thousands] Major occupation group of longest job Workers with no job change during the year Workers with 1 job change or more during the year Total With unemployment 1 Total With unemployment 1 Number Percent of all workers Percent distribu. tion Number Percent of all workers Percent distribu- tion Economic reasons Termi- nation of tern- porary job Improve- ment in status Total White collar Professional and managerial Clerical and sales Blue collar 67, 113 5, 358 8. 0 100.0 8,240 3,369 40.9 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 26, 359 975 3. 7 18. 1 2,460 691 28. 1 20. 4 19. 1 11. 1 27. 5 12, 573 13,786 266 709 2. 1 5. 1 4. 9 13. 2 888 1,572 204 487 23. 0 31.0 6.0 14.4 6. 7 12. 4 . 6 10.5 7. 0 20. 5 - 23, 979 3,387 14. 1 63. 3 4, 000 2, 025 10. 6 60. 0 68. 9 57. 6 i4. 1 Craftsmen Operatives Laborers Service Farm 8. 005 12, 750 3, 224 891 1, 843 653 11. 1 14. 5 20. 3 16. 7 34. 4 12. 2 1, 126 1, 916 958 533 908 524 378 47. 3 50. 5 54. 7 15. 8 28. 7 15. 5 14. 5 34. 0 20.4 - 22. 5 17. 4 17. 7 13. 5 31. 8 8.8 8, 516 8, 258 3, 782 4, 476 748 241 8. 8 2.9 14. 0 4. 5 971 38. 9 11. 2 7. 9 11. 4 14. 6 3. 5 . 2 3. 3 Farmers 60 181 1.6 4.0 1. 1 3.4 810 177 633 282 10 272 34.8 5. 6 43. 0 8. 4 . 3 8. 1 4. 2 . 2 4. 0 19. 8 1. 5 18. 3 Farm laborers . 1 Excludes year-round workers with 1 or 2 weeks of layoff (included on tables2III-1~and Note.-Details do not necessarily add to totals because of rounding. 111-2) because data are not available by characteristics. Includes Illness or disabifity, family and school responsibilities. PAGENO="0056" 48 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNE~LOYMENT Blue-collar workers account for 50 to 70 percent of all the unem- ployed groups distributed by occupation in table 111-6. They are more prominent, however, among those who changed jobs after an economic-type layoff, except for the craftsmen who are more subject to seasonal layoffs. White-collar workers, on the other hand, are relatively more evident in the group of voluntary job shifters. The patterns shown for the unskilled laborer and the young worker also emerge for the construction workers in general (of course, there is some degree of overlap among these groups). He is also a frequent *job shifter-1 of 4 as compared with 1 out of 10 for the work force as a whole. If involved in a job shift, the chances are 6 out of 10 that he will also have had some unemployment. This ratio compares with 4 out of 10 for all workers. But again, one of the most significant results is the unemployment rate for those who do not report any job change-25 percent as compared with 8 percent for all industries (table 111-7). PAGENO="0057" EXTENT AND NATURE GO GO 0 0 .0 E ~ .0 CO CO 0) CO CO COo CO - ~ 0 CCC CO CO 0) CO GO CO GO GO CO CO GO GO GO GOGO GO.-C 0 0 GO .9 CC) C~.9~GO 1~ ~ O~E~E~c~Pl GO GO GO El 0 z GO GO *0 GO GO 10 0 C) 00 ~ll 0 GOC~ 2 G.*~ ~ .04 OCGO ICC GOGO 0+1.0 ~GO~C 2GO~ ~.GOGO $GO~4 GOCOGO GOC) o2GO OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 49 ~ CO CO GO GO CO CO CO GO ~ g ~ ,000 IC ~:19 COC).9 9~I0 CO ~ GO CO GO GO CO GO GO GO CO CC H!~ E~ 09 GIl ~COGOGOCOGO GO £0 GO GO GO GO E 0 GO GO GO `GO ,0 £0 0 .~ ~ 00 GO .~ GO 0 GO GO ,ID GO 0 0 GO GO GO 011 +l.0~j ~ 2~.9 c~;9 0 GOCOGOGOGOGOCO CO O6COGOICGOCOC~GO GOC~ ~C IC 0GO~ 9GO,04 000 p~ CO GO GO GO GO GOt- t~ CO 10CC dl 01 GO GOGOGOGOOCGOGOGO ,0 E GO z GO 0 IC GO CO CO GO GO GO GO GO ~ ~ GO j~ : GO ~ I .01 ~GO 2~.9 0.0+1 GO CO GO GO CO CO CO GO GO GO d ~,-4 GO ~°` ,0 0 GO GO 0 0 CO GO 0 GO GO GO GO PAGENO="0058" 50 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1ThTE~PLOYMENT Construction and farmworkers predominate in the group whose job leaving was caused by the termination of seasonal or other tem- porary jobs. Factory workers, on the other hand, are more likely to appear in the economic-layoff group and among those who had unem- ployment but no job change. Trade and service workers are dispro- portionately represented in the group whose unemployment was re- lated to voluntary job mobility. CONCLUSION These findings confirm that a high rate of job mobility is associated with a high rate of unemployment. Both are symptomatic of some other more basic problem within the groups subject to them. Unfor- tunately, there are still many unanswered questions about the specific circumstances connected with the unemployment experience of job changers. Moreover, no information was collected in this study as to the specific reasons for unemployment among those workers not involved in job changes. Nevertheless, enough data have been as- sembled to show that job changing is largely a secondary aspect of the problem for groups in the labor force subject to high unemploy- ment. High rates of job changing are correlated with, but do not explain high rates of unemployment, since the very same groups (e.g., young persons, unskilled laborers, construction workers) have high unemployment among nonchangers. Except for mobility due to a desire to improve one's status, which has been shown to be a relatively minor factor in unemployment, job changing is more likely to be an effect of unemployment rather than a cause. The largest single group of job changers who had unemployment are the 1.3 million who lost their former jobs because of economic reasons (40 percent of all changers with unemployment). The table below shows the reasons for change among job changers with an unemployment rate of 20 percent or more on a calendar year basis: TABLE 111-8.-Job changers with unemplo~jment during 1955 Selected labor force groups Total Percent distribution by reason for change Number (thou- sands) Percent Economic Termina- tion of tempo- job Improve- ment in status Other volun- tary reasons Combin- tions of noneco- nomic reasons Males, 18 to 24 Married men, wife absent Nonwhite men Operatives Nonfarm laborers Mineworkers--_ Construction workers 631 105 393 988 524 68 541 100.0 100. 0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 42.0 46. 7 45. 3 47. 0 52. 1 63. 2 38. 4 8. 7 7. (1 12.0 6.0 11.3 2.9 20. 9 23. 5 28. 6 21. 1 28. 5 13. 5 22. 1 11.8 14. 9 8. 6 3.3 11. 1 7.4 4.3 10. 9 8. 6 18.3 9.4 15. 6 11.8 24. 6 Among all these groups, over half reported that their job leaving was due to involuntary factors. For the majority, therefore, unem- ployment most likely preceded their decision to take another job. PAGENO="0059" O~A1~T 4 JOB CHANGING AND UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG PERSONS WHO WORKED IN 1955 WORKED AND WERE WORKED AND NEVER UNEMPLOYED WERE UNEMPLOYED 65.5 MILL ~ .6 I 7% `955 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR I PERSONS WHO: Did Not Change Jobs Changed Jobs (For either econonsic or noneconomic reasons) PAGENO="0060" 52 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1J1~EMPLOYMENT CHAPTER IV. SEASONAL UNEMPLOYMENT Seasonal unemployment results both from the periodic entry of job- seekers into the labor force as well as from the periodic layoff of em- ployed workers. It is estimated that a minimum of one-fourth of the total unemployment in 1957 could be termed "seasonal." ~ If the regular'y recurrent unemployment of new entrants into the labor force is excluded, the proportion is closer to one-fifth (table IV-l). TABLE IV-1-Distribution of seasonal and nonseasonal unemployment by industry of last full-time job, 1957 INumbers in thousands] Industry division Total Seasonal Non- seasonal Seasonal as a percent of total Total With work experience S\Tage and salary workers: Agriculture Construction Manufacturing 2, 936 776 2, 160 26 2, 640 104 341 674 43 146 1,966 61 195 26 41 43 30 793 236 557 Durable goods Nondurable goods Trade Transportation Service Other' Temporary layoffs and persons waiting to begin new jobs in30 days No previous work experience 449 344 142 94 307 250 32 27 428 133 403 178 260 296 60 36 32 51 71 102 368 97 371 127 189 194 14 27 8 29 27 34 Includes self-employed and unpaid family workers in all industries as well as wage and salary workers in other industries. NoTE-May not add to totals because of rounding. Estimated from the range of periodic (seasonal) fluctuations in net unemployment from major industry divisions. PAGENO="0061" CHART 5 INDUSTRY UNEMPLOYM~ENT RATES BY SEASONAL AND NONSEASONAL COMP0NENTS,1957 WAGE AND SALARY WORKERS IN OTHER INDUSTRIES,AND SELF EMPLOYED,AND UNPAID FAMILY WORKERS IN ALL INDUSTRIES. UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR NOTE: RATES ARE BASED ON OLD DEFINITION SF UNEMPLOYMENT. ONLY WARE AND SALARY WORKERS ARE INCLUDED EXCEPT FOR BUREAU Of LABOR STATISTICS TOTALAND OTHER: PAGENO="0062" 54 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1INEMPLOYMENT In a "normal" year unemployment is almost 50 percent higher at its peak in June than at its low point in October.6 This variation in the number of unemployed is tied to the annual cycle of weather and crop developments and to our social customs and traditional industrial patterns. Part of the frictional unemployment associated with entry into the labor force is seasonal. The largest regularly recurrent rise in unem- ployment, which occurs in June, is directly connected with the summer recess in the school year. About 40 percent of the unemployed in June 1957 could be described as seasonally enemployed; they represented mainly the inevitable proportion of students who experience an interval of joblessness when they enter the labor force at the end of the school term. This is one facet of seasonal unemployment-the unemployment of entrants into the labor force who generally have not held full-time jobs before. This group is discussed in some detail in the section on gross changes in the labor force. There is another facet which results from the layoff of workers in industries bound to the weather or to the agricultural cycle-in farming, canning and food processing, construction, lumbering, rail- road transportation-or from layoff connected with social and com- mercial customs such as the post-Christmas lull in retail trade or the regular introduction of new automobile or television models at various times in the year. A declining seasonal demand for workers does not always lead to a proportionate rise in unemployment. Most of the peak needs in agriculture are met by unpaid family workers or by young smnmer workers who leave the labor force during the slack periods. Some of the employees at Christmastime already hold other jobs; when their seasonal jobs are finished they continue with their regular employthent. SEASONAL UNEMPLOYMENT IN .1957 The seasonal unemployment contributed by individual industry divisions is of particular interest because it relates mainly to the unemployment of regular wage earners and because it indicates the source for the periodic increases in total unemployment. In 1957 workers in the construction industry had the highest rates of both seasonal and nonseasonal unemployment.7 On the average, l0~ percent of the construction industry workforce was unemployed in any month in 1957; about two-fifths of this unemployment could be termed "seasonal." 8 The next largest group, both in seasonal and nonseasonal unemploy- ment, were hired workers in agriculture. Of their total unemploy- ment rate of 5.8 percent, 2.4 percent was seasonal-also about 40 percent (table J\,T_2). This represents the spread in the seasonal adjustment factors. In 1957, June unemployment was actually 33 percent above the October level. 7 See the appended technical note for an outline of the procedure used in estimating the proportion of seasonal unemployment. 8 The statistical procedure for measuring average seasonal unemployment is not sufficiently flexible to Include all of the seasonal unemployment in a specific period. The effects of unseasonable variations in weather, for example, cannot be taken into full account. PAGENO="0063" TABLE IV-2.-Total and seasonal unemployment in 1957 Annual average 2,936 776 26.4 LTJ 0 100 ~d 6 0 19 [In thousands] January February March AprIl May June July August Septem- ber October Novem- ber Decem- ber Total unemployment Estimated seasonal Percent seasonal to total INDUSTRY DIVISION Total Agriculture Construction 3, 244 1, 194 36.8 3, 121 1, 160 37. 2 2, 882 968 33. 6 2,690 784 29. 1 2, 715 793 29. 2 3. 337 1,306 39. 1 3, 007 978 32. 6 2,609 480 18.4 2, 552 267 10. 5 2, 508 88 3. 5 3, 188 615 19.3 3,374 683 20. 2 Distribution of seasonal unemployment by industry (percent) 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 10 28 25 7 27 30 6 27 33 4 25 42 1 13 43 2 6 24 3 6 29 7 7 33 41 12 5 13 20 26 13 34 28 Manufacturing Durable goods Nondurable goods Trade Transportation Service Other' Temporary layoffs and persons waiting to begin new jobs in 30 days No previous work experience 13 12 19 11 20 13 25 17 26 17 15 9 19 10 28 5 25 16 11 15 14 14 14 5 3 9 7 .~. 15 6 3 7 3 1 13 6 3 9 1 2 7 6 2 8 5 2 5 4 3 4 11 15 4 2 7 2 17 37 3 4 4 6 13 33 7 4 20 20 3 4 4 29 18 11 23 26 23 8 7 10 7 9 4 3 4 4 7 4 1 See table IV-1. N0TE.-Percents may not add to totals because of rounding. PAGENO="0064" 56 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT As has been noted, not all of the seasonal variations in employment are reflected in unemployment, mainly because the labor force ex- pands and contracts to meet seasonal needs for workers. Another factor tending to offset seasonal unemployment, which is particularly applicable to construction and agriculture, is the job mobility of workers. High worker mobility, as we have noted elsewhere in this report, is usually associated with a high rate of unemployment. However, where mobility lies in the work rather than the worker, i.e., where the locus of the worker's employment shifts, as in crop harvesting, food canning and construction, unemployment tends to be reduced to the extent that the worker can dovetail his employment from an activity of seasonally declining demand into an activity of seasonally rising demand. In a survey of job mobility for the year 1955, approximately 24 percent of the wage and salary workers in both construction and agri- culture held more than one job during the year. By comparison, only 11 percent of workers in all industries held more than one job.° Job mobility in these two industries is a natural consequence of the periodicity of the work and the multiplicity of employer units; separate projects at different locations under different employers result, of necessity, in a lack of job continuity. Workers in manufacturing had substantially lower rates of seasonal unemployment (1.3 percent seasonal out of 4.5 percent total) than in construction and agriculture but, because of its large employment, manufacturing accounted for the largest proportion of total seasonal unemployment (30 percent). Workers in durable and nondurable goods were on the average about equally affected by seasonal unemployment. An analysis of employment data indicates that the manufacturing industries with the widest seasonal fluctuations included canning and several other food processing industries, tobacco, automobiles, lumber and the apparel industries. Relatively low seasonal unemployment was characteristic of the service and trade industries; this could probably be attributed as much to flexibility in the work force in these industires as to steadiness in employment. Total unemployment rates in these industries were about as high as in manufacturing. Next to manufacturing, the largest numbers of seasonally unem- ployed workers came from the construction industry (19 percent of the total). Other industries contributed substantially less to the total number of seasonally unemployed workers. However, a large propor- tion of seasonal unemployment (13 percent) was among new workers- without previous work experience. The seasonal unemployment of new workers is concentrated in the late spring, summer and early fall, with the peak months in June and July. (See table IY-2.) In the spring months and in September, manufacturing accounts for the largest part of seasonal unemployment; in the winter months, con- struction is the source of the largest seasonal unemployment. The month with the least seasonal unemployment is October. The unemployment of workers from manufacturing, construction, trade, 0 Percentages refer to consecutive jobholding, not concurrent. PAGENO="0065" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 57 and transportation is then normally at a minimum. Unemployment from all other industries is only fractionally higher in October than in some other month (May is the low point in agriculture, August in services); the seasonal unemployment contributed by these industries amounts to about 5 percent of total unemployment in October. June is, as has been previously noted, the month of highest seasonal unemployment, but there are also large numbers of workers seasonally unemployed in January, February, and March. (See table IV-3.) Seasonal unemployment in these winter months generally reflects slack-season layoffs of workers who previously held full-time jobs. On the other hand, the heavy seasonal unemployment in June and July is accounted for by new workers. TABLE IV-3.-Comparative seasonal unemployment by sex and major age group between months of peak and low point 1 Age and sex Lowest unemployment Highest unemployment Percent change Month Percent of annual average Month Percent of annual average Under 25: Male Female 25 and over: Male Female. October do do do 68. 9 79. 2 75. 9 90. 1 June do February - - January 159. 6 166. 3 131. 0 110. 1 132 110 73 22 1 Based on seasonal adjustment factors derived from recent years' experience. October is the month of least seasonal unemployment for both men and women, as well as for young persons (under 25) and adults (over 25). The peak periods differ. June is the peak for youngsters of both sexes, with their seasonal unemployment in this month more than double the October level. February, the peak month of seasonal unemployment for men 25 and over, is higher by two-thirds than October. January is the peak for women over 25, but the range between peak and low point is relatively narrow-one-fifth higher in January than in October. Although seasonal unemployment can usually (by definition) be anticipated, and although it is usually (but not invariably) of short duration, it may nevertheless work hardship on individuals. Also, to the extent that seasonal unemployment results from industry prac- tices which may be changed rather than from unavoidable variations in weather, it may represent one of the most promising areas for reduction of frictional unemployment. PAGENO="0066" 58 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNE~tPLOYMENT Index 170 160 150 140 130 120 110 100 90 80 CH~T 0 SEASONAL VARIATIONS IN UNEMPLOYMENT BY AGE AND SEX i~nnuaI overage: 100 Ages 4-24 / / .*__~.__~J * Female 70 Jan. Feb. - Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Bused on seasonal adjustment foctors opplicable to 1957. UNITED STATES OEPAETMENT OF LABOR PAGENO="0067" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 59 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV TECHNICAL NOTE ON SEASONAL UNEMPLOYMENT The measurement of seasonal unemployment in 1957 was made primarily from the individual seasonally adjusted series on unemployment by industry source, related to the month of minimum seasonal unemployment indicated by the seasonal adjustment factors. The following procedure was used: 1. Differences between the original and seasonally adjusted series were com- puted for each month. This gave a measure of seasonal unemployment for each month in relation to the annual average. 2. The month of minimum seasonal unemployment for each industry divi- sion was identified from the seasonal adjustment factors. For this month the amount of seasonal unemployment was considered as zero. 3. The amount of seasonal unemployment~ for each of the other months was the sum, without regard to sign, of the differences between adjusted and original figures for the minimum month and each of the other months. This is illustrated in the following example for total unemployment. Minimum month (October 1957) Other than minimum month (March 1957) Unemployment: Original Seasonally adjusted Seasonal unemployment related to annual average Seasonal unemployment related to minimum month 2, 508, 000 3, 195, 000 2, 882, 000 2, 661, 000 -687, 000 0 221,000 008,000 When calculated for aggregate unemployment, the average proportion attribut- able to seasonality amounted to 24 percent; when the calculation was applied to major industry divisions (and included new entrants to the labor force) the esti- mate was increased to 26.5 percent. Had it been possible to do the computa- tions for more detailed groups, the estimates would undoubtedly have been some- what higher. This last point illustrates one difficulty in attaining a precise measure of sea- sonal unemployment. Any of the aggregate groups represents a balance of off- setting movements. Even at levels considered minimum for any group some individuals would be unemployed for seasonal reasons. However, it was not practical to measure seasonal unemployment in groupings more detailed than the major industry division because the small size of the more detailed unemployment groups would not have permitted statistically adequate seasonal adjustment. Even though the amount of revealed seasonality would have been greater, it is questionable whether further quantification of seasonal unemployment at mini- mal levels for smaller groupings would have materially altered the patterns de- scribed in this report. There are other limitations which must be recognized in using the information on seasonal unemployment. Just as the original data on unemployment are subject to sampling variability and response errors and biases, so are the seasonal adjust- ments merely approximations of an average pattern which has been discerned within an historical mass of other regular and irregular movements, without cer- tainty that the pattern is precisely applicable to the current period of study. The seasonal adjustment factors express the characteristic recurrent pattern of monthly change isolated through a highly detailed technical examination of unem- ployment over a period of years, with due weight being given to changes in the pattern indicated in more recent years. These factors were developed in the Census Bureau by the application of a ratio-to-moving-average procedure to the oringinal data, with the computations carried out on high-speed~electronic com- puting equipment. For a description of the basic ratio-to-moving-average procedure, see "Adjust- ment for Seasonal Variation," by H. C. Barton, Jr. in the Federal Reserve Bul- letin, June 1941. For its utilization in electronic computers, see "Seasonal Com- putations on UNIVAC," by Julius Shiskin, in the American Statistician, Febru- ary 1955. PAGENO="0068" 60 EXTENT AND NATtTEE O~' ~`RICTtONAL ~LO?Mi~N~ CHAPTER V. SOME POSTWAR TRENDS IN UNEMPLOYMENT Of the various forms of noncyclical unemployment that have been discussed, structural unemployment in many ways presents the most serious problems from the point of view of the national welfare. It is most usually considered to result from changes in basic economic conditions attending economic growth. These may embrace shifts in consumer tastes, the relocation of industry, the evolution of tech- nological innovations, as well as new labor force patterns stemming from trends in population growth or work habits. The effects of structural unemployment may be confined to particular areas only, or affect relatively small segments of the overall work force. But this form of labor surplu~s is particularly likely to be long term in nature. -~ A forthcoming study for the Joint Economic Committee will inves- tigate, so far as the available data permit, the impact of structural unemployment upon geographical areas most affected. The atten- tion of this section is directed to the overall dimensions of the problem, in particular its important historical aspects; the kinds of basic changes likely to result in structural unemployment and their effect on total unemployment; and the trend in the extent of noncyclical unemploy- ment. This examination of changes over time differentiates the treatment here from preceding parts of this study which have focused on the characteristics of the unemployed in a particular postwar period most suitable (from some technical or conceptual point of view) for the problem at hand. Unfortunately, data limitations severely restrict the period that can be observed in any detail to but a few years. In particular, the years 1948 and 1956 have been selected for comparison because of all the period for which household survey estimates are available (1940 to present) these years were probably the least affected by the major dislocations of World War II and the postwar periods.'0 The composition of the unemployed in both these years is compared to see what changes, if any, took place in this group over an 8-year period and to what extent they can be related to major changes in the economic structure. THE TREND IN TOTAL UNEMPLOYMENT From what little is known of the history of unemployment in the United States, there is no very strong evidence of a distinct trend toward higher or lower rates of unemployment. `When the years of the great depression and World War I are omitted, estimates for the period 1900 to 1940, painstakingly pieced together from a variety of sources, show a median (and modal) unemployment rate of slightly under 5 percent." While the fluctuations about this rate were more considerable in the earlier period (perhaps because of estimation problems), the typical postwar rate of unemployment, excluding the 10 There is no special advantage here, as earlier, in using the 1957 estimates of unemployment by detailed characteristics, since there are no comparable data for 1948. In addition, any comparison between 1948 and 1957, would be affected by the early effects of che 1958 business recession. 11 See Stanley Lebergott: "Annual Estimates of Unemployment in the United States, 1900-1954" in "The Measurement and Behavior of Unemployment," Yational Bureau of Economic Research Special Conference Series, No. 8, Princeton University Press, 1957. The median rate quoted here has been con- verted roughly so that it is more comparable with the definitions of unemployment adopted by the Census Bureau in 1957. PAGENO="0069" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL tENEMPLOYMENT 61 Korean years, was not materially different. In 1948, the overall rate of unemployment was 3.8 percent; in 1956 it was 4.2 percent;. When yearly estimates of unemployment are based on averages of regular monthly surveys, as has been the case since 1940, two some- times independent developments affect the average. One of these is the number of different persons becoming unemployed, affecting the total count through the number of new spells of unemployment re- ported each month; the other is the average duration of unemploy- ment, determining how many months in all, persons are counted during each spell of unemployment.12 Each of these factors may reflect different economic causes and their interrelationships are important for evaluating the trend of total unemployment. NEW VERSUS CONTINUING UNEMPLOYMENT A comparison of the trend in the rates of new and continuing un- employment between 1948 and 1956 (table V-i) shows some evidence of a lengthening of the duration of unemployment, whereas the pro- portion of different persons looking for work each year remained about the same. New unemployment is measured by the persons reporting 1 to 4 weeks of unemployment at the time of the survey while con- tinuing unemployment is measured by the number who reported look- ing for work longer than 4 weeks.13 The swings in total unemploy- ment over the period pretty much mirror fluctuations in the number unemployed over 4 weeks. By comparison, the rate expressing the total number of persons unemployed each year was relatively much more stable. At the beginning and end of the period, the rate of new unemployment was about the same, whereas the rate of continuing unemployment rose by about 25 percent. All of the moderate in- crease in the rate of total unemployment was accounted for by the proportionately much greater rise in the continuing unemployed. TABLE V~i .~~_ATew, continuing, and total unemployment,1 1948-56 Year As a percent of civilian labor force ~ Number in thousands Total New Continuing Total New Continuing 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 3.4 5. 5 5. 0 3. 0 2.7 2. 5 5. 0 4. 0 3.8 1.8 2.4 2. 1 1. 6 1.5 1. 4 2. 0 1. 7 1.8 1.6 3. 1 2. 9 1. 4 1.2 1. 1 3. 0 2. 3 2.0 2,064 3,395 3, 142 1, 879 1,673 1, 602 3, 230 2, 654 2, 551 1,087 1, 517 1,307 1,003 925 910 1,303 1, 138 1, 214 977 1,878 1,835 876 748 692 1,927 1, 516 1,337 1 New unemployment Is expressed as the number of persons reporting a spell of ito 4 weeks of unemploy- ment at the time of the survey; continuing, as the number reporting a spell of more than 4 weeks. NoTE-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. 12 The number of new spells reported each month is not an exact index of the number of different persons becoming unemployed during the year, because of the fairly high proportion of persons experiencing two or more spells. Studies since 1955 in the annual work experience surveys indicate, however, that this group has remained a fairly constant proportion of the total of unemployed persons throughout. 11 Technically, this does not cover the occasional case when there are 5 weeks between surveys. The estimates could be adjusted to take account of these cases, but it is not very likely that the effect on the annual averages would he of any consequence. In table V-i, all estimates are expressed in terms of the orig- inal definitions used before January 1957. The two groups excluded from the unemployed on this basis, persons on temporary layoff with instructions to return to work within 30 days and persons not in school with new jobs to begin also within 30 days-increase the rate of new unemployment without changing the trend. The groups excluded would be included among the continuing unemployed only insofar as they bad misunderstood or misreported their original status. PAGENO="0070" 62 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL 1I~EMPLOYMENT Other indexes of the duration of unemployment throw added light on this trend. Despite the still tight labor markets of the Korean period, the average duration of unemployment was at essentially the 1948 level during 1952 (table \T~~2). Between 1948 and 1956 this average became almost 3 weeks longer. The increasing extent of prolonged unemployment lasting 15 weeks or longer, and even more so, 27 weeks or longer, appears to have been one of the most important factors in this development. Fairly similar increases in duration occurred among both men and women. It is difficult to determine why an increase in unemployment be- tween these 2 years of relatively full employment should have taken this form, since many of the statistics on detailed characteristics of the long-term unemployed were not tabulated until around 1954. However, certain possible causes may be eliminated and the proba- bility of others evaluated to a certain extent. TABLE V-2.-Selected measures of the duration of unemployment, 1948, 1952, and 1956 Duration measure 1948 1952 1956 Annual average duration of unemployment (weeks) Male Female Percent of total unemployment reporting: 15 weeks or more unemployment 27 weeks or more unemployment 8. 6 9.2 7.1 15.0 5. 6 8. 3 (1) (1) 13.9 5. 0 11.3 12.0 10.0 20.9 9. 1 1 Not available. N0TE.-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. CHANGES IN LABOR FORCE PATTERNS~~AND~THE RATE OF UNEMPLOYMENT It is possible for the unemployment rate for each of the major labor force groups to remain unchanged, yet the overall rate change because of shifts in the relative importance of the groups. These shifts may occur because of population changes, new work habits, or other characteristics of a growing economy, without any fundamental disturbance in the usual rate of unemployment for the groups mainly concerned, but with Lmplications for the rate of total unemployment if the groups becoming more important tend to have unemployment rates significantly different from the average. Two most important labor force trends in this period with potential effect for the overall rate have been the continuing movement of agricultural workers into nonfarm jobs and the sharply increasing rate of labor force participation among women. Everything else being equal, a labor force with a higher proportion of women would probably have a higher overall rate of unemployment, since women usually work in more marginal occupations than married men, who make up the hulk of the male labor force. Similarly, since most of the migration from the farm work force has been among self-employed farmers or unpaid family workers, who in their original occupations had an almost nonexistent degree of unemployment in the usual survey sense, the movement of these persons into nonfarm jobs where unemployment is more common could also be expected to raise the PAGENO="0071" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 63 overall rate of unemployment, even if the shift occurred without disruption of the nonfarm job market. The possible impact of these shifts on unemployment in 1956 is con- sidered in tables V-3 and V-4. The change in the proportion of agri- cultural and nonagricultural workers between 1948 and 1956 implied a shift of some 2 million farmworkers into nonfarm lines. Given a constant rate of nonagricultural unemployment (the 1956 rate), the net addition to the total unemployed resulting from the movement between farm and nonfarm industries totaled only a comparatively small 80,000. On the same basis, the impact of the new working women was only slightly larger-amounting to a little over 100,000 additional unemployed. However, the effect of this addition was more than offset by the consequences of the lower birth rates in the 1930's for the 1956 labor force. Young adults 20 to 24 years old of both sexes have even higher rates of unemployment. Therefore, the net effect of the age-sex changes in the character of the labor force between 1948 and 1956 tended toward a slightly lower overall level of unemployment because of the decreased numbers of 20- to 24- year-olds 14 The average duration of unemployment increased only by an esti- mated day and a half as a result of these labor force changes, assum- ing that the average for the groups themselves were not affected by the shifts. TABLE V-3.-Changes in experienced labor force and unemployed, 1948-56, by type of activity and class of worker Type of activity and class of worker Change in percent of experienced labor force Implied change in 1- Experienced labor force Experienced unemployed Experienced labor force Agriculture Self-employed workers Wage and salary workers Unpaid family workers Nonagricultural industries Self-employed workers Wage and salary workers Unpaid family workers Thousands Thousands +80 -3. 2 -2, 158 -21 -3.4 -.3 -.5 -1,595 -208 -354 -6 -14 -1 +3. 2 +2, 158 +101 -1. 2 +4- 2 -~. 2 -797 +2,842 +113 -8 +108 +1 1 ObtaIned for labor force by standardizing 1956 on the 1948 activity-class of worker distribution and taking the difference between 1956 and 1956 standardized. Unemployment changes were derived by apply- ing the appropriate 1956 unemployment rates to the implied labor force changes. N0TE.-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. 14 The method for making these estimatesis outlined in the footnotes to tables V-3 and V-4. The basic assumption in the use of a hypothetical standardized distribution is that the change being measured oc- curred while all other factors remained constant. The two shifts discussed were treated separately and no account was taken of tbeir possible interactions with each other or other events. PAGENO="0072" ~4 EXTENT AND NATtRE O~' ThICTTONAL ~E~LOY~NT TABLE V-4.----Changes in civilian labor force and unemployed, 1948-56, by age and sex Age and sex Change in percent of civilian labor force Implied change in 1~ * Civilian labor force Total 2 un- employed Both sexes total Male, total 14 to 17 18 to 24 25 and over Female, total 14 to 17 18 to 24 25 and over Thousands Thousands -89 -3. 5 -2,393 -155 (2) -2. 9 -. 6 -16 -1, 977 -400 -2 -142 -11 +3. 5 +2, 393 +66 +. 1 -1.0 +4 4 +36 -672 +3, 029 +4 44 +106 1 Obtained for labor force by standardizing 1956 on the 1948 age-sex distribution and taking the difference between 1956 and 1956 standardized. Unemployment changes were derived by applying the appropriate 1956 unemployment rates to the implied labor force changes. 2 Less than 0.05 percent. NOTE-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. Two other relevant demographic changes should be considered: the increasing population of both older and younger persons. The effect of the first on the structure of the labor force was tempered during this period by a persistent decline in the rate of labor force partici- pation among men past 65. The bulge in- the youthful population resulting from the wartime and postwar "baby boom," on the other hand, had not yet pushed much past the age of 14 by 1956. The ordi- narily high rate of unemployment among youngsters and the typical difficulties of the older worker in finding work, once losing a job, mean that these two groups present special unemployment problems. Larger numbers of workers in these ages in future years may change the scope of the unemployment problem somewhat. Given usual postwar unemployment rates for these ages and the labor force com- position projected from known trends, the overall rate of unemploy- ment may be expected to increase by at least 0.5 of a percent by 1975 as a result of these factors alone, in the absence of any counteracting tendencies. OTHER INDUSTRY-OCCUPATION CHANGES AND THE RATE OF UNEMPLOYMENT Unlike the labor force patterns so far discussed, other industry- occupation trends between 1948 and 1956 would have led to a some- what lower overall rate of unemployment, everything else considered unchanged. The considerably greater increases in service-rendering activities and related occupations as compared with the goods-pro- ducing industries placed a greater proportion of the labor force in lines with customarily lower rates of unemployment. However, there is some evidence that these changes did not occur without some dis- equilibrium in labor resource allocation, possibly figuring prominently in the trend in total unemployment observed between these years. The changing industry distribution of the unemployed between 1948 and 1956 is examined in table V-5 by breaking the change for each PAGENO="0073" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 65 industry into two components: unemployment resulting from merely an increase or decrease in the size of the industry labor force, and the structural unemployment attributable solely to a change in the in- dustry unemployment rate. The various industry changes worked themselves out over the period so that, on balance, most of the net difference in the total between 1948 and 1956 could be ascribed to changes in labor force size, especially in the service sector. The effect of changes in the rate of unemployment was offsetting between the two major sectors, hut workers in goods-producing industries experienced a relatively large increase in structural unemployment as compared to a reduction for the faster growing service industries. TABLE V-5.-Changes in unemployment between 1948 and 1956, by major industry group for wage and salary workers Industry division Unemployment rate Change in unemployment due to 1- 1048 1956 Total Struc. tural changes Labor force changes Wage and salary labor force Goods-producing industries Agriculture Mining Construction Manufacturing Service-rendering industries Transportation Trade Service, including private household Forestry and fisheries Public administration +379 +113 +266 4. 1 5. 0 +298 +215 +83 4 7 2.3 7. 4 3. 5 6. 5 6.4 8. s 4. 1 +30 +26 +80 +162 +32 +30 +33 +120 -2 -4 +47 +42 3. 4 3. 1 +81 -102 +183 3. 0 4. 3 3. 2 10. 8 2. 0 2. 4 4. 1 2. 9 7. 0 1. 6 -27 +35 +81 -1 -7 -29 -21 -37 -3 -12 +2 +56 +118 +2 +5 1 The structural change in unemployment is obtained by applying the change in the rate of unemploy. ment between 1948 and 1956 to the appropriate 1956 labor force component. The labor force change is the product of the appropriate 1948 rate of unemployment and the 1948-56 change in the associated labor force component. N0TE.-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. "Structural" unemployment is defined here in a very limited sense, referring only to changes in specific unemployment rates over a fairly brief period. In effect, the classification serves as a rough index of whether the employment position of a particular segment of the labor force was improving, without commitment as to how "good" or "bad" the situation may have been to begin with. Also, an improvement in the job position for a particular group is not an unconditionally favor- able development if it comes about at another's expense or is a symp- tom of labor scarcities in the economy. Subject to qualifications of this nature, significant changes in the rate of unemployment as between two periods of relatively full employment may be taken as indications of structural dislocations. This same sort of analysis of the data is presented in table V-6 in terms of occupational changes. Here again, unemployment resulting from labor force change occurs mainly among white-collar or service workers with structural unemployment as an offset. Manual workers, comprising the bulk of goods-producing industries' employees, again PAGENO="0074" 66 EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL TI~EMPLOYMENT show a comparatively sizable increase in structural unemployment. It will be noted that the relative importance of the total structural change is larger when obtained from the yearly occupation averages based on ouly 4 months. The sampling variability is larger here so that the 12-month industry averages must be taken as more reliable. The relative character of the changes in goods-producing and service- rendering activities is the same for both sets of averages. TABLE V-6.-Changes in unemployment between 1948 and 1956, by major occupation group Major occupation group llJnemployment rate ~ Change in unemployment due to 1- ~ 1948 1956 Total Struc- tural changes Labor force changes Experienced labor force White-collar and service workers Professional, technical, and kindred Managers, officials, and proprietors Clerical and kindred workers Sales workers Private household workers Service workers Manual workers Farmers and farm managers Craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers Operatives and kindred workers Farm laborers Laborers, except farm and mine 3. 0 3. 4 +425 +210 +215 2. 5 2. 4 +~9 -64 +163 1. 7 1. 0 2. 3 3. 4 3. 2 4.8 1.0 .8 2. 4 2. 7 4. 2 4.8 - -9 -15 +43 -14 +34 +60 -45 -17 +9 -30 +21 -2 +36 +2 +34 +16 +13 +62 35 4.4 ±326 +274 +52 .2 2.9 4. 1 2.3 7. 5 .4 3.2 5. 4 3. 7 8.2 +6 +44 +198 +35 +43 +8 +26 +173 +42 +25 -2 +18 +25 -7 +18 I The Structural change in unemployment is obtained by applying the change in the rate of unemploy- ment between 1948 and 1956 to the appropriate 1956 labor force component. The labor force change is the product of the appropriate 1948 rate of unemployment and the 1948-56 change in the associated labor force component. N0TE.-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. Workers in goods-producing industries represent a disproportionate number of the unemployed, even in relatively goods years, and their average duration of unemployment is typically longer (table V-7). The stability in the rate of new spells of unemployment, noted previ- ously, indicates that the structural component of the 1948 to 1956 changes reflects mainly changes in duration. Considering their faster growing employment opportunities and declining rate of unemploy- ment, it is likely that the average duration of unemployment was reduced for workers in the service sectors. Consequently, it also is likely that the increases for goods-producing workers were longer than observed for the aggregate of all the unemployed. The evidence that this development was probably most important for the especially long- term groups-who make up one of the least mobile segments of the working population-highlights its fundamentally structural char- acter. PAGENO="0075" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 67 TABLE V-7.-Experienced labor force, unemployment, and long-term unemployment in goods-producing and service-rendering industries wage and salary workers, 1956 Industry divisions Percent distribution Experienced labor force Unemployed Unemployed 15 weeks or longer Total wage and salary workers Goods, producing industries Agriculture Mining Construction Manufacturing Service-rendering industries Transportation Trade Service, including private household Forestry and fisheries Publicadministration 100. 0 100.0 100.0 43. 1 55.0 58.4 3 2 1.3 6. 5 32. 0 5.3 2.1 13.8 33.8 2. 5 3.4 12. 5 40.0 56. 9 45.0 41.6 8.5 18.6 24. 3 . 2 5.3 5.2 19.4 17. 9 .3 2.2 5.5 17.8 16. 1 (1) 2.1 1 Less than 0.05 percent. NoTE-Figures are based on old definition of unemployment. PAGENO="0076" CHART 7 TRENDS IN UNEMPLOYMENT RATES, 1948AND 1956 Unemployed GOODS~PRODUCING INDUSTRIES~I SERVICE INDUSTRIES 948 956 6 4 4 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR 2 PAGENO="0077" EXTENT AND NATURE OF FRICTIONAL UNEMPLOYMENT 69 A faster rising outlay on services as compared to commodities has had continuing and far-reaching effects on the general character of labor force growth. Even in the short space of the 8 years between 1948 and 1956, the proportion of the experienced labor force employed in goods-producing industries fell from around 45 to 41.5 percent. Though migration from the farm was a major factor, the expansion among other nonfarm goods-producers, particularly in manufacturing, has not compared with the growth in services generally. Among other things, the expanding service activities have also generated a greater need for women workers and so contributed to the changing complexion of the labor force. For a number of reasons, a fundamental transformation such as is involved in the goods-to-services shifts poses many obstacles to smooth adjustments. Differences in skills, rates of pay, and hiring systems as between workers in goods-producing industries and the service- rendering activities reduce the mobility of displaced workers and impede their desire and ability to find equivalent places for themselves in faster expanding alternatives. It must be stressed, however, that the total effect observed over this period was, on the whole, rather small without involving any very extensive group of workers. NEW WORKERS Normally labor force growth is more vigorous in prosperous years, but the 1~ million increase for 1956 was unusually large even for a prosperous year. One factor also important, therefore, in explaining differences from 1948 among the unemployed is the relatively larger numbers of inexperienced persons looking for work in 1956 than earlier. In 1948, those who had never held a full-time job made up about 8.5 percent of the total unemployed; in 1956, around 11 percent. Whether because of rapid absorption into expanding employment opportunities or because of discouragement if jobs are not easy to find, inexperienced workers make up an almost negligible proportion of the long-term unemployed, so that their larger numbers in 1956 might have led one to have expected a somewhat different trend in duration than actually observed. 0