PAGENO="0001" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 / / -~ /~~; (- HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NINETIETH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION ON H.R. 8311 AND VARIOUS BILLS TO PROVIDE AN IMPROVED CHARTER FOR ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT PROGRAMS, TO AUTHOR- IZE FUNDS FOR THEIR CONTINUED OPERATION, TO EXPAND SUMMER CAMP OPPORTUNITIES FOR DISADVANTAGED CHIL- DREN, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES PART 5-APPENDIX Printed for the use of the Committee on Education and Labor CARL D. PERKINs, Cha'irrnan U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE ~O-O84 WASHINGTON: 1967 C-(0~ (5hLJ'/~ PAGENO="0002" COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR CARL D. PERKINS, Kentucky, Chairnvan EDITH GREEN, Oregon PRANK THOMPSON, Ja., New Jersey ELMER J. HOLLAND, Pennsylvania JOHN H. DENT, Pennsylvania ROMAN C. PUCINSKI, Illinois DOMINICK V. DANIELS, New Jersey JOHN BRADEMAS, Indiana JAMES G. O'HARA, Michigan HUGH L. CAREY, New York AUGUSTUS P. HAWKINS, California SAM GIBBONS, Florida WILLIAM D. FORD, Michigan WILLIAM D. HATHAWAY, Maine PATSY T. MINK, Hawaii JAMES H. SCHEUER, New York LLOYD MEEDS, Washington PHILLIP BURTON, California CARL ALBERT, Oklahoma II WILLIAM H. AYRES, Ohio ALBERT H. QUIE, Minnesota CHARLES E. GOODELL, New York JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio ALPHONZO BELL, California OGDEN R. REID, New York EDWARD J. GUERNEY, Florida JOHN N. ERLENBORN, Illinois WILLIAM J. SCHERLE, Iowa JOHN DELLENBACK, Oregon MARVIN L. ESCH, Michigan EDWIN D. ESHLEMAN, Pennsylvani& JAMES C. GARDNER, North Carolina WILLIAM A. STEIGER, Wisconsin PAGENO="0003" CONTENTS "A Comprehensive Evaluation of OEO Community Action Programs on Page Six Selected American Indian Reservations," report entitled 3825 Addonizio, Hon. Hugh J., mayor, city of Newark, N.J., telegram to Chair- man Perkins 3710 American Farm Bureau Federation, statement of 3712 American Public Welfare Association, statement of 3701 Andelman, Samuel L., M.D., M.P.H., commissioner of health, city of Chicago, Ill, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 18, 1967 3720 Bailey, Stephen K., dean; and president, American Society for Public Administration, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 28, 1967 3747 Barnet, Mrs. John, president, and Mrs. Rudy H. Liveritte, director, Development of Human Resources, League of Women Voters of Boise, Idaho, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 13, 1967 3764 Bender, Mrs. Maurice, chairman, Development of Human Resources Committee, League of Women Voters of Riverside, Calif., statement by 3805 Berke, Mark, executive director, Mount Zion Hospital & Medical Center, San Francisco, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 20, 1967 - 3729 Bernstein, Marver H., dean, Woodrow Wilson School of Public & Inter- national Affairs, Princeton University, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 26, 1967 3728 Bohn, Mildred, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 16, 1967, en- closing two newspaper articles 3674 Boyle, W. A., president, United Mine Workers of America, statement by 3761 Brandborg, Stewart M., executive director, the Wilderness Society, Wash- ington, D.C., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 20, 1967 3761 Bronfenbrenner, Uric, professor, New York State College of Home Economics, Cornell University, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 9, 1967 3774 Bumgardner, Mrs. Sherrod, president, League of Women Voters of South Carolina, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 5, 1967 3785 Caldwell, Claude E., director, Personnel Department, State of North Carolina, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 19, 1967 3721 Carrothers, Anne S., Poughkeepsie, N.Y., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 13, 1967 3681 Carstenson, Blue A., assistant legislative director, National Farmers Union, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 5, 1967, enclosing report. 3666 Carter, R. H., president, Fostoria Corp., Fostoria, Ohio letter to Chair- man Perkins, dated July 26, 1967 3753 Cavanagh, Hon. Jerome P., mayor, city of Detroit, Mich., telegram to Chairman Perkins 3711 Chalimonczyk, Mrs. Donna, chairman, Local Human Resources Com- mittee, League of Women Voters of Fargo, N. Dak., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 19, 1967 3797 Chandler, Mrs. Robert, president, League of Women Voters, town of stead Central, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 14, 1967 3795 Chicago Committee on Urban Opportunities with §202 (c)(2) of the Eco- nomic Opportunity Act, compliance of the 4134 Cisler, Walker L., chairman of the board, the Detroit Edison Co., Detroit, Mich., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 25, 1967 3743 Collins, Mrs. Edwana D., member, Board of Education, Wichita Public Schools, Wichita, Kans., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 9, 1967, enčlosing training catalog No. 2 3813 Cunningham, Mrs. Hugh T., president, League of Women Voters of Alexandria, Va., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 25, 1967 3788 III PAGENO="0004" IV CONTENTS Dabney, Mrs. John, president, Newark Council of Church Women, letter to Page Chairman Perkins, dated August 9, 1967 3766 Diebels, Mrs. William, president, League of Women Voters of the Greater Juneau Borough, Alaska, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 5, 1967 Doering, Walter R., pastor, St. John's Lutheran Church, Kokomo, md., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 28, 1967 3756 Draeger, Mrs. C. H., president, League of Women Voters of Madison, Wis., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 13, 1967 3794 Draschler, Norman, superintendent of public schools, Detroit, Mich., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 18,1967 3724 Duncan, Walter S., president, Kentucky Institute for Accountancy, Nicholasville, Ky., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 17, 1967_ - - - 3673 Ellis, Wellborn R., administrator, Fulton County Department of Family and Children Services, Atlanta, Ga., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 12, 1967 Emriek, Mrs. Lois Reiser, Board of Directors, League of Women Voters of New Mexico, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 8, 1967 3782 Eppley, Ernest D., executive director, WAMY Community Action, Inc., Boone, N.C., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 14, 1967 3737 Erlanger, Mrs. Michael, president, the League of Women Voters of Red- ding, Conn., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 27, 1967 3794 Esty, John C., headmaster, the Taft School, Watertown, Conn., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 17, 1967 3756 Faber, Stuart L., Cincinnati, Ohio, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 26, 1967 Farlow, Mrs. Robert, president, League of Women Voters of Pennsylvania, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 14, 1967 3784 Felicetta, Frank N., commissioner of police, city of Buffalo, N.Y., letter to Chairman Perkins, August 8, 1967 3780 Folsom, Marion B., Rochester, N.Y., telegram from 3753 Fraser, Hon. Donald M., a Representative in Congress from the State of Minnesota, statement by 3727 Gach, Mrs. John B., president, League of Women Voters of Stevens Point, Wis., letter to Chairman Perkins, June 12, 1967 3795 Galbraith, Mrs. Oliver, III, president, the League of Women Voters of Grossmont-Cajon Valley, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 7, 1967 Gavin, James M., chairman, Arthur D. Little, Inc., Cambridge, Mass., telegram from 3746 Gladieux, Bernard L., general partner, Knight & Gladieux, New York, N.Y., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 28, 1967 3745 Gordon, Kermit, president, the Brookings Institution, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 31, 1967 3749 Gressle, Mary, president, League of Women Voters of South San Mateo County, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 13, 1967 3803 Goldberg, Ned, consultant, antipoverty programs, National Federation of Settlements & Neighborhood Centers, New York, N.Y., statement from 3768 Goodell, iou. Charles E., a Representative in Congress from the State of New York: Murphy, Philip J., field director, American Bar Association: Letter to Congressman Goodell, dated August 1, 1967 3663 Letter from Stephen Kurzman, dated May 8, 1967 3663 Letter from Stephen Kurzman, dated July 11, 1967_ 3665 Letter to Kurzman & Goldfarb, dated May 24, 1967 3663 Letter to Kurzman & Goldfarb, dated May 25, 1967 3664 Gutermuth, C. R., vice president, Wildlife Management Institute, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 18, 1967 3723 Hachen, Mrs. David, president, Norwalk League of Women Voters, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 27, 1967 3765 Hamilton, Randy H., executive director, Institute for Local Self-Govern- ment, Berkeley, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 14, 1967_ - 3735 Hamilton, Mrs. Caldwell K., president, and Mrs. Lloyd Thomas, human resource chairman, League of Women Voters of Missouri, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 9, 1967 3792 PAGENO="0005" CONTENTS V Hill, Watts, Jr., chairman of the board, Home Security Life Insurance Page Co., letter to Sargent Shriver, dated July 25, 1967 3706 Holton, Mrs. Richard H., executive vice president, League of Women Voters of California, statement by 3803 House, Mrs. Albert V., president, the League of Women Voters of Broome County, N.Y., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 29, 1967 3798 Hursh, Morris, commissioner, State of Minnesota Department of Public Welfare, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 21, 1967. 3726 Jenkins, Mrs. Joseph T., president, and Mrs. Ruth George W. Wheeler, human resources chairman, the League of Women Voters of Kings- port, Tenn., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 11, 1967 3799 Johnson, 1-Ion. Donald E., mayor, city of i\iuskegon, i\Iich., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 4, 1967 3767 Johnson, Mrs. Margaretta L., New Castle, md., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 1, 1967 3799 Jones, Mrs. Robert C., president, League of Women Voters of Warrens- burg, Mo., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 20, 1967 3800 Jones, W. Burns, Jr., M.D., MPH., assistant State health director, North Carolina State Board of Health, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 17, 1967 3729 Kann, Mrs. Fred S., president, League of Women Voters of West Essex, N.J., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 14, 1967 3800 Kazen, James D., president, and Pepe Lucero, executive director, Economic Opportunities Development Corp. of San Antonio and Bexar County, Tex., letter to Sargent Shriver, dated August 11, 1967 3811 Kelly, Timothy E., Dallas, Tex., letter to Congressman Earle Cabell, dated July 26, 1967 3689 Kendrick, Mrs. John S., president, the League of Women Voters of Santa Barbara, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 15, 1967 3766 Keyser, David J., chief of police, city of Baton Rouge and parish of East Baton Rouge, La., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 22, 1967~ 3824 King, Hon. John W., Governor, State of New Hampshire, letter to Chair- man Perkins, dated August 4, 1967 3752 King, Laurence A., director, Fremont County Department of Public Welfare, Canon City, Cob., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 11, 1967 Kirschner Associates, report entitled "A Description and Evaluation of Neighborhood Centers" 4009 Kline, Roberts L., president, Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce, letter to Will Hellerman, Nationwide Insurance Companies, dated July 25, 1967 3718 Kolasinski, Virginia, president, League of Women Voters of New Castle, Pa., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 14, 1967 3801 Ladd, Edward T., director, Division of Teacher Education, Emory Uni- versity, Atlanta, Ga., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 24, 1967_ 3723 Lamb, Hon. Frank T., mayor, city of Rochester, N. Y., letter to Chair- man Perkins, dated August 8, 1967 3780 Lambert, John, Lanark, W. Va., letter from, dated August 10, 1967 3681 Larson, Mrs. D. E., San Jose, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 17, 1967 3724 Long Beach, Calif., League of Women Voters, statement of 3809 Lyles, Mrs. Robert, chairman, human resources, Michigan City, md., League of Women Voters, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 20, 1967 3789 Lyon, Mrs. John G., president, League of Women Voters of Aiken County, S.C., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 13, 1967 3783 Martin, Elizabeth R., Redwood City, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 27, 1967 3756 Martin, Mrs. Sarah S., president, League of Women Voters, Los Gatos- Saratoga, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 17, 1967 3806 Mattick, Mrs. Hans W., president, League of Women Voters of Chicago, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 10, 1967 3785 MacDonald, Peter, executive director, Office of Navajo Economic Oppor- tunity, Fort Defiance, Ariz., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 23, 1967 3744 McArthur, Lawrence B., assistant commissioner for manpower, State of New York Department of Mental Hygiene, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 10, 1967 3688 PAGENO="0006" VI CONTENTS I\'IcCarthy, George D., Assistant Director for Congressional Relations, Office of Economic Opportunity, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated Page August25, 1967_ 3703 Current Research and demonstration projects funded by Project Headstart, June 1967: Bibliography of completed research projects funded by Project Headstart 3822 Ongoing demonstration projects (table) 3821 Ongoing research projects (table) 3820 Fine, P. J., M.D., Neighborhood Medical Care Demonstration, Bronx, N.Y., letter from dated July 17, 1967. 3704 Forbes, Audrey E., M.D., letter from, dated July 19, 1967 3705 Greeley, David MeL., M.D., director, Medical Care, City of Chicago Board of Health, letter to Dr. Joseph T. English, dated July 6, 1967 3704 Lloyd, William B., M.D., Neighborhood Medical Care Demonstration, interoffice memo to Mrs. Naomi Burns, dated July 10, 1967 3704 Meyer, John H., M.D., Mile Square Health Center, Chicago, Ill., letter from 3705 Vitullo, Roseann, M.D., Mile Square Health Center, Chicago, Ill., letterfrom 3706 Wise, Harold B., M.D., project director, Neighborhood Medical Care Demonstration, Bronx, N.Y., letter from, dated July 3, 1967 3704 McNamara, Edmund L., police commissioner, city of Boston, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 3, 1967 3781 Meek, Doris A., acting dean of instruction, Merritt College, Oakland, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 3, 1967 3684 Miller, Louise, president, and Betty Grudin, chairman, Development of Human Resources Committee, Newark- Granville League of Women voters, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 19, 1967 3790 Modesto, Calif., League of Women Voters, statement of 3808 Morse, Hon. Wayne, Senator from the State of Oregon, dated August 15, 1967 3711 Mullins, J. P., chief of police, Tampa, Fla., letter to Chairman Perkins dated August 10, 1967 3778 Mulvaney, Mrs. Julie, president, San Bernardino, Calif., League of Women Voters, telegram from 3809 National Advisory Committee on Farm Labor, New York, N.Y., testimony of National Association of Manufacturers, statement of the 3691 National Sharecroppers Fund, New York, N.Y., testimony of 3730 Nedelman, Phyllis, president, League of Women Voters of Springfield, Ohio, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 13, 1967 3764 Neikes, Elizabeth A., Astoria, Oreg., telegram to Congressman Wendell Wyatt 3740 Novet, Mrs. Jean R., president, and Mrs. John C. Reynolds, national program chairman, League of Women Voters of Escondido, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 12, 1967 3805 Ott, Robert F., commissioner, Department of Public Welfare, the Common- wealth of Massachusetts, letter to Congressman Philip J. Philbin, dated April 7, 1967~ 3811 Pianfetti, Lucille, chairman, Human Resources Committee, League of Women Voters of Charleston area, West Virginia, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 21,1967 3784 Pond, Mrs. J. Lawrence, president, League of Women Voters of Walling- ford, Conn., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 9, 1967 3782 Potofsky, Jacob S., general president, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 26, 1967 3720 Preloznik, Joseph F., director, Wisconsin judicare program, statement by 3742 Price, Don K., dean, John Fitzgerald Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 27, 1967 - 3747 Price, W. R., Jr., controller and assistant treasurer, Kaiser Foundation Health Plan, Inc., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 9, 1967, enclosing an interoffice memorandum 3682 Pursell, William R., executive director, Operation Breakthrough, Durham7 N.C., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 13, 1967 3738 Rabin, Joy, president, League of Women Voters of Beverely Hills, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 10, 1967 3802 PAGENO="0007" CONTENTS VII Reece, Norval D., executive director, Southeastern Pennsylvania Chapter Page of Americans for Democratic Action, statement presented by 3708 Reineke, Romola, president, League of Women Voters, Albuquerque, N. i\'Iex., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 27, 1967 3789 Ritces, Elizabeth L., Newark, N.J., letter to Chairman Perkins 3767 Robbins, Mrs. Leon, president, League of Women~Voters of Austin, Minn., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 12, 1967 3797 Roberts, Kline L., president, the Columbus Area Chamber of Commerce, letter to Mr. Will Hellerman, dated July 25, 1967 3718 Rodino, Hon. Peter W., Jr., a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 3, 1967 3755 IRowe, James, Washington, D.C., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 2, 1967 3752 Rozario, Adalberth, president, Onboard, Inc., New Bedford, Mass., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 21, 1967 3725 Schary, Dore, national chairman, Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai B'rith, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 14, 1967 3700 Schatz, Virginia B., cochairman, Study Committee on Local Human Resources, League of Women Voters of Charlottesville and Albemarle County, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 2, 1967 3725 Schmerbauch, Margaret, Sikeston, Mo., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 30, 1967 3767 Schramm, Elaine, Burlington, Iowa, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 30, 1967 3781 Schuck, Dr. Victoria, chairman, Legislative Program Committee, and Dr. Lois Roth, area representative, Education Legislative Program Com- mittee, American Association of University Women, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 7, 1967 3741 Schuster, Mrs. Eugene, president, League of Women Voters of the Pitts- burgh area, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 18, 1967 3673 Shipton, Mrs. Harold W., president, Iowa League of Women Voters, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 31, 1967, enclosing a letter to Congress- man Schwengel 3775 Shriver, Hon. Sargent, Director, Office of Economic Opportunity, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 5, 1967, requesting comments on letter received by from Walter S. Duncan 3665 Snell, Greta, chairman, and Jane Middleton, cochairman, Human Re- sources Committee, Norman, Okia., League of Women Voters, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 10, 1967 3796 Staats, Hon. Elmer B., Comptroller General of the United States, letter to W. Fletcher Lutz, Jr., national president, Federal Government Ac- countants Association, dated January 10, 1967 3666 Stark, i\'Irs. Leonard, chairman, Human Resources Committee, Burlington, Iowa, League of Women Voters, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 22, 1967 3786 Stern, Louis, president, National Jewish Welfare Board, New York, N.Y., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 16, 1967 3777 Stipe, the Reverend Jack H., MSW, permanent secretary, Archidiocesan Coordinating Committee for the Economic Opportunity Act, Portland, Oreg., letter to Congressman Dellenback, dated July 24, 1967 3703 Stone, Donald C., dean, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Pittsburgh, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 2, 1967 3750 Stout, Mrs. Rex A., president, and Mrs. Dwight Davis, chairman, de- velopment of human resources, League of Women Voters, Kansas City, Mo., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 12, 1967 3787 Stover, Mrs. Roger, president, League of Women Voters of Rhode Island, statement of Strauss, Mrs. Raymond, president, League of Women Voters of Central Santa Clara Valley, Calif., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 19, 1967 3801 Stuart, the Right Reverend Albert Rhett, bishop of Georgia, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 24, 1967 3726 Sullivan, David, general president, Building Service Employees' Inter- national Union, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 28, 1967 3712 PAGENO="0008" VIII CONTENTS Sundquist, Dr. James L., Brookings Institution, staff report to the Senate Page Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty 3677 Thoma, Mrs. Roy, president, and Mrs. M. P. Stulberg, chairman, human resources, League of Women Voters of Oak Ridge, Tenn., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 28, 1967 3790 Toback, Mrs. Irwin, president, League of Women Voters of the City of New York, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 22, 1967 3787 United Community Funds & Councils of America, a statement of con- census 3661 Vaeth, Mrs. R. William, project director, Poughkeepsie WICS, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 12, 1967 3739 VanderWahl, Olive A., president, League of Women Voters of La Grange and La Grange Park, Ill., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 10, 1967 3791 Wagner, Edward F., chairman, Development Committee for Greater Co- lumbus, letter to Will Hellerman, dated July 24, 1967 3719 Walk, Shirley, League of Women Voters of Southfield, Mich., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 14, 1967 3791 Weiner, Mrs. Leonard H., national president, National Council of Jewish Women, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 26, 1967, enclosing report of Dayton, Ohio, section 3757 White, Leroy, Charleston, W. Va., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated July 25, 1967 3685 Wickham, Mrs. Lawrence, corresponding secretary, Church Women United, St. Joseph, Mo., letter to Chairman Perkins, dated August 10, 1967_ 3777 Workman, Ann J., president, Hobart, md., League of Women Voters, let- ter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 10, 1967 3782 Worz, Mrs. Edward, president, League of Women Voters of Minnetonka Village, letter to Chairman Perkins, dated June 10, 1967 3792 PAGENO="0009" UNITED COMMUNITY FUNDS AND COUNCILS OF AMERICA. Ne~v York, N.Y., September 27, 1966. GOVERNMENT AND THE VOLUNTARY SECTOR IN HEALTH AND WELFARE A STATEMENT OF CONSENSUS Public interest in the solution of basic social welfare problems is at an all- time high. These problems are the age-old enemies of mankind: poverty, igno- rance and disease. If they are to be overcome, there must be a total mobilization of our society. In recognition of this requirement, `there has' been a rapid expan- sion of Federal activity and expenditures in the social welfare field. However, there is full agreement that both governmental and voluntary activity is needed. These two forces must work hand in hand-strengthening `and supporting each other. In planning the total program, each must take into account the strength and weaknesses of the other and the needs and peculiarities of the individual community. It is also agreed that success of `both governmental and voluntary efforts depends heavily upon the extent of personal intereSt, understanding and par- ticipation on the part of individual Americans. Because of the nature of these problems, personal decisions and attitudes may be as important in coping with many of them as organized services. And in the organized programs-as full- time workers, as volunteers, or `as informed contributors and taxpayers-there is a place for everyone. ADDITIONAL POINTS OF AGREEMENT 1. Services in the areas of community health, family and child welfare, youth guidance and recreation are an important part `of the total effort to eliminate social ills and promote human well-being.. 2. Increased governmental activity in these areas makes it essential that there also be well-organized and effective voluntary programs. 3. Voluntarism in health and welfare has a three-way role: a. The financing and operation of needed services. b. The encouragement of active citizen interest and participation in the development and operation `of governmental services. c. The mobilization of citizen opinion `and influence in support of the best possible total program of governmental and voluntary services. 4. The voluntary sector should not limit its interest and activity to providing services. It should be a prime channel of information to the public and should take the lead in mounting a joint attack by governmental and voluntary agencies on the basic social disorders which result in need for health :and welfare services. 5. In addition to supporting regular agency services, the voluntary sector should see that sufficient funds are available to stimulate and support innovative programs, to match governmental grants, and to finance new `services which have proven effective. Voluntary agencies must emphasize their traditional respon- sibilities for research, experimentation and demonstration of new approaches. They should see that new services and program innovations which have proven effective are incorporated in pu'blic programs. They should enthusiastically support new programs, both public and private, so that voluntary agencies will maintain their historic role of leadership in health `and welfare and the power to participate in adapting generalized programs to the needs of the particular community. 6. Voluntary and governmental services should complement and supplement each other. The result should be an orderly and rational total program of services. This calls for a high degree of flexibility on the part of voluntary agencies as governmental programs multiply and grow. Voluntary agencies should continu- 3661 PAGENO="0010" 3662 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ally re-examine their traditional scope and methods in relation to current social needs and new governmental programs. There should be consideration of the strengths of existing programs of voluntary agencies as governmental programs are planed and projected. 7. There should be close liaison between the Federal Government and such comprehensive voluntary agencies as the National Social Welfare Assembly, The National Health Council, and United Community Funds and Councils of America, as governmental planning and operations increase at the national and regional levels. These agencies will need to assume increasing roles in planning, coordination and standard setting. 8. The voluntary sector should continue to develop cooperative financing, budgeting and planning procedures. In this way community leadership can encourage flexibility and constructive change in voluntary agency programs and see that they are appropriately related to governmental activity. In this way,. too, joint public-voluntary planning can be carried on and comprehensive com- munity plans developed. 9. Voluntary agencies should emphasize preventive and rehabilitative services' and services `aimed `at promoting general health, welfare and social adjustment. While such services will not be limited exclusively to the "poor," they should `search constantly for those in greatest need of services. Voluntary agencies, must, of course, be operated and their services rendered without racial dis- crimination or segregation of any kind. 10. Voluntary agencies should set the highest of standards in their operating procedures and should provide the best in skilled professional service. At the same time, they should be the first to recognize the vital role of the volunteer worker, of broad citizen participation in policy making, and of warmth and `the personal touch in the administration of services. 11. Voluntary and governmental agencies should cooperate in meeting the central problem of social welfare manpower shortages. The citizen leadership traditionally associated with voluntary health and welfare activity should par- ticipate actively in the planning and operation of the new community programs associated with the "War on Poverty." Personnel should be made available to these programs, on a lend-lease basis if necessary. by both voluntary agencies and corporations. Voluntary community fund-raising groups should include funds in their budgets to match government appropria'tions for local community action programs and should insist upon representation on community committees ad- ministering these programs. In this way local citizen leadership and control can be maintained. Voluntary agencies should develop methods by which their cli- ents and the residents of areas they serve can participate meaningfully in the operation of their own programs. 12. Voluntary agencies must account to the public for the funds and methods used, and for the results of their efforts. This statement represents a consensus of the undersigned representatives of the Federal `Government and `United Community Funds and Councils of America, on the important role of the voluntary sector in health and welfare in American society. The Honorable John T. Connor, Secretary of Commerce The Honorable W. Willard Wirtz, Secretary of Labor The Honorable John W. Gardner, Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare The Honorable Robert C. Weaver, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development The Honorable Sargent Shriver, Director, Office of Economic Opportunity Joseph A. ]3eirne, President, Communications Workers of America, Washington, D.C. Bayard Ewing, Graham, Reid, Ewing and Stapleton, Providence. RI. Donald S. Frost, Vice President, Bristol-Myers Company, New York, N.Y. Harry T. Scaly, Vice President, Cleveland Electric Illuminating Company. Cleve~ land, Ohio Walter H. Wheeler, Jr., Chairman. Pitney-Bowes Corp., Stamford, Conn. PAGENO="0011" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3663 AMERICAN BAn AssOcIATIoN, STANDING COMMITTEE ON LEGAL AID AND INDIGENT DEFENDANTS, AND NATIONAL LEGAL AID AND DEFENDER ASSOCIATION, Chicago, Ill., August 1, 1907. Hon. CHARLES E. GOODELL, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mn. GOODELL: The enclosed letter from Mr. Stephen Kurzman explains the project he was undertaking to measure the impact of the OEO program on the private sector generally. I am sure that your colleagues in the Senate would be glad to share whatever information he has developed with you. Several of our members did respond to Mr. Kurzman. However, I am not sure whether the materials reached him in time to be incorporated in his report to the subcommittee. In our testimony on July 17th, Mr. Gossett indicated that he thought the American Bar Foundation study of legal services included some attention to the effect of the federal program on private charitable contributions. I have checked with the Foundation staff. Their study does not specifically include this inquiry. Therefore, I am unable to furnish the Committee with any informa- tion from this source. Sincerely, PHILIP J. MURPHY, Field Director. KURZMAN & GOLDFARB, Washington, DXI., ]Iay 8, 1967. PHILIP J. MURPHY, Esq., American Bar Center, Chicago, Ill. DEAR Mn. MURPHY: It was a pleasure meeting you last week. As I indicated, our firm has been retained by the Senate Poverty Inquiry to conduct a study of Private Enterprise Participation in the Anti-Poverty Program. Accordingly, I would much appreciate receiving any data you may be able to supply on the participation of private practitioners in neighborhood legal service programs, on the governing boards of community action agencies and other Federally-assisted anti-poverty agencies, or in other ways. Are there exam- ples of institutionalized participation such as, perhaps, regular delegation by law firms or bar associations of personnel to neighborhood legal offices, either to organize such offices, to supervise them, or to serve the poor in them? Finally, does participation at one level by lawyers-for example, on a governing board of a program-~tetnd to lead to other efforts at improving conditions for the poor- for example, through firm contributions to law school scholarship programs, or new firm policies of accepting a quota of non-fee or low-fee matters for poor clients? I realize that the Association may not yet have a great deal of data on these questions, but I thank you for any assistance you can provide. Sincerely, STEPHEN Kuaz~IAN. MAY 24, 1967. KURZMAN & GOLDFARB, Washington, D.C. DEAR STEVE: I apologize for my delay in answering your letter of May Sth regarding Private Enterprise Participation in the Anti-Poverty Program. There is no collection of data out of which to answer your questions. I have discussed the questions with Earl Johnson. Both he and I regret that neither OEO or NLADA has assembled such material, for it would be extremely instruc- tive. Perforce, I will give you some of our best estimates. PAGENO="0012" 3664 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 In round figures, there are 200 legal service programs now funded by OEO at a cost, since February, 1905, of $40,000,000. All of that committed amount called for a local share of 10%. Earl and I estimate that conservatively, 75% of this $4 million local commitment is the donated services of private lawyers in the community. Most programs call for this service in the community educa- tion part of the legal service program. Generally, the service performed is speaking to neighborhood groups on subjects such as consumer credit, landlord- tenant relations, domestic relations, and welfare law. These same private lawyers might assist in local radio or TV programs designed to inform the public about the service. Another use is serving as a backstop in conflict of interest eases where the legal aid office represents one party and the opposing party is also eligible for service. In some cases, provision is made to pay a reduced fee to the private lawyer, but in many cases this is a donated service. In some communities volunteer lawyers participate in the actual workload of the legal aid office. In Denver, the Young Lawyers Section of the Denver Bar assigns volunteers to the neighborhood offices to cover evening hours. Similarly, the Church Federation helps the Legal Aid Bureau of United Charities of Chicago on an evening hour basis, and lawyers from the Federation are drawn from many of the leading firms of the city. The New York Legal Aid Society has had a long and regularized relationship with the major firms of that city. At one time, firms there "lent" men to Legal Aid for work in its Criminal Division for extended periods of time. I have written to several of our members and asked them to furnish you details of their local experience. Lastly, I think it would be exceedingly difficult to measure what peripheral effects follow from participation of law firms or bar associations in legal aid programs. I am sure that it helps awaken many to needs of the poor beyond legal services. I do not think that it often results in a firm contributing to a law school scholarship. It would seldom result in changed firm policy to accept a quota of non fee clients. Hopefully, the legal aid service would be built up by increased contribution and support so that it would serve the needs of anyone in the community unable to pay a fee. I regret that I cannot furnish you more detailed information. Please contact us in the future on other questions, and I sincerely hope we can be more helpful. Sincerely yours, PuiiI~ J. MURPHY, Associate Director. MAY 25, 1907. KURZMAN & GOLDFARB, Washington, D.C. DEAR STEVE: Here are some addenda to my apologetic response of May 24th. There are some 1500 members of governing boards of legal service programs. At a minimum these boards would meet quarterly and spend 3 hours in dis- cussion and policy resolution. Therefore, a minimum of 8000 man hours yearly would be donated as management supervision. Actually, many of these boards have met much more frequently, particularly in the beginning stages of organ- ization. I would think a conservative estimate actually is 20.000 hours. Added to board meetings, there would be substantial consultation between the presi- dent and the directors of the programs. Office space is often donated for central and outlying locations. It is often in the courthouse, donated by the county. However space in the neighborhoods is often contributed by private charitable institutions such as the YMCA, churches of all faiths and family services agencies. It would be shocking to overlook the absolutely essential contribution of United Funds to Legal Aid and Defender services. In 1905, 187 civil offices reported their cost of operations to us; 40% of their cash support was from United Funds. The funds derive their money from charitable contributions of individuals and business organizations. Under the Economic Opportunity Act. these private contributions must continue as part of the "maintenance of effort" requirement. You will note from our statistics that this support increased dollar- wise in 1906, but dropped to only 22% of the total cash support because of the federal funds expended. These same statistics indicate dollar contributions of lawyers and bar asso- ciations. The Chicago Bar Association has had a regularized system of contribu- tion since 1964. On each quarterly billing $2.00 is added for Legal Aid. A member may elect to pay or not to pay. About $25,000 per year is thereby realized, and PAGENO="0013" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3665 this is in addition to about $90,000 raised from lawyers and law firms. The Chi- cago Bar Association's system was the result of hard work by lawyers active on the Board of United Charities of Chicago. It is the Legal Aid Bureau of that agency which provides legal services and which also has a grant from OEO. Radio and TV stations have contributed program time and staff help to pub- licize the service beyond public service compliance. In Waterloo, Iowa, $5000 of such time, if billed at commercial rates, is contributed. West Publishing gives N.L.A.D.A. free copies of its Martindale Hubbell Di- rectory to distribute to its members. That is all for now. Sincerely yours, PHILIP J. MURPHY, Associate Director. KURZMAN & GOLDFARB, Washington, D.C., Jnly 11, 1967. PHILIP J. MURPHY, Esq., Field Director, National Legal Aid and Defender Association, Chicago, Ill. DEAR PHIL: Thanks so much for all your help on my study for the Clark Sub- committee. At long last it has been filed and I will get a copy to you as soon as it is printed. My regret is that I didn't have time really to do justice to all the material you made available, but I will also pass it along to the Subcommittee staff for their continuing use. As you know, in addition to your own thoughtful letters and the letters from Robert D. Abrahams of Philadelphia, and Margadette i\'I. Demet of Milwaukee, I also received a long letter from Hardin Holmes about the Denver programs. Again, your energetic response to my plea for data was marvelous and much appreciated, I assure you. Sincerely, STEPHEN KURZMAN. OFFICE OF EcoxonIC OPPORTUNITY, EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT, Was/i ington, D.C., August 5, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR CARL: I appreciate your requesting my comments on a recommendation contained in a letter you have received from Mr. `Walter S. Duncan, President, Kentucky Institute for Accountancy that the provisions of section 243 (a) of the Economic Opportunity Act, as proposed in H.R. 8311, be modified. It should be noted that the section to which Mr. Duncan refers is, in fact, a restatement of provisions contained in section 205 1k) of the present Economic Opportunity Act relating to the maintenance of adequate accounting systems by agencies receiving assistance under title II of that law. Sections 205(k) and the proposed section 243(a) both permit the furnishing of a certification as to the adequacy of those systems by a certified public accountant or a duly licensed public accountant. (In the case of a public agency, the certification may be made by the appropriate public financial officer u-ho accepts responsibility for providing required financial services to the agency). The language contained in section 205 (k) and the proposed section 243 (a) regarding the employment of accountants is consistent with that recommended by the Comptroller General' of the United States in his letter B-148144, dated January 10, .1907, a copy attached. I am informed that our Audit Division has on more than one occasion discussed this matter with the National Society of Public Accountants (of which Mr. Duncan's organization is an affiliate) in an effort to explain the basis of the language used in the Act and to assure the NSPA that the public interest is considered of paramount importance in selecting qualified accountants. It would seem appropriate that the Comptroller General of the United States be consulted if the matter is to be pursued further. I hope this information will be helpful to you in replying to Mr. Duncan's letter. Please let me know if I can be of further assistance. Sincerely, SARGENT SI-IRIVER, Director. PAGENO="0014" 3666 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 COMPTROLLER GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES, Washington, D.C., January 10, 1967. Mr. W. FLETCHER LUTZ, Jr., National President, Federal Government Accountants Association, Washington, D.C. DE~&n MR. LUTZ: This is in response to your letter of December 21, 1966, in which you refer to the increased use of public accountants by Government agen- cies for performing accounting or auditing services in connection with federally- supported programs. You state that your Association has `determined that there is a great variety of language used in agency regulations to identify the eligi- bility of public accountants. You suggest that our Office reaffirm the model audit language contained in our 1960 annual report. The model language adopted by our Office in 1960 was developed for the pur- pose of making recommendations to the Congress in connection with proposed legislation for the incorporation of patriotic and charitable organizations. In 1964, `we proposed to the `Congress a uniform audit provision applicable to all federally- chartered patriotic and charitable organizations. `This bill was enacted as Public Law 88-504, approved August 30, 1964, and contains the model audit language. In developing this language, it was our thought that, because a good many states do not license public accountants and' in these jurisdictions anyone can practice as a public accountant without having to present any evidence as to his character `and competence and without being subject to any ethical disciplines, federally-chartered organizations, other organizations tinged with public inter- est, or activities wholly or partially supported by Federal funds should be audited only by individuals or firms who are subject t'o the regulations, disciplinary meas- ures, and `a code of ethics provided under state laws. The model language was developed in conjunction with the American Institute of Certified Public Ac- countants and reads as follows: "The accounts of the (enterprise) shall be audited annually in accordance with generally accepted auditing standards by independent certified public accountants or independent licensed public accountants, certified or licensed by a regulatory authority of a state or other political subdivision of the United States." We have found no reason to modify this language since its adoption and still advocate its use in bills or legislative proposals which include requirements for independent audits of activities conducted under Government auspices, with Government support, or as creatures of the Federal Government. You may make such publication of this' letter as you deem appropriate. Sincerely yours, ELMER B. STAATS, Comptroller General of the United States. NATIONAL FARMERS UNION, Washington D.C., July 5, 1967. Congressman CARL D. PERKINS, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: Enclosed is a newly prepared report by the National Farmers Union on rural Neighborhood Youth Corps programs under funds from the Department `of Labor. The Neighborhood Youth Corps programs are sponsored by Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin and Arkansas Farmers Union. The Neighborhood Youth Corps programs encourage drop-outs to return to school by giving them part-time employment not only during, the summer but during the school year as well. All of the young people involved are leaiming -the discipline of work and many are receiving training in skills that will enable them, at the end of their schooling, to enter the labor market with something tangible to offer a prospective employer in private industry. Sincerely, Bnm A. CARSTENSON, Assistant Legislative Director. P.S. I am looking forward to testifying before your committee. PAGENO="0015" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3667 NEIGHBORHOOD YOUTH Cones Tony T. Dechant, President, National Farmers Union The Neighborhood Youth Corps, administered by the Farmers Union in four states, under contract with the U.S. Department of Labor brings new hope to young people from low-income, disadvantaged rural families. Far too often these teen-agers drop out of school because they have not sufficient income for books, clothes or other necessities which are important to any age group but possibly more important to the teens. Often these young people come from crowded homes where sleeping four and five in a room is not conducive to study. Often their diet is inadequate, often they feel that nobody cares. Farmers Union Neighborhood Youth Corps does care. It gives these rural young people a chance to complete their education by earning money on part- time jobs so that they may remain in school or by enabling drop-outs to learn the habit of work and discipline and perhaps return to school or go on to vocational schooL They are made to feel part of the community. There are four programs; The In-School Program, designed for youngsters still in school and who hope to graduate. Part-time jobs are developed for these young people which, with training, may develop into permanent jobs when the youngsters leave schooL These are part-time jobs held by the young people who are still in school. The Out-School Program deals to a large extent with drop-outs. The program puts them to work at jobs which may lead to permanent careers. Every effort is made to persuade these young people to return to school and complete their education. In an astonishingly high percentage of cases the drop-out has returned to school having been convinced that the more education he has the better job he can get. Where return to high school is not feasible or impossible the Neigh- borhood Youth Corps makes every effort to get the youngsters into vocational schools. The Summer Program is by far the largest in all four states where the rural Program is in operation-Arkansas, Indiana, Illinois and Wisconsin. During the summer months effort is made to enable teenagers who need money to enable them to return to school in the fall to be placed in jobs; drop-outs are placed in jobs, wherever possible, that give them training that may make it possible for them to hold jobs in private industry. In all four states where its rural program is underway teenagers have been successfully placed in jobs in the private sector after working on programs administered by the Farmers Union. The Follow-up Program of the Arkansas Farmers Union Neighborhood Youth Corps is one of the more important aspects of the project. In the in-school Pro- gram each high school senior is contacted very early in his senior year and is exposed to a variety of potential training opportunities including college, voca- tional schools, on-the-job training and MDTA institutional and coupled training programs. During the senior year the enrollee is counseled repeatedly concerning the ad- vantages of additional post high school training. When the enrollee makes his decision the NYC counselor then makes a concentrated effort to help him locate and make application for the assistance program he needs. Each application is followed until a definite action is taken. In many cases this is achieved only after personal visit to the granting, lending or training agency in behalf of the individual enrollee. Among the 647 high school graduates of the 1966-67 program, 212 enrollees have already been placed in post high school training positions. In Arkansas 1950 girls and boys are in the current program in 42 counties throughout the state. They are working on roads, in hospitals, in offices and in factories. In Illinois, 1600 young people from 83 counties work in both in-school and drop-out programs. This year the Illinois Director of Farmers Union Neighbor- hood Youth Corps is encouraged by the promise of the Caterpillar Tractor Co. (which has given part-time jobs) to employ the young men recommended from the project on regular jobs. Girls in the project are employed as nurses aides, clerical workers and as assistants in nursing homes for the elderly. PAGENO="0016" 3668 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 In Indiana, about 500 young people are being helped by the in-school andout- of-school programs in 42 rural counties. The Director reports that many of the boys, on the completion of their Youth Corps jobs, have been kept on the payroll of the state department or private industry for which they had been working under the Program. In Wisconsin, 470 of the boys and girls in 17 counties have been enabled to stay in school or to find jobs. Typical of community response is a letter from City Clerk, Marcella B. Cook in Oconto, Wisconsin. She writes, "We had two girls working in our office in the in-school program since last summer . . . both girls have been cooperative and dependable . . . the City has benefited from their work since there was a heavy work load in this office due to federal projects and public construction". The Florence County, Wisconsin Highway Commissioner says "The value to the out-of-school program enrollees is tremendous because it makes him feel there is a place for him and something he can do . . . the values to the communities are impossible to measure in dollars." In every instance, eventual job placement for the youngsters is the goal of the administrators~ The young people while in the Corps work in a wide range of settings (hospitals, offices, factories and other industries) by no means limited to the schools or school systems. Although, it is true, that because many of the rural schools need help in personnel and materiel, some of the young people are placed in these positions wrhen no private sector jobs are available. But the program is not strictly an educational program except as related to the educa- tion of working on the job. The boys and girls, no matter where they are placed, acquire the habit of work with its attendant disciplines. This in itself is educational for the teenager who has known no responsibility, financial or otherwise. The program enables them to learn a little about budgeting and handling of their money and it also teaches them that full value must be given in return for their salaries. Letters from administrators and young people themselves testify to the value of the programs. Here are some excerpts from letters received: ASHLAND HIGH SCHOOL, ASHLAND, WISCONSIN MAY 8, 1967... "Several incidents during the year have brought out the good that can come from a program of this kind. One young man was able to stay in school when N.Y.C. earned money took over payment of debts that had forced him to decide to quit school. A mother expressing gratitude for this help in meeting the financial needs of a fatherless home. A young man, one of nine children, being able to hold up his head before and gain some measure of respect from a tyrant father. Up to this time this boy was very difficult to keep in school. These are only a few examples of ways this program has helped the school situation. I am sure there are many others. "As one who has the responsibility for the local administration of this program. I must say that I am grateful to the Wisconsin Farmers Union for the way they have handled their end. The work of administration at the local level has been kept at a minimum. The program has not suffered at any time due to adminis- trative expediency. "Sincerely yours, "EUGENE STAUFFER." OFFICE OF THE SHERIFF, MARINETTE, WISCONSIN APRIL 27, 1967 . . . "I must say that at first I was quite reluctant to enter into this program as a sponsor. However, after being involved with one of the en- rollees. it is my opinion that, the benefits derived for both sponsor and enrollee are beyond compare in this type of program. Our present enrollee has just filed a termination notice, because she is taking a position with a local firm. I would like to believe that your program made this possible for her to stay in school, finish her education and comeout of school with a future to look forw-ard to. "Very truly yours, "DONALD A. WITT." SHELL LAKE PUBLIC SCHOOLS, SHELL LAKE, WI5CONSIN MAY 1, 1967 . . "The five enrollees in our school at Shell Lake seemed to be- come more conscientious as students. It seems that some of them for the first time had to learn to budget their time. For the first time, some of these students had to be at a designated place at a certain time to start work. `Sincerely, "XORBERT KINNICK." PAGENO="0017" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3669 HUB OFFICE MACHINES, COUDERAY, WISCONSIN APRIL 28, 1967 . . . "When I opened my business here the first of this year Mr. DeLap loaned me a couple of his helpers to get my building in shape and my office set up. I was amazed at the courtesy and the efficiency of these teen-agers and the speed at which they did splendid work. I will say that those who have been under Mr. DeLap's supervision had bad wonderful training. "From time to time I have tried to add to their training. This has been only occasionally. There have been times when the Couderay Area Development Corpo- ration or the Couderay Area Credit Union has needed duplicating done. I have welcomed the NYC into my shop where I have showed them the proper procedure in both mimeographing and spirit duplicating. I have been surprised at the speed with which they absorbed the training and the excellent results they obtained. "Sincerely, "KENN MCKINNY." FROM ARKANSAS WASHINGTON, ARKANSA5.-"In the town that served as the Confederate capital of Arkansas during the Civil War, jobs of any kind for anyone are scarce. For Miss Audria Hatfield, an attractive 21 year old native of Washington, Arkansas, the Farmers Union NYC program last summer made it possible for her to gain working experience during the Summer, that enable here to gain a permanent job as a Secretary to the school superintendent. Miss Hatfield stated that had it not been for the opportunity provided by the NYC it is very likely she would still be unemployed. "The income earned by Miss Hatfield is an important contribution to her family budget as her father's occupation is rather seasonal and sometimes the period between paydays is quite long. The farming and pulpwood hauling occu- pation followed by her father, is dependent on many factors that sometime make for very unstable family income. "There is little doubt in Audria Hatfield's mind that the Neighborhood Youth Corps is responsible for her employment in the Washington School District today." BROOKLAND PUBLIC SCHOOL, BROOKLAND, ARK. MAY 16, 1967 . . . "Roger Britt is a graduating senior. He plans to go to St. Louis to work. We feel that his work here has helped prepare him for work he plans to enter. "Sincerely, "E. Y. TAYLOR." HORATIO PUBLIC SCHOOLS, HORATIO, ARK. MAY 29, 1967 . . . "Jimmy Pickett, a senior, was a fine worker, very dependable, always here for duty on time, and seemed so happy in the job. Jimmy plans to work for Dierks Forest, Inc., this summer and will enter Henderson State Teach- ers College, Arkadelphia, in the falL "Jimmy Vanmeter, a senior, has worked hard, and has made an excellent helper. The money Jimmy made has helped with school expenses. He will work this summer prior to entering Henderson State Teachers College in September. "Dale McCoy, a hard worker and a most deserving boy. Dale is a junior this year and makes good grades-he will be a senior next fall. Dale plans to work all summer to make money to help with school expenses when the fall term begins. "Evonda Kay Vaughn, a sophomore, has worked very well this school year. She was liked by all those whom she worked with. This money, I am sure, helped to provide the necessary school supplies that Kay needed. Kay will return to Horatio High next fall, entering her junior year. "Lacy Edward, a senior in high school, has shown excellent progress in work habits, social development and a desire to continue to improve. He plans to enter a Vocational School this summer to take Auto Mechanics." DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, MONTICELLO, ARK. MAY 26, 1967 ... . "Joe Willie Dean, Calvin Lee Shepherd and Arceola Simp- son, Jr., were excellent workers. They were always ready to work on time and they also plan to work this summer. They have also made considerable progress in their ability to handle a job. We feel like that these NYC workers felt that any job that was worth doing was worth doing well. "Sincerely, "CHARLES JUSTICE, Jr." SO-0S4--67-pt. 5-2 PAGENO="0018" 3670 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 WOMBLE MOUNTAIN AREA AGENCY, HARRISBURG, ILLINOIS APRIL 24, 1967. . . "I just thought you might be interested in learning about a golden opportunity which `has been offered and accepted by two N.Y.C. Out- of-School Enrollees here in Harrisburg. "Mr. M. C. Nelson, business administrator for the Shawnee National Forest Service asked about two months ago for two N.Y.C. Enrollees to work at the Forest Service Office. Mr. Nelson had in mind, however, more than just some- one to do some odd jobs. He wanted to set up an intensive training program in which the enrollees would receive the knowledge and practical experience which would qualify them to take a Federal Civil Service Exam. This would be done with the expectation that they would pass the exam and the Forest Service could hire them permanently. "I referred to them a young lady, Mary Ann White and a young man, Vernie Cowan, both of whom have been working on the N.Y.C. since September 1966. It has been about six weeks since they started with the Forest Service. I have checked with Mary Ann and Vernie and Mr. Nelson several times since they started and everything is working out beautifully. "The first Civil Service Exam which they will take is scheduled for June of this year. Mr. Nelson doubts that they have enough training to pass the test but he feels that just the experience of taking the test will better prepare theni for passing it next time. "Because of the N.Y.C. these two youths have been given a real chance; one they probably would not have had otherwise. I am very encouraged by this case and hope it can be duplicated many more times. Allow me to express thanks from these youths to you for your help in making this opportunity available. ~`Yours truly, "DAvID A. KNIGHT. "MARIAN EPPERHEIMER." JERSEYVILLE PLAYGROUND AND RECREATION DEPARTMENT, JER5EYvILLE, ILLINOIS APRIL 29, 1967... "The Illinois Farmers Union Youth Corps has `been of great value to the youth of Jersey County. It has been my privilege to observe the physical, mental and social maturity of nine boys and girls earning enough money to help them remain in school for perhaps the first time. "A notable change occurred in the appearance and behavior patterns of these young people as they were able to handle responsibilities in supervising recrea- tional games, hikes, nature and craft `sessions of children in our local recreation program. "This winter, Jim Powers, a fine young N.Y.C. worker has gained much maturity as he assisted our department in organizing and operating an adult recreation program. In addition, he was able to lend `service to grade school boys in the de- partment's basketball school conducted on Saturdays. "One of the true values' of your program, Mr. Watson, is the effect it `has had on the entire community. The local recreation department, for example, has been able to offer and provide children as well as adults a better and more complete recreation program for leisure time activities because of the assistance of the N.Y.C. "Sincerely, "PAUR MCGARVEY." MT. VERNON TOWNSH~ HIGH SCHOOL, MT. VERNON, ILLINOIS MAY 2, 1967 . . ."We have eight people on this program and have been well pleased with the results. They have learned to work, get their hair cut regularly, wear clean clothes and have become better students and better citizens. One boy, David Michael Flint, bad quit school and was in jail on a fairly serious charge. The judge released him on a condition that he get back in `school. I got him on this program and arranged for some other help for him. He has never missed a day of school or a work assignment, is carrying five subjects among them Algebra 2, Chemistry `and Physics. His last grade card `showed three A's and two B's and he has been invited to attend Engineering Day at the Uni- versity of Illinois. He is going to receive an Engineering Scholarship and `being an engineer myself I know that there are far too few of us and we are too old. "This boy from a broken, impoverished, home will `be a good engineer and have a good life. PAGENO="0019" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3671 "If this boy had been sent to the penal farm for just six months his cost of maintenance would have been several times the cost of the entire program here. "I certainly believe the Youth Corps to be the best of the domestic programs and I think the Illinois Farmer's Union should be complimented for sponsor- ing it. "CLARENCE PEARsoN." ELDORADO TOWNSHIP HIGH SCHOOL, ELDORADO, ILL. MAY 9, 1967 . . . "It become.s a difficult task to describe a young girl named Blanche lJnselL She has been reared in filth, poverty and ignorance. Her family history of drinking, illiteracy, brawling, unemployment and government aid is long and discouraging. However, she has raised herself from this to be the leader in the family situation. "Blanche came to me as a hooky player early in the school year. She was a belligerent child with a temper and many angry words to match it. Her favorite ~past-time was quitting school. She began her work in my room when I requested her assistance as a plan to interest her in school. Fortunately, at this time, we found that I would be able to have her under my supervision for the work pro- gram. Along with encouragement from her teachers and many workers around school, the transformation began. She has emerged a person with a sense of responsibility, initiative, self-pride and determination. Because of this, she has made many new friends. "Blanche now speaks of acquiring a vocation after high schooL It is just short of a miracle for her to complete high school, as she will be the first in a family of nine children to do this." FROM AN INDIANA STUDENT SEPTEMBER 2, 1967. . . "I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for the benefit I received by ~eing a member of the Neighborhood Youth Corps. By being on the program and working in the Dearborn County Clerk's office I ob- tained the knowledge of office procedure and the data concerning legal matters, and as a result I obtained a secretarial position with a local attorney, Richard Ewan. "I wish to express my thanks to the Neighborhood Youth Corps and the Clerk's office in Lawrenceburg for the rewarding opportunity I received. "Very truly yours, "LINDA J. WILHELM." EXAMPLES OF PRESS COOPERATION NEIGHBORHOOD YOUTH CORPS HAS 180 ENROLLED IN FOUR COUNTIES One hundred and eighty high school students presently are enrolled under a special summer Neighborhood Youth Corps program sponsored by the Illinois Farmers Union through the Womble Mountain Area Agency for Economic Op- ~ortunity, it was reported today by W. H. Riggs, director of that area agency. Designed to offer employment, training and counseling to young men and women 16-21 who will return to high school this fall, the NYC project is aimed at helping young people eligible for benefits under the Economic Opportunity Act. A cooperative program, the local NYC projects were set up jointly through the Illinois Farmers Union, the Womble Mountain Agency and the Illinois State Employment Service with funds provided through the Department of Labor which administers NYC nationwide. The 180 students are employed in projects in Saline, Gallatin, Pope and Hardin counties. They are employed in the offices in the court house and in city offices in Eldorado and Harrisburg, plus 17 villages in the four-county area. The work in the villages is generally clean-up and beautification programs. Ray Watson, president of the Illinois Farmers Union, said: "The unselfish cooperation of local communities, volunteers and professionals is making pos- sible 2,280 job opportunities for young men and women across the state this summer. There can be on doubt that the true ber~efits of this excellent program will be felt by many generations to come since all of the young people involved have displayed a willingness to work their way into better economic opportunities. For them, this program is a positive step in the right direction." PAGENO="0020" 3672 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Womble Mountain Area Agency Director Riggs expressed his appreciation for the program through Thomas Jackson, State Director of the 0. E. 0. and Mr. Watson and Earl Pate of the Illinois Farmers Union. "They have clone a wonder- ful service for the needy high school pupils in our four counties," Director Riggs stated. He expressed hopes the students will be enabled to receive benefits for the on- coIning high school year. Each pupil will be allowed to work three hours per clay at $1.25 per hour, and carry their high school subjects. He also expressed thanks to Perry Moore, manager of the State Employment Office in Harrisburg and to Mrs. Stephanie McGill of the Employment Office, n-ho have cooperated in every way possible in helping to promote these students for summer work. Mr. Riggs has received letters of praise for the fine work these young people are doing in their on-the-job training, including the office of State's Attorney Robert V. Wilson in Harrisburg, and John Segraves City Commissioner in Eldorado. Segraves pointed out that at the present time a total of 32 boys and girls, 16-17 years of age, are working 28 hours a week at $1.25 per hour with several of the girls working in the Head Start program as teachers' aldes and lunchroom help- ers. Others with typing and secretarial abilities have been placed in the City Olerk's office, in the Public Library and boys have been working for the Street Department. The same type of work is being done in Harrisburg in the city and county offices. in Carrier Mills and the other villages and towns throughout the area. [Chicago Tribune, Apr. 7, 1967] YOUTH CORPS To GIVE JOBS TO 1,000 IN STATE [Chicago Tribune Press Service] WASHINGTON, April 6.-More than 1,100 Illinois youngsters in the neighborhood youth corps program will have jobs this summer as a result of an agreement signed today between the labor department and the Illinois Farmers union. W. Willard Wirtz, secretary of labor, said the youngsters will be put to work for 12 w-eeks, beginning in early June, nursing the sick, planting trees, improving lake shorelines, repairing sidewalks and bridges, and helping out in libraries. The agreement also provides for a nine-week part-time job program for 592 students in the fall. TELL COST BREAKDOWN Total cost of the two-part project is $754,925. The labor department will pay for $622,025 thru its manpower administration's bureau of work programs, which administers the neighborhood youth corps. The remainder will come from the Illinois Farmers union. Raymond J. Watson of Springfield, president of the I.F.U.. said the summer and fall program will involve SO Illinois counties, with 33 community action commit- tees taking an active role. The summer and fall jobs will be evenly divided between boys and girls. 16 thru 21 years old. The jobs will be in 224 job sites, including school systems. high- way departments, libraries, park departments, and other public and private agencies. The I. F. U. has sponsored five neighborhood youth corps programs, making jobs available to 4,522 young people. 200 ENTER NURSING "We have placed many of our enrollees in private industry," Watson said. "As a result of our program two years ago, about 200 girls reported they intended to enter the nursing profession, which is so desperately short of skilled help." Watson said the I.F.U. will work with the Illinois state employment service, which will screen potential participants to assure that the most needy youngsters are accepted in the program and that labor department standards are met. The summer employment program is designed to allow the youngsters to remain in or return to school and to acquire skills to hold a job, Watson said. PAGENO="0021" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3673 KENTUCKY INSTITUTE FOR ACCOUNTANCY, Nicholasviile, Ky., July 17, 1967. Hon. CARL P. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. PEAR MR. .PERKINS: We are writing this letter on behalf of the members of the Kentucky Institute for Accountancy who would be ineligible to conduct services for various organizations and agencies under the Economic Opportunity Act as a result of the language in your bill, H.R. 8311. The Kentucky Institute is referring particularly to the provisions of Section 243(a) which provides that "the statement may be furnished by a certified public accountant, a duly licensed public accountant or, in the case of a public agency, the appropriate public financial officer who accepts responsibility for providing required financial services to.that agency." Our particular concern is with the exclusive reference to certified public ac- countants and licensed public accountants who are either certified or licensed under state law. In Kentucky only certified public accountants have been licensed under Kentucky law since 1946. As a result, only forty eight (48) counties in Kentucky have a certified public accountant in it. In view of this situation with respect to H.R. 8311 you would deny ethical, experienced accountants the right to participate in various OEO programs. Not only is this unfair to the account- ants affected-but it would result in problems for the various OEO organiza- tions seeking accountants in the other seventy two (72) counties of our State. The Kentucky Institute for Accountancy was organized by the non-certified accountants of Kentucky and has devoted all its energies, abilities, time, and finances toward upgrading the standards of the non-certified profession of ac- counting. A copy of Rules of Professional Conduct is enclosed. They make it evident, we believe, that "Accounting Practitioners" are just as qualified as any other certified or licensed accountant. We sincerely believe that the language of H.R. 8311 should be modified to include all qualified independent professional accountants, in addition to those who are certified or licensed public accountants. The language of the bill should be more flexible, so a~ to permit a participating agency to select the accountant of its choice-especially where there are no certified or licensed accountants available or where a particular accountant is preferred. As OEO programs continue to expand in fulfillment of its basic mission, more and more Kentucky Institute members will be asked by local agencies to pro- vide necessary accounting services. We do not think it fair or realistic for them to be denied an opportunity to render such services when they are asked. We understand that Mr. Stanley H. Stearman, Staff Counsel, National Society of Public Accountants has been trying to contact your office. We suggest that you contact him for more detail information concerning this matter. You will note that the Kentucky Institute is the Kentucky chapter of that organization. I would appreciate it very much if this letter can be made a part of the printed record of the hearings on H.R. 8311. We are confident that our views will re- ceive every consideration. Cordially, WALTER S. DUNCAN, President, Kentucky Institute for Accountancy. LEAGUE or WOMEN VOTERS OF THE PITTSBURGH AREA, Pittsburgh, Pa., June 18, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Wash~agton, D.C. Mv DEAR MR. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of the Pittsburgh Area wishes to express to the House Committee on Education and Labor our League support of Community Action Programs as a weapon against poverty. The League supports citizen participation in the poverty program, and we have attended meetings of the poverty groups in Pittsburgh and Allegheny County in order to observe the role local citizens are playing in the planning and evaluation of pro- grams. We have been impressed by the dedication, energy, and perseverance displayed by the many citizens, both poor and middle class, who are working to identify the needs and seek solutions to the problems of the poor. We trust that the Committee will give close consideration to the communications it re- ceives from these local citizens groups. PAGENO="0022" 3674 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Because we believe that local initiative and innovation are essential in combat- ting poverty, the League supports adequate funds for Community Action Pro- grams, and the League opposes Congressional earmarking of funds which result in drastic cuts in money available for locally developed programs. Since the purpose of the League of Women Voters is to develop informed and active participation in government, we have been pleased and impressed to see that the Community Action Program in our area is effectively developing citizen participation not only in federally financed programs, but in the programs and services of local and state governmental, educational, and social agencies. In the past two years Pittsburgh and Allegheny County have had a proliferation of citi- zens groups which address themselves to the various problems of the poor which must be solved, not just through federal funding, but through local, county and state governments. Public officials and agencies have been concerned with the improvement of housing, education, legal aid, employment, and welfare services for many years-long before these new organizations were formed. Nevertheless, the formation of new groups and committees is a vital and healthy occurrence in a democracy. In Pittsburgh, more people, both poor and middle class are becoming interested in the problems of the poor and simultaneously are becoming more informed about and active in governmental programs. The Community Action Program is the catalyst for increased communication between the poor and governmental, educational, and social agencies. It is vital for the war on poverty that the federal legislation should strengthen rather than weaken the Community Action Program. Sincerely yours, Mrs. EUGENE SCHUSTER, President. AUGUST 16, 1967. DEAR CHAIRMAN PERKINS: I have been reading the testimonies before your House Committee on Education and Labor. It is good to know that your commit- tee is carefully weighing so much evidence. I am enclosing newspaper re-prints of Women's Job Corpswomen and Women in Community Service articles; I hope this visual help will help you see the benefits the girls are deriving from their enrollment. It is true all are not at work, but they need our (WICS) supportive services and the faith of their com- munities to help them "up the ladder" to success. I have written my own representative, but I want to add my concern to those who must be writing you. I hope your committee will take a close look at the girls who have been taught at the Training Centers. I wish the girls themselves could testify. If you could read their letters to the WICS organization which screened them, you'd know they appreciate the effort put forth for them. I'm sure you know that most of those gainfully employed were last year's school dropouts. Sincerely, MILDRED Bonx. {Houston Chronicle, Aug. 9, 19671 JOB CORPS TRAINING PAYS FOR AREA YOUNG ADULTS When they left their homes they were seeking training that would enable thern~ to hold jobs with dignity and skill. When they returned 11 months later they were Corpswomen-graduates of a Women's Jobs Corps Training Center. But what of these girls who are between the ages of 16 and 22? Where did they go? What did they learn? Did they find it worthwhile? Several girls who were among the 25 recent graduates were interviewed~ this week and all were enthusiastic about the center they attended. All had received academic and vocational training and all were equipped to hold down a job in the field they had chosen. They praised the teachers and counselors and said they had made friends from all over the United States. They learned something about another section of the country and came home filled with confidence in them~elves. Nancy Lambert of 7506 Ley was graduated from the Jobs Corps Center fer Women at Cleveland, Ohio, where she chose the psychiatric aide course. Nancy had attended Fonville Junior High School but had not gotten her high school diploma. PAGENO="0023" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3675 She wanted to be a nurse but it isn't easy with only a junior high school edu- cation, so Nancy signed up for Job Corps training and now she is working as a nursing assistant at Hermann Hospital. NIGHT SCHOOL She plans to enter night school this fall and hopes to save enough money to someday go to college and become a registered nurse. Helen Oliver, 822 E. 4d3, is a graduate of the Omaha, Neb., Center, but her course in dressmaking so far hasn't led to a job, she isn't discouraged, however. She is skilled in alteration and sooner or later someone will hire her, she feels. Helen is a graduate of Yates High School where she was an honor student in borne economics and was an outstanding music student. She hopes to use her Job Corps training to secure a good paying job so that she can save enough money to go to college to `major in music.. Since the death of her parents, she has been making her home with an aunt, Mrs. Dorothy Davis'. Flora Bradley, 4115 Cline, begins her assistant nursing shift at Riverside Hospital at 3 p.m. each day. Flora was intereste'd in nursing long `before she went to the center at Clinton, Iowa. She had served as a `Candy `Striper at Memorial Hospital while attending Wheatley High School and had taken a borne nursing Course. Flora, who is a high school graduate, will enter a school for practical nurses this fall and when she saves enough money, plans to go on to college to major in nursing. Mary Cormier Wade not only learned to be a key punch operator at the center at Huntington, W. Va., but also found romance. Her husband, who is a mail clerk, transferred to Houston after Mary returned home an'd went to work for Texaco Credit Card Center. Mrs. Wade is a graduate of Kashmere Gardens High School and would like to' continue her education after she w-orks a while. In all, Houston has had 295 enrollees in the Women's Job Corps, most of whom are still receiving their training at the various centers throughout the states. Some of those who have returned are working with mailing service, in dental laboratories, as general clerks, electronics assemblers, with retarde'd children,. as floral designers, cashiers and checkers. SOCIAL SKILLS `The residential training centers offer young women an' opportunity to acquire educational, vocational and social skills necessary to live as productive self- supporting members of society. Most of the girl's in Houston who apply for the program, would go on to college if their parents could afford to send them, they say. Women in Community Service, formed by women from the National Council of `Catholic Women, the National Council of Jewish Women, the National Council of Negro Women, and Church Women United `have contracted to recruit and screen female can'didates for the Job Corps'. Girls may apply at the office, 3129 Southmore, Room 22, of St. James Episcopal Church from 10 am. to 1 p.m. A birth certificate or some record of birth is needed, a statement of family income and social security numbers are required. The' Texas Employment Commission accepts applications for both the Women's Job Corps and the Men's Job Corps. At the centers, vocational interests of the Corpswomen are explored in the first few weeks of `basic education and guidance counseling. Training courses include secretarial, business an'd clerical, data processing, retail sales, food preparation and services, health and paramedical services, fabric arts, dress de- signing, graphic arts skills, cleaning and laundry trades, cosmetology and ~huld care, driver education, and industrial electronics. INSTILL PRIDE Another prime function is training in job application, good work habits, and instilling pride in a job well done. , Physical education and swimming instruction are required courses. Voluntary recreational activities include group sports, arts and crafts, excursions to the theater, `concerts, and dances. PAGENO="0024" 3676 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Nurses are on duty 24 hours a day at the centers. Doctors and dentists are available. Girls are advised on health and hygiene, and are taught the impor- tance of personal attention to physical fitness, as well as the use of community health services. Resident advisors live with the girls and are available for advice and guid- ance. Girls live with one of three roommates. Student government is encouraged and girls participate in setting and enforcing rules and regulations. Group activi- ties, such as student newspapers, and participation in extra-curricular activities- both on and off center-are especially encouraged. Women's centers, each accommodating from 300 to 1000 Corpswomen, are operated under contracts with business organizations, universities and educa- tional and social service agencies. These organizations recruit and employ all center staffs. Job Corps enrollees' receive a living allowance of $30 a month-before taxes- plus room, board, clothing and medical and dental care. And $50 a month is set aside for each girl during her stay, as terminal pay. Up to $25 of the monthly terminal allowance may be allotted to a dependent parent or other relative, with the Job Corps matching this amount. An enrollee travels to and from the center at government expense, and may make one round trip home a year at government expense. The training as a clerk-typist received by Ethel Hall of 2426 Druid landed her a job at NASA. She was graduated from the center at Guthrie, O'kla., and was graduated from George Washington Carver High School and attended `business college before signing up for the corps. Dorothy Hicks, 9803 Rebel, took her clerk-typist training at Clinton, Iowa. She hasn't been working this summer, but has a job for the fall when she will be employed full time. She is a graduate of Wheatley. Vernell Hilliard, 708 Cleveland, not only enjoyed every minute of her stay at the Omaha center but has `had a grand summer working with the Headstart program. `She is a key punch `operator and will start work this fall. `She attended Yates High School and was graduated from San Jacinto High School. Frankie Jordan, 5230 Carmen, works as `a key punch operator for Texaco. She attended JCCW in Huntington and `hopes to attend a `business college later. She is a graduate of Worthing High School. FILE CLEBK Rosalie Nellums, 4718 Rawley is employed at Ben Taub Hospital as a file clerk. She had graduated from Wheatley High School in 1963 where she had taken typing and a business course. When the opportunity caine to further her education in the Job Corps, she entered the program and trained at Huntington. Robbie Jones, 2322 Live Oak, trained as a PBX operator and general clerk at the Omaha Center. She attended Yates, dropped out, and then attended night classes until she got her high school diploma. Brenda Freeman, 1605 West attended the Clinton JCCW and is a key punch operator. So far she hasn't found work, but hasn't been home long and hopes to find something this fall. She was graduated from Wheatley. Clara Brooks, 1030 Sydnor, trained to be a nursing assistant at the Los Angeles Center. She attended E. 0. Smith Junior High School and took special academic subjects at the center. WICS-No PLACE FOE IDEALISTS: RECRUITING WOMEN'S JOB Coups VOLIJNTEERS Is No SI~iPLE CHORE Women in Community Service weren't exactly starry-eyed idealists when they started recruiting for the Women's Job Corps two years ago. The average volunteer in the ecumenical group was 40 years old, and her background n-as studded with religious and civic accomplishments. "But we just didn't realize the extent of the problem. We just didn't know how poverty could damage a young person," said Mrs. Joseph Wiesenthal, project director. FORTY VOLUNTEERS HERE In some ways, Mrs. Wiesenthal, a member of two Jewish congregations and a leader in the annual interfaith workshop, exemplifies the WICS volunteer. When she took the director's job, she thought that nothing could surprise her. PAGENO="0025" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3677 Women in Community Service is a volunteer pool formed on a national level by the National Council of Catholic Women, United Church Women, the National Council of Jewish Women and the National Council of Negro women. In Houston about 40 volunteers have sent 350 girls to Job Corps camps across the country. So far, 39 girls have returned here, fully trained. The volunteers have learned that putting a girl on a plane for a Job Corps camp is more difficult than it seems. "Frankly, I thought we could tell girls about free job training and they'd ask when they could leave," Mrs. Wiesenthal said. The first task is finding the girl. About half of WICS referrals come from the Third Ward area around their office in St. James Episcopal Church, 3129 Southmore. WICS has had difficulty recruiting white girls, though Mrs. Wiesenthal is convinced there are many needy white girls who could benefit. Many girls resist the idea of leaving home. Most of the volunteers have experienced a sinking feeling when an excellent prospect, carefully screened, just didn't show up at the airoprt. Mrs. Wiesenthal has suggtested an orientation program to prepare the girls for departure. Many of them will not speak out about their fears, many are over- weight, many have never left their neighborhood before, she said. NURSERIES NEEDED More than 75 percent of the girls WICS placed have children. Job Corps requires that the children stay home while their mothers go to camps. Mrs. Wiesenthal believes this encourages irresponsibility. "The girl leaves the baby with mama, and when she comes back mama is so used to caring for it that the girl may never take on her duties as a parent," she said. She has suggested nurseries at Job Corps camps similar to those on Israeli kibbutzes. "Not only could we insure that the girls learn all the best things about child care, but we could give the babies the best possible medical care,' Mrs. Wiesenthal explained. Follow-up is another aspect. Mrs. Robert Childers leads volunteers in checking on returnees, helping them adjust to their new jobs. TOO BIG A JOB But the task is getting too big for an all-volunteer group, Mrs. Wiesenthal said. She has suggested that an office coordinator and two clerks be paid. "We get terribly involved in our work," Mrs. Wiesenthal said. "We're dealing with human beings. We can't just forget a girl when something goes wrong. The book just hasn't been written for this kind of work." STAFF REPORT TO THE SENATE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EMPLOYMENT, MANPOWER AND POVERTY Submitted by Dr. James L. Sundquist, Brookings Institute ISSUES OF ORGANIZATION AND COORDINATION Background When the President announced "unconditional war on poverty in the United States," in January 1964, he defined that war in terms of the concerted use of all of the weapons at the Government's command-all existing programs with an impact upon the problems of the poor, plus new programs to be enacted. He announced also that he was designating Sargent Shriver as his personal "Chief of Staff" for the war. As the new programs-which became the Economic Opportunity Act-were developed, two competing organizational possibilities existed: 1. They could be assigned to existing agencies, to be administered in coordination with existing anti-poverty programs. 2. They could be assigned to the new agency which was being set up in the Executive Office of the President as the command post for the war on poverty-the Office of Economic Opportunity. For six of the nine new programs, the former alternative was chosen; while responsibility was placed in OE'O, it was delegated (and in three cases, later transferred) to existing agencies. The remaining three programs were assigned PAGENO="0026" 3678 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 to OEO for direct operation, including the two that were most complex, hmo- vative, far-reaching, and costly-the Job Corps and the Gommunity Action Program. The third was Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA). While most of the Economic Opportunity Act dealt with the authorization of the nine new programs, four sections were included to provide a statutory basis for OEO's role as Government-wide coordinator of anti-poverty efforts- sections 604, 611, 612, and 613. These sections specifically charge the OEO Director with "coordination of anti-poverty efforts by all segments of the Federal Government" (604) ; create a Cabinet-level Economic Opportunity Council, of which he is chairman, to assist him (604) ; empower him to obtain data and reports from other agencies regarding their anti-poverty programs, and direct them to cooperate with him (611) ; authorize the Director to establish an information center on all Federal anti-poverty programs and make information available to states and communities (613) ; and direct all agencies, within limits of feasibility and legal authority, to give preference to projects which are elements of approved community action programs (612). At the community level, the community action agency was designed as a mechanism with a coordinating role analogous to that of OEO. The commu- nity action program would, in the language of the Act (sec. 202 (a) (1)), "mobilize" and "utilize" public and private resources in the attack on poverty as well as provide services itself. The dual character of OEO The central organizational issue of the w-ar on poverty arises from the dual character of OEO-as an operating agency with heavy and complex administra- tive responsibilities, on the one hand, and as a staff agency for the President, on the other. It is the "Gresham's law" of administration that operations tends to drive out staff work. Once OEO was assigned the formidable task of organizing new programs of unusual difficulty and sensitivity-recruiting personnel. developing regulations and guidelines, working out interagency agreements, publicizing programs, processing applications, mediating local power struggles, handling protests and complaints-it was inevitable that its operating responsibilities would absorb virtually all of the energies of its leadership and that its Govern- ment-wide "Chief of Staff" functions would suffer. As the consequence, a full- fledged headquarters for the war on poverty as a whole has not developed. Insofar as that war has had central leadership and direction they have been ~provided, for the most part, by the Same Executive Office of the President agencies which coordinate all of the other activities and functions of the government. Aehie'oerncnts in coordination Given its preoccupation with its own programs-and. to a lesser degree, with its responsibilities for the delegated programs-OEO adopted a conscious strategy of dealing with coordination of other anti-poverty programs only as that became necessary to the implementation of the programs for which it was responsthle. Nevertheless, OEO does list a number of accomplishments in its capacity as coordinator. Some of them may he cited: 1. It has developed a national anti-poverty plan projecting for five years recommended funding levels for anti-poverty programs throughout the Gov- ernment and proposing new programs and program modifications. 2. It has stimulated discussions of basic questions of policy, such as income maintenance proposals, and taken a leading part of them. 3. Through grants to State Technical Assistance Agencies, it has provided each state with a coordinating body, usually located in the Governor's office, with concern for a wide range of state and Federal-state functions. 4. Similarly, in its grants to community action agencies, it has encouraged the formation of broadly-based agencies which will be competent to con- Tribute to the coordination of Federal assistance programs at the receiving end. It has negotiated "checkpoint" procedures with Labor, HUD, and ele- ments of HEW to assure that applications for aid under their programs are submitted for comment to community action agencies. 5. It has encouraged and funded projects, such as neighborhood centers, which have a special potential for mobilizing and coordinating community resources.. 6. It has combined its funds with assistance from other agencies, such as the Federal Housing Administration, to undertake joint projects. PAGENO="0027" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3679 7. It has established an Information Center with data, county by county, on 160 programs. 8. It has published a Federal Catalog of Programs for the Improvement of the Comnwnity and the Individual, and in its information and training activities has sought to cover the whole range of Government anti-poverty activities 9. The Economic Opportunity Council has organized multi-agency projects to deal with problems of displaced farm workers in the Mississippi Delta, problems of Indians on reservations, and consumer programs. The preference requirement of section 612 has been found unworkable in any literal sense, largely because the community action agencies do not develop comprehensive programs which embrace projects funded outside the Economic Opportunity Act. But OEO has sought to achieve the objective through encourag- .ing the "checkpoint" procedures, funding neighborhood centers, and participating in joint projects, as listed in paragraphs 5, 6, and 7, above. The General Problem of Coordination The Director of OEO is not the only officer w-ho has a dual operating and co- *ordinating role in the area of domestic programs. Each Cabinet officer is also .a Presidential staff officer in his field, and often his responsibility as a coordi- nator has been made quite specific by law or executive order. When the Depart- ment of Housing and Urban Development was created, the Congress established within it a Division of Urban Coordination, and the President by executive order has authorized the Secretary to "convene" Cabinet members or their representatives, including the Director of OEO, to resolve problems of coordina- tion. The Secretary of Agriculture has a corresponding role with respect to the problems of rural areas; he chairs a Cabinet-level Rural Development Commit- tee (of which the Director of OEO is a member) to promote coordination of gov- ernment programs in rural areas, and he has created a Rural Community Development Service to assist him in his coordination function. The Secretary of Commerce has a Government-wide leadership responsibility for the economic development of low-income areas, and serves as the point of contact for the regional commissions established under the Public Works and Economic Develop- ment Act to develop comprehensive Federal-state developmental programs in their regions. The Secretaries of Labor and HEW were directed, in the 1966 amend- ments to the Economic Opportunity Act, to "provide for . . . the effective co- ordination of all programs and activities within the executive branch . . . re- lating to the training of individuals for the purpose of improving or restoring employability." The President's Committee on Manpower, chaired by the Secre- tary of Labor, is available for these coordinating purposes. At the community level, similarly, OEO's community action agencies are not the only coordinating bodies on the local scene fostered by federal funds and leadership. HUD sponsors model city agencies with broad coordinating power. Commerce sponsors Economic Development Districts. Agriculture promotes Rural Development Committees. The Appalachian Regional Commission en- courages similar developmental groups. HUD also promotes metropolitan and multi-county planning bodies. Labor sponsors Manpower Coordinating Commit- tees. Finally, some of the states through their own legislation have created regional planning and development entities of various kinds. The jurisdictions of all of these Federal and local coordinating bodies overlap. The problem of employing poor people to rehabilitate neighborhoods in urban ;ghettoes, for example, can be considered-with approximately equal justifica- tion-as a problem of poverty under the coordinating jurisdiction of OEO and the Economic Opportunity Council, or a problem of urban development under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of HUD and a Cabinet-level group he may con- vene or a problem of employment under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of Labor and the President's Committee on Manpower. Similarly, the problem of finding opportunity for displaced farm labor is at once a poverty problem, a rural developmental problem, and a manpower problem which could be approached *under the aegis of any of three coordinating mechanisms. And if any of these problems is localized in Appalachia, a fourth coordinating body could be involved. OEO has a status distinct from the other coordinating agencies in only one respect-it is located in the Executive Office of the President. But this difference is little more than a paper distinction. The other agencies of government do not look upon OEO staff members as presidential agents speaking for the Presi- dent and exercising his authority, like staff members of the White House, the Budget Bureau, or the Council of Economic Advisers. OEO is looked upon, and PAGENO="0028" 3680 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 acts as, another operating agency on a par with the Cabinet departments-not on an organizational level above them. Its staff role is ancillary to its operating role in much the same sense as are the Presidential staff roles of the Secretaries of HUD, Labor, and the other departments. Accordingly, OE.O's problem of organizing and achieving coordination is not essentially different, either in kind or in degree of difficulty, from those of the Cabinet-level departments. Each faces the problem of trying to act as a leader or superior among equals, and each encounters-and displays in its turn-the resistance to coordination by equals which is deeply embedded in bureaucratic be- havior. In all of the annals of the American government, there is no record of sustained success on the part of any of the innumerable interdepartmental co- ordinating committees which have been created, allowed to die, recreated, and allowed to die again. S~o1ution by Reorganization The truism that only the President-personally or through presidential staff- can coordinate the Cabinet departments and independent agencies was recog- nized originally, as noted, when OEO was placed in the Executive Office of the President. Theoretically this design, which was vitiated when OEO was given its heavy operational load, could now be restored simply by divesting OEO of its operating responsibilities and leaving it only its staff functions as an element of the Executive Office of the President. The programs which would be reorganized under this approach-Job Corps, CAP, and VISTA-have undoubtedly benefited from their current location. They have enjoyed the virtual full-time attention of an administrator of Cabinet rank. They have received the emphasis that comes from their identification, alone among all anti-poverty programs, with the central anti-poverty agency. Unen- cumbered by the traditions of any existing department or agency, they could be- and have been-freely innovative and experimental in an area where these qualities were essential. However, it would be possible, in theory at least to transfer the three programs from OEO without sacrificing these advantages. If assigned *to existing depart- ments, they could be organized as new agencies independent of existing l)ureaus and reporting directly to a Cabinet-level officer as they do now. If this close an association with the established bureaucracy would appear to threaten their vitality, they could be divorced from both OEO and the regular departments in an independent Economic Opportunity Administration on the pattern of VA or SBA. The disposition of the Community Action Program, however, does present an unusual organizational problem. The community action agency is not just another specialized community institution-like OEO, it has a central coordinating role. For this reason, it has been logical that the community action agencies and their programs should be sponsored `by a Federal agency which is in a neutral and independent position among the Government departments. Yet the CAP is the operating program which has most absorbed the attention of OEO and would, most of all, `have to be removed if OEO were to le freed for its role of government- wide `coordination and leadership. Perhaps a solution might be found in some form of independent status for CAP separate from but attached to a reconstituted OEO in the Executive Office of the President. But even if a reorganization scheme converting OEO `to a staff agency could be agreed upon by the Congress, would that be the right solution to the whole broad problem of coordination? Is a command post for the war on poverty alone what the President really needs? The problems of coordination, as noted above, are universal: Urban prgrams need coordination; so do rural programs; so do eco- n~mic development programs; so do manpower programs. Is the w-ar on poverty the appropriate coordinating focus, and is the OEO the appropriate coordinating agency? Other gaps in the Executive Office of the President have been observed and other new instrumentalities proposed-a Council of Social Advisers, a Coun- cil of Natural Resources Advisers, a Council of Education (or Manpower) Advis- ers, a National Intergovernmental Affairs Council. to name a few. The difficulties of coordination now being experienced are, in part, the consequence of piecemeal legislation on questions of organization. One more piecemeal reorganization might make matters worse, no't better. In any event, legislative initiative is not the ideal approach to reorganizing the Executive Office of the President. The Executive Office is the President's im- mediate household, and it is there that he needs the maximum `of flexibility in distributing duties among individuals in whom l1e has confidence to act in his name in various ways. A committee of Congress concerned with the problems of a PAGENO="0029" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3681 particular field cannot'see the Executive Office, or the duties and responsibilities of the Presidency, as a whole or in balance. If the President does not express a need to strengthen or revise the machinery available to help him discharge his leadership and coordination responsibilities, it is not wholly practicable for the Congress to thrust a reorganization of his own office upon him-no matter bow strong a case can be made in the abstract for the need for change. i~olution by Improving Ecoisting 1ileclbanisms The Administration has proposed, in lieu of reorganization, to enact new language on coordination, superseding sections 604, 611, 612, and 613. The redraft eliminates the unused preference clause and substitutes language encouraging OEO and the agencies to proceed along lines which have been found more useful- as in combining `their funds to assist joint projects, particularly those included in community action programs. All of the new language, however, is strictly hortatory. It merely expresses more explicitly `the objective of coordination that the Congress an'd the President have already set for the agencies and which the agencies themselves verbally endorse. No one ever opposes coordination in the abstract; it is only the par- ticul'ars that cause trouble. And the revised language assigns no new powers to anyone to enforce coordination when conflicts arise. The Economic Opportunity Council would `be given a specific statutory charter, but only to do what it is already empowered to do-to review, evaluate, recom- mend, and advise. The statute also authorizes assignment of `staff to' the Council by the Director of OEO as its chairman, but this likewise is not new authority; the needs of the Council are now served `by OEO staff. If the Council is to be made significantly more effective than it is now, the essential step would be to alter its character as a simple extension `of OBO by making it a true Presidential-level instrument of coordination, much as the National Security Council is constituted for purposes of coordinating foreign and military policies. This `could be accomplished by `designating the President, rather than the Director of OEO, as chairman of the Economic Opportunity Council and authorizing him to name any member-the Vice President, the OEO Director, `or a White House or Executive Office official, as he might choose-to act as his alternate as its actual hea'd. `The Council `should then be served by Presidential staff rather than OEO staff, with the added influence that would come both from their identification with the President and from their neutrality as among the agencies which are being sbbjected to coordination. Such a Staff, presumably, could be developed by the President into a coordinat- ing uni't with duties e~tending beyond those of the Economic Opportunity Council and the war on ~ioverty to encompass, ultimately, a's many of the other related problems of coordination as `the President might wish to assign to it. In this manner, the Strengthening of the Executive Office that is s!ought by the advocates of reorganization could be achieved through a Presidentially-guided evolution rather than a Congressionally-imposed revoli~tion. LANARK, W. VA., August 10, 1967. DEAR Sin: I am a head start driver, and the' reason I think head start school is necessary in our community is, `because (A) It will help `the children get ac- (iuainted with each other. (B) It will `teach them how to get along with each other. (C) They will learn `to have respect of person. (D) They also will le'arn more about bow `to play toge'ther, and how to `obey the teacher. I have observed them since I've been driving and they seem more together. It is very educational for me to. be a member of the CA'A, it is very helpful to our community and our people. it makes us realize bow far apart we have `been. So by having the CAA in our community has drawn us closer together and we work together in unity and peace. Thank you. Joux LAMBERT. POUGHKEEPSIE, N.Y., August 13, 1967. Representative CARL D. PERKINS, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: With hearings being held on the Ec~nomiC Opportunity Bill I want `to eiAer my plea as a citizen for increased funds. PAGENO="0030" 3682 ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 The riots and troubles of recent weeks do not indicate tha~ money should be withdrawn `but truly point out that `this is where more economic aid is needed. With Head~tart and Upward `Bound and Job Corps finding such great need these should be increased and the program enlarged. These are only a small pai~t of `the entire bill `but `they have brought help `and new `opportunity to so many young people. To withdraw them now would be cruel and harmful to the individual and `the country. This new bill must assure the country of a bigger and be~bter effort on the part of `the federal government to help s'olve the problems of our own people. Yours `truly, ANNE S. CARROTHERS. KAISER FOUNDATION HEALTH PLAN, INC., Oakland, Calif., August .9, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: At the request of Congressman James H. Scheuer, M. C., I am pleased to submit the following attachments for inclusion in the records of your Committee on the New Careers approach to manpower shortages: The first attachment is a report submitted to me on August 4, 1967, by Mr. Jack Chapman, Director of the Audio-Visual Training Center for the Kaiser Foundation Medical Care Program in Northern California. Mr. Chap- man has been involved quite intensively in the development of training programs utilizi'ng the Audio-Visual approach. Many of these programs are directed towards the development of new careers in the Medical Care field, and as shown in `his report, he has worked closely with many Governmental agencies involved in similar pursuits. Your attention is directed in par- ticular to the points he has made regarding need for improved coordination by the various agencies, which have funds available for training. Mr. Chap- man feels there is no lack of funds `but there is great need for improvement in the administration of these funds. The second attachment is a letter directed to you by Dr. Doris A. Meek, Acting Dean of Instruction of Merritt College in Oakland, California. Dr. Meek represents a junior college in development of the new careers concept. Of further interest is the recent establishment of the Health Manpower Council of California, a non- profit corporation created under the auspices of the California Hospital Association, California Medical Association and other organizations concerned with health manpower problems in California. This organization has just been formed and very soon will have a staff established to carry out its objects, many of which are concerned with the development of coordinated training programs throughout the State. There is a dire need for this type of voluntary organization, and I am of the opinion that all states should be encouraged to allow suit. The key objective of this organization is: "To establish a Council representative of professional groups and of the general public organized to promote adequate health manpower for the State of Cali- fornia by initiating studies and research to determine present and future needs of health manpower; formulating and recommending policies and methods for meeting these needs; facilitating adoption and implementation of approved policies and methods; providing a forceful forum for effective coordination among related agencies; and providing special counsel and services where gaps exist in the institutional arrangements for health manpower planning within the State of California." I trust this material will be of assistance to you in your deliberations on this important subject. Very truly yours, W. R. PRICE, Jr., Controller and Assistant Treasvrer, Kaiser Foundation Hospitals, Kaiser Foundation Health Plan, Inc., and Vice President, Kaiser Foundation ~S'chool of Nursing. PAGENO="0031" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3683 INTER-OFFICE MEMORANDUM To: W. R. Price. Date: August 4, 1967. From: Jack K. Chapman. At: A/V Training Center, 2305 Telegraph. This is in response to the letter you sent me from the office of Congressman James H. Scheuer regarding community employment and training programs. I have attached a list of positions which we would consider New Careers and there is a brief statement as to the nature of the job. As I indicated to you in our tele- phone conversation, we have been in contact with people from the various Equal Opportunity agencies-specifically, Messrs. Douglas Grant and Charles Jackson regarding this New Careers Program. As you know, we have been engrossed in a number of training activities which have been supported by funds of MDTA (Manpower Development and Training Act) which have been coordinated for us by the Social Development Corporation a contracting agency for the Department of Labor. We have trained people in standard hospital jobs, but have created curriculum and trained people in two programs which might be considered part of a general New Careers concept, i.e., Clinic Assistants and Clinic Receptionists. We consider these two jobs to be sub- professional in nature inasmuch as these people are directly related to physicians and nurses as well as patients. However, the best example is that of the Clinic Assistant. This is a job which is directly replacing a professional clinic nurse position. We feel that any of these positions which augment the professional provide the organization, as well as the employees involved, with numerous benefits. For example, there is a critical shortage of nurses and we have had difficulty in recruiting them. Al- though both hospitals and clinics have these shortages, the hospital shortage is by far the greatest. By freeing up nursing jobs in our clinics with a Clinic Assistant, we are meeting this shortage reasonably well; but at the same time, are diverting professional nurses to the hospitals where we feel their talents can be utilized more fully. Obviously, there is a factor of costs as it relates to our clinic operatiOn which has been a powerful motivating factor over and above the nursing shortage. From the viewpoint of the nurse, she now is permitted and in a sense must relate herself to things which are "professional." She becomes a supervisor of clinic assistants. She coordinates their activities with the patients and the physi- cians, but at the same time frees herself of many sub-professional and clerical duties. The employee who goes into this position, in most instances, experiences a job enrichment process and is permitted to move upward on a career ladder. It has been our policy to upgrade at least 50% of the training group from the ranks of our present employees. Most of all, we feel that this is making a more effective use of professional manpower in our organization and this would be true of practically all the jobs that are in the attachment. The second point that I wish to make is involved with some type of needed coordination by the various agencies which have funds available for training. We have been contacted by agencies that are part of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Department of Commerce and Labor, plus the independ- ent agencies of OEO and branches such as the neighborhood Youth Corps, etc. In addition to these, there are other local agencies such as Merritt College, and the Educational Resources Agency of Sacramento-all of whom are involved in the concept of vocational training as it relates to the health and business fields. Granted, they have a specific job to do but I get the feeling that this leads to a great deal of confusion on the part of ourselves as well as other hospitals. More- over, there is also a feeling of resentment if we say that we are doing business with one agency or the other and are not interested in working with another. So this desire of trying to be fair and work with all agencies enhances the confusion. There is another aspect to this as it relates to the wide variables that these agencies have in how you conduct the training program. In some contracts that we review they will say that only 15% of the time can be used in classroom in- struction. Another agency will say it doesn't make any difference how much classroom instruction you give. One agency will say that the program should run PAGENO="0032" 3684 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 15 weeks where it is our opinion that the training could be done in 8 weeks and the reverse of this is also true. Some agencies will give you more money for training materials, one agency will even pay for two uniforms if uniforms are required by the job, where another agency will not do this. It would seem to me that some uniformity in how this training is to be conducted should be developed in order to prevent a great deal of overlapping and at the same time a waste of public funds. The last point 1 want to make is regarding the curriculum and method of instruction. The vast majority of the people that these programs are attempting to reach have, for some reason or another, found that conventional educational techniques was not acceptable to them and as a result they began dropping out from conventional educational programs. Yet here we find no guidance from these agencies or to my knowledge, any other agency, as to what would be the best methods of instruction for people who have rejected conventional education processes. We are attempting to revolutionize, in our own way, the education and learning process as it relates to on-the-job training through the use of closed cir- cuit video tape television. We are not sure that this is necessarily the best method but at least it is different, and we find the trainees have a great familiarity with looking at TV. This is a small point, Bill, but I think this is where some super agency performing a coordinating job could `be of immense value in making these training programs do the job they are supposed to do `and at the same time be- come more effective. I hope this meets with your intention and if you have any further questions, please give me a call. THE PROJECTED NEW CAREERS Computer Operator Record date generated at point of, service or to amass multi-data sources, this individual will have a working knowledge of the electronics necessary to record such data. Patient Training Assistant Handle the patient information programs at point of service; this individual will have a working imowledge of the audio visual equipment necessary to show our patients instructional programs. Health Clinic Aide Register and schedule patients referred to the Health Clinic by their physician for instructional programs. Health Clinic Technician Operate the instructional equipment and record patient reaction. This individual will have experience in `CCTV, `slide/tape, teaching machines, to give instruction in Health `Clinic. Cainmunity Health service Worker Provide health instruction at the patient's home in conjunction with the home health aide or separately. Nursing Assistant Trainee position, bathe patients, record TPR, simple dressings, assist in treat- ment and examination. Pediatrics Aide Assist nursing personnel in pediatrics care in nursery or pediatrics ward. Health Plan Aide Provide Health Plan information at member's home or outpatient areas. MERRITT COLLEGE, Oakland, Calif., August 3, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, Howse Committee on Education and Labor, Washington, D.C. M~ DEAR MR. CARL PERKINS: A's Acting Dean of Instruction at Merritt Com- munity College, Oakland, California, I long have been convinced of the value, both to human beings and to the professions, inherent in the new careers concept. Indeed, long before the `passing of the Economic Opportunity Act, Merritt Col- PAGENO="0033" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3685 lege pioneered the training of technologists in such fields as engineering, chemistry, etc. Students, after two years of basic, general, and technical educa- tion, assumed responsible jobs and became self supporting members of society and contributors to their respective disciplines. But with the passing of the Act, Merritt College also was enabled to offer heretofore unreached segments of the community by offering to its students, self-support via the Work-Study Program, so they could continue in school and to the employees of anti-poverty centers and other anti-poverty groups the educational and counseling services of our college. I have seen under-employed, unemployed, and low-income men and women re- spond with new dignity and creativeness to this first chance to become independ- ent and active co-partners in shaping a better life for people in our society. I have seen what they can contribute as workers to the lives of desperate clients and equally desperate neighborhoods. I have seen them eager to improve their skills and to add to their education through attendance at evening classes. I have seen costly professional services backed up and extended through the supple- mentation of their man-woman hours of work. But I have also noted the anxiety with which they regard these temporary non-career jobs, leading nowhere except back to the status of unemployment and relief rolls, or as workers dropped from self-respecting employment, their talents, newly developed skills, and vitality rendered useless for lack of an agency through which they might be integrated into our working classes. With the Scheuer amendment we see, for the first time, the term new careerist made visable. Services and functions performed by sub-professionals may now be defined in terms of ascending complexity and skills, as well as salary. By the establishing of career lines within sub-professional classifications, workers are inspired to increase productivity and investment in their work. The educational and training component is one of the most important aspects of the New Careerist Program. However, it seems essential to me that the edu- cational program be conducted in cooperation with an accredited educational institution so that new careerist will have a record on file (a transcript). In addition remediation can be offered in order to provide the necessary basic skills so that upward mobility envisioned will be possible. Our college supports this new move to legitimatize what was before hardly more than a dream for human beings who clutched it for lack of anything more substantial. It seems to us the Scheuer amendment enables the country to head more realistically in the direction we must go-both through its responses to the effects of technology and to the need to utilize untapped resources, but also through demonstrating one means by which the social and economic conditions or our beleaguered cities may begin to dissolve. Yours very truly, DoRIS A. MEEK, Acting Dean of Instruction. CHARLESTON, W. VA., July 25, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Committee on Education and Labor, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dx~n MR. PERKINS: I would like to take this opportunity to add some useful comments to the testimony I made before your committee. Due to the fact that I have never spoken before a distinguished group of people, I don't feel I did as well as I should have. I would appreciate it very much if you would let me know if you use this. I am saving all the letters that I get from you because I feel it is an honor to receive them. Thank you. I will start by letting you know the experiences I have had with other programs. I took training for operating heavy equipment and was granted a certificate to operate four different vehicles. This was under M.D.T.A. and for the good it did me I would have been as well off learning to herd dimosaurs. To give you an idea of how valueless that training was for a Negro in Greenbrier County, one contractor would hardly talk to me when I went to him for a job. And I was considered one of the best graduates in the class. In my opinion, a training program that tries to train more people than is necessary is useless. Once they start training, their only interest is to see how many trainees they can get through the class and turn loose, but this way o~ 80-084-67-pt. 5-3 PAGENO="0034" 3686 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 thinking won't work. If we, as trainees, were capable of getting work after receiving these certificates we probably wouldn't have been on the program in the first place, but as everyone agrees, we are the hard core that you are dealing with. I think the reason Title 5 works is because the people involved have found the way to communicate with us and present us to the public in a much better light than any other welfare program. I know that all of the receipients I have talked to have much more confidence in this Title 5 program than any other. After the way Title 5 has helped me, there is no way of telling how many great things can be accomplished under it. Let us say, for instance, that Title 5 should be changed to something else. Would the change be an indication that Title 5 is no good? If that is so how did I, with a very limited education, come from a hard core case-and I do mean I was considered one of the hardest-to an aluminum welder at FMC Corporation. The people connected with the Title 5 program showed me the way to the top. I didn't get any special favors, oi~ even have any idea I would go as far as I have. What happened to me can happen to anyone on this Title 5 program. I would like to continue to see the progress of this program. Unless you see the results, you really can't undersetand the value of it. I think all of us should say a prayer of thanks and hope that this program can continue to go forwards. Title 5 is one of our great hopes to combat poverty. It frightened me to learn how great and confusing the problem of poverty is. I, like so many others, had thought that you people in Washington could say the word and poverty would be banished from the earth. I have come to the con- clusion that we are all equally responsible for the war on poverty. This Title 5 program has proven its value and should be continued as such. It would be a giant step backwards if it is changed. Of all the programs I have been in or saw other people take part in, I can't think of any I could offer one bit of praise. There have been programs that paid more money for less work but I am sure money doesn't solve `the basic problem. The idea of the Title 5 program is to get people interested in each other and to do something besides hold out their hands for free gifts. For instance, when I took M.D.T.A. training my monthly check was increased by approximately $200.00. Four other men and I took turns driving seventy miles a day. We drove our own cars. To take the Title 5 training I had to drive 236 miles a day and bear my own ex- penses. My check was increased by only $10.00 a month, but I had twice the enthusiasm for the Title 5 training as I did for the M.D.T.A. training. I mentioned the conditions under which I was trained to show you that money does not make a successful program. It takes people like the ones you have work- ing on the Title 5 program. I wish you could see the beauty of how this program works. You have to see it to believe it. The most amazing part is the fact that it is following other welfare programs that have failed. The people realize this is about as close to a perfect program as we can get, and everyone knows we need one. I am going to make a statement that may sound boastful `but my intention is not to boast. It is hard to accept the fact that I have come from cutting brush for $1.00 an `hour to welding for $3.07 an hour in a period of ten months. After attending adult education classes, I came from a sixth grade level education to. a G.E.D. level. I `was honored to nleet the president and to testify before your committee, I enjoyed meeting all the nice people I met on my trip. All of this was accomplished by taking a'dvantage of the opportunittas that Title `5 offers to a'll of its recipients. While I was training, my expenses for travel caused me some financial difficulties. But I didn't mind because I felt that I had a job and a future on `this `Title 5 program. I hope the people who want to change Tit]~e 5 will read this and give it some thought. If they can come up with a better program or offer a person a chance to move up to a better way of life at the age of 45, I would like to know about it. I `don't think there is another way in the world. In `conclusion I would like to thank you for reading this and please consider the things I have wrote. I can't think of anything that would give me greater pleasure than to know that in som,e way I `h.ave brought out a point that ha's `helped you `decide to `keep `Title `5 alive. I am very proud to `say that 1 `had t'he privi'lege to appear before your `committee. I feel a lot better knowing our affairs are in the han'ds of such competent :people. PAGENO="0035" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3687 I know you will do the right thing once you have heard the facts. I don't claim to know all of them but the ones I do know I have tried to present to you. I would appreciate it very mach if you will let me know if this letter helps in any way because if it does, it will be the highlight of everything that hats hapepned to me. Again I will say thank you and to let you know it has been a privilege trying to serve you, I believe if we in W.Va. can solve our problems, whatever method's we use can be used to solve the problems of other `states, I hope you will let us continue under the Title 5 program because I am confident that we are on the right track. Our fate i's in your hand's. I would say it is impossihle to remove poverty completely, `but to let the people in poverty know that you are trying to help, as I know since my appear- ance before your committee, would ease a lot of tension. I didn't `believe that the Federal Government was so involved in our war on poverty as it is. W'hen I made my trip. I saw how involved you really are. Our suffering i's not as `bad when we feel we are all working toward the same goal. Title 5 i's the road to stay on if we a're to reach that `goal. I wouldn't be in a position to write a letter like this if it wasn't for Title 5. Because of my accomplishments, under Title 5, at this time I feel I can serve as an inspiration to others. To dhange thi's program i's tč admit that nobody really want's us to suceed `because I know fro'm personal experience the `success this program is having. If it Was the first program to train the underprivileged, successfully, its ac- complishments Wouldn't be so outstanding but it has succeeded where I know of 3 other programs have failed. When I started the training under Title `5 I had to `board hcre in Charleston and go `home on Week end's and all of my neighbors Would say, nothing will come of that traini'ng it will be like the other you won't get a job. But now their attitude have `changed, every body wants to know more about this program, and to change it would be harmful `to the program because I think 1 am an indi'cation that title 5 does Work, `because I know I would `still be cutting brush if I didn't have this training and I feel that I am an ass,et to the `community and to my Employer, other wise I don't think they would `have `paid me while I wa's up there, I feel this i's anot'her indication of how everybody have taken to this Title 5 `program. I feel when an Employer a's large as F.M.'O. feel that a program, is important eno'ug~h to pay a person while they are on leave it `must `be a good thing because they make a lot of right decisions, to stay in business. I am not trying to say I know `why title 5 `works `but I feel it is `because of the love ea'ch person `have for one another and that is `something you dont see very often, and to change this program to another department would `surely disrupt this feeling between all persons concerned. I `do hope you will keep this program under Hea'l'th Educa'tion and Welfare, and watch the good results. I realize it take a long time for you to know the facts as I do `becau~e I have lived poverty and that is the `best way to know I do wish you `could have met `me before I took thi's training nuder Health Edu- cation and Welfare an'd compared me `before and after the training. I dont think you `would have any `doubts about the value of thi's program. `Since I `have finished the training lot's of people have a's'ked mc about the value of it, and I `have always tried to give the true facts about it, `but if the program is ehanged from Health Education and Welfare. Anything I would say would be of no value, no matter how I would try to praise the title `5 program people would always `say, jf it was so good Why did they change it? I feel that the program I was on would help bring about better understanding between the races if there was more of them `because I have had some very nice experience with, white people on this program and I `know we understand each other `better. I think this is very important. And surprising as it may seem I would like to know, why does any one want to change a `program that is so successful? I know it has opened the eyes of all of the people I have met from the poor to the rich. one of the most amazing things about it is there is no White or Black people, everybody see'ms to feel if a person wants to go `forwards lets help him, this is the first time in my life I have felt like this, you would have to see it to know what I mean, `but you did see me, and to come from brush cutting to testifying before your committee should give you a good idea of what I mean, so please for my sake on `all of the people `concerned with Health Education and Welfare let title 5 stay where it is and lets all hope PAGENO="0036" 3688 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 and pray it will continue `to do the good work and it has clone so far, I have wrote what I consider the important things about title 5. `Sincerely, LEROY WHITE. STATE OF NEW YORK, DEPARTMENT OF MENTAL HYGIENE, Albany, N.Y., August 10, 1967. lion. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House (Joinmittee on Education and Labor, Waslvington, D.C. `Dn~n Mn. PERKINS: The `New York State Department of Mental Hygiene shares with others a feeling of tremendous concern that the chronic shortage of all types of mental health personnel is one of the greatest diiflculties in the way of maintaining present medical care programs and undertaking important new ones. Under the leadership of Commissioner Alan D. Miller, M.D. and with the full support of `Governor `Nelson A. Rockefeller, the Department has intensi- fied its efforts during the past year to meet the need for manpower. Let me sum- marize two projects in' this connection which will `be of interest to your committee. First, a "Career Ladder" Plan has been developed for `the Psychiatric `Social Work occupation. This is a field where `shortages of professional personnel have been evident for many years and w'here most of our institutions have been forced to operate with minimum professional staffs. The Career Ladder Plan provi'des, for the first time in New York State, opportunities for community college grad- uates and for high school graduates with experience in patient care to enter this previously all-professional field. Jobs `have been designed to provide meaningful duties for this `supportive personnel. In the process, duties not requiring full professional training and experience have been removed from professional posi- tions and they `have been restructured so as to emphasize training and super- visory responsibility `and the performance of high-level social work duties which require full professional training. We anticipate an advantage to both the sup- portive and professional workers. The former Psychiatric Attendant and the community college gra'du'ate in liberal arts will have new career avenues opened to them. The professional will be freed from time-consuming duties that can `be `performed very well *by those with lesser skills and `training so that `he may devote more time to work for which his advanced specialized training has `pre- pared him. The success of the career ladder concept depends fundamentally on `training- `both the in-service or on-the-job type `and advanced academic education. Both types are offered in combinations to meet the individual circumstances of the trainees. As the jo'b competence of the trainees develops, upgrading will `be made possible. In summary then, the career ladder encompasses these factors-con- tinued recruitment of professional personnel, the introduction of new sources of supportive personnel, redesign of jobs, maximum utilization of personnel abilities, in-service and academic training, upgrading and promotion as trainees qualify for `higher responsibility. The Career Ladder Plan, as we envision it, does not contemplate that every employee entering `at the lowest trainee level will ultimately progress to profes- sional status `and to a position at the highest rung `of the ladder. Some individuals will ~have limited capacity to advance; others will find full job satisfaction at intermediate levels. But all will have opportunity-a chance to enter a new field, to secure education and training, to develop new skills, to perform useful work, to accept increasing responsibility and earn greater financial remuneration. While the Social Work `Career Ladder is our first effort in this direction, we are in the process of developing similar plans for other fields such as psychology; patient care; and the activities therapies including occupational. physical and recreational therapies. Each will `offer opportunity and incentive to a w-hole new type of personnel to enter and `a'dvance in `the supportive area as well as to go on to professional positions. There is no doubt that our hospital programs will benefit as `they are able to offer improved service to our patients. We anti- cipate tha:t real contributions will be made `to the Department's comprehensive and integrated community center approach to care for the mentally ill and retarded. Second, the Department has expanded its summer work-training program to in- elude 1300 young people this summer. These range from high school graduates PAGENO="0037" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 3689 through the college ranks to include some graduate students. A small percent- age are employed in the headquarters office but the great bulk of them work in our hospitals and State schools. They are given the opportunity to work directly with patients on wards, in occupational and recreational therapy programs and elsewhere in the institutions. They are given the chance to meet in discussion seminars and to have brought to them information and advice on our treatment and rehabilitation programs. We count three benefits from this program. It has provided a definite enrichment to our regular patient care programs in bringing these energetic and sympathetic young people into our institutions. It has pro- vided many links with the general population and the communities through which we may work towards better understanding of mental health service. Fur- ther, we hope to capitalize on the idealism and enthusiam of many of these in- dividuals while they are still at the student stage and to stimulate and develop their pursuit of a career in some mental health area. We hope that many of them will later enter at one of the many doors which will be open to them in our various career ladder plans. I appreciate the opportunity to comment briefly on manpower needs in the mental health field. This Department will continue to be most interested in the deliberations of your committee as it goes ahead with new programs for increas- ing the supply of manpower, providing for its most effective and efficient utiliza- tion and providing opportunities for the development of real careers for useful service in the mental health field. Very truly yours, LAWRENCE B. MACARTHUR, Assistant Commissioner for Manpower. Tno~IPsoN, KNIGHT, Snn~roNs, & BULLION, ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS, Dallas, Tew., July 26, 1.697. Representative EARLE CABELL, Dallas, Tea. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE CABELL: As Vice President of the Dallas Bar Association, I am also a member of the Board of Directors of the Legal Services Program now in operation here in Dallas in connection with the Office of Economic Oppor- tunity. Yesterday evening, we had a meeting of the board; and I was able to view, with a great deal of satisfaction, the progress that has been made in offering legal services to the poor in the Dallas area. In working with the Legal Services Project, it has become apparent to me that those of us who are knowledgeable about legal matters cannot conceive of the problems of the poor in the legal field. Our own Legal Services Office here has uncovered several attempts by lending companies to compel people to sell their homesteads in order to pay off debts. These poor people do not know that they cannot be forced to sell their homestead, and they are often victimized. Everyone should know that when a legal problem presents itself, there is legal assistance for them even if they do not have the wherewithal to pay for it. The job mainly, though, is one of education to get people to know when they have a legal problem. This requires more personnel in our Legal Services Office and a different type of trained personnel, which necessarily must be more costly. I understand that the Congress is now considering appropriations to continue the Legal Services Program into the next fiscal year. I understand the National Advisory Committee has recommended that $90,000,000 be appropriated. It would seem to me that money appropriated in this manner, would be money well spent. My own personal view is that money spent to help people help themselves; such as this money, is much better than spending money to help people directly. I hope that when this appropriation comes before the Congress, that you will support the $90,000,000 recommended by the National Advisory Committee to the Legal Services Program of the Office of Economic Opportunity. Yours very truly, TDI0THY E. KELLY. PAGENO="0038" 3690 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 MAKING THE LAW AN ALLY IN WAR ON POVERTY DALLAS LEGAL SERVICES PROJECT HELPS THOUSANDS, BUILDS RESPECT FOR SOCIETY'S RULES (By Bert Holmes, Associate Editor) A fast-talking sheetrock salesman made quite an impression on the aged Negro woman living in a three-room shack near the West Dallas levee. She had worked for years as a maid and saved enough to buy her home. Now she survives only on her w-elf'are check. Barely able to read, the woman signed a contract for installation of the sheet- rock. The price was $1,600, which probably was more than the shanty was w-orth. When she missed a payment, the owner of the note moved quickly to evict her from her home. Only minutes before she was dumped into the dusty street. a representative from the Dallas Legal Services Project heard of the problem and intervened. He halted the eviction and had a reputable contractor inspect the sheetrock work. The contractor estimated the work was worth $200 and the Legal Services attorney negotiated a new contract for that amount. The elderly woman is paying off the reduced note-and still living in her little home. She is one of 3,500 Dallasites helped last year by the two-year-old service, financed in the main by the federal government through the Office of Economic Opportunity. Such home repair frauds are only a small part of the cases handled by the Dallas Legal Services Project but they are graphic examples of the effort to make the law- work for those in poverty as well as for the more affluent. This week a circular drafted by the DLSP is being distributed throughout South Dallas, where unscrupulous home improvement salesmen have been attempting to use the news of an impending code enforcement program to persuade residents to buy unnecessary repairs. Those w-orking in the Legal Services Project have found that the legal prob- lems of the poor are similar to those of society in general-domestic relations, child support, contracts and debts. The only unique problem is in the relationship with w-elfare agencies. The Dallas project has been able to work out some modification of rulings, particularly in the area of aid to dependent children. It has not handled a case contesting the residency requirements but a similar project in Connecticut obtained a court ruling holding that the six-months waiting period w-as a viola- tion of freedom of movement, In Dallas, eight attorneys headed by Walter Steele and assisted by 150 volun- teers from the Dallas Bar Association, provide a wide range of services through five offices. One is downtown, at 301 N. Market. West and East Dallas have one office each and South Dallas has two. A sixth office will open soon in Grand Prairie. The neighborhood offices vary their hours to suit the needs of their clients. One is open from 9 to 9 and all have one night session and a Saturday morning session. In addition, night meetings are held to educate neighborhood residents on their legal rights. Finally, to insure that all who need help can find it, the volunteer lawyers man a "circuit rider" program. They take up a station and serve as initial contact with anyone who comes by, either on his ow-n or as a referral from a friend or a social agency. The community support for the legal services project has been magnificent in Dallas, Steele reports. In some cities there have been complaints of competition with lawyers in private practice but careful screening of cases and good liaison with the Dallas Bar has paid off here with the development of a cooperative atmosphere. At the recent Texas Bar Association convention in Dallas, a Houston lawyer tried to get approval of a resolution condemning the legal services program's policy of assisting in divorce cases. The resolution died in committee. Domestic relations cases, including divorces, account for a third of the Dallas project case load hut Steel points out that this percentage parallels the general court load. He makes a valid point when he says that it is important to help the poor legalize their domestic relationships. PAGENO="0039" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3691 The cost of the Dallas program runs to $303,000 a year, with the OEO putting up $263,435. It is part of what the Harvard Law Review calls "the new wave" in legal aid for the poor. In 200 local projects (seven in Texas), attorneys not only represent the poor in a variety of cases, but also provide education, help draft improved legislation and aid in community action. Their greatest contribution may be in building respect for the law. It will not come overnight but the flickering light from the fires of Detroit and Newark makes it clear that respect for the law needs all the nursing it can get. The poor of all races (and in Dallas as many whites are helped as Negroes) must learn to choose litigation rather than demonstrations, the law rather than lawlessness. STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS The National Association of Manufacturers welcomes this opportunity to pre- sent its views to the Committee on Education and Labor of the House of Repre- sentatives on the problems of the poor and ways in which solutions to them are being sought. NAM is a voluntary organization of industrial and business firms, large and small, with members located in every state and accounting for the major part of manufacturing output in the country. The Association is dedicated to the well-being of the nation and the progress of its people. It seeks to improve the economic system in ways which will afford opportunity and incentive to the individual to provide for his family's security; to appraise the significance of social, legislative, and economic trends as they affect industry, people, and communities; and to contribute to constructive relationships between government and industry, and industry and the people, for social and economic advance in the nation. This statement is mainly directed to broad issues in problems of preventing and alleviating poverty in the nation, but also in part to certain programs and some specifics of the proposed amendments in H.R. 8311 to elucidate and tighten the administration of, or to strengthen, the Economic Opportunity Act. A NEW DIMENSION IN PUBLIC PROBLEM SOLVING Bringing the resources of the country to bear on the problems of poverty has had many and varied results. One of the most constructive is a revitalization of concern for active leadership and participation of the private sector in the solving of public problems. The combined public and private effort in socio- economic responsibilities has been strengthened by renewed consciousness in the business and voluntary sectors of a need to plan and act responsively and rele- vantly to the problems of the poor. Solving poverty is not a simple matter of funds for those who lack the income to provide a minimum standard of living compatible with decency and health. It depends also on the intangibles of personal service, institutional resources, material assets of facilities and equipment, the physical environment of commu- nities, organizational patterns and procedures, community commitment and public understanding. The need for the involvement of the private and voluntary sector has been stressed recently by two representative organizations. The Citizens Welfare Study Committee of Onondaga County, New York reported in January 1967: We are not interested in "Witch Hunts" but will be looking at all Welfare Department operations and programs in an effort to identify areas where services and administration might be improved and a maximum return for the tax dollar achieved. We will study . . . areas which appear to offer the most promise for affecting early and significant change including especially the coordination and integration of public and voluntary agencies within the community. We must achieve public understanding of our social problems and services as a first step in securing the essential support of all segments of our community- public and private. the immediate challenge is to our community leaders. Only they can take the initiative in establishing the structure necessary to effect the vital coordi- nation of our entangled social programs and services. In the just released 1966 Annual Report of the Massachusetts General Hospital of Boston, Massachusetts, its General Director, Dr. John Knowles, made some points which are equally pertinent beyond the field of medicine: PAGENO="0040" 3692 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMEXTS OF 1967 Never has it been more important for the medical profession and voluntary institutions to plan and act responsibly in the public interest. Their survival de- pends on it. Pluralism is the essence of democracy. The strength of this country depends on private initiative and voluntary action. An ultimately monolithic, Federally supported system of medical care is undesirable, but the price of free- dom from central control is local, voluntary responsibility to the public interest. Certainly for the future there must be coordination and cooperation of local public and private interests to provide health services of high quality which neither `a local public nor a private system has been willing or able to do alone. The medical profession, if one group be singled out, has the power in its hands to maintain the privilege practice of medicine and to preserve voluntarism in hospitals-but only if it is willing to assume broad social responsibility in the race to meet public demand. More recently recogntion of this new and broader view from the insurance industry, The Evening star (Washington, D.C.) on August 8, 1967 quoted James Oates, Chairman of Equitable Life Assurance Society as follows: if you are going to be in business for the long term and be effective, then you must invest In the public interest. In the development of the framework of private and public money and man- power which the nation now applies to the total problem of poverty, the focus has been on the public sector. and mainly on the national front. The central government has provided the sense of urgency, structured much of the action, and supplied most of the money. State and local governments have carried out the programs. In the process, the potential of the private sector, especially the vol- untary service component, has been neglected. Yet the private enterprise sector has great potential for serving the public interest and creating social benefit; and it not only can do this at the same time that it pursues its own normal pur- poses and functions-it has done so. There is no innate conflict between serving the public good and serving the cause of a profit-seeking corporation. C. Peter McColough, President and Chief Operations Officer of Xerox, expressed this pointedly to the Investment Analysts Society of Chicago, April 25, 1967: Unless our understanding of those variations which divide people is acute and intimate, our goal of joining them more closely, of contributing to their well- being and potential, cannot possibly be realized. Thus we encourage Xerox people everywhere to involve themselves with issues of importance to them-whether controversial or not, whether international or local, whether political or social . . . . We certainly cannot make our decisions on the basis of economic or technological considerations alone . (One of) the cornerstones (to) the future innovative efforts of Xerox (is) the involvement in community in its largest sense. Of course businessmen have always been concerned with and participated in community and civic affairs, and been substantial supporters of private health, welfare, and educational activities. But a new commitment, a fresh vision of the social responsibility of business has shaped up in the last decade. We have entered a new era. The National Industrial Conference Board reports that businessmen have doubled their non-profit activity in five years. In the process, the focus has shifted from simply learning why businessmen should be so involved, through how they could be effective, on to when and where they can be relevantly and responsibly active. What has evolved is the contemporary aw-areness and concentration on social and economic problems. The key to their participation is "problem-solving." In a series of articles on "The Other War on Poverty" at the turn of the year William C. Selover, in The Christian science Monitor, reported perceptively on the involvement of the private enterprise sector in independent action to aid the poor. Three of the articles were devoted to business effort in this new role, one to labor's role, and one to the identity and activity of the independent sector as such. Mr. Selover concludes that: a new business ethic may be evolving. No longer devoted solely to profit and expansion the business community is becoming socially con- cerned and constructive. In the April 3, 1967 issue of U.s. News and World Report there was a succinct report on "Business Sets Up Its Own `Great Society'" which documented the rapidly developing socio-economic role of the enterprise sector: American businessmen are rapidly changing the concept of their responsibilities in this country. . . . (They) see a big and growing place for their companies PAGENO="0041" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3693 in helping to solve today's pressing social and economic problems . . . it's clear that business participation in socialwelfare and public affairs is on the rise . In the May-June issue of the Harvard Basiness Review, George Champion, Chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank, discusses "Creative Competition" and not only gives case histories of sociocommercial enterprise but presents a statesman- like argument for more of the same; he concludes: Business must move from the defense to the offensive and begin pushing the boundary line between the public and private sectors the other way. Both business and society stand to gain from the doctrine of sociocommercial enterprise- vigorously applied, it could well become the most promising new technique of social progress. There are, of course, many other spokesmen for business and industry attesting to both the trend and the theme of this new dimension to enterprise. The roster of companies and organizations which have become involved in active programs of a ;socio-economic nature is gaining names constantly. Just the list of those cited in the several articles mentioned above is encouragingly diverse: Ability Agencies, Inc. (Insurance, Utah) AFL-CIO Appalachian Council Aluminum Company of America American Bankers Association Anderson, Clayton and Company Bell Telephone Company Bethlehem Steel Corporation Burroughs Corporation California Packing Company Campbell Soup Company Chamber of Commerce of the United States Corn Products Company Dole Corporation Equitable Life Assurance Society Fisher Flour Mills General Electric Company H. J. Heinz Company Hotel Corporation of America Illinois Bell Telephone Company International Basic Economy Corporation International Business Machines Corporation International Milling Company Kaiser Aluminum & Chemical Company Lily-Tulip Cup Corporation Litton Industries, Inc. National Association of Manufacturers National Cash Register Company New York Telephone Company Pepsi-Cola Company Quaker Oats Company Radio Corporation of America Ralston Purina Company Shell Oil Company Smith, Kline & French Laboratories United Fruit Company U.S. Gypsum Company U.S. Steel Corporation Westinghouse Electric Company West Virginia University (Institute for Labor Studies) West Virginia Pulp and Paper Company Work Opportunities Unlimited (businesssmen, St. Louis) Xerox Corporation Yellow Cab Company (Chicago) NAM INVOLVEMENT The Association was one of the first business organizations to become program- conscious in the social-problem-solving field. It developed and conducted a pilot demonstration program with school dropouts and other disadvantaged youth to teach basic education and typing skills which are necessary for employment. PAGENO="0042" 3694 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 A continuing social-value program of NAM's is STEP. This stands for Solutions to Employment Problems. The program was started in 1964 with a basic goal of involving the industrial community in the specifics of solving employment problems. NAM felt that by exploring particular techniques used to solve particular problems of employment, a basis for innovative programs could be developed. The STEP staff investigated approximately 200 employment action- programs conducted throughout the nation by either companies or communities. Out of this investigation and research, about 60 case studies have been developed, so far, and almost 200,000 copies of these studies have been made available to industry and any other interested groups-both the independent and government sectors-who might find the case histories and methods helpful in their efforts to solve social and economic problems. In early 1966 after a year and a half's operation of this program, the National Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress had this to say about it: The STEP program can prove to be very valuable to the overall manpower adjustment capability of the nation by emphasizing the problem-solving approach to adjustment situations and by greatly increasing communication relating to such problems among management. The NAM believes that this has proved out and that its own role of interchange and distribution has been a creative one, since it has stimluated not only further, but more sophisticated, industrial response to employment problems. THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT In terms of history the expansion of public welfare had `been relatively swift. The Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601 was the great hallmark attesting `to a public responsibility for the destitute. From that time to the massive depression of the 1930's, personal charity, religious organizations, private agencies. and local gov- ernmerits dealt with the problem of poverty. In this country in pre-depression years, all levels of government spent only a few hundred million a year for wel- fare purposes. Today a comparable figure-for public welfare, school lunch. food stamp, and economic opportunity programs-would pi~oba'bly he between $8 and $9 billion. The poor population is high and rising. In a July 17. 1967 report- "After 30 years-Relief a Failure?"-U.S. News and World Report estimated that 8 million people were on "relief" and more than a million were getting pay from antipoverty program's. The New York Times of July 30, 1967 carried a fea- ture article entitled, "City's Welfare Rolls Soar Despite National Prosperity and Decline in Unemployment." The present involvement of the national government in the war on poverty includes a far different range of activity `than the depression approaches of providing work, food, or lodging. The traditional work or cash-payment programs are based on the concept that the poor are poor because `they lack employment or income. The newer programs are based on the idea that the poor are poor because they lack good health, good home life, good housing and environment, adequate education or training, incentive or opportunity. The "Great Society" combines both approaches, and involves over a hundred different programs of several major types. The full level of their financing by `the national government is indicated by the program costs planned by `the various departments and agencies spear-head- iaig the activities. NAM has catalogued these various programs, grouping them by major func- tion and summary figures follow:' THE 1968 "COUNT" OF PROGRAMS Dollar amounts in millionsi Number 1963 1968 estimate Welfare-oriented programs Health programs Education programs Economic development programs Employment opportunity programs Community development programs Miscellaneous programs 21 10 16 22 8 25 3 $3,853 509 602 226 161 423 321 $7,914 1,724 4,116 514 830 1,583 557 Total 105 6,081 117,238 1 Up by 184 percent, NAM's Government Expenditures Committee's Report on the Federal Budget for 1968. PAGENO="0043" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3695 As a whole, the Great Society programs are mainly 2 intergovernmental in nature. They provide funds by grant or loans to states and communities to carry out programs. These programs are more and more being initated and controlled by the national government; the trend has been toward contralized planning- programming-financing, with dollars and directives to the agencies carrying out the programs at the community level. Indication of this is especially clear in the area of public assistance. In Janu- ary 1967 the Appendix to the federal budget for 1968 said: Legislation will be proposed to assure that public assstance payments more nearly meet the economic needs of recipents, to require all States to provide assistance to families with children who are impoverished because of unemploy- ment of a parent, to provide incentives for employment, and to improve work and trainng programs to help restore recipients to independence. [Emphasis added.] About the same time further evidence of emphasis on central planning came in the President's Economic Message: State standards of need are miserably low . . . I ask the Congress to require that each State's payments at least meet its own definition of need; and that its definition should be kept up to date annually as conditions change. With minor exceptions, payments under public assistance are reduced dollar for dollar of earn- ings by the recipient . . . I shall therefore ask Congress to enact payment formulas which will permit those on assistance to keep some part of what they may earn, without loss of payments. By early August, 1967, legislation implementing some of these policies was underway when the Ways and Means Committee reported H.R. 12080 to the House of Representatives. This bill, the "Social Security Amendments of 1961," with regard to aid to families with dependent children, would require each state: to develop a program to get adults and children not in school into employment; to make day care and other child welfare services available to permit mothers to work or take work training-with the commendable aim of getting the families off the assistance rolls; to establish community work and trainng programs; and to have an "earnings exemption"-money which would not be deductible from assistance payments, and thus a work incentive. (See pages 12 and 13.) Grant requirements themselves generally limit state independence of deci- sion, but other circumstances also tend to minimize potential for state control and responsibility. The very multiplicity of programs does this because there is generally no single focus at state level for coordinaton of responsibility. The many direct federal-local programs, which in effect by-pass the states, also work against a stronger or independent state positon. A study by the Advisory Council on Public Welfare released in June 1966 leaves no room for doubt that comprehensive central planning of public welfare is anticipated. The Council's report was entitled, "Having the Power, We Have the Duty." The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare reprinted a sum- mary of the report which was called "National Blueprint for Public Welfare"; and HEW'S cover letter distributing this reprint said: The Council's National Blueprint for Public Welfare provides a workable solu- tion for dealing with many of the nation's unresolved social problems. The major recommendations of the Council were: A national minimum standard for public assistance payments below which no State may fall; A nationwide comprehensive program of public assistance based upon a sin- gle criterion: Need; A uniform, simple plan for Federal-State sharing in costs of all public wel- fare programs which provides for equitable and reasonable fiscal effort among States, and recognizes the relative fiscal capacity of the Federal and State Governments; Coinprenhensive social services readily accessible, as a right, at all times to all who need them; All welfare programs receiving Federal funds administered consistent with the principle of public welfare as a right. The Council's proposal for comprehensive social services envisions "provisions of essential services to all individuals and families wit1tov~t regard to income." [Emphasis added.] Provision would be through public welfare agencies with HEW staff and resources enlarged to implement the entire program. This implies 2 A predominance of the community action programs under the Office of Economic Oppor- tunity are private, non-profit corporations set up for the purpose, and here the involve- ment of state or local governments as such is nominal. PAGENO="0044" 3696 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF~ 1967 a profound threat to the support and continuance of the private agencies in the country, and adds a new force to the framework for social and economic oppor- tunity centered in Washington. POLICY ISSUES IN ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY PROGRAMING The traditional public welfare activities have been overlaid with the economic opportunity programs so that the operations framework has been stretched and extended. There are so many new features and relationships that organizational pattern as such is hard to discern. The neat vertical pattern of a three-level gov- ernment distribution of effort and expenditure remains only in the older pro- grams. The newer ones defy both the existing order and the organization chart. The thrust was innovation; the aim, to reach more people with mOre services, and to involve more segments of society in active war against poverty. The objective was to improve the conditions under which the poor live, learn, and obtain in- come. However, one of the results has been a framework which in itself is an im- pediment to effective management of the total welfare problem. Complex and con- fusing interrelationships exist, first among the several levels of government and second in the multiplicity of programs designed to deal with one or another aspect of poverty. Programs of the Office of Economic Opportunity programs have been criticized for hazy goals, over-planning, duplicative efforts; no program coordination within the national government and little at parallel functional levels in the commu- nities: by-passing the states; poor communications in general, either up and down or back and forth; and even for outright mismanagement and partisan political workings. Some of this criticism is overdrawn and some justified. But there is no doubt that controversy, confusion and mistakes have been involved in the three year war on poverty. There have also been some gains. Tl~e intent of the Economic Opportunity Amendment of 1967 (HR. 8311) is nat- urally to capitalize on those gains and to make changes and clarifications which would correct weaknesses. One of the constructive changes is the new Title VII. rewritten to prevent full deduction of earnings under economic opportunity programs from public as- sistance payments to families. The aim is to give welfare recipients incentive to participate in these programs so that ultimately they may become self- supporting. As a step to encourage self-support and to facilitate evaluation of such incentives, the formula may be considered experimental, but the aim is sound and supports a position which NAM has taken: Public assistance programs should encourage recipients who are willing and able to earn some of their income to do so. Programs which subtract the total of such income from assistance payments for which the individuals are otherwise eligible, do not accomplish this objective. Another change that would seem to involve both procedural and policy im- provement is the replacement of the "preference" provision of existing Sec. 612 by new- Sec. 634 and other aspects of new part B of Title VI. There is commendable emphasis here: on "closely coordinated operation at the State or local level" (although "and" rather than "or" would be preferable) ; on "effective coordina- tion of all programs and activities within the executive branch"; and on im- proving "the common effectiveness of programs." The specific strengthening of responsibility and staff of the Economic Opportunity Council may he helpful, although it could also only bring in another directive unit at the national level where the reach is already detrimentally wide. There are, in fact, more reasons for transfers and consolidations within the federal structure for OEO programs than for extensions to it. For example, there are sustainable reasons for considering the transfer of full authority for the Job Corps, the in-school Neighborhood Youth Corps and Head Start to HEW's Office of Education where programs of related purpose have been operating-in the case of vocational education for fifty years. Similarly, there is a pertinent basi~ for full transfer of the out-of-school Neighborhood Youth Corps to the De- partment of Labor which is heavily involved in manpow-er programs, and whose apprentice training experience goes back to 1913. It is possible that the innovative structure of OEO programming and its challenge to the established order has reached a point of diminishing returns, and that even more resort to long- existing structure should be considered. References in H.R. 8311 for strengthening the role of the states (in Title I, Sec. 115, in rewritten Title II; in revised Title VI; and elsewhere) although they do not go very far in line with NAM policy, do go in the right direction. They include PAGENO="0045" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3697 specific provisions for certain state-operated community action pi-ograms, for various federal-state projects, and afford the states a more explicit role in the Job Corps. Other welcome references, particularly in the statement of purpose of the community action programs (Sec. 201), are to "a better focusing of all available local, State, private and Federal resources ;" "the better organization of a range of services related to' the needs of the poor ;" and "a more active role for business,' labor, and professional groups . NAM is particularly concerned with the role of the states and the private `sector in the economic and social well-being of the nation. One of NAM's purposes is: to provide the leadership in bringing about a steady improvement: (a)' `in the economic strength of the nation; (b) in the cOntribution of industry to thepublic welfare; (c) in the operation of the Americansystem of free capital and free labor so as to afford opportunity and incentive for the `individual `to progress and provide for the `well-being and security of himself and his family. Perinent excerpts from two other NAM policy pOsitions are: In the development and implementation of programs, the federal government- 1. should concentrate on problems of national character, avoid, problems which it is reasonable to expect will be handled adequately by state and local governments or private institutions.: ` 2. should not bypass state governments and deal directly with public or private institutions at the community or regional levels. State and local governments should-separately or in cooperation with each other-find means of carrying greater responsibility for the planning suppoit and performance of public services appropriate to their jurisdictions including the establishment of interstate compacts as a means of dealing with mutual problems Individual citizens and voluntary groups should attend more closely and con structively to the affairs of their own state and local governments in order for them to become more independent of national government programming and financing. Industry should support self-financing efforts of the states and their political subdivisions and should stress the need for assumption of a strong and positive role by the states in helping communities solve their. problems . . COMPETITION FOR CENTRAL GOVERNMENT NAM is interested in structures and relationships which will promote creative competition. This is the special source of initiative,' innovation, development of' individuals and institutions, and social and economic advance in our country. It is characteristic of a nation of grassroots; it `stems from freedom of action; an environment of diversity promotes it. There are ,checks and balances implicit in the process of fostering competition which are not present in developing or iequiring coordination Therefore we seek to activate in our federal system those features which make for an optimum of competition among governments, and foster, in our society, private sector activities which compete with ~or replace government in solving social and economic problems. Sometimes such broad issues get lost in a multiplicity of specific interests, efforts and program arrangements. It is the responsibility of our national and state legislators, of course, to provide ,for the general welfare through any mi~ of specifics they deem will seve the purposes. But it is also the responsibility of our legislative statesmen to represent the public i'nterest in the established ground rules of the country's basic institutions. Thus, NAM is pleased to see potential in H.R. 8311 for a greater reliance on the states and the private sector. It is heartening to see legislative reference to a policy of reliance on the private enterprise system. Sec. 122 provides for on-the-job training with private em- ployers as well as in public service activities. Sec. 201 clearly aims at fuller use of the private sector in community action. And another current bill, S. 698, the Intergovernmental Cooperat'ion Act of 1967, in a title on technical assistance to the states expressly calls for furtherance of the government's policy of relying on the private enterprise system. It is NAM's view that this government policy should be vigorously implemented and a similar provision would seem pertinent in HR. 8311 as Part C of Title I, and should be considered. Perhaps it is time to cons'ider ways in which the states and the private sector can both be relied upon more heavily than even the H.R. 8311 amendments con- template. A factor leading to the great responsibility assumed by the national PAGENO="0046" 3698 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 government has been a widely accepted assumption that state-local resources were not adequate to provide the necessary revenues. Two highly respected re- search organizations have recently published studies which conclude that such a premise is not sustainable. Both Tax Foundation and the Committee for Economic Development indicate that for the foreseeable future the revenue sys- tems of the states will provide funds adequate to carry on their current program commitments. Barring a substantial economic downturn or a sharp expansion of the scope of present services, proponents of expanded national government support of state-local government cannot claim w-idespread need. We may have a period of several years in which to reflect thoughtfully on the components and structuring of preventive and creative care of the poor. Another factor which has fed the assumption that the state-local govern- ments were inadequate to the need and that national government could best shape solutions to poverty, has been the magnet of job status and pay in federal employment. Employees of the national government in intergovernmental pro- grams have mainly advisory, planning, supervisory, technical and professional roles. It is not unlikely that such an employee might be sent back to his own home community in line of duty, but he is then an "expert" or "consultant," show- the. badge of Washington. There is more of a distinction than a difference in the duties discharged in behalf of community action under the auspices of. national rather than~~ state-local governmeiit or a voluntary orgänizatidn. What new approach or altered relationships among governments and between the public and private sectors might help solve the problem of poverty and the corollary problem of structuring the optimum discharge of responsible action? One criterion for proper action is relevance. What action is most relevant to the natural capabilities of different segments of the public and private sectors? Can we find a clearer pattern of responsible social and economic action, so that each level of government, private enterprise, and the voluntary or independent sector can apply the special capacities it has to the problems most appropriate for it to solve? It is the nature of government to establish the rules by which we live and to keep order. It is the nature of business to create gain, material progress and systems of operation-the stuff of our standard of living, the wherewithal for the prevention and alleviation of.poverty. It is the nature of the voluntary sector, the independent agencies and institutions, to provide family and individual service, cultural privileges, spiritual and psychological comfort, the intangible touch of one man aiding another, an adult opening some door for a child-in short, an environment of available human support. Can these char- acteristic functions guide us to more logical and effective organization and application of the country's resources to its social and economic problems? HYPOTHETICAL REORGANIZATION OF RESPONSIBILITIE5 Art answer in the form of an allocation outline does, in fact, suggest itself, although NAM does .not necessarily endorse all the elements involved. In contrast to both the tradition of a vertical division of labor among the levels of governmellt anc~ the crisscross organization of the multifaceted approach, the pattern which shapes itself here is a horizontal separation of responsibility. The chart is merely suggestive and includes only the major programs being utilized in the war on poverty. Other programs in the whole Great Society package could be similarly appraised and allocated. The facilities and mechanics for putting the charted pattern to work all exist; adaptation, reassignments, rather than new vehicles would be needed. A shift of trained and experienced manpower from national service to state-local or private employment would be both a requirement and a result of carrying out such an allocation of respon- sibility. As an example of the potential allocation, there follows here the most recent data available on the financing of public assistance. PAGENO="0047" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3699 PRESENT DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLIC ASSISTANCE FINANCING, 1966 [In millions] Federal State-Local Total Aid to chronic cases: Old-age assistance $1,319 $685 $2,004 Aid, permanent and total disability 321 261 582 Aid to the blind 49 42 91 Subtotal, chronic 1,689 988 - 2,677 Aid to variable-need cases: Families with dependent children 1,031 828 1,859 Medical assistaoce 473 437 910 General assistance 350 350 Subtotal, variable 1,504 1,615 3,119 - Total, public assistance 3,193 2,604 5,797 Source: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Welfare Administration, "Source of Funds Expended for Public Assistance, Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1966," Mar. 2, 1967. The shift of financing under the hypothetical allocation of all chronic cases to the national government and all variable-need cases to state-local governments would, according to these 1966 figures, roughly reverse the relative balance of financing bet~een the national and the state-local governments: [In millions] Funds by governments National State-local Present balance Hypothetical balance $3, 193 2,677 $2, 604 3,119 Difference -536 +515 HYPOTHETICAL ALLOCATION OF PUBLIC AND PRIVATE RESPONSI BILITI ES FOR ALLEVIATING POVERTY, BY SECTOR AND FUNCTION Public sectors Privat e sectors National Government State-Local Government Enterprise Nonprofit Nationwide programs; income payment programs: Veterans benefits. Social security, Medicare. ~nronic-need public assistance cases. VISTA payroll. Research, demonstrations. Loan programs. Housing. Slum clearance. Public programs requiring cooperative government action and direct work with the people to be served: Unemployment com- pensation. Variable-need public assistance cases. Research, demon- strations. Headstnrt, Upward Bound, other edu- cation programs. Community action programs. Loan programs. Housing. Slum cloarance. Special purpose com- mercial activities of social benefit; physical environment and man- power programs; and services contracted by Government: Job Corps. Work training. Research, demon- strations. Migrants. Community action programs. Loan programs. Housing. Slum clearance. Human service activities for public and private welfare programs: Case work. Family services. Counseling. VISTA assignments. Job Corps. Work training. Research, demon- strations. Migrants. Community action programs. Loan programs. Community facilities. Community facilities, City planning. Medicaid. Health programs and family planning. Legal services. Community facilities. City planning. Health programs and family planning. Legal services. Health programs and family planning. Legal services. Note: The allocations are intended to be reasonably exclusive administratively and financially. Allocations repeated indicate where management potential exists in two or more sectors for a given program. For example, both industry and private foundations, or other voluntary institutions could sponsor and administer a Job Corps project; similarly, both private sectors could establish their own independent loan programs, or either could act as the agent to carry out National Government programs. However, arrows also show potentials for separation of financing from program administration, such as in legal services, or in the implementation of Federal loan programs. PAGENO="0048" 3700 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 This balance would chltnge sô~ńëw~hat as economic conditions affected the variable-need cases, and as the number of persons over age 65 increases. But the general effect would seem to favor some relative increase in the responsible role of state-local governments. Under the hypothetical allocation, income payments for chronic-need cases could be handled within the federal mechanics for administration of social security. It is not a question of incorporating these into the social security system or of intermingling funds. It is simply a matter of utilizing the office resources, record-keeping equipment, check-writing machines, etc. HEW's Bu- reau of Family Services which is responsible for the administration of the sev- eral public assistance grants could actually be combined with the Social Se- curity Administration and continue its reduced responsibilities as a unit there- in, keeping its records, p~yroll and accounts separate from the social security accounts. Need could be initially established by either a public or private wel- fare agency or even by the local field offices of the Social Security Administra- tion which now verify eligibility for the insurance program benefits. On referral from any such accredited source, assistance payments would be started. The rela- tively few changes of status occurring in chronic-need cases could be reported by the recipient or case work service agencies, as in fact is done now. The OEO type programs, involving cooperative action between state-local governments, voluntary agencies or enterprise participants, are the ones where day-to-day, -person-to-person, program-to-program relationships require active work of service personnel. These are also the programs most apt to vary with changing community and economic circumstances. The responsibility for them needs to be kept close to the level of actual operation and in the locale of those to be served by the programs. Using the voluntary sector as a service arm to the public welfare struc- ture would not only make constructive use of nonprofit, independent bodies in our society, but would revitalize them. Furthermore, it would limit the public sector's responsibilities to the essentials of structuring. CONCLUSION Certainly the management aspects of the OEO programs, and coordination- both interagency in the national government and in federal-state relationships- can be helped by some of the provisions in HR. 8311. It is good, also, to see in the bill a greater resort ot capacities of the states and the private sectors, especially as this may later lead to reduced central government planning and financing. The suggestions made here for transfers within the federal structure, and for potential reorganization of responsible roles between segments of the pub- lic and private sectors, are offered as additions to the total dialogue on how the resources of the nation might most appropriately and effectively be applied to problems of preventing and alleviating poverty. The NAM believes that both the enterprise and non-profit components of the private sector will and should be relied upon to take a continuingly increasing part in the socio-economic problems the nation needs to solve. In practical terms the ultimate objective of OEO programs is to put OEO out of business. The prac- tical result of full commitment of the business and voluntary sectors to solving these problems could be, if not to put the national government out of the busi- nes of dealing with poverty, at least to put it on the sidelines-or guidelines and to let the activist framework for welfare and economic opportunity be shaped by state-local governments and the private sectors. WASHINGTON, D.C. OFFICE, ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'RITH, Washington., D.C., July 14, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, House Education and Labor Committee, Rayburn Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: The Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith welcomes the opportunity to submit this statement in support of the war on pov- erty and to join with the many religious, educational, civic, labor and other or- ganizations who are united in their determination to help conquer and bring an end to poverty in the United States. PAGENO="0049" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3701 The Anti-Defamation League is the educational arm of B'nai B~rith which was founded in 1843 and is Americas oldest and largest Jewish service organization. Its program is rooted in the religions teachings of Judaism; man is a creature of God and all men are equal before Him; the dignity of the individual is God- given and must not be violated-teachiugs which are shared by all the great religions in America and which undergird the constitutional guarantees of free- dom and equality. On March 16, 1964, President Johnson in a special message to Congress charted a new course for our nation when he called for a `national war on poverty" and committed the country and its resources to an all-out effort to build an America in which every individual would have the opportunity to share in the.abundance of our society and the chance to develop to his fullest potential. At its first annual meeting after the `President's historic message, the National Commission of the Anti-Defamation League, recognizing that poverty was the foe of freedOm and. equality of opportunity, the twin goals to which the League has been dedicated since its birth, gave its endorsement to the' war on poverty. This year we reaf- firmed our support for the anti-poverty program as a major aspect of the fight for equality of opportunity and freedom from discrimination. It is not our purpose in this brief statement to document the case for continu- ing and expanding the war on poverty. The need to do so is beyond question. Even those who wOuld make major changes in the present program acknowledge `their commitment `to the effort to eradicate the cancer of poverty from the American scene. Although we have' only made a bare beginning in the war on poverty, the suc- cesses and advances have already been many and substantial. The Second Annual Report of the Office of Economic Opportunity which the President transmitted to the Congress on June 22 tells the dramatic story of how the anti-poverty pro- gram has made it possible for many of America's poor and disadvantaged for the first time to break out of the cycle of poverty. A new vocabulary and new concepts-Headstart, Upward Bound, Vista, Job Corps-unheard of before OEO came into existence not quite three years ago, are now commonplace in the American lexicon. But they are more than mere words and ideas. They have given new meaning to the lives of millions of Americans and opene'd new vistas for the less' fortunate among us. These' programs are the offspring of the creative imagination and proven leader- ship of the Office of Economic Opportunity. This, therefore, is no time to dismem- ber or weaken either the program or the OEO as some of its critics w-ould do. Rather. it is a time to strengthen OEO as the central agency for coordinating and directing the war on poverty, and to give it adequate funds so it can be even better equipped to do battle with the deep rooted problems of poverty. On March `14 when the President' sent his message to Congress recommending a $2.06 billion appropriation for the Office of Economic Opportunity for this fiscal year-a 25 percent increase over the prior year-ADL expressed its fervent hope that Congress would respond to that plea. Today we renew the hope that the Congress will do its share as a full partner in the war on poverty by providing the needed authority and wherewithal to enable the Office of Economic Opportu- nity to continue the job that must be done. As the President so eloquently stated in transmitting the OEO's Second Annual Report to the Congress, "A light has been turned on. We must keep it aglow."~ We respectfully request that this statement be included in `the printed record of the hearings. Sincerely yours,' Donz SOTIARY, National Chairman. STATEMENT OF TIlE AMERICAN PUBLIC WELFARE ASSOCIATION The American Public Welfare Association is the national organization which represents the' field of public welfare. Our membership consists primarily of state and local public welfare agencies and of individuals working in or having an interest in public welfare programs. While these programs place a major emphasis on the provisions of assistance and services to persons in ~financial need, the elimination of the causes of poverty and dependency is a basic and continuing objective of our Association. We therefore regard the Office of Eco- nomic Opportunity and its various programs as a most valuable and welcome 80-084-67-pt. 5-4 PAGENO="0050" 3702 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ally. We have endeavored to work cooperatively with these programs at all levels, and now have underway a special project designed to assist and encour- age state and local public welfare agencies to increase their effectiveness through a closer working relationship with the anti-poverty programs. In our view the community action agencies are the heart of the overall anti- poverty effort. They are the cohesive force which engages the constructive par- ticipation of people living in poverty. Without them the total effort would suffer a serious loss of identity and direction. By the same token their potential can be greatly enhanced through adequate financial support. We have been con- cerned that the yearly enlargement of the number of earmarked funds, worthy as they are, may be at the expense of the "versatile" Community Action Program. We therefore strongly urge that this essential core of the war on poverty be given financial support at a level that will enable it to realize its genuine possibilities. Inasmuch as the the local sources of revenue for Community Action Projects continue to be severely limited, it is obvious that a requirement of local con- tributions. at a rate of 20 percent will result in a curtailment of programs. We therefore recommend that, at least for the time being, the 10 percent contribu- tion rate be continued. We also support the proposal to allow up to ten percent of the CAP funds to be used for research and demonstration. There is a continuing need for innova- tion in the war against poverty, and the capacity of OEO for initiating new and imaginative programs has been amply demonstrated. The resources for research and demonstration should therefore be provided at as high a level as can be constructively utilized, which might well be more than 10 percent of the CAP appropriation. We fully recognize that a flexible and ground-breaking effort such as the war on poverty should have close Congressional surveillance, with legislative adjust- ments adopted as experience is accumulated. It is our impression, however, that the tight Congressional rein and the constant uncertainty as to funding have held the OEO too much to short-term projections as to program planning and development. We believe that there is now a sufficient base of sound experience to justify authorizing appropriations for at least two years at a time.~ This, of course, should be on the condition that the authorization are commensurate with the program requirements~ We should like to comment briefly on two aspects of the Economic Opportunity Act which have a direct bearing on the programs of the public welfare agencies. One is `the `title V Work Experience and Training, and the other is the treatment of income received `by public assistance recipients (title VII). Since the bill now before your Committee does not call for any changes in title V, we are not offering any legislative recommendations at this time. Your Com- mittee is `well aware of `the history and achievements of this program. We wish only to add that public welfare agen'cies generally regard, this `program as a re- source o'f great promise. The local projects did not come into' being fully developed. But recognizing the urgent need for these projects', the public agencies, aided b~ the excellent planning and leadership of the Welfare Administration, have moved energetically to perfect the operation and content of these projects. The special virtue of this program is that it provides a combination of services and training specifically designed `to prepare for employment those who may have a combina- tion of such `handicaps as inexperience, illiteracy, lack of `motivation, or social ineptitude. The results so far should be measured against the fact that these trainees are burdened with many handicaps to employment and would ordinarily be expected to receive financial assistance in substantial amounts for long pe- riod's. No other efforts or approaches have demonstrated `comparable results' in the training o'f persons starting out with these `disadvantages. In a statement filed with your Committee last year our Association expressed serious reservation's with respect to the `proposal for `dividing responsibility for title V between HEW and the Department of Labor. But in view of the fact that this pro'posal was enacted, `an'd is just now going into effect, we raise no further objections at this time, but we shall maintain a continuing interest in the future effect of this arrangement. Our other comment is with respect to the proposed formula change for the exemption of income received from OEO programs in determining need for public assistance. We have long advocated greater incentives for public assistance re- cipien'ts to earn extra income. We agree that the proposed changes in title VII PAGENO="0051" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3703 are an improvement over the existing formula `as to incentive as well as. equity. It is our hope, however, `that some way might be found to adopt a single formula, or at least some common approach for incentive exemptions of earnings that would cover all situations. To achieve that objective would probably require the coordinated efforts of the Various Congressional committees responsible for pub- lic assistance and economic opportunity legislation. In conclusion, we wish to emphasize the urgent need for adequate funding of the overall war against poverty. This is a high-priority objective `of the American Public Welfare Association, which, in our view cannot be satisfactorily attained on the basis of the budget as proposed in the measure now before your Committee. ARCHDIOCESAN COORDINATING COMMITTEE, FOR ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT, ARCHDIOCESE OF PORTLAND IN OREGON, Portland, Oreg., Jnly 24,1967. Hon. JOHN R. DELLENBACK, c/o Committee on L'dacation and Labor, Ilonse of Represen~tatties, Washington, D.C. DEAR ME. DELLENBACK: Our Archdiocesan Committee, `through you, wishes to express our conviction that, at least for the present, the OEO should be main- tained as `the one central agency responsible for the nation's effort to fight poverty. Transfer of `its present functions to a variety of other federal, state and local agencies would, it seems to us, diminish what good results have been accomplished by means of a Washi'ngton directed effort. It is our understanding that the Interreligious Committee against Poverty, through its Catholic, Protestant and Jewish spokesmen, have made a similar recommendation recently, before Senator Clark's subcommittee. The Rt. Rev. Monsignor Lawrence Corcoran, our director of the National Conference of Catholic Charities, has taken a similar stand. In Oregon, we have beenheartened by the successful OEO program of "foster- grandparents" at Our Lady of Providence Child Center in Portland; as well as the plans for expanded day-care services in the Albina neighborhood, co-spon- sored by our Society of St. Vincent de Paul and the Volunteers of America, a highly regarded United Good Neighbors agency serving the Tn-County area around metropolitan Portland. Please be assured of our confidence in your own sincerity of purpose to do your best for Oregon, without losing sight of the national interest.. Cordially and gratefully, The Reverend JACK H. STIPE, M'SW, Permanent Secretary, Archdiocesan Coordinating Committee. OFFICE OF ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY, EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT, Washington, D.C. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS. Chairman, Hoase of Representatives, Wasliington,.D. C. Dn~E Mu. CHAIRMAN: I am taking this opportunity to submit for your informa- tion copies of letters we have received from a representative group of physicians serving with OEO-supported Neighborhood Health Centers, which you may w'ish to have included in the Appendix to the Hearings Record. These letters testify to the devotion of the physicians themselves as well as to their spontaneous attraction to the Neighborhood Health Center program. We are also transmitting these letters to Congressman Scherle, who requested further documentation as to the motivation of physicians in NHC projects. With continuing warm regards, Sincerely, GEORGE D. MCCARTHY, Assistant Director for Congressional Relations. PAGENO="0052" 3704 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 NEIGHBORHOOD MEDICAL CARE DEMONSTRATION, Broncv, N.Y., July 17, 1967. I joined N.M.C.D. because of its ambitious though realistic goals of achieving health care for the medically indigent. The philosophy of health being a right than a privilege has always rang true to me. Private practive, though enjoyable enough, seemed limiting in many respects, whereas the N.M.C.D. and hospital and faculty appointments offer more possi- bilities and a better chance to keep up with current medical thinking. P. J. FINE, M.D. NEIGHBORHOOD MEDICAL CARE DEMONSTRATION, 1Bronx, N.Y., July 17, 1967. JOSEPH T. ENGLISH, M.D., Assistant Director for Health Affairs (Acting), Office of Economic Opportunity,. Washington, D.C. DEAR Mit. ENGLISH: May I answer your letter of June 21 concerning our methods of manpower recruitment. A complete listing of every job available in our program is sent to every organization located in the community. This is done prior to looking elsewhere to fill the position. Many of our staff positions have been filled with graduates from our training program. To date physicians have been recruited from Montefiore Hospital and from Albert Einstein College of Medicine. We are negotiating with two general prac- titioners in the community to join our staff. The possibilities here look optimistic. The other two general practitioners in the community are too well paid for our salary level to be competitive. The statements you requested from the physicians will be sent to you in the near future, under separate cover. My best wishes, Sincerely, HAROLD B. WISE, M.D., Project Director. NEIGHBORHOOD MEDICAL CARE DEMONSTRATION, July 10,1967. Mrs. NAOMI BURNS: In response to your request for a short description for the purposes and rea- sons for entering the project, I giveyou it as follows: My interest in medicine had been, for some time, directed toward the general question of provision of health services as opposed to the development of a per- sonal practice. However, I have never wanted to give up complete contact with patients and have found working in the City clinics and other part-time situa- tions a frustrating experience. For this reason, the opportunity to join a group practice devoted to high-quality, care, which would be exploring new models for the provision.of care, was when I eagerly accepted. WILLIAM B. LLOYD, M.D. CITY OF CHICAGO BOARD OF HEALTH, CHICAGO CIVIC CENTER, Chicago, Ill., July 6, 1967. JOSEPH T. ENGLISH, M.D., Assistant Director for Health Affairs' (Acting), Office of Economic Oppor- tunity, Washington, D.C. DEAR DR. ENGLISH: This is in reply to your letter of June 21, 1967 requesting information concerning recruiting policies. I have discussed this question with Dr. Lasbof and Dr. Abrams. The recruiting of medical personnel for the Mile Square and North Lawndale Neighborhood Health Centers was done almost entirely by word of mouth with the addition of some letter writing. `There was considerable interest generated in the Chicago area for almost a year before the Neighborhood Health Centers were staffed and this resulted in an expression of interest on the part of several individuals. PAGENO="0053" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3705 No ads were placed in medical journals. No agencies were contacted. I have asked Dr. Lashof, Dr. Abrams, and Dr. Snyder to request letters from one or two members of their staffs and these will be forthcoming within a day or two. If I can be of any more help, please let me know. Yours sincerely, DAVID McL. GREELEY, M.D., Director, Medical Care. MiLI~ SQUARE HEALTH CENTER, CHICAGO, ILL. Several years ago it would have taken me thirty pages to explain why I like `to work in a neighborhood health center. After working here, I have to write a book for an answer. But let me try to merely skim my reasons in a short letter. I feel I am performing an important function by giving good medical care to a group that needs it the most. In the past, `the patients who are now attending our health center, received only stop-gap treatment to remedy their immediate afflication without consideration of the conditions contributing to their disease. No effort was made to avoid recurrence of the same condition and the patient `was in a vicious cycle occupying hospital beds at regular intervals. With this `kind of medical care, the patient paid dearly in hours and days lost while waiting in emerency `rooms and clinics. It often forced the patient to neglect either his obligation in the home and on the job or his health. At the same time that we are giving our services, we have `an opportunity to discover new metho'ds of practicing medicine which will answer the frequent criticisms hurled at modern medicine. While organized medicine has been most anxious to preserve the doctor-patient relationship, the public has decried its progressive loss. In our clinic, the treatment is precisely based on this relationship. We offer the patient the best possible medical care with the help of the research hospital's facilities. No matter how many specialists attend the patient, the in'ternist to `whom the patient has originally been assigned remains in charge of all his treatments and tests and follows through with his care when be is hospitalized. `This eliminates the cold clinic atmosphere and preserve's the best aspect of private practice in a capitalistic society. With the patient freed of worries about the cost of medical care, the doctor, as well as the patient, can follow through with what is necessary in order to give the best possible care. With the help we have from community nurses and aides who' are able to in- form us of home and social conditions of the patient, we can follow up with recommendations as to treatment and changes in living conditions. Such pre- ventive mea~sures within the socio-economic surroundings will reduce, in the long run, the cost to the community and the patients will be able to return to a productive life. Because of the close supervision at home and the nearby location of the neighborhood health cen'ter, which is organized to serve the patient without long waiting periods, much prolonged hospitalization is avoided with great sav- ings to the taxpayer and a reduction in the need for hospital beds. I think important lessons will be learned in our clinic on how to supply mod- em medicine w-ithout the compromise imposed by social and economic conditions, and how to use modern techniques without eliminating the personal relationship between doctor and patient. This is an exciting program creating enormous enthusiasm in everybody working within this enterprise. Everyone is eager to serve the patients best. `I think this alone is enough reason for working in such a health project. JOHN H. MEYER, M.D. JULY 19, 1967. DEAR Dn. ENGLISH: I shall introduce myself by giving you a thumbnail sketch of my background. I am an American Negro from rural Mississippi, who mi- grated `to Chicago with my parents to live in a ghetto. I therefore have first- hand knowledge of what it means to be undernourished, disadvantaged and culturally deprived. It was only my early determination to become a doctor that sustained me through the many hardships that led to attainment. During my residency at Cook County Hospital I became painfully aware of the inadequacy of facilities for the sick poor and of their extreme need for medical care due to the unhealthy condition of their surroundings. Hundreds PAGENO="0054" 3706 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 of babies were brought to the hospital daily suffering from lead poisoning, rat bites, malnutrition, and all the other diseases of the impoverished. Many who should have been hospitalized were sent back home because of the lack of facilities at the one hospital to take care of them. Many who should have come to the hospital for treatment never made it because of their inability and/or lack of energy to travel the distance. It was with great enthusiasm that I accepted the invitation to l)ecome part of a team devised to serve the inner city health project whereby medical care is within the physical and financial reach of those who need it most. After working with the Lawndale Center for several months, now, I am convinced that the neighborhood clinic is a necessary, vital step in the right direction. I hope the program is here to stay. Sincerely, AUDREY E. FORBES, M.D. MILE SQUARE HEALTH CENTER. Chicago, Ill. Perhaps the best way to answer the question "why I chose to work in a neighborhood health center" is by explaining why I became a physician and in particular, why I became a Pediatrician. Simply stated, I felt that this was the way my abilities could be put to their best advantage and this was the way in which I could do the greatest amount of good. No one can deny the tremendous need for good medical care in our society and no where is this evidenced more keenly or critically than in the poverty areas of our cities. It is true that numerous health centers, clinics, etc. are found in large hospitals scattered throughout the cities and people can get excellent medi- cal care in these. One thing, however, is frequently very obvious because of its absence-a sense of personal involvement. A health center such as Mile Square provides a unique opportunity for coupling good medical care, which includes initial treatment (therapeutic) with follow-up care (preventive) with the estal)- lishment of a personal doctor-patient relationship. This opens channels toward better care, education (medical and non-medical) and decent interpersonal relationships. Health of mind and body are essential in working out the problems of today's world. I see this type of work as a constructive move toward better understanding among human beings and a partial solution of present racial problems. RO5EANN VITULLO, M.D. Ho~IE SECURITY LIFE INSURANCE Co., Durham, N.C., July 25, 1967. Mr. SARGENT SHRIVEB, Director, Office of Economic Opportunity, Washington., D.C. DEAR MR. SHRIvER: No one person can possibly give you an accurate picture of the Durham, North Carolina, situation. And yet you must have received, or had forced upon you in some instances, everything from information to threats about Durham and particularly the North Carolina Fund and Durham's antipoverty program. I do not pretend to know the whole situation. But I do believe that I am in a better position to see the situation with some objectivity than you are likely to find elsewhere. I say this because I have, in the past, been deeply involved in virtually every one of the agencies but am no longer. I have served as a member of the City Council, represented the area in our State Legislature, helped offi- nize the antipoverty program, ai~d served as one of its senior officers, helped organize the first human relations committee in the `50s, served as a member and then chairman in the `60s, served as chairman of the Housing Authority. have been involved with the North Carolina Fund and enjoy a long and close relationship with George Esser. I am 40 and educated out of the State. This listing of "pedigree" is given only to establish the "bias" from which I speak. At the very outset, let me say the Durham is extraordinarily j'ortvnate that the recent events took place. And we are equally fortunate that the North Caro- lina Fund is here, that George Esser is here, that Operation Breakthrough is doing the job which it is doing, and that Bill Pursell is associated with it. The PAGENO="0055" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3707 essential truth is that a deprived section of the community with essentially legitimate complaints, no matter how misdirected and sometimes unfortunately stated, did follow the appropriate path and as citizens appealed to their local governing board to recognize their problems and act on them. Unlike Newark, Rochester. Watts, and the many other cities, the frustrations here never reached the point that riots would result. This would not have been possible were it not for a combination of many factors over an extended period of time. While no group or individual can be singled out, in equity, as explaining what happened in Durham-and even more importantly what did not happen-I believe that time will prove that had it not been for the North Carolina Fund, for Operation Breakthrough, and for the individuals associated with them, we would have had riots and bloodshed. The unwarranted, politically motivated, attacks by Congressman Gardner are perhaps best put in their true light when one recognizes that he does not repre- sent this Congressional District but that, due to reapportionment, he now is an almost certain candidate for the seat held by Representative Galifianakis who is, as you know, a native of Durham. Any program which has any measure of success, as does Durham's antipoverty program, will also have isolated failures which provide grist for the mill of an irresponsible politician. If one traces the background of Congressman Gardner, the sources of his information, his whole pattern since election to office, then his real motivation becomes clear. And when one realizes, as you do, that his attacks have implications which are na- tional, then his irresponsibility becomes tragic. When one attempts to assess blame or give credit, if he is objective, he finds that every group with the possible exception of the reactionaries at both ex- tremes deserves a measure of both credit and discredit. From this assessment I exclude only the Ku Klux Klan, White Citizens Council. Citizens for Law and Order, et cetera, at the one extreme-and their numbers are significant-and at the other extreme the Black Muslims and the Black Power advocates whose numbers, interestingly enough, are extremely limited. In between we find the real leadership including the Mayor. Here is a man with the type of commitment we all support and applaud. We find equally en- lightened Negro leadership in the Durham Committee on Negro Affairs and men such as Councilman John Stewart and John Wheeler with his national and in- ternational reputation. These men and the groups which they represent have, as you know, the terribly difficult task of retaining their leadership and still acting in a responsible fashion. They deserve the highest praise. Then there is the "white power structure" which is highly conservative, divided for many years, easily panicked, motivated to act only by the strongest pres- sure, quick to relax, and above all short on leadership. This is a community where the largest industry is not locally owned-American Tobacco Company and Liggett and Myers, Burlington Mills, General Telephone, Wright Machinery (subsidiary of Sperry-Rand), et cetera. I believe that a conservative estimate would be that 90% of Durham business is under out-of-town if not out-of-state control. There is no better way to devastate potential leadership than to people a community with a majority of businessmen who cannot make decisions on the local level on matters of vital community importance. Duke University is Durham's largest industry in that it has the largest single payroll. The University is deeply interested in the community but there is only slightly less than the usual spilt between town and gown. The University is liberal, the town is conservative. There is North Carolina College for Negroes which has provided the Negro power structure with a source of information and potential leadership. But the College is virtually isolated as an institution from any impact of the direction which the community will choose. And then there is the North Carolina Fund and Operation Breakthrough. I say to you that Operation Breakthrough is making a very significant contribu- tion and that the best measure of that fact is the controversy itself. This community needs shaking at the very roots as does every community that I know of no matter where it is located. It is only out of tension, out of conflict, as you know so well, that change does take place. Durham's antipoverty program, if it is to be faulted on essential matters, can only be faulted for its failure to do more. Now I do not mean to say that mistakes have not been made. You know, as does no one else, the national problem of assembling a competent staff adequately motivated, which combines all the needed factors and yet which can follow every regulation and account for every penny in an ideal fashion. Durham's program has had its problems, has them now, and will un- PAGENO="0056" :3708 ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 doubtedly have them in the future. But the essential fact is that this program is a considerable success and deserves support, not censure. And if it is not to go down the drain as a result of the recent events-and it was on that brink a few days ago-a lot of people are going to have to rally around. And much the same can be said for the North Carolina Fund. George Esser has the background, the ability, the knowledge, and the commitment to do a unique job. And he has done this. Howard Fuller, the center of so much con- troversy, is a man whose assets far outweigh his liabilities. But he does have both. Fuller, for example, along with a few others, is the single person most responsible for there not being riots in Durham. Had he been withdrawn from the picture, there would have been a leaderless mob. I believe that when time permits you to weigh all the facts surrounding the involvement of Operation Breakthrough and the North Carolina Fund, you will extend a commendation Tather than a condemnation. All of this adds up to one conclusion, as I see it. Durham is immensely blessed to have an opportunity to listen to its people and to act. Whether some on our City Council and perhaps the majority of the white community will us- -ten is another question. When people speak to them in "ghetto" which they do not understand, and when their private reaction to the -appearance to a group of Negro citizens is "What are those niggers up here for this time ?" then there is very little communication left. To put it in the vernacular, virtually everyone lost a little of their "cool" during the period of obvious crisis. It is time for -us all to regain our "cool." We have a unique opportunity in Durham to show what can be done. And we can't afford to lose this opportunity because we may ever again have so great a one. And that is what we need to remember of this situation. That is what the Mayor knows, that is what Congressman Galifianakis knows, that is what George Esser `and Bill Pursell know. And that is what a relatively small group -of us in the so-called white and Negro "power structure" know. That is the opportunity we are going to work together on and attempt to realize. This is a possibility because of a longstanding effort of both communities to work together toward a single community. Mo-st sincerely, WATTS HILL, Jr. STATEMENT BY NORVAL D. REECE, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, -SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA CHAPTER OF AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION Mr. Chairnian, members of the committee, ladies and gentlemen, I -want to --extend the appreciation of -the Southeastern Pennsylvania Chapter of Americans for Democratic Action for -being asked -to appear before this committee regarding our experience with the AntiPoverty Program in Philadeluhia. ADA has been closely related to -the development of -the AntiPoverty Program in Philadelphia since its inception in 1964. While never a part of the official Anti- Poverty organization, ADA was instrumental along with labor leaders and civil -rights official-s in `bringing about the structure of the present Philadelphia Anti- `Poverty Action Committee and its 12 elected community councils. Before discussing `the Philadelphia program, however, I would like to make some comments a-bout the Office -of Economic Opportunity: 1. We believe the Office -of Economic Opportuni-ty must be retained as a sepa- -rate agency of the Federal Government to coordinate the War on Poverty. We think it would be a serious mistake -to spin off existing programs into old line -governmental agencies. Not only is the continuity of programs under OEO im- portant, but the disappearance of the agency, we believe, would have unfortunate repercussions in the poverty communities. Abolishing OEO would be interpreted -by a frus-trated community as indicating that the Federal Government had -aban- doned the Wa-r on Poverty and therefore was no longer interested in helping the -poor. 2. We feel very strongly that the Office of Economic Opportunity must -have additional funds. We ask that there be no cut in the administration's proposal -for OEO funds. In fact, the appropriation should be much higher and we have urged President Johnson to ask for a supplemental appropriation of one billion -dollars for unea-rmarked community action programs this year. The community -action programs under Title II have -been one of the most importance parts of the AntiP-overty Program as well as `being controversial. One important achieve- PAGENO="0057" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3709 ment of these programs however has been dialogue and interplay between the poor and leaders of the business and labor communities such as never existed before. We remind members of this committee that the administration's proposal for funds for the War on Poverty amounts to only 2% of the administration's total budget,. When compared to other items in the budget it becomes even more startling. The OEO programs amount to only about 40% of the space budget and the cost to run `the War in Vietnam for one month is more `than the cost to run the War on Poverty in the United States for one year. 3. We also believe it is important to have a broad-based involvement in the community action programs. Therefore, we would oppose `the plan to increase matching local funds from `the present 10% to 20%. The effect of this increase would hurt independent community groups the most, stifle imagination and in- novation in the poverty communities themselves, and be an' unnecessary burden to local antipoverty committees. 4. We support the administration's request to increase the maximum amount of money available for demonstration and research purposes from 5% to 10%. 5. `Since the War on Poverty is a new venture in terms of program, we urge Congress to consider making mandatory annual reviews of local programs by independent agencies or universities and making these evaluations a matter of public information. 6. We are distressed over the lack of communication among cities and anti- poverty programs throughout the country in order to share their experience and knowledge on the War on Poverty. We hope the OEO will begin publishing' a regular newsletter to be distributed to officials and civic agencies highlighting experimental programs and experience in various cities. 7. We also urge OEO to establish a regional office in Philadelphia in order to have a Federal official available on the scene who could attend regular meet- ings of the Philadelphia AntiPoverty Action Committee and provide information on Federal programs and policies. It seems amazing that a Federal program this large would not have a regional office and competent staff in the 4th largest' city in the country. Turning our attention to the Philadelphia AntiPoverty Program,. we make the following points for your consideration. 1. Some of Philadelphia's programs have been extremely successful. Most' of these, however, are administered apart from and independent of the Phila- delphia AntiPoverty Action Committee. The Opportunities Industrialization Center is the largest program, and perhaps the best. It pre-dated Philadelphia's AntiPoverty Program and is run independent of the official committee. The other major successful programs have been the ones administered by the Board of Education and the Archdiocese schools. In 1965-66, Philadelphia received a total of $16,276,111.00 for antipoverty programs. Of this amount, the Oppor- tunities Industrialization Center and the public and parochial schools received a total of $12,707,881.00. 2. The elections of the 12 community action councils of 12 members each has been useful. While the percentage of poor people involved in these elections has been a disappointing 5-6%, we support the election process as a useful edu-- cational instrument and the best way of getting representation from the poverty communities into decision making positions. 3. Administratively, the program in Philadelphia has had serous problems. It is now going through its third reorganization in three years, partly due to an opinion by the Citizens Charter Committee that the current structure is in viola- tion of Philadelphia's Home Rule Charter. ADA has supported a non-profit corporation as the most useful structure for the program for the past three years. Not only does this allow broad community participation but it also re- duces the possibility of political interference and influence. We hope this is the recommendation that will be adopted by the panel now considering reorganizing the structure. 4. In terms of imaginative community action programs, Philadelphia has been sadly remiss. This has been largely due to the policy of `the leadership of the Philadelphia AntiPoverty Action Committee which has been heavy handed in i;ts relationship with the poverty communities, stifled independent thinking' and discouraged program development. 5. Unfortunately, it seems at times that the Philadelphia program is being run more for political purposes than for the independent development of the poverty community. In late 1964, the Mayor issued an organization diagram for' "The Mayor's AntiPoverty Program" dominated completely by a Mayor's Task PAGENO="0058" 3710 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Force consisting entirely of city officials and over which the Mayor presided. When that failed to get a program underway, and after considerable pressure by labor and civil rights leaders as well as ADA, the Mayor abandoned that structure and came up with the present Philadelphia AntiPoverty Action Com- mittee (PAAC). PAAC has involved a larger segment of the community than did the Mayor's Task Force but the program and the jobs available are still closely controlled by the Mayor's appointee to that body. As a result, the way in which the poor have been intimidated and made dependent on the generosity of those in control of the jobs is most regrettable. In spite of these criticisms of the administration of the Philadelphia program, I would repeat that most of the Antipoverty money that has come to Philadelphia has been used in successful programs run by the Opportunities Industrialization Center, the Board of Education and the Archdiocese. While we desire better leadership and a different orientation for the program, we support very strongly the need for its continuation. We know that we in Philadelphia must accept part of the blame for not having a more successful War on Poverty in our city. We are disappointed, however, that Congress is not appropriating nearly enough money to launch a program of the magnitude needed by the situation. lIt is particularly frustrating to us to see Congress failing to pass rent supplements, defeating the rat control bill and cutting the teacher core and model cities programs while hurling charges back and forth about who is more responsible for the riots. Responsibility for the riots and the causes of the riots are speculative at best and should not be debated for political purpose. We believe firmly, hov~ever, that poverty conditions breed frustration which can lead to a riot situation. Congress must realize that those with a stake in their society cannot be turned into an ugly mob that will destroy that society. We urge this committee and Congress to give top priority to an effective War on Poverty in order to meet the needs of the impoverished of this nation and help create the conditions where all citizens can share in its vast wealth and opportunity. Thank you. JULY 29, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn Bvildiimg. Washington, D.C.: Let there be no mistake about my position in regard to the national antipoverty program. I support the program and all it has done to bring hope to many, including thousands in my own city. Any suggestion or interpretation of remarks attributed to me which suggest I am opposed to antipoverty program are wrong. I seek no scapegoats and no easy answers for the rioting w-hich took place in our city and those who do are misguided. We are all to blame for not moving far enough, fast enough. The problems of poverty, race relations, and decay in our cities have been permitted to fester far too long. It should be obvious to all that agitation, no matter how gross, will not move the residents of a well-to-do neighborhood or community to riot. The seeds of violence flourish only in ground made fertile by national neglect. It is my position that antipoverty programs have been helpful to my city and that these programs need to be greatly expanded. For example when we es- tablished a teacher aid program in Newark w-e had 3,500 applications in the first week for the 350 available jobs. Our new careers program which opened last week had 600 applications for the 250 approved job openings in the first 3 days and we could triple our 2,500 member Neighborhood Youth Corps and still fall tragically short of fulfilling the real needs of this community. Further- more I believe it is wise to have responsibility for the antipoverty program cen- *tered in a single agency in Washington rather than scattered among many agencies. It is imperative that you understand that the investigation of our local CAP agency was requested jointly by my office and the CAP agency itself in order to limit various charges and criticisms to specific individuals and avoid *indictment of the agency and the programs as a whole. The desire of my office *and the CAP agency itself is to insure that no one uses the antipoverty program in a manner which will discredit or destroy the program. To further clarify my position let me indicate to you w-hat I said at the conclusion of rioting in Newark: ". . . understanding is what is necessary at this time, not increased anger or bitterness and reactions which may impede progress. We must bear PAGENO="0059" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3711 in mind that disorders such as we have experienced in Newark and other cities are caused by deep problems in housing, education, and jobs, further compli- cated by the scars of years of discrimination." Riots are in a great sense a convulsion, an upheaval, which at the bottom of it has people crying for help and for consideration. There is no mayor anywhere in America who can say be wants the elimina- tion of the antipoverty program . . . programs such as our legal services proj- ect, Headstart, the Neighborhood Youth Corps, our year-round preschool, and our summer recreation programs are all now indispensible parts of our com- munity's life. And let there be no mistake about it, Newark and all our cities would be worse without these programs. HUGH J. ADD0NIzI0, Mayor, City of Newark. JULY 29, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairnta'n, Edveation and Labor Committee, House of Representatives, House Office Building, Washington, D.C.: Employees and enrollees in the Detroit community action program have been very helpful in minimizing the effects of the riot. No known employee of either the CAA or its delegate agencies have been involved in the riot. Only three enrollees out of almost 5,000 in the Neighborhood Youth Corps, Youth Service Corps, and other youth antipoverty efforts, have been accused of involvement in the rioting and looting. Had it not been for the effectiveness of the anti- poverty program in providing needed services and building bridges of commu- iiication in the community the riot might have been worse. Urge immediate passage of the pending 1967 Economic Opportunity Act amendments in order to expand badly needed programs. JEROME P. CAVANAGH, Mayor, Detroit, illicit. U. S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, D.C., August 15, 1967. Hon. CARL D.PERKINS, Chairman, Honse Education and Labor Committee, Honse of Representatives. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: Professor Richard T. Frost of Reed College, who for the past year has ably served as national director of the Upward Bound program, has written me a persuasive letter in support of the continuation within the jurisdiction of the Office of Economic Opportunity of the Upward Bound program. Professor Frost has high praise for the administration of the Upward Bound program by the OEO. He reports that "Shriver's leadership and cooperation was almost perfect." Furthermore, Professor Frost notes: the colleges and universities responded with good proposals far beyond our best hopes. In fact, the response was so good that in fiscal `66. we had to reject about 60 colleges purely for lack of funds. In `67, the number went to 125 rejections. That's a lot of colleges, but more importantly a lot of slum kids, who did not get a chance." Professor Frost continues: "There is, as you know, a strong effort on the part of many members of the I-louse to legislate a transfer of Upward Bound to the U.S. Office of Education. I think that this would be a serious mistake at this time. There are at least two reasons for my strongly-held view. "1. Upward Bound partakes of the special competence of the Community Ac- tion Program. It is an integral part of CAP. As such, colleges find the recruiting of the right kind of target youngsters much easier. Moreover, as a poverty family makes its first contact with OEO via Upward Bound, the other problems of the family are "surfaced" and other local CAP resources can go to work. Beyond this, the neighborhood resources of CAP are indispensable to a good follow-up program for UB students who have been at a college for the summer, and, as you know so well, without a good follow-up during the regular school year, the gains of a summer are quickly washed away. PAGENO="0060" 3712 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 "2. The Office of Education is so burdened down with massive new mandates that whatever their motives and their intentions-and they are high indeed- USOE just cannot give the direct personal support to the program that Shriver can and does. You know how important that is. It made all the difference in the world to me in my job of getting the program started and rolling. But it makes even more difference as a program "settles in" and begins to run risks of inflex- ibility and single-mindedness. Upward Bound, in OEO, still has lOts of elbow room and can respond to the vast variety of educational conditions among the states where the kids are. That is crucial. Shriver has obtained a first-rate suc- cessor to me as director, Dr. Tom Billings of Western Washington State College at Bellingham. Billings was director of Western's UB program since its inception in 1965. He is excellent. He knows OBO well and he has continued to develop a smooth coordination with USOE's related programs of financial aid to poverty college applicants. "In s~hort, Senator, Upward Bound seems to be successful both as a program and in OEO. . . I know the administrative location of programs is not usually a hot issue and it's hard to get a lot of people excited .about it. But, in my opinion. it is a matter of real importance to the 25,000 Upward Bound youngsters who are, after all, the sole object of the program. OEO has developed a warm and effective response to those kids. I do hope it will be permitted to continue its Upward Bound program." Professor Richard Frost is one of the best informed men in our nation with respect to the performance and capabilities of the Upward Bound program. May I respectfully urge that the members of the House Education and Labor Com- mittee give serious consideration to Doctor Frost's perceptive comments. If the record is still open, I would appreciate the inclusion of this letter in the record of the hearings. With best personal regards, Sincerely, WAYNE Monsn. BUILDING SERvIcE EMPLOYEES' INTERNATIONAL UNION, Washington, D.C., July 28, 1967. Hon. CA1u~ D. PERKINS, Chairman., Committee on Education and Labor, U.S. House of Representative~ Washington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: This is in reference to H.R. 8311, the proposed Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. We would like, first of all, to associate ourselves with the statement of the AFL-CIO presented to your committee on July 26, 1967. BSEIU-AFL--CIO, representing 350,000 members, wishes to go on record lending its support to the continuance of the Office of Economic Opportunity as the central agency for anti-poverty programs in the federal government. We stand opposed to any moves which would dismantle this agency and thereby re- duce its effectiveness as the official voice of the poor in this country. We urge the 90th Congress to provide the funds necessary to allow the con- tinuation and expansion of those programs directed toward the eradication of urban and rural poverty. Since we will not be presenting oral testimony before your committee, I re- spectfully request that this letter be made a part of the official hearings on this bill. Sincerely yours, DAvin SulLIvAN, General President. STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN FARM BUREAU FEDERATION We appreciate the opportunity to present Farm Bureau's views relative to the various programs generally referred to as the "War on Poverty." Farm Bureau is a general farm organization of 1,703,908 families, members of over 2,770 County Farm Bureaus in 49 states and Puerto Rico. These 2,770 counties include nearly all the rural counties in the United States. Our statement will be devoted primarily to the rural aspects of the problem. PAGENO="0061" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3713 At the last annual meeting of the American Farm Bureau Federation, the voting delegates of the member State Farm Bureaus adopted the following policy position: For nearly 200 years our country, with the energies of free men released under the competitive enterprise system, has conducted a war on poverty. This system has produced the highest standard of living known to man and has done more than any other system to provide opportunity for individuals to improve their lot. Some poverty exists through no fault of the individual, but much exists because some individuals choose not to take advantage of available jobs, education, and other opportunities. The new federal "war on poverty" programs are not solving the poverty prob- lem. These programs have led to confusion, waste, and duplication of effort and have contributed to inflation and concentration of power in the federal govern- ment. We oppose the use of poverty programs to exploit poor people for political purposes. Many governmental and private agencies-administered on a state and local basis-have been established to improve opportunities for the underprivileged. Programs to help the poor shonid be carried out through these agencies. We do not believe that poverty can be properly defined by establishing a national standard of dollar income. We oppose government sponsored collective farming and grazing projects, including government loans for such projects. BASIC TRENDS IN AGRICULTURE Basic statistical data relative to changes in the rural situation are as follows: Farm employment (annual average) Farmers and Hired labor family Number of f arms with sales- Under $5,000 Over $5,000 Farm population as of April 1939 1944 1949 1954 1959 1964 1966 4,927, 000 4,308, 000 4,011,000 3,475,000 2, 576, 000 2, 030, 000 1,769,000 920, 000 1, 190, 000 1, 136, 000 1,323, 000 1, 521, 000 1, 442, 000 1,483,000 8, 611, 000 7, 988,000 7,712,000 6, 579, 000 5, 459, 000 4, 506,000 3,902,000 2,727, 000 2, 231, 000 2,252,000 2, 060, 000 1,925, 000 1, 604, 000 1,357,000 30, 850,000 24, 815, 000 24,194,000 19, 019,000 16, 592,000 12, 954,000 11,595,000 This reduction in farm employment and farm population also reduces the number of non-farm rural people employed in providing goods and services to farm people. The out-migration from agriculture has contributed to the economic strength of our nation, since a steadily smaller percentage of the nation's work force has been needed to produce the nation's requirements of food and fiber, and an in- creasing percentage of the nation's work force has been available to produce other goods and services. Most of those moving out of agriculture have made the adjustment success- fully. On the other hand, for some of those leaving agriculture the adjustment has involved substantial hardship and tragedy. Much of the poverty in rural areas arises from- 1. The lag between loss of employment in agriculture and the obtaining of full time employment in other occupational endeavor. 2. The fact that some of those "squeezed out" of agriculture do not obtain other full time employment in the same area or elsewhere, but continue on an "odd job" basis in rural areas. The out-migration from agriculture has been such a strong and persistent trend that it may be expected to continue during the next few years. The extension of minimum w-age legislation to some farm workers and some sharecroppers will accelerate the out-migration in a num~ber of areas. In June, 1967, the number of hired farm workers in a 15 `State area `from Texas to Maryland was 140,000 or nearly 15% less than in June, 1966. Yet it is also true that we are approaching a milestone in our history: the leveling off of the migration of people from agriculture to other pursuits. If the farm population were to continue to decline as rapidly in the next 26 years as in the past 26 years, it would `be zero by 1992. PAGENO="0062" 3714 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Obviously then, the time is in sight when the out-migration will begin to de- cline and eventually become a minor factor. Thus the problem of under-employment and unemployment of those moving out of agriculture will be alleviated in the discernible future. But what of the interim? STABILIZE EMPLOYMENT IN AGRICULTURE? Among the proposals advanced in this connection is that by some means (not usually specified in workable detail) we should halt the decline of farm popula- tion and employment. To an organization whose future membership will be determined by the num- ber of people in agriculture, this proposal has a natural appeal. Yet this w-ould be a backward step which would stabilize, not reduce, poverty in rural areas. Betw-een 1950 and 1966 average productivity per farm worker (farmers, farm family members and hired w-orkers) increased 90%. This trend will certainly continue in the discernible future. Under these circumstances to try to stabilize the number of people engaged in such production is futile. Programs which encourage people to enter or to continue in an agricultural operation at a lower than average level of productivity lead to a dead-end street-particularly for young people. It should also be noted in this connection that the average invest- ment per farm in the United States is $71,000. To endeavor to continue in agri- culture a larger number of persons than needed to produce the nation's food requirements would reduce average farm incomes and, in the long run, result in higher costs to consumers than would otherwise be the case. Despite the trends noted above it is still true that many farmers have in- sufficient acreage to utilize modern technology or to provide the operator with full time employment on an efficient basis. In many cases the problem of such farmers can best be solved by credit pro- grams enabling qualified operators to put together efficient economic units. This is a major purpose of the Farm Credit System and the Farmers Home Adminis- tration programs. But this consolidation of farms into economic units involves a further reduction, not an increase, in agricultural employment. In the light of the economic facts reviewed above, we doubt that the rural programs provided in Part A of Title III of the Act can make any dent at all on the problem of poverty in rural areas. In fact, if such measures encourages individuals to defer making an adjustment they must make sooner or later, the programs can defeat the purpose of the Act. * INCREASED INDUSTRY IN RURAL AREAS A proposal of more current interest is to promote the development of industry and related economic activity in rural areas. In a number of fortunate situations, the development of non-farm businesses in rural areas has tremendously aided unemployed and partially employed farm and rural people to obtain employment. In hundreds of rural areas industry and commerce is expanding rapidly and providing employment opportunity for grow- ing numbers of people. This is an extremely desirable development since individuals can make an adjustment under such circumstances with a minimum of difficulty. The major factors affecting the development of industry in a particular area are- 1. The delivered costs of raw materials, component parts, fuel power, etc. in a particular area as compared with the costs in other areas. 2. The costs of transportation and marketing of products from a particular area as compared with comparable costs in other areas. Where these factors are favorable in a particular area it is likely that employ- ment opportunity in such area is growing and will continue to grow-, regardhess of loans and/or grants for economic development in such area. Where these factors arenot favorable in a particular area it is unlikely that employment opportunity in such area will grow. Most additional employment in the U.S. w-ill develop in areas where economic growth is already occurring. Many rural areas are part of, or adjacent to, an area with locational advan- tages in which additional employment opportunity will naturally and logically develop. Many rural areas are not. PAGENO="0063" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3715 It is unrealistic to assume that industrial development can be forced in areas that do not have resource and locational advaiitages. Efforts to develop industry in such areas are likely to be both expensive and frustrating. There are always exceptions to any generalization-but we would suggest that, in the consideration of the problem of rural poverty, as a general rule efforts to establish industry where the unemployed are will be considerably less successful than efforts to facilitate the movement of unemployed people to areas where in- dustry is growing. The conclusions in this and the preceding section are by no means unique. For example, Dr. Vernon W. Ruttan, Head of the Department of Agricultural Eco- nomics at the University of M~nne~ota, in a paper, `Agricultural Policy in an Affluent Society," presented at the last annual meeting of the American Farm Economic Association, said: "A first step in a realistic effort to deal with rural poverty as it is now emerging is to recognize that it is no longer possible to make a significant aggregate impact on rural poverty by programs designed pri- marily (a) to increase agricultural production or (b) to increase nonfarm employment in rural areas." TO ENHANCE JOB OPPORTUNITY The approach to the problem of rural poverty is necessarily one of trying to open the door of opportunity for unemployed and partially employed rural people by helping them to obtain employnient in other occupational pursuits- hopefully and preferably in nearby towns and cities, or, where this is not feasible, in more distant places. It appears to us that the major effective approach to this problem is to provide underemployed rural residents with education, retraining, and counseling. Any lasting solution involves making the poor self~supporting-rather than public- supported. Education, in-school and post-school, is the most effective means of improving individual capability to fit into a modern economy. The problem involves more than providing educational opportunity, since individuals must have sufficient initiative and motivation to take advantage of such opportunity. Education is, of course, a relatively slow process and offers the greatest promise for young people. However, adults who have limited future expectations in their current situation should be encouraged to qualify for gainful employ- ment in occupations for which employment is available. The Federal-State Employment `Services have undertaken, in a limited way, to seek out and counsel individuals for whom MDTA (Manpower Development & Training Act) training would open new opportunity. This is the most important public service this agency can perform. Despite the reduced numbers of workers employed by farmers, farmers in many areas are experiencing difficulty in finding permanent skilled farm work- ers, particularly dairy workers and workers capable of operating and maintaining farm machinery. MDTA training programs can provide the basis for employment of addiitonal farm workers with such skills. Every effort should be made by counseling and other means to encourage people to move where the job opportunities are. The fact that employers in many areas have had difficulty in filling jobs and have undertaken extensive recruitment and training programs has been well publicized. The problems of home owners in finding craftsmen for dwelling and household appliance main- tenance are well known. The President of the Ford Motor Company said recently that there is a nationwide shortag~ of 50,000 automobile mechanics. The 1967 Manpower Report lists widespread shortages of machinists, machine operators, tool makers, aircraft electricians, welders, engineers, draftsmen and health service workers. UTILIZING STATE AND LOCAL RESOURCES It seems to us that a major criticism of the Economic Opportunity Act is that its provisions have tended to by-pass state governments and, to a lesser extent, local governments. It has therefore failed to enlist the resources, interest and capacities of -such units of government. In October 1966, the House Committee on Government Operations published a study of the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations entitled "Metropolitan America-Challenge to Federalism," from which (page 9) the following is excerpted: [Italic ours.] PAGENO="0064" 3716 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 "A pattern of intergovernmental relations has developed in which cities and towns in metropolitan areas pursue largely independent policies, with a mini- mum of inter-local cooperation, but many engage in numerous direct dealings with the Federal Government. The State role has been lagging far behind both local and Federal activity. Yet the States occupy critical positions within the American federal system and possess the power and resources to strengthen local capacities and stimulate greater cooperation within metropolitan areas. "The new intergovermental relationships also pose more fundamental issues for the future of the American federal system. Minimizing State participation in urban affairs is tantamount to removing State influence from a critical range of domestic issues. The federal system of the United States involves a division of powers between the States and the Federal Government. The States have created a further division by delegating powers to the local governments they have estab- lished. If the State role in this partnership is weakened, the ramifications may be far reaching. Without active State participatioit, it is doubtfnl whether local government can be reorganized to perform more effectively in metropolitan areas; the localities derive their powers from the States and need State authorization for structural reforms. More broadly, the State role in metropolitan affairs must be considered in terms of the philosophy of the federal system. The division of au~ thor'ity between the States and the Federal Government has served the country well in the past and has helped to safeguard the values of representative and responsible government. Basic changes in the system of intergovernmental rela- tions should not be undertaken lightely or permitted to occur by default." We would favor modification of the Economic Opportunity Act to increase re- sponsible State participation in any or all of the various programs. We have historically favored legislative provisions whereby the Congress establishes a formula under which funds for prescribed purposes are allocated to the States, with administrative responsibility vested in State agencies, and with audit by federal agencies to the extent necessary to avoid unauthorized use of funds. We believe that maximum progress will be made in the anti-poverty program by adherence to this established pattern of federal-state cooperation. We also oppose the allocation of OEO funds to non-governmental or quasi- governmental agencies. It appears to us that this approach, by-passing both State and local governments, is poorly designed for effective accomplishment. UTILIZING PRIVATE ENTERPRISE Most jobs are provided by private enterprise. Quietly and without publicity, private enterprise has accomplished far more in job training and placement than has OEO. William C. Selover, Staff Correspondent for the Christian Science Monitor, in a series of articles on poverty, published in December 1966 and January 1967 issues of the Christian Science Monitor, dealt extensively with this phase of industry operations. A few excerpts from these articles are as follows: "It is variously estimated that private industry spends between $4.5 billion and $20 billion a year on just job training alone . . ." "The success of many of the individual efforts of businessmen in this area is impressive by any standard." "From experience so far. this fact is becoming clear: When businessmen run such programs money is usually spent wisely and efficiently." We support the general principle that business-because it provides the jobs. knows what training is needed, and is administratively competent-is equipped to provide (and is indeed providing) the most effective anti-poverty training programs. An expansion of this role of the private sector would make a major contribution to accomplishment of `the objectives of the Act. We do not, how- ever, have a policy position on the Human Resources Act, although w-e have prepared an analysis of this proposal for consideration by State and County Farm Bureaus incident to the development by Farm Bureau of a policy on this proposal. OEO FUNDS TO UNIONIzE FARMWORKERS The fact that OE'O funds have been used to finance unionization of farm- workers has `been well established. For example, the General Accounting `Office, at the request of Rep. Paul Rogers investigated the use of OEO funds in efforts to unionize Florida farm- workers, and reported evidence that anti-poverty funds were used for this pur- pose. The Community Action Fund is listed as one of the agencies on the PAGENO="0065" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3717 Coordinating Committee created to effectuate Florida farmworker unionization. Congressman Gubser reported in the Congressional Record of March 22, 19G7, the extensive record of the `California Center for Community Development in aiding unionization of farmworkers, a record leading eventually to a veto by Governor Reagan of an allocation of OEO funds to this agency. We submit that it is no part of the function of government to aid in planning and financing unionization of any group of workers. We urge inclusion in the Act of an amendment to prohibit the use of O'EO funds to pay salaries or expenses of any person engaged in union membership drives or associated boycott activities, and to require repayment of any funds so used. THE NATIONAL EFFORT TO REDUCE POVERTY Concern with poverty is a historic concern of the people of the U.S. It is a basic purpose of our economic system, which has indeed been more effective than any system the world has known in providing opportunity for individuals to escape from poverty. It could with justification be called the "opportunity sys- tem." This system has done more than any other to provide opportunity for individuals to improve their lot. Further, innumerable public policies and programs `by local, state, and federal governments have h'ad the elimination of poverty as a fundamental purpose. Thus our whole economic and political system and a major purpose of most private and public efforts are directed to this goal. The groups of programs incorporated in the Economic Opportunity Act are but one small segment of the total national effort to eliminate poverty. At our most recent annual meeting the v'oting delegates of the member State Farm Bureaus expressed doubt that these programs are making any substantial contribution to the total national effort to eliminate poverty and expressed the opinion that the administration of these programs has `been marked by "confu- sion, waste and duplication of effort." As is true with respect to almost ali problems, maximum success in reducing poverty depends on a `high level `of economic growth without inflation. We believe that "The Federal government can most effectively contri'bute to a high level of employment by following policies which tend to stabilize the general price level and create a favorable climate for individual incentive and private economic development." BUDGETARY CONSIDERATIONS Current estimates relative to the size of the federal deficit in fiscal 1968 range from $11 to $29 billion, depending on various assumptions. T'he outlook is for the largest peacetime deficit in 1968. The T'ax Foundation estimated recently that `the total amount of taxes col- lected by all units of government in fiscal 1967 will be $203 billion-or an average of $3,300 per family. This is more than twice the total tax collections for fiscal 1956. The trend of taxes and expenditures by all units of government is con- tinuing its upward trend in fiscal 1968. We believe that under such circumstances it is imperative that the Congress reduce non-defense spending. Polls made by individual Represent'atives and placed in the Congressional Record since the first of the year indicate' that most citizens are looking to the C'ongress to reduce federal non-defense expenditures substan- tially. The Joint Economic Committee recommended recently that "Congress must find ways to reduce expenditures for fiscal 1968 by at least $5 billion to' $ billion per year." In our concern with helping the poor, we should also be concerned about the "forgotten man," the long-suffering tax'payer. The people of the United States have demonstrated their willingness to pay substantial amounts of taxes to help the less fortunate. But we believe their patience with a chronic escalation of tax expenditures has about reached the breaking point. Farm Bureau has on numerous occasions sought to reduce federal expenditures for farm programs. We are supporting bills to reduce such expenditures in this Congress. We believe that the poverty program is another area of non-defense expendi- tures for which substantial reductions in expenditures are called for. In our testimony to the House Appropriations Committee we have recommended re- ductions in federal expenditures exceeding $5 billion. Included in this statement was a recommendation that the amount appropriated for the anti-poverty program for fiscal 1968 be not more than $1,406 million. 80-084-67-pt. 5...~...5 PAGENO="0066" 3718 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 SUMMARY In the consideration of legislation relating to the extension of the Economic Opportunity Act, we recommend: 1. The most effective means of alleviating rural poverty is to encourage un- employed and under-employed rural people to equip themselves for employment in activities and areas where employment is available. 2. Government programs to invest funds to increase the number of persons engaged in agriculture are uneconomic and ineffective, and wasteful expenditures for such purposes should not be authorized. 3. Government investment of funds to promote economic activity in rural areas which are not developing economically because they have insufficient resource and locational advantages are wasteful and ineffective and should not be authorized. 4. We favor transferring administrative responsibility in each state to state governments, and the provisiol1 by statute of formulas for allocation to the States of any funds that may be appropriated for such programs. State governments should not be by~passed by the allocation of funds to local agencies. 5. We favor greater reliance upon utilizing the capacity and resources of private enterprise in the solution of poverty problems. 6. We urge inclusion of a prohibition against use of OEO funds to pay any salaries or expenses of persons engaged in union membership drives or associated boycott activities. 7. The current situation with respect to federal budgetary deficits necessitates substantial reductions in spending for anti-poverty programs. We appreciate the opportunity to present Farm Bureau's views with respect to the issues under consideration. THE COLUMBUS AREA CHAMBER. OF COMMERCE, Columbus, Ohio, July 25, 1967. Mr. WILL HELLERMAN, Nationwide Insurance Companies, Columbus, Ohio. DEAR Mn. HELLERMAN: After our conversation at the United Community Coun- cil meeting last week, I felt it might be useful to state the interest the Chamber of Commerce has developed in the Community Action Programs in Columbus. First, I should say that we totally understand that our cities are the center of a complex social and economic system which is suffering from constant change and disturbing unrest. Unusual conditions call for new and unusual programs that cannot be com- pletely financed and developed through local municipal action. For this reason we have supported the Community Action Programs with which you have been working. Several business men who are members of the Chamber are on the Board of Directors of CMACO, and, .of course, we have felt that your lea.dership has been extremely helpful to the business point of view. Your activity as an officer of the Chamber's Downtown Area Committee has been greatly appre- ciated and has kept us in close touch. Obviously, we completely support the concept of encouraging community action to lessen racial and cultural tensions and to train people through vocational and technical training programs so Co- lumbus business will have greater manpower resources. We recognize that while social problems and educational needs of the cities have been rising, their physical inventories have been becoming obsolescent. Therefore, the Chamber has attempted to back up the federally supported pro- grams with which you have been working and we have been maintaining an interest in these programs regardless of their financial arrangements. The Cham- ber has endorsed programs of urban renewal in Columbus and has worked to support related community action programs. Some of these programs like "Op- eration Head Start," "Operation Back Up," the "New Careers" program and the worker training programs are operating directly in the interest of business by preparing a stable and healthful community in which business, can operate. Starting three years ago the Columbus Chamber endorsed a community meet- ing on Civil Rights to discuss the need for the involvement of civic leaders in helping the city to come to grips with the problems of the central city. Since that time the commitment of public funds has been reinforced by much private business activity. PAGENO="0067" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3719 Specifically the Chamber has worked with and supported the Columbus Plans for Progress Committee to develop additional jobs for minority citizens; par- ticipated with the Bolivar Arms Study Committee to resolve a potentially dan- gerous neighborhood problem of considerable dimensions; worked to achieve acceptance of an occupations' survey course for inclusion in the Columbus Pub- lie Schools' curriculum; and many of our members have participated in an inner city program of counseling Negro youth for employment in business and industry. A new Chamber committee is now providing business counseling for businesses in depressed areas of the city. The list could go on but basically it illustrates that Columbus businessmen recognize that a community cannot exist half-sound and half-unsound and that social decay cannot be sealed off but will inevitably affect the whole community. As you know, almost every major city in the United States has been torn by riots and unrest. Fortunately this has not happened in Columbus. We hope that part of the reason is our willingness to work with all concerned groups for the social health of our city. I understand that some of these community action programs are being ques- tioned by Congress and I am sure that this should be a continuing process to evaluate the benefits of each program. Nevertheless, I would like to indicate to you that we believe that all metropolitan cities are in a dangerous condition and there should be a continuation of programs which will save our cities from growing anarchy. We do know our experience with your programs in Columbus and we can testify to the contribution these programs make to racial and social well being. Let's continue to stay in close touch. Yours very truly, KLINE L. ROBERTS, President. DEvELOPMENT COMMITTEE FOE GREATER COLUMBUS, Columbus, Ohio, July 24, 1967. Mr. WILL HELLERMAN, Chairman, Columbus Metropolitan Area Community Action Organization, Columbus, Ohio. DEAR MR. HELLERMAN: In my capacity as Chairman of the Executive Board of the Development Committee for Greater Columbus I have been asked to outline for you the nature and scope of the organization's interest in the Columbus Community Action Program. The Development Committee for Greater Columbus is a non-profit civic orga- nization, not connected with government in any way. It is supported by more than 200 business and professional people who are dedicated to building a better community through organized civic activity. Two years ago the Development Committee organized its Human Resources Committee. This was done `as the result of an awareness of the problems of the Inner City. Development Committee sponsors felt that an organized approach should be made toward solutions for those problems. Since then, the Human Resources Committee has worked closely with the local community action program (The Columbus Metropolitan Area Community Action Organization). It has lent support and assistance. It has encouraged and guided. It has constantly sought to coordinate community efforts to solve Inner- City problems so that the community could receive maximum benefits from its resources. The community action program here is not perfect. But it is a healthy, progres- sive program which enjoys wide community backing. It forms the solid core around which many other organizations cluster in the `attack on local poverty problems. I know that the business and professional communities stand solidly in support of the local community action program. They support it because they realize that the alternative is literal chaos. They know that we cannot and must not revert to the conditions that prevailed before the community action program was organized. The "Christmas baskets and cool consolation" approach to poverty problems didn't work any better in Columbus than it did in any other city. To return to it would be disastrous. The real keys to the solutions of the problems of the Inner City are better housing, better education, and employment opportunities. Federally financed, PAGENO="0068" 3720 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 locally-organized and widely supported long-range community action programs offer our best hope of making significant progress in these areas. We are not naive. We know that there will always be some people who have more money than others. But we in this community can and will lift many, many people out of poverty, given enough time. We do not expect Federal funds for local community action programs to con- tinue indefinitely. But, as this troubled summer is indicating so painfully, this is not the time to shut off the funds. We need time to make a real dent in the problem. We need time to whittle the problem down to a point where its proportions are small enough that it can be handled with purely local resources. That day, unfortunately, is still far off. Very truly, EDWARD F. WAGNER, Chairman. AMALGAMATED CLOTHING WORKERS OF AMERICA, New York, N.Y., July 26, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Poverty Task Force, Committee on Education and Labor, lJ.~. House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: I am writing to you on behalf of the Amalgamated Cloth- ing Workers of America, a union of 38~,OOO members in the men's apparel and related industries, to support the continuation of the anti-poverty programs instituted by the Office of Economic Opportunity, which is presently the subject of hearings `before your committee. `As you know, our union, along w-ith many others, has a long history of par- ticipation in campaigns to improve the health and welfare of American workers through such measures as a federal minimum wage, unemployment compensa- tion, social security and medicare. These programs have made a tremendous contribution to the security of the American people, `but we know that in many cases w-e have not yet been able to reach those `at the very `bottom of the economic ladder. The concepts underlying the anti-poverty programs represent the first unified national effort to achieve social stability and bring a measure of economic security to all people. The OEO programs have made a contribution already in fostering employment, education, the redevelopment of urban areas and opening job opportunities for the disadvantaged. These programs represent by far the most effective approach to the critical problems of the ghetto which have led to violence and lawlessness. I am writing therefore to urge that your Committee give favorable considera- tion to continuing the anti-poverty programs, and because a unified approach is advisable, to do so under the continued administration of the Office of Economic Opportunity. I would appreciate it if this letter be made a part of the record of the hearings. With best wishes, I am Sincerely yours, JACOB S. P0T0F5HY, General President. CITY OF CHICAGO Bo~D OF HEALTH, Chicago, Iii., July 18, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Ray burn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: This is in reply to letter of July 6 from Mr. C. S. Carleton, Legislative Assistant to Mr. James H. Scheuer, M.C., with reference to Sec. 2O~ (e), the New Careers provision in the Economic Opportunity Act, and on Community Employment and Training Program. This letter requested that I ad- dress you with a written statement on my at'titude.toward this legislation. In the medical and para-medical fields there is a growing shortage of man- power. Much thought has been given as to ways in which `this shortage can be alleviated. One way, certainly, would be in the training of persons to take over work done by professionals and semi-professionals, `thus enabling them to give more attention to those needs and duties for which they, the professionals, have PAGENO="0069" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3721 been especially qualified. For example, there are many jobs in hospitals which could be done by hospital orderlies or nurses' aides. There are jobs in laboratories such as in care and washing of laboratory glassware which would relieve trained technicians so they could concentrate on jobs for which they have been qualified. Within public health administration we already have lay people acting as quar- antine officers, inspectors, and health educators, but even in these fields there are shortages and there are many jobs within a public health department where individuals with minimal training could perform, relieving those who are better trained for more exacting duties. Professionals who are relieved of housekeeping duties in all fields would bene- fit by their work with subprofessionals. The subpr.ofessional himself would receive a feeling of identity and one of usefulness to himself and to the corn- munity. Needless to say, society would benefit by releasing people from poverty rolls to become taxpayers and productive citizens. If at any time you desire further information or if I can be of service, feel free to contact me. Sincerely, SAMUEL L. ANDELMAN, M.D., M.P.H., Commissioner of Health. STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, PERSONNEL DEPARTMENT, Raleigh, July 17, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: At the invitation of Representative James M. Scheuer, I am happy to give you my comments and observations which might be pertinent to the consideration of amendments to Title I of the Economic Opportunity Act and, specifically, to the concept of New Careers as an approach to the problem of manpower shortages. The North Carolina State Personnel Department, as presently constituted, was created by State statute enacted effective July 1, 1965. Among other major responsibilities of the Personnel Department, the statute enumerates "Subject to the approval of the Governor, the State Personnel Board shall establish policies and rules governing each of the following: "(7) Cooperation with the Department of Public Instruction, the State Board of Education, the Board of Higher Education, and the colleges and universities of the State in developing pre-service and in-service training programs." In the First Report on Training and Development Activities of the North Caro- lina State Personnel Department in May, 1966, we included the following: "The State Personnel Department is working with the State Planning Task Force, the State Boards of Health, Mental Health and Public Welfare, the De- partment of Public Instruction and the State Library in developing a proposed project which will be a demonstration effort in training one thousand indigenous workers for careers with State and local human service agencies. The State Plan- ning Task Force is serving as a coordinating agency in the endeavor, aid in ad- ministering pre-employment training and evaluating the program will be provided by the Employment Security Commission, State Personnel Department, Depart- ment of Community Colleges and the University of North Carolina. "The purposes of this training program are: (1) To select and train low-income people to carry appropriate roles in relation to the professional service offered in health, education and welfare programs; (2) To develop curriculum and meth- odology. of training for the roles thus established; (3) To develop a conceptual framework for effective and imaginative utilization of the semi-professional and non-professional in community and social programs; (4) To expand employment opportunities in the human services area. "The initial planning evolved out of the need for new subprofessional personnel in local health and related departments as a result of demonstration projects be- ing undertaken by community action programs. Additionally some departments have been experimenting with the use of nonprofessional and subprofessional per- sonnel. The creative use of appropriately trained non-professionals can have an effect on agency manpower needs and at the same time expedite the service process. PAGENO="0070" 3722 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 "Although this program is still in the development stages the work completed holds great promise in meeting a real need in both State and local governmental agencies." As a result of the activity reported at that time a formal proposal was made for an Office of Economic Opportunity grant to undertake this type of training. Al- though this grant has not been acted upon favorably the Training Development Coordinator for the State Personnel Department has continued as time has per- mitted to work with a representative committee from the State agency utilizing such services and occupations. Our State Department of Public Instruction and our public school system has had substantial success with the development and utilization of the role of Teach- ers Aide. Our State Board of Health has currently underway a limited program of training of supportive personnel in the health services area. We are completely convinced that the public demand for services has and will substantially outrun the available manpower resources. We reported to Governor Moore early in the year as follows concerning our manpower problem: "We, along with all other employers, have a growing problem in getting and keeping the necessary manpower. The most immediate reaction to this situation is to suggest higher salaries as the solution to recruitment and retention of more and better employees. However, the problem is essentially one of manpower short- age. This deficiency, at first, seems strange in view of the fact that we now have employed the largest number of people and the largest number of trained people and that we have ever had in the history of this country. "There is, at the same time, a steadily decreasing proportion of this manpower in agriculture and manufacturing and a corresponding increase in the proportion going into the `service' occupations. In view of these facts, the only plausible ex- planation of the manpower shortage is the dramatically increasing demand for services. The best example of this development is the increased medical service which all of us expect and accept as a necessity but which only a few years ago would not have been dreamed of as a possibility. Without going into an extensive examination of statistics, it is worthwhile to note in the simple table below the change in two employment areas in which we quite casually speak of shortage; public school teaching and nursing services as compared with change in total non- agricultural employment." Number Percentage increase Nonagricultural employment in North Carolina: Average, 1950 July 1966 State allotted teachers or principals: 1949-50 1965-66 Nurses employed in North Carolina: 1950 1965 927,800 1,486, 500 26,717 43,451 6,806 15,012 58.28 62.6 120.57 I have used these two examples not to sugge~t that w-e have too many nurses or teachers, but because .almo~t everyone will agree that we do not have enough and, yet, the proportion of our manpower going into these ~two fields has incre~s~ed. These figures are, indeed, conservative as I have ignored `the proportionately greater increase in the `subprofessional nursing fields and the recent addition of more than ~,OOO teachers aides in the public schools. In our w~orld today, our expectations are outrunning our manpower resources. Thus, availability of man- power, not willingness to pay, becomes the crucial factor in whether or not and to what extent a particular service will be provided. The present situation re- quires: (a) The greatest possible efficiency, the utilization of machines were possi- ble as :C sub~titute for manpower, the re-examination of job assignments to group tasks `that are within the training limits of less able individuals whO are not uresently fully employed ~o that such individuals can relieve more highly skilled employees, and better supervision and increased training to upgrade the performance of present or `potesitial employees. (b) liTsipleasant choices in which one good and useful `activity may have to be curtailed, eliminated, or pOstponed in order that another which is more important or more urgent may `be undertaken or increased. PAGENO="0071" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3723 As you will see, we have not thought of the New Careers approach as primarily a means of providing assistance to the low income and disadvantaged groups but as a means of meeting the need for services which the public expects. This means substantial planning to reconstruct the entire work force rather than a simple training project for a particular segment of the people. We have identified in our discussions several potential pitfalls or difficulties to be avoided or overcome. (1) An extensive training program without substantial planning of job objec- tive isuseless and actually detrimental. (2) The creation of any work roles suitable to the training of the less abled or less prepared individual involves a change in the role of the previously existing professional or higher level technical positions. This means re-training of the pro- fessional to make a more complete utilization of his highest level of skills and training and to avoid negative and unfavorable attitude towards the individuals who will be assuming many of the more familiar tasks previously reserved to him. (3) The necessity for a good-faith approach to such an endeavor without the guarantee of results. There is little experience by which to gauge the probability of success and any employer will be turned aside from experimenting in this fashion if it is required that he give an assurance or guarantee of employment opportunity as a condition of support in such a venture. Sincerely, CLAUDE E. CALDWELL, Director. WILDLIFE MANAGEMENT INSTITUTE, Washington, D.C., July 18, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House Office Building, Washington, DXI. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: The Institute, a national conservation organi- zation interested in the improved management and restoration of natural re- sources, is concerned about two proposals, H.R. 8311 and H.R. 10682, pending before the committee. Both deal in part with the Job Corps Conservation Centers now in operation on lands of the U.S. Forest Service, National Park Service, Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, and other natural resources agencies. HR. 8311 would continue the constructive Job Corps Conservation Centers program; H.R. 10682 would let it expire by default. Members of our staff have visited a number of the Job Corps Camps and have seen the good work that it being done, both in education and rehabilitation of deserving young men whose future status as productive citizens is clouded by the home and community conditions to which they are exposed, and in the actual on-the-ground conservation projects in which they are engaged. It is our sincere hope that the Job Corps Conservation Centers program will be continued in whatever legislation is approved. The costs of the program are modest compared to the results that are being achieved. I would appreciate having this letter made a part of the hearing record. Sincerely, C. R. GUTERMUTII, Vice President. EMORY UNIVERSITY, Atlanta, Ga., July 24, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR MR. PERKINS: I understand that the so-called Scheuer Amendment to the Economic Opportunity Act is again under discussion. May I express to you my strong feeling in favor of this Amendment. I recognize that many of the proponents of the legislation are primarily interested in opening up creative career opportunities for the poor. While I sympathize heartily with this objective, my own professional concern is with the preparation of the additional manpower so badly needed to enable the public schools to do their job in the coming years and decades. It has been apparent for several years that efficient operation of the schools will require a variety of para-professional and sub-professional positions for which in general there PAGENO="0072" 3724 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 are now very few training programs. More recently it has become apparent that the recruiting of indigenous personnel, many of them with very poor back- grounds, may provide an extra dimension for public schools in disadvantaged areas which is of unique value. I am sure your Committee is aware of the suc- cessful experiments along these lines. From the point of view of educational manpower and efficiency the provisions of the Section of the proposed Title I of the EOA. entitled "Community Employ- ment and Training Programs" are very promising ones and deserve your Com- mittee's and the Congress' support. Yours sincerely, EDWARD T. LAnD, Director. SAN ,TOSE, CALIF., July 17, 1967. Representative CARL D. PERKINs, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: I am writing to urge your support of the OEO and the EOA Amendments of 19(37. While these programs in the very nature of their uniqueness have had prob- lems of various kinds which should continue to be corrected, it is this uniqueness which has provided so much opportunity for EOC successes in the Santa Clara Valley. Cutting back or transferring the programs to other departments of gov- ernment would not be the answer at this time. One of the most successful EOC programs has been the Area Service Centers. The nine Centers have developed some innovative solutions to their own particu- lar needs as well as continuing to try to find solutions. Providing job training in conjunction with the needs of local business men, classes in English, literacy, consumer advice, legal aid, day care centers have been very helpful. To me the very best thing about the OEO-CAP has been the spark it has provided for the poor to learn how to help themselves as in the ASC and for the rest of the community to really see these problems and to do something about them ourselves. The attitude of the community and its newspapers has perceptibly changed for the better toward our poor and minority problems. We still have a long way to go toward feeling the responsibility for helping the poor help themselves, and to cut back OEO-CAP funds at this point would stop us just as we are getting started. Thank you. Sincerely yours, Mrs. D. E. LARSON. DETROIT, MICH., July 18, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am writing in support of the New Careers provision in the Economic Opportunity Act, now before your Committee. The total EOA program has made a definite impact on the total Detroit community. Hopefully, the legislation will be extended and fully funded to permit an even greater impact on those problems it was designed to meet. For most of the past decade, the Detroit Public Schools have been using para- professionals in an increasing number of ways in the classrooms. Lay readers, lunchroom aides, volunteer tutors, teacher aides, hall guards, school-community aides, and many other types of paraprofessionals have been employed in increas- ing numbers and for an increasing variety of tasks. This use of paraprofessionals has offered one of the best opportunities of the past century to make the teachers' role manageable. Detroit schools have experimented with saturating individual schools with aides and have planned and launched training programs for aides. These train- ing programs must be continued and expanded for both teachers and aides if the Detroit schools' paraprofessional program is to reach its full potential. The experience of the school system with the utilization of paraprofessionals has demonstrated their value to lioth the students and the paraprofessionals. A number of tutorial and teacher aides noted the fact that they had, through teaching the students, learned methods and the use of materials they had not really mastered when they themselves were students. PAGENO="0073" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3725 One conception of the organization of the paraprofessionals as members of a basic teaching team would be for the team under professional leadership to assume the responsibilities for the total instructional program of students. This would include the relationships of the school to its community, the involvement of parents in the educational life of their children, the use of a variety of in- structional approaches, and the consideration of the physical welfare and comfort of the children. Thus, the basic teaching team would provide most of the instruc- tional help needed by a group of children. The variety of paraprofessional assignments available under such a program allows for not only a total team approach but also for upward mobility for the aide, both in terms of pay and responsibility. Because the Scheuer Amendment (Sec. 205(e)) was in Title II, of the Eco- nomic Opportunity Act, it was subject to the provisions of Sec. 205 of that title. This amendment greatly reduces the uses which can be made of school aides. If the intent of the Scheuer Amendment is to include employment training ex- periences as school aides, we suggest that Sec. 205(e) be placed under Title I of the Economic Opportunity Act, rather than under Title II or that the Committee Report include language that will provide maximum consideration for school oriented programs. Sincerely, NORMAN DRAcHLER. LEAGUE OF Wo~rEN VOTERS OF CHARLOTTESVILLE & ALBEMARLE COUNTY, Charlottesville, Va., August 2, 1967. Re H.R. 8311. Hon. CARL PERKINs, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, T'Vashington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Charlottesville and Albe- marie County is very much concerned with recent reports that appropriations for anti-poverty programs might be cut back or in some cases cut altogether. The Communities of Charlottesville and Albemarle County have just begun to benefit from the few programs established during the past year due to our local anti-poverty program. The following programs have already made a significant difference in the lives and activities of many persons (not only the poor but also the middle class busi- ness men, teachers, volunteers, etc., who have begun to see what real poverty is) Youth Opportunities Program, which offers jobs and educational opportunities to high school drop outs; Hope House, our first neighborhood center; On the Job Training; Head Start; and Westminister Study-Tutorial Center, an after school study hall for approximately 150 elementary children; and Camp Faith, a summer camp for about 1,000 children. In its unique position our Local Community Action office has been working closely with other local agencies such as the Virginia Employment Office, the local School Boards, the Walfare Department, the Health Department, and others. We feel it is imperative that the present basic structure of OEO remain the same because it wasn't until the OEO was founded that the real needs of the poor were uncovered. We know that the OEO program is not perfect, but at this timein our history, the potential it offers seems to far outweigh its disadvan- tage-at least from what we have witnessed in our local situation. Therefore, we urge continued support for the full appropriations (inadequate though this may be to meet the multiple needs) for the Economic Opportunities Amendments of 1967. Sincerely yours, VIRGINIA B. (Mrs. Paul N.) ScIIATz, Cochairman, Study Committee on Local Human Resources. ON BOARD, INC., New Bedford, Mass., July 21, 1.967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: At the regular monthly meeting of the Board of Directors of ONBOARD, Inc., on July 20, 1967, the Economic Opportunity Act was thoroughly discussed and investigated by the members. Realizing that both the PAGENO="0074" 3726 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDME~TS OF 1967 House and Senate subcommittees are presently in hearings on this matter, we would like to communicate our opinions and suggestions to you. The following motion was unanimously adopted by the Board: "That the Board of Directors is against any move that would hamper, reduce, or prohibit the continued operation of the War on Poverty. "Further, that it .objects to any move to dismantle or remove the responsibility for the War on Poverty from the Office of Economic Opportunity to any other departments. "Further, that funds be made available to the Office of Economic Opportunity for continued operation." We feel that the War on Poverty has accomplished a great deal in this com- munity. It has provided employment and training programs, has established neighborhood centers and a Head Start program, has begun to develop preven- tive education in legal matters, has brought about not only a concern for neigh- borhood problems, but a means of making them known and solutions for them in many instances, has been a vital arm in this community for participation and communication. We feel that this is a most important effort and one which must be maintained if we are to live up to our nation's commitment of providing opportunities for all of our people. Thank you for your interest and the opportunity to convey this information to you. Your favorable consideration of the Economic Opportunity Act will be greatly appreciated. Sincerely, ADALBERTI1 ROZARIO, President. DIOCESE OF GEORGIA, &~vannah, July 24, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: I would like to call your attention to the fact that a great many of us in this part of the Country are deeply concerned with the possibilities of the OEO Program. It has provided opportunities and assistance not previously available in under-privileged areas. I do hope that this Program has your support. I understand that there is criticism of the Program as being contributory to the unfortunate riots in several of our cities today. I am sure you are evaluating this criticism. I hope that such evaluation will lead you to continue support of the Program in view of the needs of the people it meets. The situation of poverty spawns unrest and the lawlessness we witness. It is, therefore, the part of wisdom to implement a program designed to relieve the need. Aside from this sociological effect, we are under divine imperative to meet our brother's need. I hope you support OEO. With all good wishes. Faithfully yours, ALBERT R. STUART, Bishop of Georgia. STATE OF MINNESOTA, DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE, $t. Paul, July 21, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am sending you the following statement with the hope that you will include it in the record of the House Committee on Educa- tion and Labor when you consider Section 205(e), the New Careers provision provided for in the Economic Opportunity Act. The New Careers approach to alleviating the professional manpower shortage is both a creative and practical step in the solution of the extreme manpower problems we face in all of the human relations fields. In the Minnesota Public Welfare Program, we have long recognized the value of a position in our county welfare departments that we have come to call the case aide. The idea behind our development of this position was to relieve the PAGENO="0075" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3727 professional case worker of some of the paperwork and more routine tasks that there might be in his job. In this way, he would then be free to spend more of his time and work efforts on the more sophisticated and demanding aspects of his job of assisting people to solve their problems. It has been very rewarding for us to see the benefits that this case aide position have brought to our state- wide Public Welfare Program. Not only has this sub-professional position been of value to our social workers, but the job itself has been a very rewarding one to the case aide. The aide feels, and rightly so, that he is making a very worth- while contribution to the Public Welfare Program and to assisting the clients of our agencies toward improved living. In our program, however, the case aide position tends to be a "dead end" job. There are rio progressive career possibilities for such a person as there are in the professional class. We feel much needs to be done in the way of experimentation and development of a formal educational program for this sub- professional group in addition to our own state-wide In-Service Training Pro- gram. We believe too, that more jobs could be developed of increasing complexity and still be outside the area of responsibility of the professional position. The result would be the development of a career line in the sub-professional area of work. It is possible too, that many potential case aides exist within the present clientele of our agencies. If educational programs were available to assist them in developing their potential skills for work in this area, dividends would be received both in terms of additional helpful manpower for the agencies and, even more importantly, a sense of dignity acquired by an individual through the satisfactions obtained from performing a needed service. It is my earnest hope that the Scheuer Amendment to the Economic Oppor- tunity Act, namely the "New Careers" provision will be favorably acted upon. Sincerely yours, Monnis HTJR5H, Commission or. STATEMENT BY HON. DONALD M. FRASER, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MINNESOTA Much has been said and written about the lack of influence exerted by poor Americans in shaping the programs designed to help them. I want to recount, for the benefit of the Committee, an experience this Spring involving a group of poor people from my district in Minneapolis. The poor themselves are the most eloquent advocates of the War on Poverty. I have, from the beginning, been a supporter of the antipoverty program, and I want to go on record as supporting the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 19(37. My Support has been reinforced by the visit to Washington of the group from Minneapolis. The 28 members of the group-all in the under-$3,000 income bracket-were dubbed "poverty riders" by the newspapers. Their official name was the City- wide Resident Group for the Delegation to Washington. Their purpose for visit- ing the capital was to plead for continuation and expansion of the poverty and education programs enacted by the 89th Congress. What these "poverty riders" lacked in money they made up in resourcefulness. Lacking funds to finance their journey, they raised about $1,500 in Minneapolis by selling lapel buttons for 50 cents apiece. The message on the green and w-hite buttons: "Escalate the War on Poverty." With the money raised from button sales, the delegation chartered a bus for the 1,200-mile, 24-hour ride to Washing- ton. Sales of the buttons didn't stop with the group's arrival. Many more were sold here; one of the purchasers, whom the group came upon accidentally in the Capitol, w-as Sargent Shriver. The delegation made good use of its limited time during its tw-o-cTay stay. By dividing into sub-groups, members were able to hold conferences ivith the two Senators and eight Representatives in Minnesota's congressional delegation. They met with the distinguished chairman of the Committee, Mr. Perkins. and with officials of the Labor Departiuient and the Office of Economic Opportunity. The response they received was, they reported, generally favorable. In our consideration of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967, legislation having a direct bearing on the lives of millions of Americans, it is easy for us to lose sight of the human beings involved as we weigh dispassionate facts and figures. The Minneapolis "poverty riders," each with a story of limited PAGENO="0076" 3728 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 accomplishment made possible by the two-year-old War on Poverty, brought the human values of the program into sharp focus. A middle-aged indian woman said: "So many people who had never been reached before were able to come to the center for so many things." A Negro man, a native of Detroit, pleaded for Federal assistance, particularly to youth, to prevent riots from occurring. "I know every step of it," he said. "I know- what every one of those children has to go through." And a Negro woman, mother of five and a recipient of aid to families of de- pendent children, said: "We will only have equality when the Negro is no longer poor." The delegation's trip to Washington was a moving and forceful example of the effectiveness of grass-roots action by the actual victims of poverty who are working to improve their situation. I wish that every Member of Congress would have this kind of opportunity to meet with similar groups from hi's district. Such meetings would. I think, assure the future of the War on Poverty. The visit of these representatives of the Minneapolis poor was made in May, some two months before riots erupted in dozens of U.S. cities-including Minne- apolis. These riots, in my opinion, emphasize the necessity of continuing to wage the War on Poverty on a much broader scale than it has been waged so far. During the coming months and years, Congress and the executive branch will be deeply involved in vast efforts to head off future riots by eliminating their causes. It has been said many times, and will be said many more, that one of the elemental causes of riots is poverty, with all its degrading and corrosive effects. The Office of Economic Opportunity will be in the vanguard of whatever Federal action is taken to repair the tragic damage already done to our nation and to avert future tragedies. Enactment of HR. 8311 has a new urgency. WooDuow WILSON SCHOOL OF PunLIc AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS. PRINCETON UNIVERSITY, Princeton, iV.J., July 26, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, U.S. House of Rcprcscntcttives, Washington, D.C. * DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: I have had an opportunity to review the two bills, HR. 8311, "Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967"; and H.R. 10682, "Opportu- nity Crusade Act of 1967" both of which support the need for a national attack on poverty and the anti-poverty programs developed by the Office of Economic Opportunity in recent years. As I read these bills, the most serious difference be- tween them is the organizational arrangements for administering these programs. The critical question is whether the OEO should be continued as an independent agency to direct the national drive to combat poverty or w-hether the functions `of the OEO should be transferred, as HR. 10682 proposes, to the Department `of Health, Education, and Welfare; Defense; and Labor. I am writing in support of HR. 8311 and the maintenance and strengthening `of the Office of Economic Opportunity as the directing force of the nation's cam- paign to minimize and evaluate poverty. My principal reason is the conviction that `the unified direction of these programs by a single agency unburdened by other responsibilities is more likely to produce the `leadership, motivation, and technical skills that are needed to achieve the objectives of these bills. The assignment of administrative responsibility for these related anti-poverty programs to several cabinet departments, as HR. 10682 proposes, is likely to Ic- duce the effectiveness of these programs for two reasons. First, leadership of the program would be diluted; and, second, these programs would have to com- pete for administrative direction, interest, and talent w-ith the host of programs already administered by the Departments concerned. It seems most unlikely that the Secretaries heading these Departments can give the high priority and close direction to these antipoverty programs that would be provided by the Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity. Since these anti-poverty programs are, for the most part, novel and there- fore require thoughtful and courageous administration and continuing evalua- tion, departmentalization appears to be premature and likely to reduce their vigor and effectiveness. Sincerely yours, MARvER H. BERNSTEIN, Dean. PAGENO="0077" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3729 NORTH CAROLINA STATE BOARD OF HEALTH, Raleigh, NC., July 17, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Permit me to say first of all that I am pleased and honored to have this opportunity to present a statement before your Committee. The matter under consideration, "Community Employment and Training Programs", is one that deserves most careful attention. I personally feel the amendment to Title I of the Economic Opportunity Act merits the support of agencies such as ours. We are especially concerned that the supply of health personnel, including those in public health, is not keeping pace with the increasing demands for health services. It is `also true that often professional health staff must perform func- tions that could be delegated `to workers with lesser training. The helping worker, or aide, can be invaluable in expanding the services that an agency such as a local health department provides both by performing many useful `tasks and by freeing the professional for those functions requiring their more advanced skills. In evaluating the employment of the subprofessional worker in health depart- ments, the nurse or sanitarian will not infrequently say, "I don't know how we ever got along without them". In another dimension, we have found that aides are often a valuable channel of communication. This is particularly true when they come from the same environment of the group with whom they work. Our experience has been that aides can serve faithfully and effectively to promote health education and pro- grams in their community, and relay useful information about their community back to the health team. It must be said that the establishment of the aide as an integral part of the health team is a challenging and difficult task. Recruitment, training, and super- vision must be carefully managed. It must `be confessed th'at not all of our attempts in the employment of the sub-professional have been successful. Usually, this is because of inadequate preparation of the agency or the professional him- self, or by failure to give sufficient attention to the aforementioned details. This points out the importance of a carefully organized program to ensure that the valuable contribution of the aide to `the c'ommunity will be best utilized. The North Carolina State Board of `Health, and I personally, are committed to the employmen't of the aide in health programs. It is our conviction that the community will `be the richer for this. We are already in the process of working with those community agencies, in addition to local health departments, who are engaged in this activity. Our staff is even now helping employing agencies to develop means to recruit and train their aides. We look forward to this enterprise, which we feel will be one of our more important efforts in improving both the quality and quantity of health services. Please call on us if we can be of any help to you, or if we can provide any more information. We wish to do all we can to further the cause of this program. Very truly yours, W. BURNS JONES, Jr., M.D., M.P.H., Assistant State Health Director. MOUNT ZION `HOSPITAL AND MEDICAL CENTER, Scan Francisco, Calif., July 20, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chainnan, House Committee on Education and Labor, Congress of the United States, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: At the request of Congressman iames H. Scheuer I am hereby su'bmitting a statement for inclusion in the record of t'he Com- mittee hearings which are now being `held concerning amendments to Title I of the Economic Opportunity Act. The "New Careers" approach `to meeting the health manpower shortage appear,s to have `excellent merit and in fact `has been used to a large degree in hospitals quite successfully since World War II. The nursing profession has used subprofessionals to aSSiSt in providing basic nursing care to the pa'tient with PAGENO="0078" 3730 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 967 a great deal of success. If the subprofessional level of peronnel were not available today many hospital wards throughout the country would have to be closed clown and the ability of the public to receive medical care would be greatly affected. The use of subprofessionals in nursing is only one of the many areas in the health field which depend upon the use of subprofessionals to assist in accom- plishing their workload. The health industry can be used as an example of how .subprofessionals can successfully be used to carry out important tasks which do not require the total skills of a professional. The main concern with the use of subprofessionals in the health industry is that we have not been successful in developing career ladders from which entry level employees can progress up- wards. This has resulted in blocked mobility for many of the subprofessional jobs within the i1ealth industry. Some of the major barriers that have prevented the successful use of the career ladder approach in the health industry are: 1. Inadequate job analyses; 2. Lack of interest on the part of some professionals within the health industry to properly utilize nonprofessional help; 3. State licensure requirements; 4. Educational systems for health careers. In reviewing Section 122 of Title I of the Economic Opportunity Act I would like to emphasize the importance of Sub Section 122(c) in which it is stated that "projects under this section shall include related supportive services in- eluding basic education". It has been our past experience that the lack of basic education has been the primary cause of employees not being successful sub- professionals. I hope these comments will be of use to you in your Committee hearings. Cordially yours, MARK BERKE, Eaecvt ire Director. TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONAL SHARECROPPERS FUND The National Sharecroppers Fund appreciates this opportunity to testify before the House Committee on Education and Labor in support of the Office of Eco- nomic Opportunity and its conviction that expansion of resources and functions rather than contraction or dismantling of OEO is the continuing urgent need of the nation. The National Sharecroppers Fund has two basic concerns in relation to the legislation you are considering. The first is with the overall effectiveness of OEO and the second with its particular impact on the rural areas, our field of concern and action for thirty years. First, it should be clear that, despite criticisms we may have from time to time of specific developments in the war on poverty, we believe that the Office of Eco- nomic Opportunity has done a remarkable job in its first two-and-a-half years. OEO has focused the national attention on the shame of poverty in the midst of our abundance. It has pioneered in long-range innovative programming such as Head Start and the concept Of subprofessionals, with on-the-job upgrading for the previously unskilled. It. has established the essential democratic principle of representation of the poor in the determination of their own destiny. It has cut through much of the bureaucratic red tape that previously had prevented estab- lished departments of government from serving all people. But OEO has been given neither the full authority nor an adequate budget with which to cOhquer poverty. It has been able only to direct attention, on the basis of its experience, to some of the fundamentals that lie beyond its present coin- l)etence: full employment and a guaranteed annual income; remaking substand- ard environment as well as raising individual income; and in the rural areas, redevelopment of the economy to provide an adequate economic and social base to sustain rural life. In support of the essential program and function of OEO, NSF believes: First, OEO needs-because the country needs-much more than the $2.06 billion cur- rently requested in the Administration budget. In one aspect of the program, OEO hoped to reach (in the current fiscal year) 30 percent of the children eligible for Head Start, 3 percent of the adult illiterates, 10 percent of young people in the poverty population and 10 percent of the adults in need ofwork and vocational training. Three or 10 or 30 percent is not good enough for the third year of the war on poverty. The budget ought to go up about ten fold, but that thust now- be PAGENO="0079" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3731 a goal for next year. Realistically, in the light of present planning, the appro- priation should he raised to a minimum of $3.6 billion, the original projection for this year, and approximately what OEO itself requested prior to Bureau of the Budget pruning. It is nonsense to say that the United States cannot `afford it. The Adminis- tration's proposed budget for OEO for the year is less than the country is spending in Vietnam for a month. Further, the amount spent on public welfare- to numb `the worst misery of poverty, not to cure it-is $10 billion a year, and the amount lost from revenue in the potential contribution of welfare recipients to economy is ten times that. We cannot afford not to raise the level of spending to conquer poverty. Second, we need the Office of Economic Opportunity as the nerve center and general staff of the war on poverty. The misnamed Opportunity `Crusade proposal for a dismantling of OEO and distribution of its functions among the various existing departments would be disastrous. It would end the most important accomplishment of the anti-poverty campaign: a `beginning voice for the poor in `the highest councils of government and the establishment and celebration of an end to poverty as a national goal. To transfer the antipoverty programs `to other departments would mean that they would `become institutionalized and paralyzed and would lose their driving force. They would have `to scramble even for existence within the old-line agencies whose ineffectiveness in `dealing with poverty as a national problem was an essential reason for the introduction of the original war on poverty. The innovation and experimentation `that has taken place through OEO during the short course of its life would be lost. The overall evaluation of where we stand in the struggle against poverty with `the necessary criticism and readjustment of goals would be impossible. No one or no one agency would be responsible for progress or lack of progress in meeting goals. It would be an ineffective reorganization. Third, `the proposal that `the matching contributions for local community action projects be raised from 10 `to 20 percent or higher is a serious mistake and a move that would, ironically, thwart the commitment of local communities and agencie's. Granted that th'e matching contribution is waived for the very poorest counties, it is still true that even the present 10 percent ante poses a hardship on many of the smaller cities `and rural areas. The fewer resources an area has, the more it need~s the poverty program and incentive for its' own discouraged people to undertake community action on their own behalf. To raise the required matching funds would mean to eliminate some `of these areas from participation in the program. Residents of poverty areas would similarly find increased difficulty in developing self-help projects of their own and would be impelled to an increasing dependence on "city hall" and a consequent loss of total freedom of action. Because of the high regard NSF has for the `experimental and innovative quality of OEO, the proposal that funds available for research and demonstration purposes be increased from 5 `to 10 percent seems to us `to deserve full support. The National Sharecroppers Fund is gratified by `the increasing amount of emphasis recently placed by OEO on the rural areas. Wi'th'in the pas't year, recognition has finally come that rural poverty fosters urban poverty; that the migration of unskilled people without resources from the `rural a'reas is no solution-either for the rural areas, losing `the people with the most ambition and energy; for the migrants themselves, `competing unsuccessfully and unpre- pared in `the metropolitan job market; or for the cities by overcrowding slums already stretched `to th,e point of explosion. Because the rural areas lack the institutions, the trained personnel, the know]- edge of planning and of government found plentifully in the cities, they are late in sharing in antipoverty programs. OEO is trying to close the gap and is to be commended for its increasing emphasis on repair of rural economies. Yet- partially because the older federal agencies and especially state and local agencies are often a real drag on poverty organization and functioning-it sometimes ap- pears that OEO's rural program moves at the rate of one step forward and two steps back. Most urgently, additional funds for program development are needed by communities with few resources, but OEO has for many months discontinued the awarding of Section 204 grants for lack of available funds. For example, in Hale County, Alabama, virtually starving residents are unable to obtain free food because there is no Community Action Agency to distribute it. Yet OEO cannot grant funds to begin a new CAA, because there is no money available-and there has not been any available throughout almost the entire past fiscal year! Like- PAGENO="0080" 3732 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 wise in ten of the poorest, and predominantly white, counties of West Tennessee (almost all eligible for Economic Development assistance) there are no CAA's, because, again, there are no available funds for new programs and there is a pre- dictable attitude of non-cooperation on the part of the local power structures. It is imperative that more program development funds be made accessible to the poorest communities of our country, so that those most in need may have the greatest chance at self-help opportunity. We make this request in the know-ledge that only 15.5 percent of all community action funds went to rural commanities last year, although 43 percent of the nation's poor families dwell in these areas. The move towards state-operated community action programs serving rural and smaller communities is bad and should be reconsidered. The southern states where NSF works have already shown a most unwise tendency to use what veto power they have to stop programs needed by the poor particularly in the rural communities. (NSF itself has just had one important program for training local leadership approved for funding by OEO and then vetoed by the State of Ala- bama.) The participation of the poor in planning and directing a program in such a top-down arrangement would be at maximum a token gesture. The reason pov- erty, illiteracy, and migration are so prevalent in wide areas of the rural South is in large part due to calculated neglect of these areas by state and local agen- cies. To turn over vital parts of the poverty program to the whims of state agen- cies would be to abandon the poor. The National Sharecroppers Fund is most vitally concerned with Title Ill-A and -B, respectively programs of rural loans to help low-income farmers and their cooperatives, and to aid migrant workers and their families. The suggested appropriation is $20 million for Title Ill-A and $27 million for Title III-B-~20 million for loans to rural poor who are desperately trying to remain on the land is $8 million less than was requested last year (FY 66) when only 8,846 EO loans were able to be made to 14,892 poor farmers seeking help in the 16 poorest South- ern states. Likewise the $27 million suggested for this year's Ill-B programs rep- resents a drop of $0 million from last year, meaning that OEO will have to dis- continue some critically needed programs just begun for seasonal farm workers. The importance of the rural loan program cannot be overestimated. It is help- ing small farmers to remain on the land and, especially with coordinated help from training programs. to raise their income levels to a decent standard. And it is helping them to pool their resources through cooperatives to purchase farm machinery they could not acquire individually, to save on buying fertilizer and other farming necessities which were previously a source of perpetual debt, and to market their crops more profitably by elimination of middleman profits. NSF ha.s worked with these farmers and helped them to organize their cooperatives, but FHA itself needs to make far greater efforts to assist these groups of farmers in farm management, crop diversification, and soil conservation techniques if the co-op loans are not in effect to be wasted. Just last month, Secretary of Agri- culture Freeman visited one of the low-income cooperatives which NSF helped to get started. After his visit, the members of this West Batesville (Miss.) Farmers Co-op w-rote to Mr. Freeman, explaining the insufficiency of help and guidance from the Department of Agriculture. They said: We would indeed like tb make the West Batesville Farmers Cooperative Association a success and an inspiration to groups of poor farmers through- out the South; but we find that our original loan from FHA to buy the equipment and facilities, which you inspected on your visit, was not suf- ficient to sustain and expand our operation. We have, as we think you learned, a desperate need for a full-time manager and for technical assist- ance from local and federal government officials knowledgeable in crop diversification, farm management, soil conservation, and other agricultural assistance which we have been unable to obtain from local representatives of USDA agencies in Mississippi. We certainly hope that you will fulfill your expressed dedication to assist low-income farmers by making available grants (out of interest charged against RHA loans) to provide the technical assistance necessary to save the livelihood of poor farmers like ourselves throughout the South. It seems absurd to use and to these co-op members that FHA in its adminis- tration of a delegated antipoverty program should "pocket" the interest on loans to groups of poor farmers. It seems only consistent with the spirit and intent of the E.O.A. that such interest gained on loans should be plowed back into the eooporativ@ oporation~ of tho poor in the form of providing management. educa- tion and technical assistance so that these co-ops can become truly economically PAGENO="0081" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3733 viable. WTe should like to urge this Committee to consider such an amendment to the Title Ill-A loan program. Funds for such loans are still inadequate, and there is still discrimination in the distribution of those funds which pass through PITA hands. It should not be necessary for NSF staff members and members of other organizations working in the South to spend time documenting the absence of loans to Negro farmers in county after county, to institute appeal proceedings, to demonsrate by com- parison the larger amounts of money and assistance given to white farmers in comparable economic situations. Further, PITA is still primarily concerned with the repayment potential of the farmer rather than with seeking ways by which the small farmer can retain his land and improve his income. Although OEO has made it possible for loans to be granted to farmers too poor to qualify under RITA previously, thousands more must be reached with grants, loans, technical assistance, and training. OEO personnel themselves have discovered, in situations in which they wanted a cooperative effort among agencies so that underemployed low-income people could learn to build their own homes (learning a skill while improving miserable housing conditions), that PITA would not grant loans for fear of non-repayment. This fear on the part of the Department of Agriculture is absurd, when one knows that poor southern tenant and sharecropping farmers often pay as much as $50 per month of exorbitant rent for a two-room shack-a sum about 31/2 times the monthly amortization payment for a thirty-year PITA low-interest loan! This situation must be changed. Further, NSF urges again its proposal made when OEO was first instituted, that in addition to loans, an experimental program of grants be set up to give a new start to rural people who do not yet have enough resources to qualify for the loan program. We are completely unable to understand why funds have been cut for Title 111-B programs for migrant and seasonal farm workers, where the needs are obvious and enormous, and where the programs instituted have been remarkably successful. NSF had some direct experience with the practicability of Title Ill-B projects in its two-year program, the Southern Rural Training Project, funded by the Department of Labor. Local leadership in southern communities was helped to secure funding for 12 programs providing education and training for more than 2,100 low-income adults; of these, 7 were 111-B projects. Sixteen additional projects, to serve more than 3,000 trainees, were ready for 1967 funding when the Southern Rural Training Project ended; of these 9 were III-Bs. 111-B programs can provide basic education, prevocational training, medical and counseling services, and assistance in job placement or in obtaining advanced training. Title 111-B is flexible enough to be directly responsive to the needs of the rural poor. It is not subject to veto from vested interests or to time-con- suming channeling through many state departments. Local poor peoj~le were able to take an active part in planning and processing the SRTP projects. under Ill-B, gaining experience for further community organization. Title Ill-B gets things done, and more OEO funds should be channeled through it. The whole rural planning outlook of OEO seems questionable when it is discovered that the funds for this important and effective project havebeen cut. To. summarize: the National Sharecroppers Fund believes in OEO, supports its continuance and urges at least the restoration of Bureau of the Budget cuts in its appropriation. But we believe not merely in waging war against poverty. We believe it ought to be won. That means a much more imaginative and more adequately financed program-both for OEO and in the full economic rehabilita- tion program of the government-than has been proposed in 1967. We urge your support for this legislation. But we urge also that the vision of Congress be bold enough to plan the eradication of poverty in this decade. The resources are avail- able. Confident and competent government leadership is needed. TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONAL ADvIsoRY COMMITTEE ON FARM LABOR The National Advisory Committee on Farm Labor is a voluntary, nonprofit organization whose purpose is to gather and present information about the con- ditions of farm workers and about farm labor practices and policies. The Com- mittee appreciates this opportunity to testify to the importance of the Economic Opportunity Act in bettering he lives of America's forgotten people, the farm workers. When the Economic Research Service of the Department of Agriculture issued a detailed study on Poverty in Rural Areas in November, 1964, it said: "Some 80-084-67-pt. 5-6 PAGENO="0082" 3734 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1.9 67 rural families are chronically poor. The families of hired farm workers, domestic migratory farm workers, and sharecroppers are in this category." These thousands of Americans are poor in every conceivable way. Their aver- age yearly income is around $1,000, less than one third the poverty level income determined by the Administration. Farm workers lack the educational oppor- tunities that might offer them an alternative way of life. They are poor in en- vironment, often with no permanent homes, and are forced to accept miserable substitutes (often chicken coops, autos, uninsulated sheds) for temporary hous- ing; viewed with hostility by residents, farm workers are often denied the coin- munity's health and recreational facilities. Farm workers are often denied citi- zenship opportunities, as they suffer both from discrimination and from lack of power, due to their forced mobility and the absence of legislative protections. Lastly, they are poor in hopes for their children, who are early subjected to deprivations that close off escape routes from the cycle of poverty. But the last two years have seen, for the first time, a qualitative change for the better. Higher wages and expanded work opportunities have come as a result of dramatic cutbacks in the use of foreign workers, who had depressed farm wages for many years. Farmworkers are also increasingly eager to improve their own conditions, and the work of their fledgling labor unions has demon- strated their ability to do so. Farm workers have begun to develop health care services, credit unions, and co-ops; to undertake voter registration drives; to provide legal aid. As a result of their self-developed organization, farm w-orkers are beginning to raise their own n-ages by means of their unified demands to growers. More attention is being given the rights (and, more importantly, in- fractions of those rights) of Mexican-American and Indian workers, both pro- minent in the farm labor force, as an aftermath of the civil rights victories. A significant contribution to these encouraging developments has been the OEO program, which has finally provided some of the tools farm workers need in their struggle out of poverty. OEO alone will not solve the problems of farm workers. Given a fair chance, they n-ill do that themselves. A living wage is their basic need. But OEO is w-orking on every front where farm workers need help. It has day care centers and health centers. It is with migrants at home base, on the trek, and in w-ork camps. It provides classes in citizenship and literacy, and develops vocational training programs. No part of OEO is more important, either at present, or in the long run, than the education and training programs made possible under Title Ill-B, whose funds are facing an incredible cut this year from $33 million to $27 million. This cut must be restored. Of all migrants over age 25, one third are functionally illiterate; 43 per cent have no more than an eighth grade education. Migrant children are alw-ays well behind their `age-grade levels in schooling. Non-migrant seasonal farm workers are not quite so educationally disadvantaged, but their educational level is years below that of other workers. Punctional literacy must be the first step toward a decent life for these least noticed and least advantaged of the rural poor. If they cannot read, they cannot understand street signs, or notices, or instructions, or newspapers. They cannot qualify as citizens or take advantage of government programs outlined in attrac- tive brochures. They are cut off from the twentieth century. Half the people in Title ITT-B classes are between the educational levels of zero to Grade 3. OEO has estimated that it would reach 3 percent of adult illit- erates in this fiscal year. What about the other 97 percent? How can we have the arrogance to cut the funds of a project like this, which is putting first things first and is providing the foundation without which progress is impossible? And if it is suggested that this is the job of the HEW and public education, the answer is obvious: they never reached the hard core rejects of their own system, and they cannot now. Title 111-B has proved it can. Title ITT-B does more than teach literacy (though the cry of one jubilant trainee, "I am no longer an X !" would appear to justify the program by itself). It also teaches practical skills which immediately improve the workers' condi- tions: how to run farm machinery; how- to repair and build homes: homemak- ing; practical nursing or garage mechanics wh.ere there are shortages in these areas and the trainee wants off-farm work. Here are a few- examples of the variety of Title ITT-B programs. Note especi- ally how training procedures and content are fitted to the unique needs of farm workers. PAGENO="0083" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3735 120 underemployed seasonal farm worker heads of household are serviced in a Reserve, Louisiana project. It includes 18 weeks of full-time education in the nonharvest season and 15 weeks of part-time basic education in the evenings during the harvest season. Prevocational training in machinery operation and repair, building trades, or home management, is included. Supportive services such as job referral and counseling and medical examinations are available. In Ulster County, New York, basic education and prevocational training will be given to 500 to 1,200 adults during the summer season, and continue for residents during the winter. Tutorial classes for 300 school-age children and special adult classes in health, hygiene, sanitation, and citizenship will be held at migrant camp sites in mobile units. A six-week program of remedial education for 400 children beginning at the second grade level and basic education for 00 of their parents has been approved for Palm Beach and Broward counties in Florida. As part of an unusual program in southwest Oklahoma, bilingual members of farm worker families will teach Spanish to agency professionals so that they can communicate with the people that they serve. More than 200 migrant workers turned out to consider applying to this program. In addition, 45 workers will be enrolled in a carpentry course; and an education program covering literacy, health and similar basic subjects is expected to reach a thousand workers. A just-approved Ill-B program for five of the poorest Delta counties in northwest Mississippi u-ill train 300 heads of household to perform productive and needed non-agricultural work. The final stage of this project envisions the establishment of one or more cooperatively and democratically operated in- dustries (furniture is suggested) in which both profits and decisions will be shared. Are these the kind of programs we can afford to cut? They should be ex- panded just as rapidly as efficient planning and management can make possible, and funded accordingly. Title Ill-B ought to be asked how much money it can use and how many more farm worker families it can reach with adequate funds, not told to cut down on its urgently needed work. Although the primary concern of the National Advisory Committee on Farm Labor lies naturally in the field it knows best-farm workers and their fam- flies-the Committee also wishes to take advantage of this opportunity to ex- press its support for the work of the Office of Economic Opportunity as a whole. Just as the Committee urges restoration of the cut in Title Ill-B funds, it also asks for restoration of cuts made by the Bureau of the Budget in the originally proposed O'EO allocation *for this year and suggests ~3.6 billion as a practical figure. The National Advisory Committee would also like to protest strongly the pro- posed dismantling of O'EO envisioned by the Opportunity Crusade, and the as- signinent of its functions among the various established federal departments. Title Ill-B is probably as good an example of the need for OEO itself as any part of the antipoverty program. Three departments might logically be con- cerned with Title Ill-B type programs: Labor, Agriculture, and I-Tealth, Ed- iication and Welfare. None of them previously reached the hardcore, functionally illiterate, rural poor in the way that Title lIT-B has started to do. None of them was ready or willing to allow the poor to participate in planning and administer- ing their own programs. Through Title Ill-B OE'O broke new and necessary ground which would in all probability lie idle if transferred to `other departments. The same could be said of other creative and innovative programs which were developed as soon as poverty was seen in its total scope and implications, and the war on poverty was undertaken with a sense of national purpose. We do not want to divide and confuse and finally destroy that national purpose. We want to sharpen it to win the war on poverty. Thank you. INSTITUTE FOR LOCAL SELF GOVERNMENT, Berkeley, Calif., July 14, 1967. Mon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education cad Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: While the Institute for Local Self Government does not engage in legislative advocacy, it does support development of the con- cépts of New `Careers as they apply to the local government public service. We PAGENO="0084" 3736 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 967 believe the fostering of this concept can have a vital and important role in the development of the public service in the United States and help overcome some of the pressing personnel problems which now beset states, counties and cities. The fastest growing of all America's "growth industries" is local government employment. The number of workers in state, county and municipal agencies has doubled since 1950 and the present total of 8 million will increase by 50% in the next ten years so that by the end of 1975 there will be 12 million local government employees in the United States. California's local government em- ployment will increase by 2-3% per year, which means a requirement of 4,000 new employees per year or about two hundred every working day. The President of the United States in his Manpower Report to the Congress of March, 1965, underscored this need with the following words: "The great growth in cities and the increased demands for services that de- rives from such growth underlie the shortages of qualified professional, technical and administrative personnel in this branch of government. City governments have manpower shortages not only in occupations where personnel is generally scarce . . . but also in new occupations resulting from urban growth. "The result is that many urban dwellers do not receive `all the services they need and that many of the services they do receive is of poor quality . . . be- cause of the extra workload qualified personnel must carry . . . ." Overburdened professional employees are performing, or leaving undone, many routine and other tasks that could be grouped to provide~ew job entry and ad- vancement opportunities for persons with considerably less formal education and training. Within the local government service, analyses of traditional and well- established functions (as well as the newly emerging ones in the field of human resource development), indicates that local government is a field ripe for the planting of New Career ideas. Such omnipresent shortages exist in professional, technical and administrative categories that New Career developments offer a bright hope-if not the only hope-of solving them. Recruitment lags behind current needs. Scarce competences are being wasted on t'asks that could be performed by sub or para-professional personnel. 1~Iunicipal governments are in an active search for talent in a market that is certain to be characterized by continued shortages. A way out of local government's di- lemma is through the development of New Careers in municipal public service, followed by re-direction of vocational-educational programs which would result in curricula to prepare the sub-professionals to assume their local government public service tasks. Every encouragement and support should be given to schemes for the creation of New Careers concepts in municipal public service and the inter-weaving of these concepts within the educational establishments of the several states. Many municipal employees, hired for but one designated role, are performing many and varied roles. The average city engineer or Diretcor of Public Works (positions usually requiring a licensed civil engineer) finds that he spends more than half his time in other roles-public relations specialist. warehouseman, motor pool director, fleet vehicle operator, etc. The roles played by highly skilled technicians and professionals can be varied and segregated so that New Careers will be developed for the sub-professional aspects of such public employment. Many functions currently performed exclusively by professionals in such fields as finance, recreation, planning, fire, police and others, can be delegated to New Career personnel with limited formal education, experience and skill. Doing so will not only provide new career ladders but enable local governments to supply the necessary services and overcome the shortages of personnel so vividly pointed out by the President in his referenced message to Congress. When only a small percentage of the local government public service was engaged in high-skill occupations, pre-entry governmental formal training suf- ficed to fill the needs. Such a system is no longer relevant. The needs of today's local government service can be satisfied only with persons of skill and training. In an era of rapid technological change, New Careers concepts offer an adc1i- tional plus factor in that vocational-educational education can provide the skill support in the form of `sub-professionals to buttress the skills of professionals. With the increase in automation and the shift to service industries and gov- ernment employment taking place in our economy. it appears that the major expansion of person-to-person and person-to-idea activities will be found in the public sector of the economy. This requires public funding. The proper utiliza- tion of non-professionals requires a policy and program for reorientation on the part of the professional, educational institutions and the employing. gov- PAGENO="0085" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3737 ernments It is probable that this can be best accomplished and demonstrated by Federal initiative enabling local governments to experiment with New Careers concepts. In local government public service, there is great promise that not just jobs will be provide, but that New Careers will be provided containing ladder possibilities of promotion to various levels of municipal service, under civil serv- ice advancement procedures and fair employment practices and conditions. Examination of the totality of local government public service reveals entirely new sub-professional New Career concepts. For example, there may well be developed several job clusters in the field of finance (common cores of knowledge required for various jobs within one discipline). Many other public administra- tion careers can be expected to emerge from New Career concepts which are of less than a highly professional nature but still rewarding and personally ful- filling careers. "Urban redevelopment Inspectors," "Housing Inspectors," Com- munity Relations Specialitists," "Community Council Liaison Coordinators" and many other career concepts come to mind in the light of today's local govern- mental services and functions. The New Career possibilities will be manifold as local governments become less concrete conscious and more people conscious. There is no doubt that New Career concepts are a vital new ingredient to public personnel administration and that Congressional action to encourage them would be positive progress in pursuit of the public good. Yours sincerely, RANDY H. HAMILTON, Executive Director. COMMUNITY ACTION, INC., Boone, N.C., July 14, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: I am writing you to acknowledge my support for the con- tinuation and expansion of the Scheuer and Nelson Amendment Programs under *the Economic OpportunityAct. I represent a district somewhat similar to yours in Eastern Kentucky. My agency serves four counties in Western North Carolina. It is my opinion that the Scheuer (New Careers Program) is an excellent tool in the War on Poverty. It is being utilized extensively in cities and urban areas in North Carolina and I feel that it can be expanded and made available to other areas of the state. I might point out, however, that we have not attempted to se- cure such a program for this rural mountain area because local agencies are not yet prepared to assimilate additional new careers trainees. We have attempted to secure funds for a Nelson Program and we are in the process of writing a new proposal to be submitted to the Bureau of Work Pro- grams. We feel that a Nelson Type Project is more appropriate to the needs of this particular region. I fully support these excellent innovative manpower development programs and I hope that your committee will act favorably on them. Sincerely, ERNEST D. EPPLEY, Executive Director. FREMONT COUNTY DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE, Canon City, Cob., July 11, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman 01 Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: After two years of very successful operation of Title V in our County, we see absolutely no need for a change of administration. This program as established has become an integral part of the Department of Welfare. All three segments of this department enter into the picture in per- fect unison. Poverty as we understand it from past experience is welfare. Dealing with this program from the welfare standpoint has proven itself to be one of the most promising programs yet to be devised. Through welfare each individual is handled as such. Through the casework and home contacts a lot of problems come to light that may be causing this particular poverty problem. The whole PAGENO="0086" 3738 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 family becomes involved and through these contacts pride and motivation are reborn. We deal with whole people, not numbers in a card file. Each time a trainee is accepted and placed, the entire family is considered and brought into the picture. How does this correspond to some of the labor de- partments on going programs? The proof lies in our successes. Men and women who have been given training and education and have been hired. Our success ratio runs as high as 68 percent. Under work training and basic education sup- ported by casework service, job counselling and on the job supervision a family man who had been thought hopeless by another agency and welfare acquired enough self confidence and incentive for self support that he now is supporting himself and family. Would you not consider a bitter, disillusioned, husband-less woman that comes out of her shell; meets people through proper job training association, loses her bitter attitude and eventually remarries, a success in human relations? These are but two examples of the personal touch of welfare that is experienced in Title V. Time and time again we have seen men and women w-ait eight to ten months to get on a Labor Department program. Title V acts in days-sometimes hours. The budget is set strictly by need and we handle it that way. Last year we re- turned a good portion of our budget allowance to the government and w-e still placed every needy person requesting training through the program. In fact, we put a couple on our program and placed them into work positions, after they had completed a Labor Department training program. So, in light of this, we propose that Title V of the Equal Opportunity Act be returned to and remain a welfare program. Sincerely yours, LAURENCE A. KING, Director. OPERATION BREAKTHROUGH, Dvrham, ~T.C., Jviy 13, 1967. Hon. CAER PERKINS, Chairman, House CommIttee on Edvcation aiid Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: As Operation Breakthrough was selected to be one of the four community `action agencies in North Carolina to be funded with a New Careers program under the Scheuer Amendment, I am pleased to submit this statement for inclusion in your Record as Chairman of the House Committee on Education and Labor. It is my feeling and that of my Manpower staff and those members of the Board of Directors who have been involved in the planning and early implementation of our New Careers program that it is an important new departure in the area of' useful employment of the underprivileged. Perhaps its finest single feature is its provision for subprofessional career ladders. The problem of the "deadend job'~ is one of the most severe facing the product of a poverty environment in his attempt to better himself by his own efforts. The program `also benefits the professional in. for the first time, freeing him from the necessity to devote an inordinate amount of his time to nonprofessional details. Professionals who work in the broad area of social improvement are further aided by participation in this program through the possibility of a sus- tained working relationship with individuals whose background has been that of poverty. This type of relationship can create the necessary climate for change inside institutions which so far have not had easy access to the real facts of the dismal situation prevailing in poverty neighborhoods. This kind of attitudinal growth and the additional time made available to the professionals to perform the `duties for which they are most qualified can only result in the increased effectiveness of the institutions involved and the resultant benefits to the society' at large. I would therefore like to offer my strongest endorsement to the New Careers Provision of Section 205 E of the amended Economic Opportunity Act of 1964., Sincerely yours, WJLTTv'r R. PURSETL. Eacertive Director. PAGENO="0087" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3739' POUGHKEEPSIE. N.Y., July 12, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House 01 Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: The Anti-Poverty program and particularly Job Corps has come in for a great deal of criticism during the last few months. During those same months I have been working with Women in Community Service recruiting and interviewing girls for Job Corps. It is easy to take poverty for granted and accept it as inevitable; but I have found that when I have been confronted with girls who are desperately poor, who want very much to get themselves out of the situation in which they find themselves (and this can include petty crime, squalor, immoral surroundings) that I can no longer accept poverty. I want to do something about it! Job Corps is a concrete "something" which I can offer girls to help them to solve their almost insurmountable problems. Please speak up for Job Corps. We women who are working with girls know that it is truly needed. Sincerely yours, Mrs. R. WILLIAM VAETH, Project Director, Ponghkeepsie WIC$. FTJLTON COITNTY DEPARTMENT OF FAMILY AND CHILDREN SERvIcEs, Atlanta, Ga., July 12, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Edneation~ and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: In compliance with your request of July 6, 1967r I am pleased to submit the following statement concerning "Community Employ- ment and Training Programs." which is under consideration by the members of the Committee of which you are Chairman in connection with the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, as revised in 1965 and 1966, and especially in relation to the proposed amendment designated in Section 122 (a) copy of which was forwarded to me. Our Department for several years in the past has employed and used sub- professionals in what we have considered a successful manner to perform duties' which otherwise would have been assumed `by professional `casework and super- visory staff and/or to compliment same. In 1961 when Surplus Food Distribution Program was initiated in Fulton Coun'ty we used a combination of approximately 300 volunteers and temporary employees to handle a mass volume of certifications of approximately 25,000 individuals and heads of families determined eligible for surplus foods. Since the advent of the Economic Opportunity Act, we have also used both Neighbor- hood Aides employed by Economic Opportunity Atlanta (community action orga- nization funded by OEO) and OEO VISTA volunteers to assist our regular casework staff in tlńs function. `For several years we have used sub-professional clerical personnel to assist regular casework employees in securing information necessary to determine eligi- bility of applicants for Public Assistance grants. These persons have such tasks as the initial interview of applicants in intake waiting room, assisting them in filling out the required application forms, checking property records, bank accounts, insurance policies and. other potential resources, and clearing with the various police departments as to whether `such applicants had previous records of arrests or convictions. Sub-professional personnel has been employed for many years in connection with our Homemaker `Service Program; and recently after the Geoi-gia State Department of Family and Children Services and the Georgia State Merit Sys- tem had approved officially `this staff to be used in our Department, we have in- creased the number of Homemakers and plan on further increasing the Home- maker staff in 1968. During the past two years, we have used many Neighborhood Aides (employees of Economic Opportunity Atlanta)-23 in 1960, youths employed in the Neighbor- hood Youth Corps of EOA-11 in 1966, and in 1965 15 VISTA volunteers assigned by OEO. However, we discontinued our use of VISTA volunteers in 1060 due to an unfortunate situation wThich developed in which OEO officials from Wa~hington did not use wise judgment and discretion in handling the relationship of one of our PAGENO="0088" 3740 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 regular employees with two of the VISTA volunteers in that they for several days assumed complete control over the use of our own employee. At the present time we are planning on the use of "case aicles~' with a minimum of high school but preferably two years college education to assist regular casework staff in per- forming many of their duties which do not require a high degree of skill or pro- fessional training. The ultimate plan is that one aide will be assigned to each~ unit of our Department which is comprised of a supervisor and 5-6 caseworkers. There is some reluctance on the part of officials in the Georgia State Department of Family and Children Services and Georgia State Merit System to establish a classification for this purpose, especially in view of the fact that it took many years before there was a mandatory requirement that a caseworker should have at least a college degree, which some officials are fearful that l)y establishing a lower classification of "case aides" former standards might also be lowered. In my opinion use of "case aides" should be authorized, and officials of the Welfara Administration-HEW should encourage state departments of public welfare to use them more extensively especially in view' of the apparent shortage at the present time and for the foreseeable future of caseworkers w-ith college degrees and/or especially graduate training in approved schools of social work. It is conceded that in some of the smaller county w-elfare departments it might be difficult to use "case aides" while in counties of 50,000 population (or more) their use would be most beneficial. In order to overcome the reluctance on the part of some State and local welfare officials to' use "case aides" for financial reasons, it is suggested that provisions be made whereby Welfare Administra- tion-HEW have appropriated sufficient funds so that they could reimburse states on salaries of such staff in accordance with the 75%-25% formula now applicable to staff performing prescribed services in accordance with State service plans. It was my pleasure to attend a series of meetings recently held under the sponsor- ship of the National Association on the Employment of Youth, at Nyack, New- York u-here this subject matter was fully discussed w-ith all its implications, and recordings and transcripts made concerning same. I would recommend especially consideration by members of this committee of transcripts of these proceedings, which was attended by some of the most outstanding persons in tl1e health. educa- tion, and welfare fields, if same can be secured. Respectfully submitted. WELLBORN R. ELLIs, Ad mnin istcrctor. 3UNE 12, 1967. Congressman WENDELL WYATT, U.s. House of Representatives, Longworth House Office Bwiiding, Washington, D.C.: In May 1967, the Community Relations Department of Tongue Point OB Corps Center at Astoria, Oreg., conducted a mail survey addressed to 5 percent of the total population of the city of Astoria, with names selected at random from the Astoria telephone directory excluding only Tongue Point personnel. Question- naires were mailed to this 5-percent segment, and returns were received from 50 percent of the original mailing. This provided a survey of two and a half per- cent of the total population of the city. This is considered a high percentage of returns based on polling experience, and a two and a half percent segment is a solid sampling Results of the survey: Do you favor ithe continuation by Congress of the Job Corps program? Yes, 70 percent. Do you believe location of a Job Corps center at Tongue Point `benefits Clatesop County? Yes, 75 percent. Do you favor con- tinuation of Tongue Point Job Corps Center? Yes, 69 percent. Other aspects: of those responding, 38 percent had been reached previously by some form of contact by the Center; they had heard a representative speak, had visited the center, or had read brochures about it. More than 18 percent had participated in community activities in which corpsmen and corpsw-omen were in- volved. Assistance to the center on a volunteer basis was offered by 29 percent. Indicating a high degree o f community-center integration, 62 percent re- ported they were acquainted with one or more center staff members from whomn they learned about the center. PAGENO="0089" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3741 It might be pointed out that use of the telephone directory as source of the persons polled probably eliminated some opinions from the poverty area which could be expected to vote on the favorable side.) ELIZABETH A. NEIKES, Astoria, Oreg. P.S.-The numerical breakdown on the responses to questionaire will follow by air mail. AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIvERSITY WOMEN, Washington, D.C., August 7, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, TJ.$. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: The American Association of University Women would like to have this statement in support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 included in the record of your Committee's hearings. We are in a position to speak affirmatively, from experience, of several parts of the anti-poverty con- ducted by the Office of Economic Opportunity. Reports from our branches, which are now being reviewed, speak repeatedly of the involvement of AAUW members or of AAUW branches in implementation of these programs at the community level. During the past two years approximately one third of our branches have study- ing the relationship of poverty to education under a programmed study topic Education: An Antidote to Poverty. Earlier and even more frequently in the past two years as a result of this study, our members have been involved as volunteer workers in their communi- ties. Some AAUW branches are sponsors of such programs as Operation Head- start, adult basic education, and other community programs serving the dis- advantaged. Many of our members work professionally as counsellors, social workers or teachers in this field. We go into this detail to demonstrate to you that we in AAUW have first-hand knowledge of the many problems which the legisla- tion before this Committee is designed `to alleviate. In our opinion conclusive evidence has been gathered to prove that extension and expansion of the War on Poverty is an imperative in the time that has elapsed since the enactment of PL 88-452. Great strides have been made under the programs made possible by this legis- lation in providing basic education, basic skills and retraining for many who were formerly unemployable. Many disadvantaged children have been brought closer to the point n-here they were almost as able to take advantage of the edu- cational opportunities open to them as are to the children from more privileged environments. Many families have received training and inspiration which have created a viable family unit. It is not our purpose to restate the statistics on poverty which have already been reviewed by this Committee, but we would like to state that in our opinion the social evils of disease, delinquency, crime, immorality, ignorance and shift- lessness are by-products of poverty which are costly not only to the poor but to society as a whole. We believe every effort must be made to lessen these causes of tile social unrest which now plague the country. Because one of the principle interests of the Association throughout its his- tory has been the advancement of education we are interested in Mrs. Green's proposal. HR 11586. to amend the Economic Opportunity Act to provide greater flexibility to the college work-study program by permitting an averaging of work hours over the semester (or quarter) and through maintaining contributions from the colleges at a low percentile level. From our experience we believe many smaller institutions and Junior Colleges would be fOrced to cut back their participation in this work-study program if the colleges share of the cost of this program is increased to the 25% called for by the present schedule. We again thank you for the privilege of presenting our opinions to this Committee. Dr. VICTORIA SCHUCK. Chairman, Legis7ativc Prooram Committee. Dr. LOIS ROTH, Area Representative, Education Legislative Program Committee. PAGENO="0090" 3742 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF~. .19 67 STATEMENT BY JOSEPH F. PRELOZNIK, DIRECTOR, WISCONSIN JIJDICARE PROGRAM On June 1, 1967, Wisconsin Judicare was one year old. In the short period that Judicare has been in operation, many facts have been learned about legal services to the poor. Twenty-six counties in northern Wisconsin were chosen to begin the Judicare program. This area of over 24,000 square miles has been an, area of progressive economic depression since the decline of the lumber and mining industries. Approximately 150,000 of the almost one-half million population living in this area exist on poverty standards. As is true with traditional legal aid, the right to legal assistance through Judicare is based on a means test adopted by the Judilcare Board-a board made up of representatives who either qualify for benefits under the program or are intimately familiar with the needs of the people served by the program. Each person who qualifies for benefits under Judicare receives a Judicare identifica- tion card upon application, which may be taken to any attorney in the county or an adjoining county. The Judicare client has a free choice of attorney, the same as does a paying client. Through free choice, Judicare does make available to the client, first-rate legal services. Legal services for which other assistance is already available are excluded, as well as those matters which are capable of generating their own fee. As of July 26 of this year, 2,688 persons have applied for legal services through Judicare. Two hundred seventy-two attorneys have already reported 1,448 con- ferences with clients, and 706 cases have been completed. The average cost per case has been between $75 and $80, despite the fact that 49 percent of the cases completed and paid were involved in litigation. Had the attorneys been paid on an hourly basis at the minimum bar fee schedule, their legal fees would have been $250,000 rather than the $50,000 that has been paid thus far. Attorneys accepting clients under Judicare agree in advance to work for a percentage of their normal fee with the balance `as their contribution to the program. No attorney under Judicare is paid more than $3,000 in any one year, and he agrees that the maximum he will be paid under any one case will be $300. A look at the cost of the purely administrative functions of Judicare indicates that it is less than 10 percent of the total budget, and that the program could be extended to many other counties without additional administrative cost. This has been demonstrated by the expansion of Judicare to all of the state correctional in- stitutions without additional appropriations. (As of July 26, 234 inmates have ap- plied for legal assistance and 226 conferences have been held; 105 attorneys have participated and 135 cases in the institutions have been completed.) Most of the administrative budget of Judicare is for research, community edu- cation, attorney education, legislation, and other related matters. While these services are worthwhile to fulfill the broad needs of the program. They are not necessary for the service portion of the program and should not be considered as true administrative costs. This cost should also be excluded if a comparison of the cost of the neighbor- hood law office and the Judicare operation is to be meaningful. For example, in Milwaukee, the legal aid society has the services of Marquette University for research and educational purposes and the Office of Economic Opportunity has funded the Marquette program in the sum of $156,536 for this effort. The education, research and reform efforts `of the Judicare office have ranged from special legislation drafted and introduced at the request of Wisconsin Judi- care to several appeals to the Wisconsin Supreme Court. The Judicare program has also conducted 19 research projects in the first year and distributed the re- sults of these efforts to the attorneys through the monthly newsletter. To supplement the 33 education conference and seminars held throughout the Judicare area, an informational program called Judicare Alert was developed. Forty-two low income persons were used in this program to contact persons eli- gible for Judicare services in all 26 counties in northern Wisconsin During the first month of the Alert program, the number of persons seeking legal assistance through Judicare was increased by 163 percent. Judicare in its first year has provided a wide range of legal representation in- cluding: real estate, juvenile matters, domestic relations, aspects of consumer protection, simple contracts, disputes with state, county, and city agencies, de- fens'e in auto accident cases, legislation, as well as a request to the attorney gen- eral of Wisconsin for a formal opinion in the matter involving the ten Indian tribes in Wisconsin PAGENO="0091" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3743 The wide range of services provided by Judicare demonstrates the substantial need for legal assistance as well as the ability of private counsel to meet this fleed. THE DETROIT EDISON Co., Detroit, Miel&., August 25, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, House Edncation and Labor Committee, Rayburn House Office Bnild- ing, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am writing to you of my deep concern for the Economic Opportunity Act of 1967 and related appropriation requests now being considered in the Congress. It has been my valued privilege to have served for the past two years as Chair- man of the Business Leadership Advisory Council for the Office of Economic Opportunity. This group of key executives of many leading corporations from all sections of the United States consults with and advises the Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity, Sargent Shriver, and participates actively in the plan- ning and evaluation of the programs of that office. As business and community leaders deeply concerned with the causes and effects of poverty in our society and as citizens who have been privileged to assist those directly responsible for the work of O.E.O., we know full well of the many problems which must ~e faced and overcome if meaningful progress is to be made. I and other members of the Council have personally visited and seen firsthand the work of many of the organizations and establishments associated with the endeavors of the Office of Economic Opportunity. Our approval of the beginning which has been made and our confidence in the organization and the leadership to which this great task has been assigned is well expressed in a resolution adopted at our recent meeting on May 10 in Wash- ington, D.C., at which time we also met with President Johnson to tell him of our support for the Poverty Program. Introduced ~y Mr. B. H. Carter, President of the Fostoria Corporation, the following resolution had the unanimous support of Council members. "Whereas, the Business Leadership Advisory Council, which includes members of both political parties, reaffirms its support for the programs of the Office of Economic Opportunity, which the Council believes are being effectively administered in the interests of our country, and, "Whereas, the Council believes that the success of the O.E.O. programs has been made possible by its organization as a central command post in the War on Poverty which enables it to coordinate a broad spectrum of programs that represent many needs and touch many age levels with strong thrust of purpose, be it "Resolved, That the Council be on record that it believes the Office of Economic Opportunity should remain as presently structured, retaining the overall administrative responsibility of the scope of the entire Poverty Pro- gram, and that dispersal of its programs with divided respons~bility would seriously deter the impact of the total campaign that is now the charge and responsibility of the Office of Economic Opportunity." This position has been further endorsed by a number of chief executives of major corporations in a statement which will appear in the September Nation's Business. A reprint is enclosed for your information. As with all `citizens, I have been deeply concerned with recent unfortunate events in many of our cities, including my own `City of Detroit. Many of our *Detroit Edison employes were closely involved in maintaining and restoring serv- ice in the riot areas, with support and protection of civil and military personnel. I have personnally gone into these areas and have talked with many who are involved at all levels of our community. As a member of the Mayor's "New Detroit" Committee, I have a deep and continuing concern for those endeavors which will contribute to the well-being of our people `and our community. It has been a significant part of my daily life. During `the riots `and following, I find only good work being done `by those involved in programs here `developed and supported by the `Office of Economic Opportunity. Many are working actively to contain the disorder and `to keep others from participating. `Considering the short time these programs have been under way, I believe the present and potential benefits `are clearly evident. This good work must be continued and strengthened if we are to resolve the crucial matters facing us today. Time cannot be `lost. PAGENO="0092" 3744 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMEN;DME7~TTS OF 19 67 The recommendations made to the Congress by the Administration redefine and strengthen those areas of the War on Poverty which experience `has proven most effective. It merits your full support and I commend it to you most highly. With `all good wishes. `Sincerely, WALKER CI5LER, Chairman of the Board. OFFICE OF NAVAJO Ecoxo~iio OPPORTUNITY, Fort Defiance, Ariz., An gust 23, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House of Representatives, Education and Labor, Washington, D.C. Sin: Recently, the Navajo Indian people received bad news. Funding of oiw CAP Program was to `be cut `back, not because the extreme poverty on the Reser- vation did not warrant full funding, not `because we were not doing a good job. We are to be deprived of our desperately needed share because of otber peoples' riots in Detroit `and elsewhere. A cut in funds to the Office of Navajo Economic Opportunity at this time means not only a `terrible disappointment, but a set `back in the first real economic and educational progress the `Navajo people have made since historic times. Programs created and implemented here under the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 constituted not simply a program but a whole new era for the Navajo Indians. For over 100 years these people were subjected to programs `and educa- tional systems imposed upon them by "experts" ignorant of their needs, their ways, `and deaf to their pleas. Now, the new concept of the Office of Economic Opportunity has given these people their first chance to lift up their heads in pride, the pride that comes `of being self-sufficient, the pride that comes of being considered a man equal to `all men, in being `able to voice `his own needs, use his own judgment, cope with his problems himself. The Navajo people are deeply appreciative of this. From the grass roots people came recommendations and requests that results in the creation of eleven programs in less than two years. These attack poverty in areas from preschool education to alcoholism treatment. The beneficiaries range from a month old baby to a 100-year-old man. This impact of the ONEO Pro- grams have been felt by at least 50,000 people, but with a Navajo population of 120,000 and 25,000 square miles to cover, we must not stop now. Our Home Improvement Training Program trains close to 1,000 men every 3 months in home building skills, thus giving these unskilled men their first chance to become employable. Already 100 have been placed in jobs. Because the trainees build as they learn, this has resulted in new and repaided houses for over 6,000 persons who formerly lived in conditions unfit for habitation. Our Small Business Development Center through assisting in establishing and expanding small business on the Reservation created 128 new jobs and lifted 366 persons out of poverty. Heacistart needs no explanation, yet if it is so important in urban and other rural areas, it is far more important among the Navajo people where perhaps 80% of the children begin school with rio knowledge of the English language. Over 3,000 Navajo children were given a head-start in life through our Pre- School Program. The Local Community Development Program has penetrated even the most remote community. It has taught people to identify their problems and make their own plans for mutual self-help. As a result some communities have brought in electric power for the first time, have developed a good w-ater supply even in this semi-desert, and have brought progress and improvement through their own initiative. Our Alcoholism Treatment Program strikes at the heart of a serious cause of poverty. The program rehabilitates men who are not only destroying them- selves but the lives of their wives and children. This September, 100% of the school drop-outs enrolled in our Neighborhood Youth Corps Program will return to school as a result of the counseling, guid- ance, part-time work and vocational exposure offered by the Program. The list of programs goes on: Migrant Workers Assistance, Legal Aid, Arts and Crafts, Navajo Culture Center, Volunteers in Service to America; each program creating a chance for a better life giving new hope. The old Navajos PAGENO="0093" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3745 have their own name for ONEO, in Navajo. Translated, it means, "The Giving of a New Life to the People." There is one, and only one reaction among the Navajos to OEO for giving them this "New Life." We are grateful, we deeply appreciate the opportunities it has made possible. We cannot therefore understand why we must be penalized for the hostile acts of other people. We believe the Indian people should have a separate funding in OEO. We believe they should not be made to suffer the consequences of the resentments and violence of some people in far-away urban centers. The Indians do not condone their aggression; they are not participants to their acts; Indians are thankful for this era of new hope for them. This hope should not be jeopardized; it should not be destroyed. Indian programs should not be curtailed. Indian CAP funds must not be cut back. We call upon you to help expedite and continue adequate funding to the Office of Navajo Economic Opportunity so that all the work, and all the progress, and all the new-born dreams of our people will not have been in vain. Very truly yours, PETER MACDONALD, Ea,ecutive Director, Office of Navajo Economic Opportunity. KNIGHT & GLADIEUX, MANAGEMENT CONSULTANTS, New York, N.Y., July 28,1967. ~Oongressman O~L D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: Your telegram of July 21st requesting my views concerning amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act poses an exceedingly difficult and urgent issue, the resolution of which may be of central importance to the future viability of the program. The issue of whether more effective ad- ministration will be produced by abandoning the QEO as a leadership entity and dispersing its functions among HEW, Labor and other existing agencies is highly complex and not susceptible of facile decision. Nevertheless, a firm decision is critical at this time in order that the program may advance with confidence and dispatch. The question of optimum structural arrangements for the antipoverty program has been a matter of interest and observation on my part since enactment of the original legislation. I know the agencies involved and am close friends of many of the principal Federal officials concerned. However, most of my insights arise from associations with voluntary private agencies which are participating in the program. First of all, I am a member of the Board of Directors of the National Social Welfare Assembly, which played an active role in support of the original anti-poverty legislation and which maintains a continuing review of its policies and progress. Also, I was an incorporator and am still a member of the Board of Directors of Training Resources for Youth Incorporated, which is ad- ministering a vocational training and educational program for dropout youths in the Bedford-Stuyvesant area of New York City under a $4.5 million grant financed by OEO, HEW and the Department of Labor. Finally, I am a Vice Presi- dent of the YMCA of Greater New York, which participates in a number of OEO programs as a voluntary agency. All these associations have afforded me an appreciation of the need as well as the complexities of current efforts to reduce poverty. There is no absolute or unequivocal solution to *the problem of anti-poverty organization. Nevertheless, on balance, `after careful consideration of the alterna- tives, I come to the conviction that it would be a mistake to eliminate OEO' as the coordinating and directing center of this great effort. Let me say quickly that in the opinion of many qualified observers OEO has not been a model of administra- tive efficiency. OEO has lacked some of the conventional organizational and management practices which are the hallmark of a well-run agency, even `though there has been evidence of tangible improvement in recent months. Furthermore, OEO has not always been effective in its coordinative role partly at least because of jurisdictional obstacles inherent in the huge Federal establishment. More important, however, is the fact that OEO attacked the problems of launching a massive program with vigor and imagination and must `be given full credit for :resourcefulness and a capacity for dramatizing this crucial effort. PAGENO="0094" 3746 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 In my judgment, there is clear and manifest need for a central planning, coordinating and energizing force in this necessarily diffuse program; and this to me is the overriding concern in reaching a decision as to the feasibility of complete operational dispersion. OEO now lends thrust, drive, focus and a point of overall surveillance to the program. Without such, the anti-poverty program would be in danger of dilution, fragmentation and wasteful competition for funds and clientele participation. The fact that OEO does not have and cannot be accorded binding directive' powers vis-'a-vis the full spectrum of Federal policies and programs affecting' poverty in no way lessens the requirement for an independent arm of the Exec- utive Branch which is actively involved in a leadership role. It may well have to exercise `its formal coordinating authorities with pragmatic restraint and discrimination. But I am confident this will produce a better overall result than the tenuous and detached role of the proposed Council of Economic Oppor- tunity Advisers contemplated by HR. 10682. Thus, as long as it is national policy to give special emphasis to this critical purpose, so long will it be neces- sary to have `a strong central catalyst where needs, funds and programs are given an `overall perspective and where there is broad capacity to innovate. evaluate, monitor, and, when necessary, administer. Furthermore, in addition to these administrative considerations', I fear the elimination of OEO would be regarded by the country generally and by the disad- vantaged particularly as a manifestation of waning interest and threatened program reduction. OEO has legitimately and effectively served as the principal voice of the poor in the councils of government. Thus, a strong 0110 is essential not only for reasons of concentrated emphasis toward a dis'crete objective but' is also highly useful as the visible symbol `of a great national uplift effort. While I have no reservations concerning the essentiality of 0110 in the imme-- diate years ahead (time may well change this), it is an open question as; to how far 0110 should be operational in the s'ense that it conducts some programs through its own facilities and resources. It can be argued that such a center should n'ot place itself in a competitive posture vis-a-vis other agencies; and' other programs, but should be cast primarily in the transcendent role of planning. policy, and exercising surveillance over the. `total effort. In my judgment, pro-~ grams should be periodically spun off from 0110 following a period of precedent operation and delegated to suitable executive agencies for administration. But such delegation or as'signment of functions and programs should be essen- tially in the discretion of OEO as to timing and extent and should `be subject to it's continuing oversight to as'sure conformity with basic anti-poverty policies. and emphases. I am specifically opposed to the mandated assignments stipulated in the substitute bill sponsored by Congressmen Quie, Goodell and others. In summary, the interaction and inherent substantive `relationship between all' components of the anti-poverty program make a central focus operating within the framework `of the Executive Office `of the President a prerequisite of good' administration by bringing unity and `coherence to the nation's strategy against- poverty. I, therefore, urge that OEO be retained essentially in its current status~ under legislative amendments now being considered. Sincerely yours, BERNARD L. GLADIEUx, General Partner. AuGusT 14, 1~67~ Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Rep~lesentatives, Washington, D.C.: In response to your telegram of August 2, I have reviewed the comparative- study of the current OEO operation and the proposed Opportunity Crusade. In addition I have spent considerable time with key members of the 0110 in Wash- ington and I have visited the Bo'ston-Roxbuiy area `seeing condition's at `firsthand and talking to some of t'he people trying to deal with tho'se `conditions. With this background I con'si'dered the problem in terms of (1) performance and re- sults of OEO work to date, (2) a current condition within the 0110 and con-. temporary achievement, (3) the capacity of the OEO to expand and meet the growing demands of the future. I `believe that the `OEO, although it lacked ade- quate time for good planning. has `done very well. `Currently despite the problems of overlap with other agencies, indoctrinating and training of new staff members, PAGENO="0095" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3747 it is doing very well. It is highly motivated and recognizes the tremendous thai- lenges that face it in the future. I believe that it has the capacity to grow with the demands that will be made upon it and it has learned a great deal that will be applicable to the problems of the future. In view of this I find it difficult to see any just reason for now breaking up the OEO and placing fragments of it with various departments of the executive branch of the government. I can see little in the way of advantage in such course of action and many disadvantages. My recommendation therefor is that it be continued. I find that there is some widespread misunderttanding about the problem of the OEO since by definition it would appear to be a policing or regulatory agency where in fact it is an opera- tional agency. It seems to me that the head of it, or the chairman of the eco- nomic opportunity council, should have executive authority to manage the affairs of the OEO. Above all it needs authority to manage resources, and time for planning. With these it will perform well. The definition of the authority of the head of it should be clear both in terms of his relationship within the execu- tive branch and in terms of his `responsibilities. With the clarification of this role, I think that we may confidently go ahead with OEO in its present form and I would strongly recommend that we do so. JAMRS M. GAVIN, Chairman, ARTHUR D. LITTLE, INC. HARVARD UNIvERSITY, JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT, Cambridge, Mass., July 27, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Education and Labor Committee, House of Representatives, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: I am writing in reply to your telegram of July 24, asking my opinion regarding the proposal to transfer `the activities of the Office of Eco- nomic Opportunity to the several Executive departments with related functions. For `the typical governmental activities, the arguments against having operat- ing programs in the Executive Office of the President, and in favor of assigning programs to the permanent departments, are of course valid. On the other han'd, I believe that programs of an emergency nature may from time to time require administrative arrangements that provide for more initia- tive and flexible executive direction than~ can be provided by the regularly established personnel an'd procedures. Some of the programs d'uring the De- pression period an'd the Second World War were cases in point. It seems to me that the current situation, as the events in some of our major cities during the past few weeks suggest, similarly `requires exceptional treatment. While I do not pretend to `have studied this particular administrative problem closely, an'd hence cannot exprOs~s a detailed professional opinion on it, I `have followed it generally and with great interest. If I were a member of Congress, I would, under the present circumstances, vote `to extend and `strengthen the role of the OEO, and oppose any move to abolish it or curtail it `functions. Yours sincerely, DON K. PRIOR, Dean. SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY, THE MAXWELL SCHOOL OF CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS, syracuse, ~ July 28, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: This letter is in response to your telegram of July 21, 1967, on the subject of the appropriate administrative arrangements in the Executive Branch for the Anti-Poverty Programs. I wish it were possible to set forth a series of inunutable principles of public administration which could govern specific organizational dilemmas of the kind which you have posed. Alas, there are none. Like law, public administration is redolent with conflicting precedents and precepts. Traditional academic defini- tions of terms like "staff," "line," "span of control," "coordination," `hierarchy," "unity of command," are inherently ambiguous. Their utility is deeply contextual. Their application to a given situation is inevitably conditioned by prior assump- PAGENO="0096" 3748 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 tions of purposes to be served, of existing political and administrative reality, and of the probable consequences of changing what presently exists. Those who would scotch OEO on the grounds that it violates principles of good administration are as guilty of rationalization and speciousness as those who would defend it on the grounds of a priori administrative principles. Each side may think it is talking about principles of administration. In reality it is talking politics, even though administrative consequences are involved. My strong preference would be to leave OEO where it is-at least for the time being. My judgment stems from the assumption that the reason OEO was placed initially in the Executive office of the President was that that is where the Pres- ident and the Congress believed it belonged. My hunch is that their appraisal of reality in 1964 was something as follows: (1) Federal anti-poverty programs have been around in one form or an- other at least since the New Deal. They are lodged in a score of federal departments and agencies, notably HEW, HUD, Labor, Agriculture, Com- merce, and Interior. (2) These programs have been fragmented, and whatever their segmental successes, they have failed to accomplish the basic goal of abolishing intrac- table pockets of poverty in the United States. (3) It is almost impossible for one line department or agency to accept direction and coordination by another line department or agency at the same level of command. (4) Coordination of programs across departmental lines by informal or formal interagency committees is cumbersome at best, and, where long- standing and deep programmatic commitments exist within participating agencies, interagency committees often manufacture and exacerbate rather than temper and de-fuse administrative tensions. (5) A total "war on poverty" needs a top staff which can operate through many traditional or stepped up programs in existing departments and agencies, but which can relate these several activities to an overarching objective. (6) Such a top staff, for reasons suggested in (3) and (4) above, cannot function effectively within an existing department or agency, nor can it develop a meaningful role as a new agency at simply an equivalent hier- archial leveL (7) On the organization chart of the Executive branch, the only box above Departments and Agencies and below the President is the Executive Office of the President-a congeries of staff offices and assistants. (8) But assigning OEO to EOP with a staff function only would be tantamount to making an already overburdened President the only effective line officer for the Anti-Poverty Program as a whole. (9) Giving OEO line responsibility of its own, and additional funding responsibilities for programs carried out through traditional departments and agencies, is the only way to insure OEO sufficient status and power to give it a chance of success in the implementation and coordination of an over all anti-poverty strategy. (.10) Therefore, the principle of using EOP for Presidential staff func- tions only will in this case be violated in the interest of achieving an over- arching goal in a field dominated by traditional, complex, multi-departmental jurisdictions and vested interests. If these were in fact the considerations which led the President and the congress to establish OEO in the Executive Office of the President, I see nothing in the present or in the immediate future to suggest that this initial reasoning was wrong or that its subsequent effects should be rescinded. The conditions operating in 1964 are still with us. To redistribute OEO functions to old line department and agencies would be to cure diseases of the extremities by looping off the head. This makes no sense to me. If anything, OEO needs more power rather than less. The problems of inter-departmental program coordination are real and they are difficult. But surely they are not solved by reducing or abolishing the only instruments of central perspective and influence which the Executive Branch possesses. It is possible that a first rate study and analysis of the Executive Office of the President is needed, and that the name, title, and functions of OEO should be adjusted to conform to a new pattern of administrative organization within EOP. . (Why, fOr example, should the Office of the Secretary of Defense be so much better equipped with staff and with cross-cutting Assistant Secretaries than the Executive Office of the President of the United States?) But to abolish PAGENO="0097" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3749 OEO and to scatter its functions among cabinet departments and independent agencies would be to turn the "war on poverty" into a series of unrelated and potentially chaotic skirmishes. The administrative diseases of the modern nation-states are not cured by a reversion to feudalism. Thrust and creativity and energy are not promoted by assigning new and bold tasks to already pre- occupied officials in traditional agencies. Coordinating the Great Society programs is a troublesome problem. I would only argue that it is not to be accomplished by dismantling the few coordinating and innovating mechanisms which presently exist. I cannot refrain from one postscript. This letter is being written after a week of ghetto riots throughout the nation. Rioting is simply one of the ugly faces of poverty and discrimination. Some Congressmen seem satisfied with cries for law and order. But law and order are the effects as well as the causes of domestic tranquility. There are four basic cures for urban riots: environmental decency, education, employment, and the dignity that comes from a sense of at least a minimum income combined with a sense of equal rights and equal opportunity. As I understand it, the administration's anti-poverty and compensatory edu- cation programs are aimed at most of these basic issues. I am convinced that the nation needs to do more-especially in guaranteeing a minimum income paid without the indignity of welfare investigations. But it seems to me ironical in the extreme that Congress should be considering the administrative dismantling of OEO at this particular moment of national pathology. With warm personal regards. Sincerely, STEPHEN K. BAILEr, Dean, and President, American. Society for Public Administration. THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION, Washington, D.C., July 31, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education, and Labor, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. D1r~aR MR. CHAIRMAN: I have your telegram requesting my views on the ques- tion of whether the Office of Economic Opportunity should be continued as an independent agency to direct the nation's strategy against poverty. The proposed alternative, as you point out, is to dissolve OEO and distribute its programs on a functional basis to existing Cabinet departments. In my judgment, the dissolution of OEO at this stage in the war against poverty would seriously weaken the effectiveness of the program. It would do so, in my opinion,for the following reasons: (1) OEO has a clearly-defined mission and a. single purpose-to help the poor acquire the capability to rise out of poverty. The Executive Departments, on the other hand, pursue many goals through a multiplicity of programs. In the absence of a central poverty agency to protect and assert the high priority which the nation clearly wishes to accord to the attack on poverty, there is serious danger that the thrust of the individual anti-poverty programs administered `by the Executive Departments may become diffused and weakened through accommoda- tion to other agency objectives. While the Executive Departments have made commendable progress in. reorienting their efforts to serve the needs of the sub- merged poor, it is far from certain that the momentum built up in the last three years could be sustained without the oversight and leadership of OEO. (2) The present mix of programs which make up the attack on poverty is far from settled. Programs which prove to `be ineffective should be phased out; other efforts which show high promise should be expanded; and new experimental efforts should be devised to fill gaps in the program as they are identified. OEO has shown that it is capable of this kind of innovation and adaptation. In my judgment, the content of the attack on poverty is more likely to evolve toward greater effectiveness if the central responsibility continued during the formative stages of the program to be lodged in an independent agency which is committed to the eradication of the causes of poverty but which is neutral as among the various functional categories of programs. (3) A new agency established in a climate of national urgency tends to attract a staff which is characterized by freshness, vigor, imagination-and amateurism in bureaucratic matters. OEO is no exception. These qualities produced the ad- 80-084-67-pt. 5-7 PAGENO="0098" 3750 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ministrative untidiness which marked the first years of OEO's existence (though there is encouraging evidence that these problems are being steadily corrected). These same qualities, however, are responsible for the strengths of OEO-its resolute determination to carry forward the attack on poverty and its flexible and inventive approach to policies and programs. The driving spirit of OEO is a source of strength which the poverty program can ill afford to lose. (4) Though the proposal to abolish OEO is not intended to weaken the poverty program, `the act of dissolution would be seen by the poor-and by others as well-as having just this purpose. To many people, the existence of OEO is symbolic of the government's good faith in seeking to eradicate the causes of poverty. To abolish such a symbol would risk the most disturbing consequences. For these reasons, I believe that the proposal to dissolve OEO is unwise. These are `my personal views, and they are not necessarily shared by the Trus- tees, other officers, or staff members of the Brookings Institution. Sincerely yours, KERMIT GORDON, President. GRADUATE SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.' UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH, Pittsburgh, Pa., August 2, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. S ` MY DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am pleased to have the opportunity to re- spond to your telegram of July 21 relating to the issues faced by the Committee on Education and Labor in respect to the Economic Opportunity Act and pro- posed amendments thereto. The following observations are not based on any de- tailed study of the current administration of the Economic Opportunity Act, but rather upon some acquaintanceship with the field and with some of the adminis- trative problems encountered in the administration of' the poverty program, and especially upon experience as an administrative management consultant in deal- ing with comparable problems encountered in government programs before and during World War II, and in more recent years. Whenever the government launches' upon an important new endeavor, th~e question always arises as to whether it can be best administered by an existing Government agency or whether a new agency should be established. Obviously in the long run, compatible functions usually need to be grouped together in indi- vidual departments and agencies. The number of separate departments and agen- cies of the government is formidable. Because of the complexities of the U.S. Government, it is not possible to reduce the number to an easily manageable number, as your committee well knows, there are many difficulties in eliminat- ing particular agencies by consolidation with other existing agencies. Beyond this issue of administrative structure,, there is the more significant ques- tion as `to whether a new and complex function or group of functions to meet a critical national need can be as effectively planned, organized, and implemented in an established department or departments as in a new agency. Conclusions in respect to such issues need to be based upon intensive administrative planning and study. In some cases I have recommended consolidation and in other instances a new agency. During my years of work on government reorganization problems, I have learned that effective administration does not come easily and `that the benefits of reorganization and readjustment are not always realized. The,transfer or con- solidation of `functions often creates so much imcertainty, confusion, `and disruption that several years may he required before the benefits of what other- wise is a meritorious plan may be realized. I cannot answer the specific question you proposed as to whether our national effort to cope with poverty can be carried out best through a separate, independent agency or whether it would be preferable `to dissolve the OEO and to distribute its programs to existing cabinet, departments. One could not arrive at a reliable conclusion on this issue without intensive study and an assessment of the conse- quences of `alternative possibilities. Fortunately, your Committee does not face the need of resolving this question overnight, because you are not dealing with legislation to establish a program de novo'. There is in existence the, Office of Economic Opportunity which, under' PAGENO="0099" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3751 present legislation, is responsible for carrying out a comprehensive program very similar to that proposed in HR. 19082. As I read the proposed Opportunity Cru- sade Act of 1967 and compare it with H.R. 8311, the principal differences appear to be questions of organization and administration. Many pros and cons can be developed in favor of the alternate organization arrangements. However, if I were a member of your Committee I would not wish in the limited time that appears available to endeavor to resolve such a difficult and complex issue. Moreover, I would hesitate a long time, regardless of the merit of any new administrative formulation, in taking action that would require the dismemberment of an existing agency and the transfer of its func- tions to other agencies. If this were done precipitously without a long lead time of study, careful scheduling of what is to happen with each function, preparatory work in the departments to which functions are transferred, and opportunity to explain the proposed changes to present employees of the OEO, and to state and local governments, the poverty effort of the Government coud be severely disrupted and the goals in the poverty program thwarted. Thus my main sug- gestion is that our "national strategy against poverty" should avoid precipitous action, as that would inevitably impair the program during the immediate months ahead. The problems the program encounters are already staggering. We in the School focus a great deal of our efforts upon problems of urbaniza- tion and on education, research, and advisory services to create adequate local, state, and federal administrative capability to cope with urban problems. Pov- erty is one of the major fields. We thus see the administrative aspects from the context of the local community. Administrative shortcomings of the states, on the one hand, and frequent shifts in programs and administration at the federal level, on the other, are bewildering and disruptive. Premature action in connec- tion with this year's legislation could have very serious administrative con- sequences. I am not endeavoring to defend the administration of OEO, because I am in no position to speak for or against that, but only to suggest that no steps be taken by the Congress which will add further confusion to a most diffi- cult and important field of national concern. Three major administrative obstacleshave stood in the way of initiating and carrying out the Economic Opportunity Act. First, is the lack of experience in the United States in carrying on functions of this kind. Inevitably, when a gov- ernment undertakes a new and complex field of operations, its efforts will be beset by numerous administrative difficulties and inadequaëies. In this case, the OEO suffered from the fact that the federal government had not previously faced its responsibility to guide the growth of urbanization and to help cope with prob- lems of poverty and maladjustment accompanying rapid economic and social change. Over the years problems of local governments were assumed to be en- tirely state and local concerns, and as a result our federal agencies and per- sonnel were, and still are for the most part, inexperienced and uninformed in respect to the enormous and changing problems of our cities. A second obstacle is the antiquated character of most state governments, the slowness of state constitutional and administrative modernization, and the con- tinuation by the states of systems of local government that for the most part were copied after 18th century rural England. In this connection two policy statements issued by the Committe for Economic Development-one on Mod- ernizing Local Government and the second which has just been issued on Mod- ernizing State Government-are most relevant to the deliberations of your Committee. A third major obstacle to efficient administration of the poverty efforts of the government is the acute lack of administrative, professional, and technical per- sonnel. The universities have not produced over the past twenty-five years per- sons prepared to deal with economic opportunity functions. In other cases when the federal government has faced a major challenge, as in agriculture, space exploration, public health, and defense, one of the first steps has been to create the essential educational and research underpinning. A major thrust in a new field cannot be made without enlisting the universities to prepare the personnel and to develop the knowledge and technologies to cope with the problem. The federal government has not worked with the universities to develop personnel to deal with poverty and other community development and urban service func- tions. Thus federal, state, and local agencies assigned functions in this complex field have had no reservoir of trained and experienced persons upon which to draw. Imaginative steps must be taken to overcome this difficulty, because the problem will face the country for years to come. PAGENO="0100" 3752 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDME.N~TS OF 1 967 In conclusion, it is my view that proposals to abolish OEO and to transfer its functions to existing agencies without a solid period of planning and prepara- tion would not remedy-at least in the near future-the difficulties which the programs have encountered, but in all probability would make the situation worse. Rather, I would recommend (1) the encouragement of OEO to use the best administrative management resources it can find to assist in improving the orga- nization, management, and procedures of the agency; (2) initiation through the Bureau of the Budget or otherwise of studies of the kind of administration and organization that would be most effective in carrying out the poverty pro- gram; (3) encouragement of measures to foster the modernization of state and local government; and (4) enactment of legislation which would enlist the uni- versities in the preparation of the necessary personnel to adniinister Economic Opportunity and other community development and modernization efforts. I hope these observations are useful to you and your Committee. I should be very glad to amplify them or to discuss any particular aspects that you might request. With all good wishes in your endeavors. Sincerely yours, DONALD C. STONE, Dean. STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, Concord, N.H., August 4, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am pleased with the performance of Economic Opportunity Programs in New Hampshire. The results from Head Start pro- grams in New Hampshire over these last two years is concrete testimony to this office that the people who exist on low incomes are more than passively in- terested in their future and the future of their children. The VISTA Program in New Hampshire is held in high regard throughout the rural communities of New Hampshire. I have met with many of the VISTAs and I have heard from many sources of their unselfish contributions to the peo- ple of this State. We have many programs which are being successfully implemented in New Hampshire, such as legal services, referral programs, and one which to me is especially effective, the Foster Grandparent Program. The work that the elderly have carried out with the severely retarded youngsters in the Laconia State School is astounding. New Hampshire has a great need for the present programs which are now in operation. We earnestly hope the'se programs will continue and new ones will be added as O.E.O~ nationally is expanded. You have our support for these programs. Sincerely, JOHN W. KING, Governor of New Hampshire. CORCORAN, FOLEY, YOUNGMAN & ROWE, Washington, D.C., August 2, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. `DEAR MR. CONGRESSMAN: I found your telegram of July 31 on my desk today when `I returned from a brief vacation. I also found the Legislative Reference Service Report. Because of the press of business, I have not had a real opportunity to analyze the Legislative Reference Service Report carefully. `I do, however, feel the questions you have asked about the amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act are relatively simple from the point `of view of public administration. I feel the suggestion of Congressmen Qule and Goodell to `break up the Office of Economic Opportunity and place its functions in the established Departments would `be a disaster. This would substitute coordination for competent adminis- tration. In 30 years of experience and `interest in these pro'blems of public admin- PAGENO="0101" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3753 istration, I have noted that coordination, in this sense, inevitably causes more problems than it is supposed to cure. Frankly, I would go much farther the otjier way. The administrative weakness of the Office of Economic Opportunity is precisely because Mr. Shriver, the administrator, does not have enough power at present over the work in the established Departments. I can think of no way in which he could secure such. power except by pulling the functions out of the established Departments and placing them completely in the Office of Economic Opportunity. This would include budget, personnel and all the tools of policy and administrative controL Occasionally, in times of crisis, this direct measure is the only one that works effectively. An analogy you may find pertinent was the administrative decision prior to World War II to center Latin American affairs in the White House under Nelson Rockefeller instead of the State Department. Complete control was given to Mr. Rockefeller. It proved a most efficient operation. After the crisis bad passed, the functions were returned to the State Department. `If, then, the functions you describe as now in the Department of Health, Edu- cation and Welfare, the Department of Labor and the Department of Defense were transferred wholly and completely to the Office of Economic Opportunity for the next several years, the results would be far more spectacular and suc- cessful than they now are. I recognize my answer goes far beyond your question. It follows then, if you will not take the centralizing step I have suggested, that I much prefer the present administrative structure to the weak form suggested by Congressmen Quie and Goodell. I think you will find nothing in what I have said to be inconsistent with the principles enacted by the First Hoover Commission of which I was a member. I much appreciate your having asked for my opinion. Respectfully, JAMES Rowz.. JULY 26, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Coni'rnittec on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.: In re telegram of twenty-first, based upon my experience in Treasury and Health Education and Welfare Departments and local experience, I am con- vinced that the separate independent agency as now functioning can be more effective in directing national effort against poverty than to distribute functions to regular departments. Individual programs can be transferred as is already being done when experience indicates that functions can `be carried on effectively in departments. Actual experience with War Production Board and Marshall Plan clearly demonstrated the need for separate independent agency to obtain re- sult~ in a major specific project which affects many different agencies whose prime conceriis are in other fields. MARION B. FoLsoM. F05T0RIA Conp., July 26, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. M~ Dn~&n MR. PERKINS: As both a fellow citizen and a `businessman, I feel com- pelled to write you expressing my growing concern about the current House debate concerning the War on Poverty. S I personally have followed closely for some three years the formation and operation of this program. I believe it is one of the truly significant contributions of our generation to meet one of the oldest and most difficult problems that has always plagued mankind. I am gratified today to see most of the OEO's pioneering programs now show- lug both tangible results and increasing public acceptance. The question today does not seem to `be whether these programs should be continued, but rather could they not `be done `better or more economically by dispersal of the OEO func- tions to other agencies? This IS an entirely reasonable question deserving careful analysis. In this regard, the following related questions are pertinent: PAGENO="0102" 3754 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 1. WILL BETTER PLANNING AND COORDINATION RESULT? Poverty is a tremendously complex problem with many interrelated efforts required to deal with its causes. The overall planning and coordination of these many programs clearly requires a specific effort such as the OEO. 2. WILL BETTER PROGRAMS RESULT? The OEO with its singleness of purpose and sole responsibility has come up with some novel and effective approaches to reach the ca/uses of poverty-these transcend the specific areas of responsibility of the various departments. Al- though the OEO has had its shortcomings, its "batting average" has been very high on creative and worthwhile programs, particularly in view of the un- charted seas in which it is navigating. 3. WILL LOWER COSTS RESULT? In my judgment, the sense of purpose plus the management and coordination functions of the OEO are worth many times the modest administrative overhead involved. Without the overall direction provided by the OEO, the monies ex- pended by various departments, each going their own way, would result in far greater confusion, duplication, and less effective use of public funds. To me, the OEO performs the most important function of analyzing the "cost effective ness" of various potential programs and allocating the limited funds author- ized by Congress to the most promising activities. In our manufacturing business we estimate it takes three years for a new product to reach the profitable stage. Certainly a complex and pioneering pro- grain such as the War On Poverty, now showing tangible results, can be expected to take much longer to reach maximum effectiveness. It does seem likely that with the passage of years after the pioneering period is largely concluded, the function of the O'EO can be reduced or eliminated. But I must conclude that elimination of the OEO function now would he a major and likely fatal blow to our chances of succeeding in this great endeavor. My plea to you is therefore to support the continuance of the OEO for at least several more years. I do believe its activities should be constructively evaluated and modified by Congress where necessary for greater effectiveness. But to strike it down today just as it is showing real results would in my view be a tragedy to our country. I will welcome your reaction to the above thoughts. Respectfully, R. H. CARTER, Pi-esiden.t. THE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF GRO55M0NT-CAJON VALLEY, Angust 7, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, House of Representatives, TVas1~'ington, D.C. DEAR SIR: The League of Women Voters is opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity or transferring any of its major programs to other agencies. We feel that programs dealing with the problems of the poor should `be handled by one agency for more effective coordination and implementation. Many of the Community Adtion Programs in our area `are still in the beginning or planning stages and it is too soon for a true evaluation of the results `and their effect on the community. This is a time for specific evaluation wnd reform, not a time for drastic changes and cutbacks. The original intent of the program must not he weakened, and there must `be increased funds, not earmarked, to carry out these programs. `The League of Women Voters of Grossmont-Cajon Valley urges your support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 as Chairman of the Committee on Education and Labor and when the bill reaches the floor of the House. Sincerely, Mrs. OLIVER GALBRAITH III. President. PAGENO="0103" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3755 CINCINNATI, OHIO, July 26, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, House of Represent c&tives, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: Regarding the poverty program. Since several people from Cincinnati are to be heard by your committee I feel I should put in a word. I speak as a Board Member and former president of the Council of the Southern Mountains as well as the Vice President of the Com- munity Action Commission in Cincinnati. As to the need for a poverty program I think there is no doubt. I hold great hopes for the Pilot Cities neighborhood service center idea. However, I do not believe that there can be much success in any program without involving the real poor thru some type of personal contact and making them part of the society around them in a Community Action type of program. The traditional social service approach has just not reached the people at the bottom, many of whom can become a vital part of the society and economy. Unfortunately this takes a one to one, or one to a small number approach, and the one should be some one they can accept. Considering that the traditional ways have not done much in some hundreds of years I think the War on Poverty has had pretty good success in developing new ideas in a couple of years and is now ready to build on its successes. It does need some careful evaluation so that its best ideas are widely used but I think the foundation is solid. The poor are just becoming fully aware of the programs potentials for some real progress and a substantial cut now would be a cruel blow to people who don't have much hope anyway. Sincerely, STUART L. FABER. CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C., August 3, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Edueaticm and Labor Committee, Rayburn House Office Building. DEAR ME; CHAIRMAN: I have followed closely the current hearings on the 1967 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act and have noted that during these Hearings there has been some criticism that the Small Business Administration is overly bureaucratic, slow tO act, and nonresponsive to the needs of people in ghetto areas. My recent experience with the Agency leads me to quite the contrary conclusion, and I believe the Agency's action in connection with the recent social disturbances in the City of Newark, New Jersey, bears out this viewpoint. You will recall that the disturbance began on July 12, and within the next few days extensive damage had been sustained by the many small businesses in the affected area. By Sunday, July 16, Andrew P. Lynch, the SBA Regional Director in the Agency's Newark Office had met with Governor Hughes and Mayor Addonizio and representatives of their respective staffs to pledge the full as- sistance of the SBA to help those small businesses that had been adversely affected to the full extent of the Agency's statutory capabilities. By Monday, July 17, working with city and state officials, SBA opened two special offices to handle inquiries from the small business community within the area of the disturbance. The Administrator of SBA, also on Monday, `July 17, directed that very close liaison be maintained between Washington and the Newark Regional Office in order to avoid any unnecessary delays in providing assistance. By the end of the week more than 200 initial inquiries had been handled by the special offices in which the people were given~ information as to the type of assistance available, the data required, etc. In my opinion, the positive, rapid. and effective action of the SBA office in Newark does not indicate that the Agency is either bureaucratic, slow to act, or nonresponsive to local needs. `I wish, therefore, to direct this matter to your attention in order that the record may reflect Newark's recent experience with the SBA in this particular moment of need. Sincerely, ` Hon. PETER W. Ronixo,Jr. PAGENO="0104" 3756 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 REDWOOD CITY, CALIF., July 27, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS. Chairman. Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower and Poverty, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Sirt: I am writing you because I am concerned with HR. 8311. Locally I have been working with disadvantaged girls to help them improve themselves and their circumstances. Most girls are eager. to learn, and glad to accept the opport~mities offered to them. Unfortunately some are not mature enough to be helped by us at this time. I feel that the Job Corps is the opportunity available now for the boys and girls who need help.. I am aware of some arguments against the Office of Economic Opportunity being the Administrator of the special Poverty Programs, but feel that unless there is a particular agency to act, at this time, the aims `and impact of the program will be dissapated and left undone. I, therefore, urge keeping the Job Corps as the program to help disadvantaged boys and . girls, and keeping the Office of Economic Opportunity as the Ad- ministrator of the "Poverty" program. Sincerely, ELIZABETH R. MARTIN. ST. JOHN'S LUTHERAN CHURCH. Kokomo, md., July 28, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN: As a member of the House Education and Labor Com- mittee I hope that you will support the administration's proposal of $2.06 billion for the Office of Economic Opportunity. This is hardly a~ time for us to reduce funds that would assist in the war on poverty, help the poor and the oppressed, and give them courage and hope in the midst of their deep frustrations and plighted surroundings. I hope that you will make every effort to comply with the administration's request in order that our Congress and people may translate love, kindness, and compassion into justice for the poor and oppressed peoples of our land. For it seems to me, that to cut, reduce, or limit funds in our present attack on poverty would be a serious and grave mistake. Cordially, WALTER . R. DOERING, Pastor. THE TAFT SCHOOL Watertown, Conn., June 17, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, ., .. Chairman, House . Committee on~ Labor and Education, U.S. House of Repre- sentatives, Washington, D.C. Da~n MR. PERKINS: I am writing with respect to the present hearings con- ducted by the House Committee on Labor and Education on the future of the Office of Economic Opportunity. I understand that the basic issue now is whether or not the functions of OEO can be better carried out by other assisting govern- ment agencies. I must confess that I am personally innately suspicious of large government programs and the inefficiencies of bureaucratic organizations. I have had to modify my feelings, however, in the case of my own personal contact with Mr. Shriver and OEO. . As head of a private school which has been seeking ways of making a contribu- tion to the war on poverty and the educational gap of poor people, I have been enormously impressed with the efforts of Mr. Shriver. As you know, a group of private schools has formed a central agency, called ABC, to make a depth assault on the educational disadvantage of certain deprived young people. As you also ~may know, this effort has been partly, supported over the past two or three years by OEO. Two things of significance about this support: it was channeled into an already existing and demonstrably efficient program, and the faculty with which the support was received and the personal attention we got from a government `agency were nothing short of miraculous! I do hope that your committee will recommend a continuation of the separate OEO, because it is precisely that separate existence with an administrator as PAGENO="0105" ECONOMIC OPPORTtTNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3757 superior as Mr. Shriver which has persuaded me that government programs need not necessarily we wasteful, inefficient, and ineffective. Sincerely yours, JOHN C. E5TY, Jr., Headmaster. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN, New York, N.Y., July 26, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, Connnittee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Wash- ington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERK~NS: The members of the National Council of Jewish Women are actively engaged in the War on Poverty by sponsoring a variety of programs and contributing thousands of hours of volunteer service to numerous com- munity activities designed to help people help themselves. Recently we asked some of our local Sections to give us their evaluation of the poverty program. We are enclosing a report we received from the President of our Dayton, Ohio Section with the thought that the information contained in the report might be of interest to you. Any comments you may wish to make will be appreciated. Sincerely yours, Mrs. LEONARD H. WEINER, National President. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN, DAYTON SECTION, Dayton, Ohio, July 4, 1967. Mrs. OLYA MARGOLIN, National Council of Jewish Women, Washington, D.C. DEAR MRS. MARGOLIN: Forgive the handwritten text. It's the 4th of July and I am my own typewriter and secretary. Since you are pressed for time, I thought I would not delay until tomorrow. I trust my penned notes will be legible enough for you the glean the observations, comments and opinions of a worm's eye field evaluation of OEO in this southwestern part of Ohio. First let me give some background of this area, referred to regionally as Miami Valley against which OEO programs and projects were initiated and subse- quen'tly implemented. Community Characteristics: The six (6) County Community is an urban-rural complex, comprising a little less than one million population and about 2,000 square miles. The major city is Dayton, Montgomery County with a population of 250,000 in the city and 600,000 for the County. The incidence of poverty increases with the rural population although there is heavy concentration of poverty in the Negro ghetto of Dayton's inner west side. The following chart will give you an over-view of the area. All figures are approximate and stated in round numbers. County , Population Urban-rural Incidence of poverty (percent) Number of non- whites Others Montgomery Greene Darke Warren Miami Preble 600,000 150,000 50,000 70,000 80,000 40.000 Urban Rural do do do 12.2 13.0 25.7 14.4 16.6 21.6 63,000 7,000 300 1,000 1,500 200 Industry. University. Migrant. Farm. Do. Migrant. Dayton is a middle-sized industrial city, dominated by manufacturing, Na- tional Cash Register (NCR), Frigidaire, Delco and the like are the leaders. Precision instruments are a major commodity. It is also the locale for Wright- Patterson Air Force Base. Technical personnel is at a premium. The inner west side is densely populated by the Negro community. On the inner East side, there is a sizeable white Appalachian population (approximately 17%), many of PAGENO="0106" 3758 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 whom are of very low income. The North Side community is relatively in- tegrated, cosmopolitan and surprisingly stable. The South Side is bounded by the NCR industrial complex. The usual suburban exodus has also occurred here. Dayton has been the site of two "near riot" incidents in the last year. LOCAL HL~TORY: Even before the advent of EOA of 1964, and in anticipa- tion of such legislation, the local private social planning agency. Health and Welfare Planning Council (HWPC) began to organize. HWPC was responsible for Montgomery and Greene Counties and had no Miami Valley regional iclen- tification. I.t was the OEO which recommended the 6-county conduct and ad- ministration agency and it has had its problems because of this decision. There- fore SCOPE, the local OAA agency which administers the Title II CAPs n-as born of the "traditional" agencies. The problems relating and identifyina the rural needs took a longer period of time. The political scene is characterized by a strong city manager-weak mayor system. Therefore the classical problems of "big city" and local governmental involvement is almost non-existent. On the contrary, the important influences which can be made on public policy are low-keyed. Yet there is some coopera- tion. In the rural counties the impact on public policy is even less and in one county there is rank denial that poverty even e~ists. despite 1960 Census facts to the contrary. OBO Programs. There is no Title I A (Job Corps) locally. However, the Ohio Employment Service does own a Youth Opportunity Center. which among other programs recruits and screens for the Men's Job Corps. More recently it has included the Women's Job Corps. There is a very effective Women in Community Service station, serving the 6-county area, with about 50 women as volunteers. (I'm proud to have played a small part in its organization). Recruitment in the rural counties is a formidable job. Vocational placement for Job Corps returnees and graduates continues to be a major undertaking. This community has both an in-school NYC and out-of-school NYC under Title I B. The in-school program is administered by the Dayton Board of Education and the out-of-school by the Dayton Human Relations Council. Again the factor of locating jobs is arduous. Several colleges in the community, especially in Greene County have Upward Bound programs under Title I C. To my knowledge they have been effective. Under Title I D, there have been special summer em- ployment and recreational programs, now in process. Locating jobs for NYC personnel in the business and industrial community has not been fruitful. I shall skip Title TI-for later. This community has Title III programs. As shown later, the projects to serve rural migrants are under Title II. Title IV, to establish Employment and In- vestment incentives, is not operative here as the Small Business Administra- tion elsewhere. Title JT, work Experience and Training Programs is operational under the Montgomery County Department of Welfare. The Program Began in a limited way and only after some pressure was put on the Welfare Dept. It has met with some success and hopefully it will be expanded in the next fiscal year. Title VI-non-applicable locally. However, this is a crucial part of coming legislation in view of the conservativenature of Congress. From a local evalua- tion, any attempt to amend this Title. which would either eliminate or reduce or transfer the power of the Office of Economic Opportunity, would. in my judgment wreck the enormous progress made since 1964. It has been the "competitive" force and power of the local CAA which has nudged. led the way, supported, underpinned and generally enabled the public health. educa- tion, welfare and employment services to expand their horizons and services "with, to and for the poor." Without this "outside" influence working from the grass roots up whatever liberalization of law, expanding services and training coming top-side would have taken years to implement. To pare dow-n or dis- mantle the OEO National Office would be a disservice to the nation as a whole and this community in particular. From my field observation the pooi' have full confidence in OEO and sincerely believe in its philosophy and principles. To he led down the primrose path by reducing the authority of the OEO would inevitably lead to disillusionment not only of the poor but of all sectors of the community who believe in equal economic opportunity. Title T~II-is not applicable for this evaluation. Title T7III-Vista personnel has played a minor role locally. Now back to the important Title II-Community Action Program SCOPE is the local CAA and is the administrative planning, coordinating and monitoring body for the 6-County SCOPE Service Area. In the beginning, it was PAGENO="0107" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3759 heavily represented by members from Montgomery and Greene Counties (remem- ber HWPC?) More recently it has been undergoing a reorganization procedure in order to derive more equitable representation from the 6-County area. As it gains experience it has enlarged its representation from "the poor" beyond the mini- mum requirement. Distance, travel and availability were major deterrents. Unwritten policy is that SCOPE does not give direct service but sub-contracts to existing agencies and organizations for delivery of program. The local rationale for this practice (held generally by the conservative health and welfare commu- nity) is that (a) OEO is temporary (b) its primary purpose is to pump money and expand services of ewisting agencies (c) it is not to be competitive or duplica- tive (d) it must remain "objective". Other communities do not have this policy. The limitations are obvious. If no agency assumes delegate responsibility and there is not new non-profit cooperation developed, projects and programs needed go a begging. Secondly, The CAA (SCOPE) takes on a secondary position in so- cial planning and delivery of program. A third difficulty is that the "traditional" agencies with no representation of the poor on its respective Boards comply w-ith OEO regulations by developing "Advisory Committees" which do. However their committees are not policymaking and are of ten in conflict with the host agency. SCOPE proposal for Program Year B. (Sept. 1, 1967-Aug. 31, 1968) are as fol- lows: See enclosed-"News" SCOPE (CAM has had considerable difficulty with a Moving Ahead Together, Inc. (MAT) funded as a social action agency. Dayton West Side, Montgomery County, through a long history of intimidation and protest wit hoot piograin. the SCOPE Board has finally withheld support for funding for the next Program Year B. However, MAT is seeking independent funding from the Chicago Regional Office. MAT does not have the confidence of the West Side Negro community al- though it has gathered some very vocal supporters. Some projects have been completed like Medicare Alert. Others have been phased out because they represented "national" low priority. And still others have been continued with other sources of funding made available through legislation. Priorities-The entire question of priorities is a misnomer. If monies are available (and one assumes the econonmy is healthy enough to support programs to make it even healthier) then priorities and questions of "what to take first, second and so on . . ." are meaningful. However, if priorities are set up because of lack of funds then the community becomes competitive and programs w-ithin it become even more competitive with each other. The basic fact is that OEO- viz SCOPE can not be infallible and experimental at the same time. In the area of social forces where the variables are many and the characteristics of local communities differ so greatly, priorities for CAPs must be made locally and not superimposed from the top down. If on the national scene, programs ~eemn necessary let them be under separate Titles or other legislation but CAP should remain flewible and funded sufficiently to permit the innovation and experimenta- tion to meet local needs. Project EvaiuatiQn.~ By and large the local CAP programs are heavily weighted in favor of child development (Head start and Day Care Centers), next are the Neighborhood Centers, Planned Parenthood and Legal Services-all of which have high priority from the National point of view. Homemaker Service, Latch Key and Half-Way House have local high priority. All programs are administered well. The projected level of the increase in the local share to 20% presented major problems. The traditional funding agency (United Fund) beset by the normal increases in private health and w-elfare services for a growing population simply cannot absorb the future cost for what may now almost be a $2 million infusion of varied services. The task of social planaing and fundbig from the private sector has its own priorities, power struc- tures, "traditional agencies" of long duration and it seems unlikely that any reshuffling of services to meet the needs of the 1)001 is to be quickly gained. Even the partial sums necessary for the local share would be spurned. New careers While not clearly stated, inherent in all these programs is training and employ- ment of low-income personnel as community aides, clerical aides. informationa~ aides, teachers aides, homemakers, program aides and the like. If nothing more, these prOgrams have provided on-the-job training or MDTA training for employ- ment in health and welfare positions never realized before. Aside from the fact that unemployed, underemployed or public assistance recipients are now self- sufficient, the most important ingredient is that they feel they are making a con- tribution to society to help lift others out of the cycle of poverty. PAGENO="0108" 3760 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Therefore it is not only important to create "open ended" jobs which have vertical mobility as is generally associated with business and industry-but also a horizontal mobility in the non-profit health and welfare sectors. The poten- tial for employment is not only vast but an absolute necessity as the population increases but the private and public agencies are not financially able to `create" new- career positions. I foresee a time w-hen there will be housing aides, w-etfare aids and so forth. The technical and advanced training personnel will be used to coordinate, supervise and administer these new careerists. The need to define these service vocations into functional parts simply must be done: The educa- tional gap is so severe that a whole new fresh and innovative design must come to be-and OEO is taking the first steps in this direction. Conclusions: Finally CAPs must begin to define and refine its program goals. Shall it be primarily concerned with improving individual skills? (Job training) Shall it involve the poor for the purpose of increasing collective power? or Shall it be used as leverage to Produce change in existing social institutions? In many communities, like ours, all three have been used at one time or an- other. Is its purpose to compromise or to confront? Shall it stress stability or innovation? Shall it emphasize quality, or quantity? I realize I have raised more questions than conclusions. From my observations, the questions and choices revolve around funding and the expanding opportunities this will provide. Then, training, employment, strat- egy for social policy changes, education, housing, ability to negotiate, per- serverance to stay with persistent social problems, accountability and innovative program development and coordination begins to become clear and possible. Even with the rural-urban differences, centralized planning is an absolute necessity in order to stimulate change and innovate experimental programs tailored to local needs. The long-entranced public and private agencies will not easily modify, expand or give up organizational self-protection to provide broader services and programs for the poor. Programs and l)rOjects must be funded for more than year to year. The "one-shot deal" is penny-wise and pound foolish. It must be for at least 2 or 3 years to have any impact and to avoid shrinkage. The inordinate time spent in writing yearly proposals and giving detailed accountability for every paper clip is too wasteful and to me reenforces the basic mistrust of the poor. It is also unreasonable to expect that Boards and Advisory Committees populated with the poor (as it should be) will have the financial resources, know-how and capability of raising funds for the increased non-federal share in the future. Lastly, the local and national acknow-ledgement that criticism, unrest and controversy are signs of change, and change is never painless nor does it nec- essarily mean failure, must be made clear. In any experiment not all methods and goals will meet with equal success. However the ability to endure all failures and all successes creates the climate for equal opportunity for all. I am saddened however, when I realize that funding for programs are also subject to "long-hot- summer" pressures instead of cool reason and economic logic. I've been quite generous with words and I trust this will give you some ideas of the meaning the "War-on-Poverty" has had in this locale. Cordially, Mrs. SIBYL B. SILvERMAN, President, National Council of Jewish Woman, Dayton section. P.S.-I must add two "after thoughts". One is that OEO has for the first time in U.S. Social History made a "contact" with the people, especially the poor directly, which is tangibly seen, experienced and in which they participate. All previous social legislation has gone through "State plans". This unique difference has done more for national identity than any other innovation I know. It is often missed as a point of support by legislators. Secondly, and the other side of the same coin, is that for this bade, the "state technical `services" are not significant. Perhaps in other rural areas it may be-- but I find no "assistance" of importance. What `has made OEO effective was that it by-passed the State and went directly to the local community. I do see some merit in regional CAA, especially those which encompass areas having common problems. However, combining urban and rural communities has major drawbacks, unless one is willing to finance mobile units and develop technical teams for "circuit riding" in the identification and delivery of the range of services. S. B. S. PAGENO="0109" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3761 THE WILDERNESS SOCIETY, TVashinqton, D.C., July 20, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House Office Bwiiding, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: The Wilderness Society, a national non-profit conservation organization, is broadly interested in increasing public appreciation of the value of wilderneSs preservation and conservation of our natural environ- ment for the benefit of future generations. The Society is actively supporting the efforts of the Federal natural-resources management agencies to implement the Wilderness Act of 1964 and apply its protective policies on wild lands under public ownership. These agencies-partictilarly the Forest Service, the National Park Service, and the Fish and Wildlife Service-have participated with good effect in the training of youxig people in Job Corps Conservation Centers. We consider this task as having tremendous future potential in terms of influencing-for the better-attitudes of our citizens toward their natural environment. We believe that outdoor work experience in settings such as the Conservation Center camps provide is beneficial to youth, particularly to those who have grown up in urban centers without any meaningful contact with nature. From such training and experience the nation can expect to gain a nucleus of workers comparable to those who were educated in part by the Civilian Conservation Corps from 1933 to 1941. Many of the former CCC trainees are found today in managerial positions in the natural resources field. Conservationists within both agencies and citizen groups have observed a present need for a new group of such personnel, having practical, on-the-ground training in the wide variety Of skills used in the management of our parks, forests, recreation areas, and wildlife refuges. In the interest of sound wilderness man- agement we strongly urge that the woodsman skills utilizing non-motorized equipment and primitive materials be taught these men as well as the handling of bulldozers, roadbuilding machinery and the like. Recruits with such skills will be needed by the agencies which administer units of the Wilderness System, where motorized equipment is generally not permitted. The Wilderness Society considers that the provisions of HR. 8311 continuing the Job Corps Conservation Centers program are desirable and reasonable in cost, particularly in view of the long-range public benefits to be gained both from the improved health of body and mind in its participants and from the contribu- tion they can make to the preservation of our natural-area resource. Therefore The Wilderness Society joins with other national conservation or- ganizations in supporting the continuation of the Job Corps Conservation Centers program in legislation pending before your Committee. We would appreciate having this letter made a part of the hearing record. Sincerely, STEWART M. BRANDBORG, Ewecutive Director. STATEMENT BY IV. A. BOYLE, PRESIDENT, UNITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA, ON H.R. 8311 I appreciate the opportunity to appear before this Committee to present the views of the United Mine Workers of America on the work of the Office of Economic Opportunity, in general. and on H.R. 8311, in particular. For many years, representatives of the United Mine Workers of America have appeared before various committees of Congress and urged a concerted national program to eradicate poverty in our nation. We endorsed the poverty programs which preceded OEO. We favored the creation of the Office of Economic Op- portunity and we continue to support it. The reasoning for our position is simple. We do not believe that poverty can nor should exist in a nation enjoying such a high material standard of living. We view time existence of large numbers of people at or below the poverty level as a national call to action-a challenge to a nation known for its compassion for the less fortunate. ~ The poverty of many of our citizens is a waste of human talent and a denial of opportunities to a sizable number of Americans. It represents a growing cancer on our social and political structure, a situation which can result in the creation PAGENO="0110" 3762 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 067 of a large body of our people with no reason to make the society move ahead; in- deed there is among them an indifference and even a certain hostility to that progress. The tragic riots which have erupted this summer adds to the evidence supporting this belief. But, our concern is also a personal one. Many of the poverty stricken people of our nation live in the coal fields. They are former coal miners who have been idled in large part by technological change, unfair competitive practices, and governmental policies indifferent or adverse to the needs of the coal industry. Very often in our concern with the poverty stricken in the cities we as a nation forget that there are a great many more of them hidden in the hills and valleys of the coal country, as well as other parts of rural America. In any event, the desperate plight of our poor, both in coal areas and other sections of the nation, impels action of some sort by all concerned Americans. But, we did not, nor do we now look for programs which meet only immediate physical needs, such as food, clothing, shelter and medical care for the victims of poverty. What we seek for the poor is the opportunity to participate in soc- iety-to work, to contribtue and to earn their way. We believe they, like all other Americans, want to make a contribution toward society that will enable them to share in its prosperity and progress. For the reasons we hailed the formation of the Office of Economic Oppor- tunity. We looked to it to cure the causes of poverty and bring the poverty groups back into the mainstream of American life. We hoped that OEO would serve to awaken in the minds and hearts of the poor a belief that tomorrow would be a day of hope. Once this was engendered we hoped that means would be provided for all of our poor to work toward that better day. We think that this hope has been realized. OEO has been able to do this for several reasons. One. OEO has the preeminent role in the eradication of poverty. It does not have to balance several equally desirable objectives in its day-to-day allocation of funds and manpower. Two, it has a public identification with the poverty program and can draw unto itself all those forces with an interest in and resources to commit to the national objective of poverty elimination. Three, it can coordinate the efforts that have to be made at all levels and in this capacity channel those efforts that are being made into the best possible avenues. Over the years since its inception the Office of Economic Opportunity has made significant gains. It has also made mistakes, but this is not unusual in or out of government. It has suffered reverses and has been tainted with bad judg- ment of some of those who have worked there. This is also not unusual. To try to condemn the agency because of mistakes would be similar to abolishing the Army because generals sometimes exercise poor judgment. Rather, we would suggest that OEO is in its infancy and that its major challenge lies ahead. We say this because of our assessment of the problems ahead. Even in America today there are over 30 million men, women and children living in poverty. These people are likely to fall even further into poverty as the nation progresses. In 1066, the total unemployment rate was 3.8%. The rate among non-white was 7.3%; among white males 18-19 years old, 8.0%; and among non-white males of the same age, 20.5%. But, unemployment figures do not tell the whole story. The median family income in ~965 was $6,882 in the nation. Yet, in that same year, 8 million families, or 16.5% of all U.S. families, had incomes of less than $3,000. To fully understand the impact of poverty, however, we would suggest a visit to some of the poverty stricken areas in the United States. 1)0th in rural and urban sections. Such a visit will quite graphically illustrate the very real tragedy that poverty connotes for our society. Finally, perhaps the most distressing figure of all is that almost 30% of our youth do not finish high school. Think of this! Think of the constantly dimin- ishing opportunities that will be open to these young people. Think of the life of poverty and want that will face them-poverty and want made all the more ~difficult to bear as they watch their more fortunate countrymen enter into a new era of prosperity. From this, we suggest that there is danger of a cycle of poverty-a cycle that will entrap continuing generations of our people in a vice of destitution from PAGENO="0111" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3763 which there is no escape. We believe this because the need for a person with a very low skill level is fast decreasing and the opportunity for such people to rise above their environment is decreasing proportionately. What is developing is a subculture of poverty-a large and growing group of Americans who do not share the traditions and opportunities of their country- men and who are becoming aliens in their own nation-aliens who will pose a large and ever increasing danger to the fabric of the society. It is our fervent hope that OEO can break this cycle. We want OEO to provide the training, the incentive, and the opportunity for the poor to work toward lifting themselves from the morass in which they are currently struggling. OEO can provide the means for the poor to improve their lot and to join their more fortunate countrymen in our prosperous nation. We look upon OEO as an agency which will permit our nation to make maxi- mum use of our human resources, especially those resources which are not now completely utilized by society and constitute instead a drain upon the economy. We think that the function of OEO is vital now and that it will become more so in the years ahead. We believe that its function is both an economic good and a social and political necessity. There are, of course, criticisms of the agency. For example, it is said that OEO costs money. Of course it does, if we consider only the outlay of funds required to maintain the agency and its programs. On the other hand, we may compare the $2 billion requested by OEO with the $70 billion spent for arms, the $5 billion spent to continue the space pro- gram, the $102 billion that has been spent for foreign aid since the end of World War II, and the approximately $4 billion that has been appropriated this year. We do not mean to infer that any of the above projects are not deserving of federal funds. But, if it is desirable to do these things, then is it not equally desirable to try to bring 32 million of our citizens to a decent living standard and, more importantly, to permit them to become self-sufficient and contributing members of the nation? This leads. to another point. As of now our poor constitute a drain on ,our financial resources and an ever present danger to our peace and security. In economic terms, they are a negative factor-sometimes a tragically negative factor, as demonstrated in the recent wave of riots which spread throughout our cities. But, if in fact, the cycle of poverty can be broken, if in fact the OEO can make even minor inroads into the vast numbers of those at or below ~the poverty level, then it will have made a significant and worthwhile contribu- tion to the nation and more than repaid the national resources which have, been allocated to it. We recognize that some priority must be given to any federal project. We think that the Office of Economic Opportunity should rank high on the priority list. The need is urgent and demands nothing less. We hear that more local financing and direction should be given to the program. We concur with the concept of local participation. Indeed, one of the strengths of the program is its ability to draw upon the local institutions to formulate programs and implement action. On the other hand, it is obvious that local governments are not in a position to carry a great deal of the financial burden. In addition, it is often the case that areas which need programs, such as carried on by OEO, are those which can least afford to assist them, while more fortunate areas with money to spend have little or no need for such activity. Under these circumstances it is evident that all of the peoples of the United States should help those living in poverty and want. The question of local direction is also pertinent. As we have stated, we think -that local direction-known as a "communtiy action approach"-is important and we suggest that it remain as a part of the OEO effort. But there is a role for the federal government, a part for which it is uniquely qualified-as leader, as coordinator, as innovator. We view the situation as one of "creative federal- ism" in which states and local governments will engage in a constructive dialogue with federal officials in order to develop a program uniquely suited to meet a particular situation and then proceed to carry out such a program. Finally, we view the work of OEO as being incomplete without the fullest cooperation of the private sector. It is to the private sector that OEO and the poor. which it is designed to help, must look if the program is ever to be sue- cessful. The private sector provides the jobs, it provides the taxes, it provides much of the information around which effective action may be formulated. PAGENO="0112" 3764 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Thus, it would seem to us that a dialogue between the public and private sectors in this endeavor will be useful and necessary to a successful poverty program. We strongly believe also that both the government and the private econ- omy have a mutual interest-the government because of the sociological and political problems caused by poverty and private industry because of the waste inherent in poverty and the danger which such poverty poses for the free enter- prise system. Let me summarize our position. The United Mine Workers of America and its members favor the poverty program of the federal government, in general, and the activities of the Office of Economic Opportunity, in particular. We do so because we believe that the existence of a large and growing body of poor in our nation is a waste of our human resources and a continuing source of danger to the economic, social and political fabric of our society. We feel that unless strong action is taken to eradicate this poverty and forestall the development of a permanent class of poor in America, that the entire nation is in grave danger. While we recognize that the effort will require the expenditure of money, we are also aware that such expenditures are long-term investments in our most valuable natural resource- our people. Therefore, we respectfully urge that the Office of Economic Opportunity be strengthened and that its budget be adequate for its task. Surely, all Americans must recognize that the job at hand is an essential one and that all must support and encourage the w-ork of OEO so that the final blot of poverty will be wiped from the American scene. LEAGTJE OF WOMEN VOTERS, Springfield, Ohio, June 13, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: On behalf of the Springfield, Ohio, League of Women Voters I n-ant to urge your support of the Economic Opportunity amendments of 1907 (H.R. 8311). We realize there's legitimate criticism about most new programs, and some initiated and administered by the Office of Economič Opportunity are no excep- tion. However, these programs deserve a chance; it is too soon to give them up or seriously cut back. In particular, the OEO is needed as a coordinating agency on the national level. Surely no one expected the Office of Economic Opportunity to have the age-old problem of poverty solved in a couple years. But it has initiated some excellent programs. Springfield has been fortunate to have an Upward Bound Program at Wittenberg University because the results have been gratifying to participants and community. Enable was another successful program here and all involved were disappointed when it was discontinued. The Neighborhood Youth Corps has helped more than 75 local boys and girls remain in school by providing part-time employment, and several local youths have completed training in the Job Corps. Springfield's problems have not been solved, of course. We need another Day Care Center and would like to have some Neighborhood Centers to aid under- privileged families to live better and help themselves. The Springfield League has made a careful study of the Economic Opportunity Act and wants to see it strengthened, not curtailed. Above all, we want the Office of Economic Op- portunity to continue as coordinator and innovator nationally. Yours very truly, PHYLLIS NEDELMAN, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, Boise, Idaho, June Li, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: We of the League of Women Voters of Boise would like to ask your support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1907. Considering the scale of the problems to be faced and the fact that many com- munities are moving from the planning stage to the more expensive business of operating programs, the .~2.00 billion authorization requested for fiscal 1908 is PAGENO="0113" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3765 hardly an adequate sum. Therefore, the League strongly supports increased funds for the following: 1. Continuation of the Community Action Program. By stimulating local initiative, innovation, and participation of the groups to be served, CAP has become a vital element for encouraging social progress in hundreds of com- munities throughout the nation. The League is opposed to the kind of ear- marking in the 1966 Amendments which stringently cut back money avail- able for locally developed programs. 2. Research and pilot projects and their continuing evaluation. Where feasible, these projects should be built into programs. 3. Other EOA programs including those that provide basic education, work- training and experience for both adult and youth. The League also supports amending the present Act to include more specific provisions for evaluation both by OEO itself and outside by professionals. We believe, furthermore, and as obvious corollary of the above statements, that the abolishing of the Office of Economic Opportunity would be a tragic setback for the disadvantaged people in our country. The value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of originating, coordinating, `and evaluating programs related to those needs can be clearly seen in OEO's imaginative approach to and development of new programs. The coordinating role of~ OEO and CAP should be buttressed in order to better insure that poverty `programs administered `by other agencies actually are di- rected to the needs of the poor. We urge you to support the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. Sincerely yours, Mrs. JOHN BARNET, President. Mrs. RUDY H. LIVERITTE, Director, Development of Human Resources. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, 2',7orwalk, Conn., June 27, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washi~ngton D C DEAR MR. PERKINS: We understand the Committee on Education and Labor is conducting hearings on the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. The Norwalk League of Women Voters believes the retention and strengthen- ing of the Office of Economic. Opportunity and the approval of the requested authorization of $2.06 billion for 1968 are necessary for the solution of many of the employment and education problems present in the country and in our community. We have made a study of the Norwalk Community Action Pro'- gram and NEON, the Economic Opportunity office. Community participation in setting up the program has been good, our local government officials have affirmed their approval of and assistance to the program, and the NEON staff is well qualified to carry out the programs developed with the aid of the Citizens Advisory Council. We feel `the Office of Econimic Opportunity is the agency best equipped to administer these programs, and urge that it be not only retained but strengthened. An effective OEO will sustain the community interes't and participation which have produced the necessary first step of planning and lead Norwalk further through the desired second step of success- ful implementation of programs. Norwalk is a growing city with many of the problems inherent in such growth. There is also a need for skilled personnel in our many industries. A special emphasis by NEON on job training and upgrading in 1968 and a continuation of compensatory education programs will greatly assist the disadvantaged to achieve equality of opportunity and will benefit the community as a whole. Action in the coming year in these areas is, we feel, vitally linked to the coordinating and creative direction of the~ CAP and `the OEO. The Norwalk League of Women Voters therefore supports the Economic Opportunity Amend- ments of 1967 and the authorization of the requested funds for 1968. Sincerely, Mrs. DAVID HAGHEN, President. 80-084-67-Pt. 5-S PAGENO="0114" 3766 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 THE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, &znta Barbara, Cal/if., June 15, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, ~Jhairrnan, House Committee on Education a~nd Labor, Rayburn House 0/flee Bwflding, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Santa Barbara has speut a good part of two years studying the Economic Opportunity Act and the local activity under the Act. We are writing in support of the Eco- nomic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1907. We believe that the Office of Economic Opportunity is essential to the effec- tive administration of the Act. Although the working of the Act as the authority passes down through the regional offices to the local Conimunity Action Coni- mittee has not always been smooth, we believe it is necessary to have a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor, and coordinating the pro- grams. Further diffusion of authority would greatly complicate carrying out the program. In Santa Barbara County, where the Santa Barbara League has had an ob- server at all meetings of the Community Action Committee, we feel the pro- grams got off to a slow start, and delays in refunding and the provision of the allotted funds at a still later date have made great and discouraging difficulties for the operating agencies. Innovation and new ways of carrying out programs have always to work against initial conservatism and doubt, but are essential if we are to find new ways to solve the problem's of poverty. Our projects include the Guadelupe Community' Council. Neighborhood Youth Corps. Planned Parenthood and Head Start. Such projects do ndt lend them- selves to short term evaluation, since the results cannot be measured within a short time. It is felt that they offer promise for our community, and that other projects which have been presented might have been approved if it were not for the ~onstan't concern about the availability of funds. The Community Action Committee has had difficulty in working out the re- quirement that representatives of the poor be elected by their own group. This has met with delays, but the Committee is now meeting the requirements. The League supports amending the present act to include more specific pro- visions for evaluation, as the projects have been in operationlong enough now to provide some data. This evaluation should be made both by OEO itself and by outside experts. We support increased funds for demonstration and research. both of which are essential to the successful operation of new programs. We are opposed to the earmarking in the 1966 Amendments which cut back funds for locally developed programs. Basic education, work training and experience for both youth and adults should be encouraged. A great ne~d is better communication and understanding between the local and regional office. `Top level reorganization would only con- fuse `and delay movement toward greater results. Sincerely yours, Mrs. JoHN S. KENDRICK, PRESIDENT. NEWARK COUNCIL OF CHURCH WOMEN, August 9, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chai'rman, Education and La?rnr Committee, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEA~n Mx. PERKINS: In view of the fact that Congress is considering cutting off the appropriation for anti-poverty in Newark we,' the Newark Council of Church Women United, are writing in an effort to plead with you to urge Congress to con'tinue this Fund because of the very desperate need for such money because of the recent appalling events that have taken place in Newark. We Church Women feel that not only should there be no attempt to cut, but that the Fund should be increased since these programs are the only way of alleviating these ills in our community and are really the only alternative to a very devastating and costly welfare system to combat poverty in our City and also to lift the morale and build up the dignity of people and, in this way, they can be self- supporting. This also will serve to remedy some of the inequities in our City. Newark Council of Church Women United are conscientiously concerned with all the aspects of the Anti-Poverty Program and strongly endorse the continuance PAGENO="0115" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3767 and increase of the Fund in order to overcome some of the unhappy conditions that are the outgrowth of former neglect in these very pertinent areas of concern. Very respectfully yours, Mrs. JOHN DABNEY, President. SIKESTON, Mo., July 30, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Ronse Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Sm: As a citizen, who has served in the Economic Opportunity Program s~s a volunteer since February 1966, I am requesting you, as Chairman of the Sub- committee on Employment, Manpower and Poverty, to urge the Committee to evaluate with honesty and foresight the effort and progress that is being made by the War ON Poverty in its present form. In our community, members of several leading churches and civic clubs are initiating and carrying on programs for the deprived youth in conjunction with the Community Action Program. Other volunteers are recruiting and screening jgirls for the Job Corps. I am secretary to the two hundred eighty six member Woman's Society of Christian Service of one of these churches. I am an active member of the Com- munity Action Agency and a volunteer in its Youth Program. The Job Corps is also of special interest to me. At the present `time I am corresponding regularly `with five Job Corps Enrollees. The letters written by these young women and the interest shown by the vol- unteers proves the effectiveness of the present Economic Opportunity Program. Yours truly, MARGARET SCHMERBATJCH. NEWARK, N.J. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman of Congressional Committee on the Antipoverty Bill. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: I am writing as a member of the Newark Council of the Church Women United-also as an individual in support of the antipoverty bill which will not cut the amount to `be appropriated to the Office of Economic Opportunity. I feel that definitely the good that has come out of the United Community Oorporation-for one-in Newark far outweighs the cost of mismanagement to the haste with which the projects were started. Very truly yours, ELIZABETH L. RITcEs. CITY OF MUSKEGON, MIcH., August 4, 1967. ~Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House of Representatives, Comrn~ittee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Dn~a REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: It it with great pleasure and satisfaction that I undertake to write a few words in behalf of one of our most noteworthy prpgrams. In my experience locally I have found that the Poverty Program is well worth the investment in time and money that it is costing. The local picture is such that I have much enthusiastic praise and support for OEO in general. Let me begin by saying that the Community Action Program in Muskegon is an outstanding example of OEO monies geared in the right direction. I serve on the Board and have watched the program develop from its early beginnings. At the present time it has concentrated its efforts on implementing a number of Neighborhood Service Centers in the target areas spread all over the county. The value of these programs was demonstrated within the past week when faced with some minor disorders, the Neighborhood Center staffs worked around the clock getting the youth off the streets, counseling them and talking to them so as to counteract the near riotous peak that the community was faced with during the Detroit riot. As a result of community action, the City of Muskegon is paying the rent for one of the Neighborhood Centers which is located in a sensitive poverty area. The Centers operate with a staff of four community aides each in which they can- vass the neighborhood seeking problems that can be helped by direct action or otherwise. The poor in these areas now know that they have a resource which can help them in a multitude of ways, such as unemployment, legal aid, health needs PAGENO="0116" 3768 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 or work with other local agencies. The problem is much too complex and deep to seriously think that the Neighborhood Centers can aid in such paramount problems as housing and unemployment of the hard core. I wish to make it known to you that in this instance the Neighborhood Centers are a worthwhile invest- ment and have done much to mobilize the community toward a hopeful outlook of their dim existence. The Neighborhood Youth Corps is serviced by two other agencies-they are the Intermediate School District of Muskegon County and the Urban League. The school system is handling the Neighborhood Youth Corps for in-school children, whereas the Urban League is managing the program for out-of-school dropouts. In both cases I find that the programs are well managed in helping to solve the problem of unemployment among t'he youth. I might `add that the number of slots available is 180 (one hundred and eighty) and is far from being adequate for the need that exists in Muskegon County. At the present time there are three Headstart Programs in MuskegOn serving 450 (four hundred and fifty) youngsters-all three of which are administered by school systems in serving the poor in a fashion that is exemplary. Although I have not visited the Headstart programs, I have talked with a few who are involved, only to find muëh acceptance and enthusiastic support. The same is true with the Upward Bound Project at Western Michigan University-which is serving approximately 30 (thirty) youngsters from this area. The design of the Upward Bound Program is in keeping with the realistic needs of our com- munity which is trying to solve the problems of the' youth. The C'ounty Health Department serves as a Delegate Agency and is satisfying the medical needs of the Headstart Programs and the Neighborhood Center Programs. It is a progressive department which was previously led by Dr. Sweda who gave direction in keeping with OEO philosophy. We have a Legal Aid Program which is serving the needs of our community although it is `handicapped by a Board which does not see fit to permit divorces among the poor. In spite of this shortcoming, it is an outstanding program and one ,I most enthusiastically support. As a public official involved in a diversified industrial community plagued with the problems of slums, unemployment and the general needs of the `poor-I should like to close by stating categorically that the OEO Program is a step in the right direction toward solving some of the problems of our complex society. More needs to be done such as housing and an awakening of the private sector to their re- sponsibilities in the tremendous battle we have in saving the inner city from itself. Our municipal government is, of course, attempting to accomiaplish those pro- gram and policy issues which properly fall within its responsibility and which produces the best results from both opera'tions. I refer to slum clearance and public `housing, Urban Renewal projects, housing codes, systematic inspections and open housing ordinances. We have most recently applied forselection' under the Model Cities Act. ` ` ` Our efforts seek to improve environmental standards in the firm belief that the so'ciological and educational programs of OEO will dramatically demon- strate that much can be accomplished with a total attack on the causes of poverty. I greatly appreciate this opportunity and hope that this letter will serve a good purpose in your hearings. Sincerely yours, DONALD B. Jonxsox, Mayor, City `of Muskegon.. STATEMENT OF NED GOLDBERG, CONSULTANT, ANTIPOVERTY PROGRAMS. NATI0xSL FEDERATION OF SETTLEMENTS AND NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS, NEW' YORK, N.Y. We welcome this opportunity to present the views of `the National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Inc., ott `HR. 8311, the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. In the past, our agency ha's supported `before this Committee a wide range of anti-poverty measures and, in 1964, President Johnson's proposal for an Economic Opportunity Act. We support the major proposals and intent of H.R. 8311, but are opposed specifically `to some of the amendments proposed as we shall indicate `below. Further, we are opposed to any Bill which would, at this time, eliminate the Office of Economic Opportunity and `distribute its programs to other Federal agencies. PAGENO="0117" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3769 The National Federation of Settlements has 246 member agencies and services 16 more, operating 399 neighborhood centers in 94 cities, 30 states and the District of Columbia. 22 metropolitan or regional federations of neighborhood centers are affiliates, too. In addition, NFS operates a National Training Center, based in Chicago. NFS works nationally for neighborhood conditions favorable to family life and helps its member centers to serve their neighborhoods effectively through a wide range of direct and advisory services. Most of our member centers are engaged in anti-poverty programs and have been over many years. Currently, in addition to their voluntarily funded efforts, they administer some $40 million in OEO funds. The National Federation of Settlements reaffirms its continuing support of an effective Economic Opportunity Act, in the full context of the Declaration of Purpose of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. It advanced as the goal of our nation the elimination of "the paradox of poverty in the midst of plenty-by opening to everyone the opportunity for education and training, the opportunity to work, and the opportunity to live in decency and dignity." We submit that the bill now before you, while incorporating some excellent amendments, falls too far short of this ideal. It seems to us to be more oriented toward quieting some of the critics of this essential federal program than toward improving the charter for the programs it will help fund. We endorse the evident intent of the bill that there be no dismantlement of of the Office of Economic Opportunity and no further delegations of programs, at this time, to other federal departments for administration. We support the con- cept of OEO as an arm of the Executive Office of the President. We shall limit our testimony, in the main, to those titles and sections of the bill which, we believe, need revision. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATION We endorse an increase in OEO funding, but believe the amount proposed, $2.06 billion, still falls far short of adequate funding. The field investigations of this Senate Subcommittee on Employment, Man- pow-er and Poverty have served to underscdre tIie crisis confronting poor people in ~\IiSsiSSippi. But there are crises resulting from poverty in all parts of our country, North, South, East and West; rural, urban and suburban. The Administration request for federal FY 1967 does not measure up to those critical needs, nor does it measure up to the conservative projections of expan- sion originally outlined by the Office of Economic Opportunity. OEO said, in 1964, that overall expenditures in its third year of operation would be at least $3.5 billion. And this was said before the adoption, in subsequent years, of such worthwhile provisions as the Nelson, Scheuer, Kennedy and Javits amendments. Further, the 1967 amendments provide for a justifiable expansion of. attacks on rural poverty. To fund these adequately within the limits of a $2.06 billion authorization, and with earmarking of a significant proportion of Title II funds, w-ould most likely result in a freeze or further cuts in versatile urban CAP funding beyond those occasioned by inadequate funding in FY 1966. NFS therefore urges a doubling of OEO authorization and appropriation from $2.06 billion to $4 billloi~ for federal FY 1967. JOB CORPS T.H. 1.4. Sectiom 105, Screening and Selection (of applicctnts)-Special Limi- tations, tampers with, if it does not completely destroy the original intent of the Job Corps, a service for youth handicapped in their own community by reason of previous behavior or "label." These are youth who are most in need of a prop- erly conducted residential setting if they are to have any chance of "making it." Further, this Section is well nigh impossible to administer. It asks that the screening agent make projections as to future behavior of all individual appli- cants as well as ruling out all youth with a record of "behavioral aberrations." Those of us who have worked with delinquent youth know that motivation for change in behavior comes at different periods for each youth. We have found many a "late bloomer," who despite a record of repetitive delinquent acts is indeed ready for rehabilitative help. Section 105 would deny such youth the Job Corps as a new opportunity for breaking away from the delinquent beirnvior pattern. Criteria for screening out so-called undesirable Job Corps applicants can only result in "creaming" the best of the youth and refusing service to many who are most in need of a residential service outsicTe their own neighborhood. We there- fore recommend that Section 105, Title I, be deleted. PAGENO="0118" 3770 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 GOVERNORS VETO Title I-Section 115 (c) provides for the governor of any state the power of absolute veto over the establishment of a Job Corps center or similar facility within it. We would recommend that the provisions of this part and that of simi- lar sections under other titles of the bill (e.g. Vista, Title VIII, Section 810(b) be made consistent with that of Title II, Section 242, which authorizes recon- sideration by the Director of OEO and the overriding by him of any such veto. In the interest of effective programming, the resources of the Federal govern- ment and its anti-poverty programs should be made equally available to all citi- zens and in all states as a matter of right. POLITICAL ACTIVITY Title I, Section 118(b), Title II, Section 214(a) and (b), and Title VIII. Sec- tion 810(b) seek to extend the application of the Hatch Act and other limitations on citizen action to enrollees and to employees of agencies, institutions and organizations engaged in the War. on Poverty. Much of the direction of the bill under these Sections seems to be toward pre- cluding the participation of individual enrollees, CAP organizations, grantee anti delegate agencies in continuing efforts for community and institutional change. Indications of this intent are found in the language proscribing picketing and protest and, under Title II, authorizing the Director of OEO to promulgate rules or regulations "which s/ta/il be binding on all agencies carrying on community action activities with financial assistance (from OEO) . . . governing conflicts of interest, use of position of authority for partisan political purposes or par- ticipation in direct action, regardless of cnstomary practices or rules among agencies in the community." NFS is strongly opposed to these Sections of the bill as an invasion of the rights of individuals and autonomous organizations, and asks that they be deleted. PERSONNEL STANDARDS The bill authorizes each community CAP (Title II, Section 214(a)) to adopt for itself and other agencies using funds or exercising authority for which it is responsible, rules designed to establish specific standards governing salary. sal- ary increases, travel and per diem allowances and other employee benefits. While NFS supports the efforts of OEO to establish decent standards for personnel em- ployed under Title II, CAP grants, it is opposed to this section in the bill. NFS believes that any code promulgated nationally by the Director of OEO or by a local CAP should serve as a floor and not as a ceiling. Many agencies serving as local CAP delegate agencies already have extant local civil service or other merit systems, union contracts or voluntary agency board-approved personnel practices codes. All these Sections subvert the principle of local autonomy and can but have the affect of destroying the enthusiastic participation of many agencies, includ~ ing our 399 affiliates, in the War on Poverty. FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE The language of the bill, in a number of Sections dealing with financing pro- grams, has been changed significantly. Under the current law, the Director of OEO is authorized to make grants, or to contract with appropriate Grantee and Delegate agencies. The. new language states that the Director may provide financial assistance for programs and projects. Title VI, Section 609 (2), defines "financial assistance" as "assistance advanced by grant, agreement or contract . . Inherent in this language change, despite the definition cited above, we believe, is a further assault on the autonomy of agencies willing and equipped to partic- pate effectively in the War on Poverty, but as independent contractors or grantees, prepared to have the quality of their work in carrying out their con- tracts fairly and equitably n ssessed by the granting agency. NFS is therefore opposed both to this language change and to the inherent change in status of delegate and grantee agencies. We ask for a return to the original language. Further clarification is needed to assure the autonomy of the agency which sells its services and skills to the OEO. It is neighborhood residents who are in need of assistance from the federal government, and not the helping agency. PAGENO="0119" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3771 LIMITATIONS ON SALARY The bill places an overall limitation of$15,000 on salaries to be paid to persons in community action programs out of federal funds and precludes inclusion of any additional salary from local sources as a part of local matching contribu- tions. NFS is opposed both to the salary limitation and the exclusion of sums above the $15,000 ceiling from matching funding, if such a ceiling is legislated. The question of high `salaries paid to agencies receiving funds under the Act is a false issue. It is necessary to pay a "market price" for persons with the talents needed in local community action programs. Imaginative and creative persons with administrative abilities will not be attracted by modest salaries; and since the programs are new, these abilities are essential to their success. There is no logical reason for paying lower salaries to people in the human service field than to those in the business world. The coordination of resources, the complicated nature of financial arrangements, and the exploratory nature of the programs, all require a high level of professional competence. Necessarily,. the salary levels will vary from locality to locality and should be left to the market and local discretion. In the event, however, that the Congress insists on maintaining the salary' ceiling, we would strongly urge that any additional salary paid such employees be included in matching funding. This i's particularly important in light of the requirement for `an increase in local matching contributions proposed in these amendments. ` ` INCREASE IN LOCAL MATCHING FUNDING Title II, Section 223C, requires as of July 1, 1967, an increase in local match- ing funding from 10% to 20% of the cost of these CAP programs. Local volun- tary organizations, and particularly `neighborhood groups, already experience' great difficulty in raising the currently required local contribution, particularly as the costs of their non-OEO funded programs and services continue to mount.. Passage of this amendment would cause an added hardship to existing programs,. particularly those privately operated. It would tend to discourage the initiation of new programs, increase dependence on local public agencies, and generally' delay the expansion of the War on Poverty. NFS believes that public agencies must carry certain basic responsibilities, but that in serving the total needs of our society, the concerted and collaborative efforts of both public and voluntary' sources are needed. T'his is particularly true in ~the War on Poverty. BAsIC. CONDITIONS NFS believes, further, that the following basic conditions are essential to as- sure maximum effectiveness of voluntary agencies in a free society: (a) `The acceptance of federal funds should in no way inhibit the free- dom of the voluntary agency tO engage in social education and action pro- grams, with and on the behalf of its neigh'bors. (b) `The voluntary agency must receive adequate federal funds to provide administrative, supervisory, and other supportive services necessary to the conduct `and `administration of these projects. REVISION S OF POVERTX CRITERI ~ NFS recommends that the definition of poverty under the Economic Oppor- tunity Act of 1964 be increased from the present figure of $3130 for an urban family of four persOns to $4000 for such `a family. The $4000 figure would also apply to definitions of target areas in the Anti-Poverty program. Any variations: in the minimum poverty level s'holld be in line with costs `of living in different areas. Further, we support `the new definition of eligibility for enrollees, under Title Ib, Section 125(a). GRIEVANCE AND APPEALS NFS subscribes to the concept that the local CAP, as the `broadly representa- tive body of governmental institutions, voluntary agencies, and the `anti-poverty' target population, should be the principal instrument for review and approvaL of anti-poverty programs to be funded through the Office of Economic Oppor- tunity. PAGENO="0120" 3772 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Implicit in this, however, is the possibility that proposals submitted for review may be rejected by the local Poverty Board. Such rejection may not be justified. NFS, therefore, endorses an effective grievance and appeals machinery which permits and encourages the applicant to submit its rejected proposals directly to the regional and finally to the National OEO for review. Projects so approved by regionaL or national OEO should not be subject to local veto. ROLE OF THE LOCAL CAP NFS believes that the local CAP should receive and assess applications from delegate agencies. It should make sure that such plans include: (a) Effective organization of the residents of the target neighborhood. (b) On-site availability in that neighborhood of the wide range of educa- tion, employment, legal aid, health and welfare services. Both of these are interrelated and each is essential tO the success of the other. A key instrument for establishing the~e functions is the neighborhood service center, a replication of the relevant, vibrant settlement house and neighborhood center. However, NFS believes that the local CAP should not, itself, ordinarily under- take to administer and operate anti-poverty services. Its most effOctive role is in negotiating and facilitating the development of community instruments involv- ing the residents of the target areas and existing agencies. For the long haul, it destroys its own effectiveness in this role if it becomes a competitor for the new resources available through federal funding. It should, instead, serve as a "third force." There exist in many local communities voluntary agencies, including settle- ments and neighborhood centers, which are equipped to serve as the appropriate delegate agency for the conduct of enghborhood service centers. Such agencies are often already established in target neighborhoods and have skill in establishing outpost and satellite operations. They are equipped to help residents achieve maximum feasible participation. Such voluntary agencies also have a better chance of achieving the kind of agency cooperation and inter- program coordination needed for multi-discipline, multi-agency, neighborhood operations. There exist many examples of effective use of existing voluntary agencies by the local CAP. In Cincinnati, the Greater Cincinatti Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers develops and operates, through its existiiig member houses and through newly established neighborhood councils in heretofore un- served neighborhoods, a network of multi-service neighborhood centers in three counties in two states. These programs are under constant review and assess- ment by the local CAP staff. Voluntary agencies have long since demonstrated a high capacity to perform these functions well. Further, they have assured meaningful participation by residents of the target neighborhoods, consumers of these anti-poverty services, both as employees and volunteers as well as in policy-making bodies such as Boards of Directors and committees. This experience of successful delegation to our member houses and other voluntary agencies is replicated in New Orleans. Houston, Detroit, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, Chicago, New York City, Los Angeles and many another. Such continued involvement of local voluntary agencies. as authnomous con- tractors responsible to CAP and OEO for executing their contracts in good faith would help to assure the effective utilization of all local resources in the War on Poverty. The reasonableness of this approach has been demonstrated by OEO itself, in its contracts with the YWCA for Job Corps centers for girls, with universities and our NFS Training Center for research and for the training of VISTA enrollees. It may be necessary for the GAP to undertake responsibility for direct opera- tions in certain ar~as where voluntary and public agencies are not available. such as in some rural counties. But even here, we suggest, past experience dic- tates the creation by it of new corporate bodies, independent from the GAP, for the administration and operation of programs and services. This would preserve for the CAP its principal roles as described above. OEO IN PERSPECTIVE During its relatively short life, and despite its handicans of inadequate finan- cial resources and constant harassment, the OEO has made a tremendous impact on our communities, its institutions and the life chances of the poor citizen. PAGENO="0121" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3773 The history of our country since pre-revolutionary days is, in real part, a history of the struggles and conflicts in which we have been engaged as we* have striven to translate the American creed, "All men are born free and equal," into American reality. The forms which these strivings have taken have changed from time to time, but the goals are constant. In the first half of this century, the great domestic issue was the establish- ment of decent and dignified standards for working men. Here at home, as in some other countries, the result was the emergence of a trade-union movement and a revolution in our thinking on the relations between management and labor. The great issues of these later years of the century; other than the overriding issue of survival under the threat of nuclear holocaust, are (1) the waging of a successful war on poverty and, (2) the peaceful resolution of the revolution for civil rights. Just as with nuclear war, these are not merely domestic problems, but con- front every nation and the total world society. All human strivings for freedom, decency, personal dignity and justice depend now on our desire and ability to resolve these issues. In the North, both require for their success the extending and translation into reality of a whole series of guarantees of equality in education, employment, housing and the command of sufficient goods and services for participation in the main stream of American life. Targets are school desegregation and en- riched educational opportunity, not only for reasons of racial pride but also, in the long run, economic survival; an increase in job opportunities not only at the entry level in low pay-low status jobs, but in management and the execu- tive suite, and a drastic change in the image of the black ghetto. In the South, in addition to all these and perhaps of prime importance is the dismantling of a complete system of color castes which has too long enslaved Negro and Caucasian poor alike. In the South, the Negro wants and needs his "courtesy" title-(Mr., Mrs., etc.). At the heart of this is the pi'oblem of stigma, or as Richard M. Titmuss put it at the recent NCSW FOrum, (Social Policy and Economic Progress.-R.M.T.-Professor Social Administration, London School of Economics, May 30, 1966), "of felt and experienced discrimination and dis- approval on grounds of moral behavior, ethnic group, class, age, measured in- telligence, mental fitness and other criteria of selection rejections. The problem then," says Mr. Titmuss, "is not whether to differentiate in access, treatment, giving and outcome, but how to differentiate . . . We cannot now disengage our- selves from the challenge of distributing social rights without stigma; too many n~nfulfflled ewpectations have been created, and we can no longer fall back on the rationale that our economics are too poor to avoid hurting people." Towards the end of his brilliant analysis of significant factors for social policy which we have too long neglected, Mr. Titmuss lists these: 1. "We overestimated the potentialities of economic growth by itself alone to solve the problems of poverty-economic, educational and social. 2. "We exaggerated the trend tow-ards equality during the Second World War in respect to income, employment and other factors. 3. "We overestimated the potentialities of the poor without help, to understand and manipulate an increasingly complex ad hoc society, and we failed to understand the.indignities of expecting the poor to identify them- selves as poor people and to declare, in effect, `I am an unequal person.' 4. "Lastly, and perhaps most significant of all, we have sought too dili- gently to find the causes of poverty among the poor and not in ourselves. Poverty, we seem to have been saying, has its origins in either social pathol- ogy and a lack of self-determination or in agency delinquency and a failure in coordination or in the shortage of social workers and psychiatrists. Now, in the poverty program, the United States appears to be discovering a new set of casual explanations: the lack of political power among the poor themselves. 5. "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves, that we are underlings," he concluded. The Declaration of Purpose of the Economic Opportunity Act is most revolu- tionary. For the first time in the history of man, a government has declared that it is its policy and intent to eliminate poverty-"to open to everyone the oppor- tunity for education and training, the opportunity to work, and the opportunity to live in decency and dignity." PAGENO="0122" 3774 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 T~hese revolutionary concepts are directed at submerged classes who constitute about 20% of our nation, over 30 million souls. Numerically,, under our demo- cratic system, they ought to be able to exert enormous power. In truth, despite the revolution in their expectations, their influence has been negligible. The many causes of this impotence are rooted sometimes in diverse and con- flicting aims; in our heritage of deep suspicion of strong central government as against States' rights; or our preference for individual as against common effort; or the imbalance in our state and federal legislative bodies in favor of rural as against urban areas. As a result, the poor are caught up and held to their lot by a complacent, prosperbus overwhelming majority enjoying the goods and services of the most affluent society of all times. This leads us, then, to revolutionary evolution in response to rising expecta- tions, both in the War on Poverty and in race relations. Inevitably, one small part of this is uncoordinated violence in scattered communities. To some Negro teenagers, even the Black Muslims seem conservative. To many of them the Eco- nomic Opportunity Act and the Civil Rights bill are meaningless. Some would move toward partition rather than equal rights. But for the largest number neither violence nor partition are the means and goals. Instead, they choose the following: 1. Social mobility-moving up and out of lower class life. The physical movement away from the port of entry slum is one measure of social mobil- ity. The availability of jobs and of training opportunities to qualify for them is essential. A major concern for us, then, is a rational approach to the development of entry-level jobs, for sub and non-professionals, in all the service occupations in industry and commerce and, finally through a major component of public works. 2. Political and Social 4ction-participation of citizens, including the dis- advantaged, in efforts to change the society and its institutions. Perhaps the largest thrust of the War on Poverty is in these areas.. It is a means for people to enter the mainstream of society. It is a tool for reducing lletachment and alienation of poor people. Psychologically, it is a part of their attaining a new sense of self worth as a part of a healthy, democratic com- munity. It is expressed in a variety of forms in the War on Poverty, and this goes back 80 years for those of us in Settlements. It includes organizing local residents for self-help, through Kitchen Clubs, Block Clubs and Councils of Organiza- tions. It includes training of local residents for positions of leadership and re- sponsibility as volunteers, in direct service and on policy-making bodies. It in- cludes the development of ad hoc organizations to identify and then attack local `social problems-alone and with allies. It includes the establishment of new coalitions for pressure for institutional change. If this revolutionary evolution is to succeed, we must lend our full help. In doing this, of course, we cannot afford to be apologetic about our own values and services. IN CONCLUSION We reaffirm our continuing support for an effective Economic Opportunity Act and, with the revisions suggested above, urge the early approval by this Congress of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. NEW YORK STATE COLLEGE OF HOME ECONOMICS. CORNELL UNIVERSITY, Ithaca. N.Y., Angust 9, 19.67. Congressman CARL PERKINS, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: As a behavioral scientist specializing in problems of child development, I am writing to express my concern for the future of chil- dren to be enrolled in Head Start programs, and the now developing Follow Through programs in oui nation I have been involved in the e programs from their `very beginning as a member of, the Planning Committee for Project Head `Start and of the President's Task Force on Early Childhood, which, as you know, `laid out the scientific guidelines for the future of these programs. My concern springs from press reports that the administration of these programs may be -transferred entirely to the Office of Education. From my point of view, the issue PAGENO="0123" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3775 is not one of jurisdiction, but of what will happen to the nature of these programs if such a transfer takes place. Specifically, those of us who designed these pro- grams believe very strongly that their success depends on continued recognition of the principle laid down at the outset of Project Head Start that no compensa- tory program for children could be successful if it focused solely or primarily on educational training in the traditional sense of this term, that is, using teachers and other educational specialists to give the child instruction in language and number skills. On the contrary, we were convinced that such an approach was doomed to failure unless it was accompanied by equal emphasis on motivational and social development through active involvement in the program of parents, older children, and other members of the community. In other words, to be effec- tive, Head Start and Follow Through must involve not merely the child and his teacher, but to an equal extent, his family, his companions, and his community. This view springs from a growing body of research pointing to the decisive im- portance of factors outside the teacher-child relationship in determining whether or.not and how much the child is able to learn. Unfortunately, this vital fact has not. been recognized as yet by our major edu- cational institutions, namely the schools, and their representative at~ the level of the federal government, which is the Office of Education. The principle has been recognized, however, from the very outset by the Office of Economic Opportunity and has been implemented in the administration and operation of the Head Start ~program. It is for this reason that the scientific advisors .to these programs have at all times emphasized the importance of maintaining OEO jurisdiction over policy decisions affecting not onlyHead Start, but Follow Through as well. The validity of this view has been substantiated in recent months as the guidelines for Follow Through have been developed. As you know. the administration of this *program has been delegated through the Secretary of. Health, Education and We1~ fare to the Office of Education with the proviso that all policy questions must be reviewed and approved, by the Director of OEO. On repeated occasions the plans developed by: OE which were submitted to. OEO for approval exhibited a one- sidedness which had to be corrected at .the insistence of OEO's consultants. This one-sidedness took the form of dominant emphasis on the role of the teacher and educational specialists in the development of language and number skills with relatively little attention to other aspects of the child's development, and, in par- ticular, in the active involvement of parents, teenagers, and classmates in inter- :actiOn with the child. For example, parent involvement was conceived of solely at the administrative level, it being regarded as sufficient to provide for parents to serve on advisory committees with no thought being given to insure parent "interaction withthe children themselves. Again, I wish to emphasize that the development of language and number skills is a very important objective of these programs, but it is the best judg- ~ment of specialists in developmental psychology and related fields that the key to such development lies as much in the child's motivation and his self- esteem as in intellectual ability. These in turn are influenced primarily by par- * ents, peers, and older children. Hence, the program must be carried on simul- taneously on all fronts rather than through traditional educational procedures emphasizing the teacher and remedial specialist. The public school educational establishment, represented by the Office of Education, still adheres rather rigidily to the older position, with efforts to make reforms purely from within being largely ineffectual. Thus to transfer the new programs completely to Office of Education jurisdiction is to undermine the very elements which give these, pro- grams some hope of success in enabling disadvantaged children to develop the confidence and competence they need to become productive members of their society. Sincerely `yours, URIE BRONFENBRENNER, Professor. LEAGLE OF WOMEN VOTERS Iowa City, Iowa, July. .31, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, .. Chaijrma'n Hause Education and Labo? Comm2ttee House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEA1~ REPRESENTATIvE PERKINS: We are sending you a copy of the letter we ~have written to our Representative and Senators because we felt that you, as PAGENO="0124" 3776 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 chairman of the House Education and Labor Committee, would be interested in our feelings about the Economic Opportunity Program in general and the Eco- noniic Opportunity Acts of 1967 in particular. We are convinced that what is true in Iowa and Johnson County is true in states and counties all over the nation and we urge you to support the passage of this legislation. Sincerely yours, Mrs. HAROLD W. SHIPT0N, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, Iowa City, Iowa. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE SOHWENGEL: The League of Women Voters of Iowa City wishes to add its voice to that of the nations' poor which is being heard for the first time through the Office of Economic Opportunity and, more specifically, through local Community Action Programs. We urge you to support the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967 (H.R. 8311) which authorize appropria- tions of 2.03 billions for fiscal 1968. Every one of those dollars is urgently `needed, and more must follow if we are going to make the effort we must to solve the problems of our needy. Since 1965 Iowa has received more than $26 million in funds from OKO and it has been estimated by the regional headquarters of OEO in Kansas City that 63,951 needy Iowans have been reached. The Des-Moines Register (June 25, 1967, p. 4L) notes that "there is no question that the anti-poverty campaign has become an identifiable entity in all 99 counties." There `are more who must be reached. The job of OEO has just begun. We must not let the people in 09 counties down. In Johnson County alone we have a low-income and disadvantaged population of approximately 2,500 families (13,000 individuals) who can potentially benefit from QEO programs administrated and delegated by our increasingly effective Hawkeye Area Community Action Program. Since its initial grant in April 10436 HAOAP has compiled an impressive record. Its community workers are filling a void by just going out and talking to people-by being in the neighborhoods and county areas and listening. Community workers also promote and develop interest in the specific anti-poverty programs, work with neighborhood councils, encourage and help them to use to capacity existing community resources, guide them into specific HACAP programs .and perform innumerable small but essential services for the poor such as lining up a visit by the county nurse, arranging baby-sitting and explaining the new Food Stamp plan. In the area of specific programs it has started or delegated HACAP can point to a Summer Head Start program for 75 children in 1966 and one for 85 in 1067, a year-round Child Development Center to begin operation in Summer 1967. a Neighborhood Youth Corps which provides jobs for 56 teenagers and a new and pioneering Legal Services program to be run in collaboration with the University of Iowa Law School and to be initiated this fiscal year. It is our earnest hope that these programs can be continued and expanded and that others can be added to the list. These programs have only just begun, are just now effectively reaching those for whom they were developed. They are increasingly gaining community sup- port through information programs and through the involvement of citizens on the Advisory Board and various sub-committees. A very important by-product has been the gradual education of the community at large to its responsibility for those `whom our unprecedented prosperity has passed by. With a new under- standing of its responsibility, the `locally supported and initiated poverty pro- grams you support may one day be possible. We urge you, in addition to supporting the pending legislation. to keep all Economic Opportunity programs under the one federal agency best designed to be responsive to the needs of the poor and able to originate, coordinate and evaluate programs to answer these needs, the Office of Economic Opportunity. We hope, further, that the discretion over the expenditure of these funds will be left to the OEO and the local Community Action Programs so that those who understand best the local needs can `determine how best to meet them. Sincerely yours, Mrs. HAROLD W. SHIPTON, Presideu t. PAGENO="0125" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3777 CHURCH WOMEN UNITED, St. Joseph, Mo., August 10, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Subcommittee on Employment, Manpower, and Poverty, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: On behalf of Church Women United of St. Joseph, Missouri I am writing in reference to bill HR311 concerning the Job Corps. As we have partic- ipated in the recruitment of girls to participate in this program, and have had some contact with them as they are in training we are convinced of its value and most urgently `encourage you to support this program so that it may continue. Sincerely, Mrs. LAWRENCE WICKHAM, Corresponding Secretary. NATIONAL JEWISH WELFARE BOARD, New York, N.Y., August 16, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Com4nittee on Education and Labor, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: The National Jewish Welfare Board, the asso- ciation of more than 400 Jewish Community Centers throughout the United States, joins the many religious, civic, social and other organization's who support the effort to eradicate poverty. In April, 1964, the Board of Directors of the National Jewish Welfare Board endorsed President Johnson's Economic Opportunity Act, believing that it rep-~ resented an effective approach toward the reduction of poverty within our coun- try. We urged Congress to enact legislation which would `eliminate the paradox of poverty in our affluent society. `Since that date, many Jewish Community Centers have participated in `local `community action' programs. The war on poverty program has provided these Centers with the opportunity to exercise their Judaic responsibility to those in need by sharing in this country's effort to `break the cycle of poverty for millions of families. We are indeed proud that our Centers have cooperated with the Federal Government in the OE'O program and have contributed leadership and organization in planning and providing services to people who need them. On April 24, 1966, the Biennial Convention of the National Jewish Welfare Board re-endorsed its position in support of the war on poverty and stated its belief that the program of~the Office of Economic Opportunity had adequately demonstrated its ability to assist th'ose living in poverty to improve their con- diti'on. The experience of our affiliated Centers indicates the `need for the continuation and expansion of the war on poverty program. We strongly support the present structure of OEO and are opposed to any proposal which would result in splin- tering its existing structure. We suggest that the OEO continue to innovate and experiment with programs and encourage local communities to adopt and conduct them. We sincerely hope that Congress will speedily authorize and appropriate the funds requested by the President. ` While we realize that the war on poverty cannot be won overnight, we do believe that the OEO is the most effective instrument to eventually obtain the victory. The National Jewish Welfare Board, therefore, urges Congress to con- tinue its support of this vital program. Sincerely yours, ` Louis STERN, President. PAGENO="0126" 3778 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 CITY OF TAMPA, PoLIcE DEPARTMENT, Tampa, Fla., Angust 10, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, Congress of the United ~States, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. `DEAn CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: Reference is made to your letter of July 27th requesting an appraisal of the effectiveness of the anti-poverty efforts in our city. You asked if we a~re on the right track with the various programs under the Economic Opportunity Act. This can best be answered by citing, in a general way, an overall effect of some of the programs. Perhaps one of the most significant developments of the poverty effort is that people of different racial viewpoints have been brought together to discuss problems, and to work together to solve them. Motivation and prevention seem to be the dominant theme by stimulating people to realize they must become involved, and to do something about prob- lems themselves if they are to ever gain new hope, opportunity, and Rcceptance. The Head Start program is considered an outstanding development because of its broadening and preventative features. Defects can be detected and corrected before a child actually enters school. Children having the advantage of this program are better prepared and have shown a decided improvement over those who do not have this additional training. It is felt by some school authorities that there should be a follow through program extending through the first grade. Some school authorities believe that we should take a look at our school cur- riculum and to modify course of studies to emphasize training to prevent tl~e drop-out, rather than direéting efforts towards the drop-out. Vocational train- ing at the junior high level has been suggested as a means of encouraging the potential drop-out to remain in school. One of the most important contributions to the community, especially in reL~- tion to the events of last June, is' the role of the Neighborhood Service Center. Basically, there are four features that NSC offers for solving the problem of poverty: 1. The idea of self-help 2. The multi-service approach * 3. Division of Welfare sponsorship * 4. Community action The primary philosophy of the center approach is that people are best helped when `they are taught or inspired to help themselves. Rehabilitation is the emphasis rather than relief; although, relief is a large part of the center's pro- gram. Residents of the target area being served are hired to serve as sub-pro- fessionals. They work in their own immediate neighborhood bringing informa- tion to the needy on how the center operates, and what it has to offer. They also serve' to organize the community for solving problems in housing, sanitation. crime and other problems that plague low income areas. Each center houses different components which provide employment, on-the- job training, public welfare, social services, health `and medical services, pro- grams for the elderly, recreation, home management training and day care services. A unique activity of the Neighborhood Center, is its involvement of the needy in the planning and supervising of the program. Elections are held yearly in each target area producing advisory committees from among low income resi- dents to serve as advisors to the center staffs. Representatives to such com- mittees. are chosen on a population formula of one representative for every thousand persons falling under the OEO guidelines for low income level. Representatives thus elected then choose from among their representations 20 persons to serve on the "Headquarters Advisory Committee." and four are chosen by this committee to serve on the "Tampa Economic Opportunity Council," which oversees `all poverty programs in Hillsborough County. It was through the Neighborhood Service Centers, in conjunction with the Tampa Police Department and the Hillsborough County Sheriff's Office, that a training program in Respect For Law was formulated last fall. NSC aides, who know the problems of slum dwellers first hand, were hired out of the target areas served. Discussions were held with police officers on problems facing the poor. "Block Clubs" were organized by the aides to be used as a means of com- munication between the needy and the various agencies in the community. PAGENO="0127" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3779 These aides were extremely helpful and did an outstanding job in helping to suppress the violence during the disturbance last June by persuading residents in the area to remain indoors, and by persuading groups that gathered to work with them to quell the disorder. Their work helped to establish lines of com- munication to city officials. A plan was evolved by the NSC to evacuate teenagers to recreation areas in the hope of keeping the riots from spreading. Several days following the end of the disturbance, the "Youth Congress For Civic Responsibility" was formed and organized from among many of the par- ticipants. The young groujp presented three objectives: 1. To provide a voice for the young people of the community so that they can participate in planning recreational, cultural, and social activities. 2. To provide the young people of the community with representation in the Youth Congress for Civic Improvement. 3. To foster among its members, good citizenship so that the youths of the community may take their rightful place as responsible members of society. This group is composed of representatives from all deprived areas of the county, and serves as a most important 1ine of communication to the young people living in the most crucial areas of the city. Funds made available `by the `O'EC to the Neighborhood `Service `Centers have been used for a summer recreation program. More than 24,000 youngsters per month have been served. Nearly 70 temporary summer recreation aides were employed under this program, many of them from the riot torn areas of the city. Their presence has opened valuable lines .of communication between the poor, the centers and community officials. It has `also given a sense of responsibility to those hired. Great effort has been made to establish "block clubs" in the various target areas. The purpose of these is to `bring residents of deprived areas together to discuss problems and needs. This information is used by center staffs to assist in developing programs `based on the need `as determined by the people served. All Centers have formulated plans in preparation for any civil disturbance that may occur, and all centers are prepared to meet any such emergency by having established a network of communications so that all necessary personnel may `be assembled quickly at any hour. Action is coordinated with law enforce- ment agencies. `It is recognized that many of the projects could be accomplished at the com- munity level. However, the majority of communities lack the financial ability to get programs started in the depth and swiftness required. , Generally, it is agreed that the poverty programs have been successful. in improving the lot of the target group, and have served as a deterrent to unrest and violence. Negro leaders concur that the programs have made a contribution to the target group, but they quickly point out that the effort has not reached enough of their people at the administrative level. They feel that there should be more negro personnel to set policy and direct programs to administer to the target group; that there are not enough of their people involved to reach the `people. The Negro wants to `become involved more as a recipient and a participant in these programs. Negro leaders feel that there is. a need for improved housing; a need for accelerated training; more vocational training, and an expansion of on the job training. . `They want acceptance, especially `by employers and employees alike. It is difficult to assess the effect that programs as vast and varied as these have on a community. `Certainly, the imphct is great and the true effect may not be known for some time to come. ` . . I sincerely hope that the explanation of some of the poverty programs, as implemented here, will be helpful to your committee and I shall fOllow with interest the result of your hearings. . Yours truly, J. P. MTJLLINS, Chicf of Police. PAGENO="0128" 3780 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 CITY. OF ROCHESTER, N.Y~. OFFICE OF THE MAYOR, August 8, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Ray- burn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am very pleased that you have asked for my comments cOncerning amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act currently before your Committee. I know that recent events in Rochester `might well be interpreted by opponents of the anti-poverty program as additional fuel~ to pro- mote their case; I therefore welcome this opportunity. to make it crystal clear that the anti-poverty program in Rochester is absolutely essential to `this com- munity's well-being. Our local anti-poverty agency, Action for a Better Community, Inc., has been responsible for the development and implementation of dynamic and imaginative programs to aid the poor. Hundreds of the City's less fortunate have found jobs and training; comprehensive services have been brought directly to the poor neighborhoods; special and unique educational programs have provided new hope to those who formerly bad no hope. Though direct involvement of the poor in the administration of programs, we have been able to achieve a sense of community interest and commitment which has heretofore been unknown. Certainly there is room for tremendous improvement in both the program and administration of our local anti-poverty efforts. It has not been easy to find competent staff, and there has been continuous uncertainty as to funding. My very frank judgment, however, is that national and local resources devoted to the anti-poverty effort must be greatly expanded . . . certainly, not diminished. I also feel very strongly that it would be a grave mistake to dismantle the present OEO organization. Its continuation and strengthening are essential if we are to properly concentrate on the problems of poverty which confront us. I hope these brief comments will be of some assistance to you and your Com- mittee as you consider this very, urgent and essential national legislation. Sincerely, FRANK T. LAMB, Mayor. CITY OF BUFFALO, N.Y., August 8, 1967. Re your request for a candid appraisal of anti-poverty efforts in this city. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, COmmittee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CHAIRMAN PERKINS: The Police Department has been associated with the Neigh'borhood Youth Corps program. Over the period of the past two years a total of about 40 boys and girls from the Corps have worked in the Police Department. The majority have been Negroes from poor families. They have worked at a variety of `tasks from laboring through secretarial activity. Several have left us to take positions in private `businesn and commerce. We have noted the majority appear somewhat apprehensive and uncertain when they first re- port, but that their skills quickly develop and `they soon adjust to meeting people. After the first payday, without exception, there is a noted improvement in their dress. With but one or two exceptions our experience `with these boys and girls has been most pleasant. They have been an asset to us in the way they have performed the tasks required of them. We are not `aware of a single instance of participation of rumor of such in- volving any of these boys and girls in the period preceding the recent disturb- ance in our `City, during the disturbance or subsequent to it. They have been and are an asset to this community. I feel some of them may not have been without the opportunity for employment given them `by `the Neigh- borhood Youth Corps. Sincerely, FRANK N. FELICETTA, Commissioner of Police. PAGENO="0129" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3781 CITY OF BOSTON POLICE DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE COMMISSIONER, August 3, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, Chairman, Committee on Education and Labor, Congress of the United states, Hayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: Reference is made to your letter of July 27. 1967 seeking an appraisal of the Anti-Poverty efforts in this City since the pas- sage of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. I cannot comment specifically on each of the individual programs mentioned as I am not that fully knowledgeable of their Separate activities. All my train- ing and experience has been in the field of law enforcement and I must, therefore, respond to your communication from within that frame of reference. The police by the very nature of their duties have a very close and personal relationship with the people in target areas. It is their realistic observation that poverty creates the Seed-bed for delinquency and youthful delinquency too often leads to adult crime. Until we make an impact on our core city pockets of poverty, we cannot hope to resolve our escalating crime problems. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 has made excellent initial efforts in this regard; the Federal Government, however, must be even more responsive in the future to the needs of our plagued cities. This summer of crisis has dramatic- ally shown that massive Federal support is necessary if we are to resolve our cur- rent predicament. We must mobilize a major assault on the social and economic problems in American cities if our democratic system is to survive. In my professional judgment as a police administrator, the Economic Oppor- tunity Act of 1964 should be extended and all necessary funds appropriated to implement its purpose. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to express my views in this subject matter. Sincerely yours, EDMUND L. MCNAMARA, Police Commissioner. JUNE 30, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Rayburn HOuse Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: In the last few~ months I have been writing to my own Congressmen plugging for support of programs which have proved themselves of value under the O.E.O. Now, I have learned that you are chairman of the House Committee on Education and Labor, so I should write to you. I am `hoping that you are not one who wants ,to throw out O.E.O. and try a new tack "Opportunity Crusade". As to the Amendments of 1967, I am glad to see that there is no ear-marking of funds. ` But many of us of the League of Women Voters are frankly worried about the CAP., which has certainly provided a fresh, new- method of attack on local problems of deprivation and poverty. Many communities have learned, thru it, of needs they did not recognize, or even know existed. True, political considera- tions have given it tough sledding in some areas (geographical and otherwise) but on the whole, many good and imaginative programs are getting underway. Because of objective studies and research in'to programs in Iowa uńdertakeń by the Iowa League, we know something about our own state, and have been alert to experiences in other parts of the country. We believe that this is no time for drastic ~hańges or cut-backs, `and are extremely concerned over a major set-back, just when there is more need' than ever for funds for research and pilot demon- stration projects to lead the way. People, in general, expected too much, too soon, and the minorityparty quite naturally exploited this state of `mind. In these recent days, of middle-east crisis, it has been desr~erately hard to put one's mind on anything else, but I understand that domestic `business does continue, to go on in Congress, and in your committees! I only hope I am not too late to register an opinion in this matter. Sincerely yours, ELAINE SOHRAMM, Burlington, Iowa. `8O-OS4-6i~-pt. 5-9 PAGENO="0130" 3782 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 LEAGUE o~' WOMEN VOTERS, Hobart, md., June 10, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Education and Labor Committee, House of Representati'VeS, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: The Hobart League of Women Voters feels that it would be a serious mistake to deny the necessary funds for the OEO programs, or to place some of them under federal jurisdiction. We urge you to support the present OEO program and to do your utmost to prevent any crippling changes which jeopardize the present program. Thank you for your kind cooperation, Sincerely, ANN J. WORKMAN, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF WALLINGFORD, Wallingford, Conn., June 9, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: For the sixty families represented in the League of Women Voters in Wallingford, I would like to express our continued support for the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. Programs which would be affected are now functioning in Connecticut, and we are hoping that you will be able to help expedite the new legislation in your Committee. We feel that the Office of Economic Opportunity has in a short time estab- lished a laudable record, taking initiative in a whole series of innovative pro- grams that satisfy our criteria for efforts to provide equality of employment opportunity and education for everyone. We feel there is real value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and that the coordinat- ing roles of the Community Action Program should be strengthened, not weak- ened, as by transference to the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. As you know, the Leagues know well their obligation to call for adequate financing of programs we support, and we feel that the $2.06 billion authoriza- tion requested for fiscal 1968 is hardly a revolutionary sum, considering the scale of the problems to be faced `and the progress of many communities from planning to operating phases of these programs. We hope and respectfully request that you consider our support of these programs in the deliberations of your committee and in casting your votes. Yours very truly, Mrs. J. LAWRENCE POND, President. LEAGUE or WOMEN' VOTERS OF NEW MEXICO, Las Vegas, N. Mea,., June 8, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: I am writing on behalf of Mrs. Luther Lyon, President of the League of Women Voters of New Mexico, and myself concerning the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967, H.R. 8311. The League has actively studied the Economic Opportunity Act and strongly supports this effort. The League is opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity. `There is value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of originating, coordinating, and eval- uating programs related to these needs. Moreover, it is important at this point to work to strengthen rather than weaken the initiating and coordinating roles of the Community Action Program on the national and local levels. This is not to say that the League members believe current OEO progzams to be perfect. But this is the time for continued and sophisticated evaluation of results rather than drastic changes and cutbacks. PAGENO="0131" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3783 The League hopes that you, in your position, of leadership in this matter, will be able to exert constructive leadership in obtaining support for this legislation and resisting any efforts to defeat the Amendments or "spin off" some of the programs. Sincerely, Mrs. Lois REISER E~1RIcK, Board of Directors. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF AIKEN COUNTY, Aiken, 2.0., June 13, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAn Mn. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters' of Aiken County strongly supports the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 (H.R. 8311). During the past two years, our League has made a study of the need for anti- poverty programs in our community and how these needs are being met. Although the local CAP Agency has experienced some difficulty in getting organized, a beginnhig has now been made. This can be readily understood when consideration is given to the usual objections to attempts to raise the living standards of the poor plus the added burden of rallying public support for integrated programs. In Aiken County, where at 18.25% of the families are supported on an annual income of $2,000 or less (in fact, 2,400 families exist on less than, $1,000 per year), there is obviously a large underdeveloped labor force which only better education, manpower training, health and welfare programs can improve. A lack of local vocational education for the unemployed and under-employed is particu- larly disturbing when statistics show that 65% of our children fail to complete twelve years of schooling. There are programs, in our county, in other agencies which could provide some positive assistance to the poor. but for various reasons, they have not been able to reach those most in need. Therefore, we believe that there are distinct advantages in having a single agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for originating and coordinating programs related to those needs. Innovative in concept, OEO programs provide practical means for educational and economic advancement, not ways to make poverty more bearable. May we point out a few examples of the advantages of our `CAP Agency programs. Since we do not have public school kindergarten, many children enter school totally unprepared, and receive little individual attention in overcrowded first grades. Head Start fills a need not now met by any other `public facility. (Even public kindergartens probably would not be able to provide all the services of Head `Start.) Six hundred children came last summer, many who did not know their names, who had never used a knife or fork, who had never seen a book, who had never `been to a doctor or a dentist, who did not know anything about the world beyond their own neighborhood. `Some League members who helped with the house-to-house recruitment for Head Start this year found that the poor whites are more invisible than the Negro and are less informed about opportunities for improvement. Related to this, our study showed that there are almost as many whites in the income level for `CAP agency programs as there are Negroes. We mention this `because it seems `that more time and effort are needed to bring all groups of the disadvan- taged out of their isolation of poverty. Although, we have no local Job `Corps Center, we know of cases of young people lacking in education and employment, who have `been given an oppor- tunity for self-improvement not available to them anywhere else. There is a great need for Child Day Care Centers in our area. The local CAP agency has requested funds for the establishment of such nurseries in several sections of Aiken County. Many pre-school children are left either unattended or with undesirable or incompetent persons while both parents work. CAP agencies are particularly designed to reach these people that other agencies either overlook or ignore. Finally, we believe that there is great virtue in encouraging and allowing local citizens to determine local needs and seek local solutions. Any reduction of PAGENO="0132" 3784 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 funds atthis time or changes in *the concept of OEO programs would only help to destroy the advances made to eliminate poverty. Respectfully yours, Mrs. JoHN G. LYoN. President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF PENNSYLVANIA, Philadelphia, Pa., June 1~, 1.967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Cli airman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: The League of Women Voters of Pennsylvania wishes to express its support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments (HR. 8311 and S. 1545) in the belief that this most essential program should clearly be continued and its Vital activities be sustained. Since in Pennsylvania more than half the people reached through OEO pro- grams and nearly half the money spent are concerned with Community Action Programs. the amendments dealing with this area are of special interest to us. We have been pleased to note that, as the bill now stands, the legislation does not earmark Title II funds for specific programs, thus leaving the local agencies free to bring their necessary knowledge and experience to bear on the particular choices which must be made. We also note with interest the provision for membership of public officials and representation of business, labor and other community leadership on Community Action Agencies. Having observed the participation of such groups in some of the Community Action Agencies in Pennsylvania, we can attest to the effectiveness of such representation. Having noticed in our studies the great complexity of the poverty program, we hope that the necessary objective evaluation of community action programs may be aided by the provisions setting up standards for such evaluation included in the amendments. As we have observed the Community Action Program in various locations throughout Pennsylvania, we are much impressed by the value of this approach to the problems of poverty. As citizens in poverty areas become active in solving their own problems, both morale and specific achievements benefit. Sincerely, Mrs. ROBERT FARLOW, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF CHARLESTON AREA, WEST VIRGINIA. June 21, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Cli airin an. house Committee on Education and La bor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: The League of Women Voters of Charleston Area, West Virginia urge your support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. Our local community action program at the Kennedy Center has given the residents of the area a basis for hope. There are several programs in operation there for children and adults that should have some lasting results. As you know. Action for Appalachian Youth is the local agency supervising the program at the Kennedy Center, and it is also in charge of other community program. We are heartened by its efforts in the rural areas. Charleston has accepted the Job Corps and has made note of its effectiveness. These are devoted volunteers assisting this program, and that is a true indication of the community's approval of the program. We are opposed to the abolishment of the Office of Economic Opportunity, feeling that this action will only dilute the programs and their effectiveness; we are fully aware of the shortcomings of some of the programs, but drastic changes and reduction of funds will not improve the picture. Very truly yours, LUCILLE PIANFETTL Chairman, hum a'n Resources Committee. PAGENO="0133" ECONOMIC~ OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3785 LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA, Columbia, July 5, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: In regard to the Administration bill on Economic Oppor- tunity (H.R. 8311), the League of Women Voters of South Carolina would like to express its support of the Office of Economic Opportunity. We believe that there is value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor, and responsible for originating, coordinating,, and evaluating programs related to those needs. We believe that the Office of Economic Opportunity has shown imagination in developing new programs for the poor, and we feel that the innovative nature of these programs has been beneficial. In South Carolina, OEO programs had reached (`as of March 24, 1967) 165,070 people. The'se programs now operate in all 46 counties, and `they have been sensitive to the needs of the poor in a way that other programs have not. Community Action Programs alone, operating in 44 co'unties, have reached a total of 81,613 people (March 1967), and we give highest priority to the continuation of `this particular program of OEO. The Adult Basic Education programs, which `operate in all counties, have reached 20,728 people, and last summer's Head Start program enrolled 19,916 children. A new program in adult education and vocational training undertaken by the S.C. Economic' Opportunity Board in association with the State Board of Education, P'roject T-Square, recently opened its first of twelve proposed centers with far more applicants than it will `be able to enroll for many months. Because we feel that these and other OEO programs are meeting a nned which established agencies had not been able to meet (and in many cases had not identi- fied), we support their continuation in South Carolina, and we feel that the situ- ation on the national level is similar. We are therefore opposed to the present efforts to cut back or "spinS off" pro- grams to other agencies, but favor instead amending the present act to include more specific provisions for evaluation both by OEO itself and outside profes- sionals. We also support increased funds for research and pilot demonstration projects. Sincerely yours, Mrs. SHERROD BUMGARDNER, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF CHICAGO. Chicago, Ill., July 10, 1967. Hon. FRANK ANNUNZIO, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN ANNUNZIO: As you know, the League of Women Voters of the United States and all local Leagues have followed w-ith great interest the development of the war on poverty since the passage of the Economic Opportu- nity Act of 1964. The League has a strong consensus from its members `supporting those national programs which were designed to further' equality of opportunity in education and employment. Here in Chicago, the Office of Economic Opportunity has launched a series of innovative programs, reflecting a sensitivity to the basic inequalities facing the hard-core poor. This single agency has been particularly responsive to the needs of the poor, as well as being responsible for originating, coordinating and evalu- ating programs related to those needs. We feel that it is important to strengthen the OEO at the national and local levels to insure the continuation of these functions, and to insure that programs administered by other agencies are actu- ally directed to the needs of the poor. It is our strong feeling that the time has come for sophisticated evaluation of program results, rather than drastic changes and cutbacks. We have seen the disheartening effects of cutbacks in Community Action Programs (CAP) in Chi- cago. Programs, like Jobs-for-Teens, were moving into time operating stage and making significant breakthroughs w-lien funding was reduced or completely elim- inated. It has become apparent that CAP is the vital element for encouraging social progress in our community by stimulating initiative, innovation and par- ticipation. It will become increasingly important to foster new and imaginative PAGENO="0134" 3786 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 programs to create change and maintain the momentum of current programs. Adequate funds must be available at every level. We urge you to consider `the necessity `of strengthening the Office of Economic Opportunity so that it may meet the expectations which the Economic Act created. Sincerely, Mrs. 1-lANs W MATTICK, President. BURLINGTON, IowA, June 22, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburm House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: As an individual and as chairman of the Human Resources Com- mittee of the Burlington, Iowa, League of Women Voters, I urge you to vote iii the affirmative when the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments `of 1967 (HR. 8311) are `before the House. We are most concerned about those of Title I which deal specifically with Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. The League (and I as an individual) `is opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity as proposed `by the "Opportunity Crusade." There is value in having a single federal agency respo'nsive to the needs of the poor and re- sponsible for the difficult job of originating, coordinating and evaluating pro- grams related to those needs. It is important at this point to work to strengthen rather than weaken the initiating and coordinating roles of the Community Action Program on the national and local levels, and `it is difficult to see how this would be accomplished by transferring CAP to the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Established agencies had not been overly sensitive to the basic inequalities faced `by the hard-core poor in the United States, and `there is no reason to believe that they would again. In contrast. OEO has been imaginative in its development of new programs. While coordination of -the various poverty programs run by different government agencies has not always' been smooth, there is little reason to see why disbanding OEO or "spinning off" major pro- grams w-ould improve relationships between, for example, HEW and the Depart- ments of Labor, Agriculture, and Housing and Urban Development. Rather, the coordination role of OEO an'd CAP (`on the local as well as national level) should be buttressed in order to better insure that poverty programs administered by other agencies (including delegated EOA programs) actually are directed to the needs of the poor. As mentioned above, the League is giving `highest priority in its concern to the continuation of the Community Action Program, which, by stimulating local initiative, innovation, and participation of the groups to be served, has become a vital element for encouraging social progress in hundreds of communities throughout the country. We are opposed to the kind of earmarking of funds done in the 1966 Amendments, and it is encouraging to note that the proposed Eco- nomic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 not only propose increased funds, but the CAP funds are not earmarked. The League also supports other EOA programs including those that provide basic education, work-training and experience for both adults and youth. Here in Burlington our `CAP programs are just beginning to get under way and it would be tragic if funds were either cutback or cut off completely. The Home- makers' Service has been very beneficial to the elderly, chronically ill. mothers with new babies, etc., meeting a real need in Burlington. `This summer 78 chil- dren are enrolled in Head Start. A constructive result of the Head Start program two years ago was the organizing of the Parents in Action group, made up of the parents of Head Start children. This group continues to meet regularly and has been of great value to the parents. If the program begun by Head Start is to have lasting value, how-ever, it needs to be a year-round project, and plans are `being developed to launch such a proj- ect in the fall-if OEO funds `become available. A Planned Parenthood Clinic- formed initially to serve Head Start parents and others in the target group-is also in the planning stage. If these two "babies" are not allowed to be "born," real assis'tance to the target group will be lost. We urge you again to vote for the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments for 1967. Specifically, it seems to us in the League that the local Community Action PAGENO="0135" ECONOMIC OPPORTIJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3787 Programs, with their emphasis on self-help and neighborhood initiative, provide the best framework for accomplishing this goal. Sincerely, Mrs. LEONARD STARK, Chairman, Development of Human Resources Committee, League of Women TToters. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, Kansas City, Mo., June 12, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: We understand that committees will hold hear- ings during June concerning the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 (HR. 8311, S. 1545). The kind of legislation which finally passes will depend greatly on the content of the bills reported by the two committees. Therefore, we are writing you as well as the appropriate committee chairmen. 1. The League is opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO). There is value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of originating, coordinating and evaluation of programs related to those needs. 2. The League is giving the highest priority to the continuation of the Com- munity Action Program, including adequate funding. 3. The League supports other EOA programs including those that provide basic education, work-training and experience for both adults and youths. In Kansas City, Missouri many of our League members are participating as volunteers in such programs as Head Start and W. I. C. S. (Women in Com- munity Service). In this latter program, these concerned and dedicated women in our community seek out and interview girls eligible for the Job Corp. Though unpaid, these volunteers feel their real reward comes from talking with these girls who return to take a constructive ro1~ in our community. Visits to Excelsior Springs and Omaha have shown that while there have been growing pains and relationships to be worked out with the local communities, it is a fact, in Oiriaha for instance the community businesses and industries now provide one hundred on the job training experiences. The same pattern of sup- port is developing in Excelsior Springs and in the surrounding metropolitan area. We are in favor of Head Start but we believe that it would be foolish to think it is easy to seek out and encourage High School drop-outs to risk another failure as it is to gather up four year olds eager to go to school. League members do not necessarily believe current OEO programs to be per- fect, but this is the time for continued and sophisticated evaluation of results rather than drastic changes and cutbacks. Therefore, the League increased funds for research and pilot demonstration projects. Since it is likely that the issues before Congress, when it considers fiscal 1908 Authorizations for EOA programs, will also include the lifespan of the OEO as an independent agency; a basic question is: If there is continued weakening of the OEO as a coordinating and administrative agency on the federal level, how can local Community Action Programs function as originally conceived in 1964? It was determined that we can and should break the cycle of poverty. In studying the amendments, there seem to be provisions scattered throughout the bills that playdown the innovative role of EOA programs. Should we be concerned? We would appreciate your comments and advice. Sincerely, Mrs. REX A. STOUT, President. Mrs. DwIGHT DAVIS, Cli airman, Development of Human Resources. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF THE CITY OF NEw YORK, New York, June 22, 1967. Hon. CARLD. PERKINS, House of Representatives, Washington, D.c. DEAR MR. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of the City of New York joins Leagues throughout the country in support of the Economic Opportunity PAGENO="0136" 3788 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Amendments of 1967 (HR. 8311). We urge you in your ~important role as Chair- man of House Committee on Education and LabOr to report out a bill that will clearly indicate that the war on poverty and development of local initiative and self-help are a major priority for 1967. In our estimation this would necessitate the continuation of the OEO in a prime role and above all provide for the con- tinuation and expansion of Community Action Programs. Our support for Community Action Programs is based on our knowledge of these programs in New York City. For the past several months members of the New York City League have been visiting Community Action Programs through- out the five boroughs. Included were Community Progress Centers in South Jamaica, the Lower West Side, South Bronx, Morrisania, Williamsburg, Browns- ville-East New York and Fort Greene. We also visited Bedford Stuyvesant's Youth In Action, HARYOU, MEND, Mobilization for Youth, East Harlem Ten- ants Council and all the Small Business Development and Opportunity Corpoi~a- tions as well as a number of smaller programs. Members spoke with directors of programs, bloekw-orkers, and other staff members in all attempt to find out how CAPS operate in New York City. We are trying to get an over-all impression to determine if CAPS merit continued financing and to see if the original concept of flexibility and involvement of the poor themselves in drawing up programs should be supported. Members were enthusiastic about the programs visited. They were favorably impressed by most of the people with whom they spoke. They commented on the dedication and enthusiasm of the staff and the positive way in which most of them related to the coimnunity, on the firsthand knowledge they had of the area and the number of professionals who lived in the area served by a program. Reports seemed to indicate that the spirit and intent of the CAP legislation was being carried out with a great deal of emphasis on community action. The emphasis indeed was to stimulate initiative rather than dependence. We would like to see this opportunity for the development of local initiative continue, and the widest flexibility be permitted. Our interest in these programs grows out of our deep concern with the need to continue to combat poverty through the expansion of education and employment opportunities. We are neither a governmental agency nor involved in the expendi- ture of anti-poverty funds. From ouy objective viewpoint Community Action Programs are still iii the formative stages and while modifications are in order (more long-range fiscal planning, increased cooperation with the private sector, greater involvement of the State, greater participation of the poor in policy- making) any drastic curtailment is very premature. The League also supports other EOA programs including those that provide basic education, work-training and experience for both adults and youth. We look forward to hearing that you are in accord with our position on H.R. 8311. Sincerely, Mrs. IRWIN TOBACK, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF ALEXANDRIA, VA., June 25, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: Serious concern was expressed at the May meeting of the National Council of the League of Women Voters in Washington, D.C. over cuts in the appropriations for the Office of Economic Opportunity, and moves in the Congress that threaten the existeiwe of both the Economic Opportunity Act and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. The League of Alexandria. Virginia is particularly interested in assuring the continuation of the Community Action Program, which stimulates local initiative, innovation, and participation of the groups to be served. The Alexandria League supports adequate funds for CAP. and is opposed to the kind of earmarking in the 1966 amendments which stringently cut back money for locally-developed pro- grams. We note that proposed O.E.O. amendments of 1967 do not earmark funds, but we fear there may be strong efforts to do so in both Houses of Congress. The Alexandria Day-Care proposal, which has been delayed for several months because of unresolved issues between our city government and the O.E.O., has now received official approval and funding through O.E.O. to Hopkins House, a PAGENO="0137" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3789 separate agency. The opening date for the center is now set for 1 August 1967. The Economic Opportunities Commission of Alexandria, which has been inac- tive because of differences between the City Council and the O.E.O., will be given a chance for new life as a result of the amendments to the ordinance governing the structure of the commission and the city's power to veto programs which do not involve city funds. The amended ordinance will make it possible for Alexan- dria to receive funds for a C.A.P. for the first time, although such funds have been available for three years. It would be tragic for us to resolve our local difficulties, only to fall victims to a Congressional cut-off of funds for C.A.P. We have worked `hard on plans to go ahead on a Neighborhood Center, a Credit Union, and additional day-care facilities as soon as funds are forthcoming. It would be a blow to the people in the target areas who have waited and hoped for so long to cut off these funds. We urge you to appropriate sufficient funds to keep the CAP. going. Sincerely yours, Mrs. HUGH T. CUNNINGHAM, President. MICHIGAN CITY, INn., June 20, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chainnan, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: The members of the League of Women Voters of Michigan City, Indiana, are concerned about the impending danger of the cutback `of fun'ds for the O.E.O. and the C.A.P. in particular. We feel `that the work that is being done and the plans on the `hoard for future implementation are for the most part successfully trying to meet the ,needs of the poor, while at the same time involving these people in their own renewal. Locally our program is looking to funding this `month. This is a I-lead Start program that will at the outset reach one-half the youngsters that can benefit by it. The other half will `be included in the second year's plan. This will total over 400 youngsters from deprived homes. Also to `be funded is our Neighborhood Center program. At least `five centers are planned which will provide counseling for the underprivileged in the area's of housekeeping, health, budgeting. home buying, legal aid, etc. etc. All of these plans have already been implemented through volunteer effort but need materials and paid qualified leadership. Please do all you can to see that these funds for O.E.O. and. C.A.P. `are not reduced and if possible are increased to meet the new programs in the planning stages. Sincerely, Mr. ROBERT LYLES, Chairman, Human Resources, Michigan City League of Women Voters. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, Albuquerque, N. Mew., June 27, 1967. Homi. CARL PERKINS, Cli a i'm-man, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington., D.C. M~ DEAR MR. PERKINS: The Albuquerque League of Women Voters is intensely concerned with the 1967 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act. We urge your support both in committee hearings and on the House floor for passage of these amendments. The Community Action Programs are vital to depressed areas in their "out- reach" to the people in the immediate environs of neighborhood centers. These people do not avail theniselves. of opportunities existing within the community for reasons of economics, illiteracy, fear, ignorance. or motivation. Through the Eco- nomnic Opportunity Board, five centers in Albuquerque are now a reality, each serving its area through other agencies-some existing prior to the inception of OEO; that is, each cen'ter provides Legal services, Pre-natal Clinic, Well-Baby Clinic, Planned Paren.thood Clinic, Mental Health Programs, Employment Coun- seling, Vocational Rehabilitation, Consumer Aid in Education, Day Care Center. The unemployed, the under-employed, the illiterate and even some physically handicapped have benefited through `training provided at `the center or through the éenter's referral to training programs at the Technical Vocational Institute, PAGENO="0138" 3790 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Neighborhood Youth Corps, Upward Bound Program, Tutorial Program, Headstart. During the last session of the New Mexico legislature a group from the centers successfully lobbied for an increase in the state minimum wage. Several years ago these people would not have ventured to the state capital to present their problems. The poor are finding that they can help themselves. The League feels that this self-help is generated through one agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for originating, coordinating, and imple- menting needed programs. Adequate funding for CAP programs is imperative. Very truly yours, ROMOLA REINEKE, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, Newark-Grctnvilie, June 19, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: I am writing in my capacity as president of the Newark-Granville League of Women Voters to ask you to support the federal agency of the Office of Economic Opportunity, and to vote to give adequate financing to the Economic Opportunity Act programs. The League members believe that the O.E.O. represen4s the best means of dealing in a coordinated fashion with the problems of poverty, and the League is opposed to seeing the responsibilities of the O.E.O. divided amongst numerous federal agencies, where no coordination, and much duplication, of effort will be effected. The League supports amending the present act (H.R. 8311, S. 1545) to include specific provisions for evaluation of the O.E.O. program. We also favor increased funds for research and pilot demonstrations projects. In Licking County, our local O.E.O. (LEADS)' office has just received grants to establish neighborhood centers, which could represent an enormous step for- ward in "getting aJt" the problems and needs of the poor in our area. We hope that funds will be voted by Congress to enable this and other programs to move forward. The riots in our major cities clearly indicate that there is a great need to educate, train, and assist the alienated poor of this nation. The O.E.O. presently represents our best hope of achievement in this area. We deeply hope that Congress will decide to retain the Office of Economic Op- portunity as a single federal agency, with its job of originating, coordinating and evaluating programs related to the education and training of the poor and underprivileged of this nation, and hope that you will vote and work toward this end. Sincerely yours, LOUISE MILLER, President. BETTY GRUDIN, Cha irmctn, Development of Human Resources Committee. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF OAK RIDGE, Oah Ridge, Tenn., June 28, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINs: The League of Women Voters of Oak Ridge encourages your support for the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1067, House Bill 8311. We feel the Office of Economic Opportunity should be strength- ened and continue in its role of coordinating, innovating, and initiating new ideas. Adequate funds should be made available for programs designed by local community action agencies to meet to meet the specific needs of their communi- ties. Programs such as Headstart, Neighborhood Youth Corps, and Job Corps, should not be spun off to existing agencies but should be kept under the direction of the Office of Economic Opportunity. Now is not the time to weaken or eliminate the Office of Economic Opportunity. For the first time, many of our established institutions which have not been PAGENO="0139" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3791 overly sensitive to the needs of low income people, are beginning to see things a~ little differently and to begin to accept the concept of self-help which is so basic to community action. The Office of Economic Opportunity is a vital part of this process and will be needed to exert its influence in the areas of employment,. education, legal aid, welfare, health, family planning, etc. Many communities, such as the four county community action group of which Anderson County is a part, have gone through a painful process of learning to coordinate resources, to plan ahead, to take a new look at poverty. We, like many other communities, may be on the threshold of success. We need the Economic Opportunity Act to continue so that our rural and city poor may benefit and have a chance to develop to their fullest capabilities. We have heard many criticisms of the administration of the Economic Oppor- tunity Act. Yet should we have expected miracles without any mistakes in a program so dependent on individual participation at the local level? The Economic Opportunity Act, particularly community action, counted on us at the local level to work together, to solve our own problems with our own initiative and re- sponsible actions. Many times we have failed locally to accept this responsibility. It takes time and much trial and error for professionals and volunteers to learn to work together and four politicians to accept a change in status quo which might endanger their future in politics, for the middle class to listen to low income people, for low income people to learn to operate through democratic processes. We feel that now is the time for Congress to be patient and to encourage those who are trying to help themselves through the various programs offered through the Economic Opportunity Act. Sincerely, Mrs. Ror THOMA, President. Mrs. M. P. STIJLBERG, Chairman, Human Resources. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF SOIJTHFIELD, Soutlbfield, Hick., June 14, 1967. Mr D~R Mn. PERKINS: Our League is extremely concerned over the possible reshuffling and loss of the Office of Economic Opportunity. We have just com- pleted a study on the county level (Oakland) and understand the very real need and usefulness of this office and attending organizations. I strongly urge you to lend your full support to the maintenance of OEO. We must begin now to break this chain of poverty and ignorance. Tomorrow may be too late. In this short 21/2 years CAP and the Job Corps have proven their worthiness. Very truly yours, SHIRLEY WAK. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF LA GRANGE AND LL GRANGE PARK, ILL., June 10, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS. Chairman House Committee om Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. Mr DEAR MR. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters has been concerned with development of human resources and has studied the legislation passed by Con- gress dealing with education and poverty. We support federal programs which aid disadvantaged people to gain better educations and job skills, and those which encourage local communities to consider their own problems and the best methods to solve or mitigate them. The La Grange-La Grange Park League of Women Voters is particularly in- terested in the Head Start program which has operated in our local communities for two years. We would like to see more evaluation of enrollees and possible pro- grams to follow up and sustain the impetus given by this preschool experience. We are also much interested in the Community Action program which, we feel, is extraordinary in that it gives the people in the community the chance and the responsibility to concern themselves with community problems instead of expect- ing tile state and federal governments to do the job. In our study we found our local group. the Lyons Township CAP, formed less than two years ago, to be a PAGENO="0140" 3792 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 small but effective body which includes a number of low income persons. With the aid of Cook County OEO staff, it has studied the local recreation program in the low income area, met with the cillage commission and seen considerable improve- ment in programing. In addition it studied the need for basic adult education, approached the local high school district which then applied for Title JIb funds and set up a program. The CAP group advised and recruited approximately fifty students for the program which has been commended by the state Superintendent of Public Instruction. A legal services program was drawn up and later incorpo- rated into the countywide proposal which was recently funded. A proposal for summer day care to supplement the local recreation program has been drawn up and is being review-ed. We believe that this positive activity is a good indication that CAP funds must be available so that needed programs can be set up although we conimend the CAP approaches to problems w-hich can be handled locally with- out the use of federal funds. We strongly urge that your committee report out a bill w-hich retains OEO as an effective agency including Head Start. Job Corps and unearmarked CAP funds and an authorization w-hich w-ill allow these important programs to continue and grow. Sincerely, OI~IvE A. VANDERWAHL, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERs OF Missouni, St. Louis, Mo.. June 9, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS. Cha inn an, House Coin in ittee on Education anti Lab or, Rayburn House Office Building, Wasl~ ington, D.C. DEAR Mn. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Missouri urges you to support the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1907 (HR. 8311, S. 134~) and the authorization of the appropriations requested. Programs initiated by the Office of Economic Opportunity in communities throughout Missouri have been of interest to the League from the first. In order to secure equality of opportunity in education and employment for all citizens, it is necessary to carry forw-ard such programs beyond this initiative stage. We are particularly concerned that Community Action Programs be continued. Sincerely, Mrs. CALD WELL K. HAMILTON, President. Mrs. LLOYD THOMAS, Human Resource Cli airman. League of TVomen Voters of ]Iissovri. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF MINNETONKA VILLAGE, Minnetonka, illinn., .Jvne 10, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Mu. PERKINS: The Minnetonka League of Women Voters requests your consideration and support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1007 (HR-8311) and urges that you oppose attempts to spin off some of the program when this bill comes before the Senate. We ask that you take into consideration our League position in that w-e are opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity, we support amending the present act to include more specific provisions for evaluation both by OEO itself and outside professionals, we also support increased funds for research and pilot demonstration projects, we support adequate funds for CAP and op- pose earmarking of these funds, and we support other EOA programs including those that provide basic education, work training and experience for both adults and youth. The intensive interest League has in the continuation of the Community Action Program made all the more disappointing the cutback in last year's funds which PAGENO="0141" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3793 limited our own program so drastically. We hope we may count on your help in preventing its repetition. Sincerely, Mrs. EDWARD WORZ, President. STATEMENT OF MRS. ROGER STOVER, PRESIDENT, LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF RHODE ISLAND The League of Women Voters of RI. welcomes the opportunity to be heard by this distinguished committee of U.S. Senators. During the past three years the R.I. League along with other leagues through- out the United States, has studied various aspects of the Economic Opportunity Act and we now support many of its programs. At this hearing, however, we wish to confine our remarks to the Community Action Programs. It appears that CAP may be endangered by a lack of adequate appropriation by the Congress. We fear that such a step would shackle the very real and often successful at- tempts at solving old problems in new and experimental ways. Many of the pro- grams to which we point with pride today are a direct result of the ideas from those people who serve on the Boards of the Community Action Program coupled with the necessary federal funds to test them. An example of how the Community Action Program has tackled one problem w-ith an imaginative approach is taking place in Providence. It is called the "teenagers Probe Project", and involves teenagers interviewing potential teenage delinquents to discuss with them their problems. A common under- standing has led to the healthy participation in "Drop-In" centers by the potential delinquents. This program has been so successful that it is being expanded to include an adult interviewers project. Another example of ingenious experimentation is occurring in the city of Warwick where a foster grand-parents program is underway. This program brings together the needy elderly with institutionalized youth and creates a family-type atmosphere of warmth and guidance. And also the successful South Providence tutorial program which exists to- day was stimulated by the Communityl ActiOn Program. We do not wish to infer that every program nuder the OAP has been an unqualified success. Indeed in 1965, 47% of the Neighborhood Youth Corps Projects in RI. were under deserved attack. Since that time, however, remedial steps have been taken and today every Youth Corps project in our State meets the national criteria and is successful. Neither do we suggest that there is no room for improvement in some programs. What we do feel, though, is that the OAP is a vital, innovative key to new solutions to the problems that are being faced today. Holding to the line of the "Status Quo" of the now-existing programs is simply not enough. New- pro- grams still must be sought in order to provide for a continuing pi'ocess of answers to wide-spread problems. Funding for these projects should allow for ingenuity and experimentation. We urge your committee to recommend to the Congress sufficient funds to provide for new and imaginative approaches in the hopes that the results will be as successful as many of the CAP-stimulated projects have already proven to be. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF THE GREATER JUNEAU BOROUGH, Juneau, Alaska, July 5, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: This letter i's in regard to recent Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967, HR. 8311 and `S. 1545. with some positive information on how effective one of these programs is functioning here-the Gastineau Area Community Action Program. In the past year the League of Women Voters of the Greater Juneau Boroug~h ha's `been studying a number of local programs initiated by the Office of Economic Opportunity and other agencies. PAGENO="0142" 3794 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 During the past two years CAP here has been loosely organized, but has initi- ated OEO funded Headstart programs and ha's been working on an Alcoholics Information Center. This year Juneau received no OEO funds for a summer Headstart and the `community had more or less given up having the program at all. The local CAP however, with a lot of `hard work and initiative found other sources of funds to finance a summer program *for approximately forty chil- dren from economically and socially deprived farnifies. There is a lot of en- thusiasm and `support in the community for the program and the parents of Headstart dhildren are involved more personally this year as well as other members of the community. A lot of volunteer help at the beginning has helped to make the program a `success so far and we have an excellent director and `staff. We feel this is the `sort of thing OAP's are intended to accomplish. We are proud of our local organization for being able to `spark this kind of `support and participation from all segments of Juneaifs `society. As they progress with proj- ects like this, they will undoubtedly gain stronger `support from the conimunity on other things. Sincerely, Mrs. WILLIAM DmEEL5, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF MADIsON, Madison, Wis., June 13, 1967. Ron. O~aii~ PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education aGul Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR `CONGRESSMAN Pii~KINs: The League of Women Voters of Madison urge your vigorous support of the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments as set forth in S. 1545 (HR. 8311). We have studied the existing CAP in Madison for the past year and are `convinced that these programs are worthy of continuation and `support. T'he Head Start program is making admirable `progress with the children in Dane County. In addition, the involvement of the parents in the program has been most effective. The Parent Council ha's raised money to supplement the government grant. In addition, the curriculum of the Parent Education pro- gram has given the increasing awareness of their own needs for more education and for participation in the `community. This `stimulation ha's caused some of the parents to resume their education, others to form groups directed toward improvement of themselves or their community, to appear at legislative hearings and to register to vote for the first time. The Dane County Neighborhood Youth Corps has been very successful. The youth are recommending the program to their peers and the employers are asking for twice as many youth as can be salaried under the present grant. The Dane County Community Action Commission staff has done a commend- able job in carrying out the present programs and designing new ones. One-half of the mission members are low-income people who have had an active part in formulating new proposals. Unfortunately, two proposals were not submitted because there was no funding available. Both proposals were drafted to fill real needs in this community which will not now be met. All programs, operated or proposed, are responsive to demonstrated needs in this area which haven't been met by other agencies. We urge your continued sup- port of these programs so that Dane County can offer new horizons to a segment of our society which had begun to lose hope. Yours sincerely, Mrs. C. H. DRAEGER. President. THE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF REDDING. C0XN.. June 27. 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Redding. Conn. wishes to inform you of our support pf the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 (H.R. 8311). PAGENO="0143" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3795 Our League favors the increase in funds for EOA programs that this legislation would authorize and we do not favor the kind of earmarking in the 1966 Amend- ments which stringently cut back money available for locally developed programs. We are opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity or to weaken- ing the Community Action Program. The coordinating role of the OEO and CAP is `a vital one and needs to be strengthened in order to better insure that poverty programs administered by other agencies actually are directed to the needs of the poor. Knowing that current OEO programs are not perfect, League members believe that this is the time for evaluation of results rather than drastic changes and cutbacks. We have been in touch with the local Community Action Agency, called ACTION, in Danbury, Conn. In its second year of existence this agency has aroused the interest and cooperation of a wide variety of governmental and com- niunity leaders and social agencies; it has been in constant touch with the poor and has outlined many needed programs not now funded; it has been sponsor- ing neighborhood elections this month for representatives of the poor to the board of directors. Many programs, such as Head Start, work-training and ex- perience for adults and youth, adult education and basic education, Upward Bound and others are well established in the Danbury area. There is reason for pride in what has been accomplished but also reason for concern that the surface has just been scratched in eliminating causes of poverty in our area. Our League can see no reason to weaken the Economic Opportunity Act pro- grams and therefore we urge your support of HR. 8311. Sincerely, Mrs. MICHAEL ERLANGER, President. LEAGuE OF WOMEN VOTERS, .Towx OF HEMPSTEAD CENTRAL, Rockville Centre, N.Y., June 14, 1.967. Representative C.~RL PERKINS,. Chairman, Hoi.ise Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: We note that Congressional Hearings will be held soon on the Economic Opportunity Act Amendments of 1967. The Adminis- tration bill (HR. 8311, S. 1545) asks for a rock-bottom appropriation. We urge you to give the highest priority to the Community Action Program. We oppose the kind of earmarking of funds that occurred in 1966, and are en- couraged by the fact that the proposed bill does not earmark OAP funds. We are delighted to learn that 70% of the Job Corps trainees have found jobs, returned to school or entered the military. It is commendable that the cost per trainee has been reduced. Please do everything possible to continue this excellent program in its' present form. We strongly oppose `the transfer `of any programs from the OEO to another agency. We' desire that the Office of Economic Opportunity be continued. The co- ordinating role `of OEO should `be buttressed in order to better insure that poverty programs administered by other agencies (including delegated EOA programs) actually are directed to the needs' of the poor. "The League of Women Voters of `the Town `of Hempstead Central is observing closely w'hat is happening locally to ea'ch aspect of the war on poverty. Both the poor. and the more fortunate will be grateful to you for strengthening `our com- munity by `supporting the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. Respectfull3 voui s Mrs. ROBERT CHANDLER, President. STEVENS POINT, Wis., June 12, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, TIo use Office Builaing TVasliington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: I am writing `to you as chairman of the House Education and Labor `Cpmmittee which we expect will begin hearings soon on HR. 8311, the Economic Opportunity Amendments ActS of 1967. As presiden't of the League of Women Voters of Stevens Point I am urging you to support this bill. PAGENO="0144" 3796 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 By having an Economic Opportunity Council which would advise the President as well as the O.E.O. Director the coordination of effort will be improved es- pecially since staff for the council is authorized. It also seems that the two a~ldi- tional assistant directors would be helpful in administration which has been admittedly weak ill some instances. Our experience with O.E.O. programs in Stevens Point has been quite good. Everyone agrees that "Head'Start" has been a success. We also think that Up- ward Bound" largely used in this area by Indian youth was beneficial to all. The Work Study program for college students has been fine too. As for the Job Corps it must be remembered that these youth were almost 100% failures socially. To us the drop out rate of 30% is not disturbing. The important fact is that 70% do stay! At this time we also wish to state that we are not in favor of "Opportunity Crusade" as proposed by some opponents of O.E.O. l)ecause (1) it would dis- mantle the entire Office of Economic Opportunity just as it is getting nicely started and (2) it only authorizes $1.7 billion which is about half the appropria- tion of $2.06 billion asked for F.Y. 1968 and (3) it would do away with Com- munity Action Programs which we consider valuable. In fact this seems to us an attempt to tear down programs of all kinds which we think are successful and important. We urge you to support HR. 8311. Thank you for your kind attention. Sincerely, Mrs. JOHN B. GAd, President of L.W.V. of ~S'tevens Point. HUMAN REsOURCES COMMITTEE, NORMAN LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS Norman, Okia.. June 10, 1967. DEAR CONGRESSMAN PERKiNs: We would like to express our support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 (H.R. 8311, 5. Th45). After studying the Community Action Program, the Norman League of Women Voters feels it would be a grave mistake to depart from the innovative approach CAP presents. This is a time for evaluation and improvement, not elimination. Sincerely Yours. GRETA SNELL, Cli áirm an. JANE MTDDLETON. Co-chairman. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF AUSTIN, Austin, Minn.~ June 12, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman. House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PERKINS: On behalf of the League of Women Voters of Austin, Minnesota, I should like to urge you to support the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 (H.R. 8311, `S. 154~). The League is opposed to abolishing `the Office of Economic Opportunity. There is value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of originating, co-ordinating. and evaluating pro- grams related to those needs. Moreover, it is important at this point to work to strengthen rather than weaken the mitigating and co-ordinating roles of the Coin- mnunity Action Program on the national and local levels, and it is difficult to see how this would be accomplished by transferring CAP to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. One reason the OEO was established and the CAP concept put into practice was that established agencies had not been ade- quately sensitive to the basic inequalities faced by the hard-core poor. In con- trast, OBO has been imaginative in its development of new programs. If any- thing, the co-ordinating role of OEO and CAP (on the local as well as national levels) should be buttressed to better insure that poverty programs administered by other agencies (including delegated EOA programs) are actually directed to the needs of the poor. PAGENO="0145" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3797 League members do not believe current OEO programs to be perfect, but rather than drastic changes and cutbacks, the League supports amending the present act to include more specific provisions for evaluation both by OEO itself and outside professionals. The League also supports increased funds for research and pilot demonstration projects. The League, of course, is giving the highest priority to the continuation of the Community Action Program, which, by stimulating local initiative, innovation, and participation of the groups to be served, has become a vital element for encoEraging social progress in hundreds of communities throughout the country. Needless to say, the League supports adequate funds for CAP and is opposed to the kind of earmarking on the~ 1966 Amendments which strongly cut back money available for locally developed programs. The League also supports other OEA programs including those that provide basic education, work-training and experience for both adults and youth. We would certainly appreciate your consideration of the League position and its reasons for this position as you make your decision regarding the Eco- nomic Opportunity Amendments of 1981. Sincerely yours, MRs. LEON ROBBINS, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF FARGO, Fargo, N. Dak., June 19, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chainnan, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Our local League members, following a tour of a Job Corps center, and after participation in Head Start and CAP programs, find all in our locality to be very worthwhile. We fail to see waste or extravagance. We do see young people eagerly and apprehensively readjusting and readying themselves for their future. We note Head Start programs doing much good, and the CAP pro- grams with initiative aiding many, including those parents of `H-S children. We can visit many areas in Fargo-Moorhead helped by the NYC, and we hope that our older disadvantaged citizens will be helped by the Nelson amendments and those designed along these lines. Our small businesses have been helped to remain operational with the aid of the small businesses associations and con- sultants in our area. * Though proponents of the, Opportunity Crusade politically are well meaning, the carbon-copy approach seems somewhat wishy-washy. It would seem better if they were to become known for strengthening existing programs, and the attempts being made at the ultimate utilization of the human resources than to weakly flounder on the bandwagon as opportunity presents. Hopefully, the amendments will be accepted, that the Congress will feel that the programs are worthwhile, that Congressional members will work together to strenghthen the programs, keep them active and see that they, really are doing what they should be. Hopefully, too, the imaginative creativity in the programs will be kept, and not stifled by conservatism. In this way, perhaps the poor's "what's the use" attitude will not prevail. We need these programs now, more than ever, and the more we work together to make them work eco- iiomically, socially and emotionally will certainly strenghthen all of us, and therefore our nation~ Sincerely `yours, Mrs. DONNA CIIALIMONCZYK, Chairman, Local Human Resources Committee. TIlE LEAGUE POSITION The League is opposed to abolishing the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO). In the short space of three years OEO has taken the initiative in launching a whole series of innovative programs that by and large fulfill the criteria set forth in the League's Statement of Position on Development of Human Resources. There is value in having a single federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of originating, co- oririating, and `evaluating programs related to those needs. Moreover, it is im- portant at this point to work to strengthen rather than weaken the initiating and coordinating roles of the Community Action Program on the national and SO-084-----67-pt. 5-1O PAGENO="0146" 3798 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 local levels, and it is difficult to see how this would be accomplished by trans- ferring CAP to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. One reason the OEO was established and the CAP concept put into practice was that estab- lished agencies had not been overly sensitive to the basic inequalities faced by the hard-core poor in the United States. In contrast, OEO has been imaginative in its development of new programs. Also, while coordination of the various poverty programs run by different government agencies has not been always smooth, there is little reason to see why disbanding OEO or "spinning off" major programs would improve relationships between, for example, HEW and the Departments of Labor, Agriculture, and Housing and Urban Devekipment. If anything, the coordinating role of OEO and CAP (on the local as well as na- tional level) should be buttressed in order to better insure that poverty pro- grams administered by other agencies (including delegated EOA programs) actually are directed to the needs of the poor. All the above is not to say that League members believe current OEO pro- grams to be perfect. But this is the time for continued and sophisticated evaluation of results rather than drastic changes and cutbacks. Therefore the League supports amending the present act to include more specific provisions for evaluation both by OEO itself and outside professionals. The League also supports increased funds for research and pilot demonstration projects. To turn to specific programs: the League, of course, is giving the highest priority to the continuation of the Community Action Program which, by stimu- lating local initiative, innovation, and participation of the groups to be served. has become a vital element for encouraging social progress in hundreds of com- munities throughout the country. Needless to say, the League supports adequate funds for CAP and is opposed to the kind of earmarking in the 1966 Amendments which stringently cut back money available for locally developed programs. It is encouraging to note that the proposed Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967 do not earmark CAP funds. THE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF BROOME COUNTY, Binghamton, N.Y., June 29, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DESR MR. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Broome County is very concerned about the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967-H.R. 83111, S. 1545-and strongly urges your support. Qn the local level we have been able to see under the Economic Opportunity Act, programs beginning to tackle the problems of poverty in many ways. We want to see these approaches continue and further efforts taken. League members have been attending Neighborhood Councils in poverty areas. This has given us an opportunity not only to offer voters' service information but to observe our least sophisticated citizens learning to face and solve some of their problems. We can see the very principles of democracy in action in seeing these people learning to help themselves. We live in a county that has both urban and rural poverty, Some of this poverty is just beginning to be seen. A local chapter of WIGS has been formed. This group of church women, Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and Negro women, has started recruiting and screening young women for the Job Corps, and in the course of their volunteer work have gone out of their own neighborhoods and into the scattered poverty sections throughout the county. They are concerned, as we are, with the need for the Job Corps and with the work yet to be done in the whole problem of breaking the cycle of poverty. Community Action Programs have involved church groups and interracial groups in local programs ranging from literacy training to day-care for children. Schools and industries have been involved in training problems, the most recent program being New Careers for women. We have been following closely* the growth and the growing pains of Community Action Programs in our county for the last year. Though this is, fortunately, not a region facing riots, there are still many serious needs not yet faced and not yet solved here. Your vote for the Economic Opportunity Amendments will be a step toward their solution. Sincerely, Mrs. ALBERT V. HOUSE, President. PAGENO="0147" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3799 Tun LEAGUE OF Wo~IEN VOTERS OF KINGSPORT, Kingsport, Tenn., July 11, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Sin: The League of Women Voters of Kingsport, Tennessee, is asking you to give your full support to the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. The Kingsport League of 135 members has come to consensus on the issub of poverty and its effect upon the human resources of our country, that is, its people. We are in favor of measures designed to make the nation's ideal of equal opportunity for all its citizens meaningful and real, especially in the areas of education and employment. Nationally, the League feels this is not the proper time to "spin off" the func- tions of the OEO into various other governmental departments. One reason the OEO was established and the Community Action concept put into practice was that the established agencies bad not been overly sensitive to the basic inequali- ties faced by the hard-core poor. A single agency to innovate, coordinate, and evaluate new programs is much more practical than a diffused responsibility. The League is giving highest priority to the continuation of the Community Action Program. This represents, we think, a new and hopeful kind of tool for social progress in which the poor are encouraged to help ~hemselves_5omething they have been constantly told to do, but which under the archaic social welfare laws of the thirties is in reality discouraged. Locally, we are generally pleased with the work of the Jacob's Creek Job Corps Center and with our Head-Start programs. Our City Council has bad enough confidence in the people and the programs to turn over the old Negro high school to the OEO as a center for the Upper East Tennessee Opportunity Association. Likewise our League has been invited to send a representative to sit upon the Executive Board. The Kingsport League feels it would be highly wa:steful to scrap OEO or CAP now. The programs have barely had time to become established. More time as well as money is needed to evaluate them and tailor them to local needs. The poor must be encouraged to help themselves. Also Americans need to go forward together. It is dangerous as well as un- christian to leave the impoverished fifteen per cent behind. Their expectations have become aroused. Let us encourage the natural aspirations of our citizens by giving them avenues to their fulfillment. Respectfully yours, Mrs. JOSEPH T. JENKINS, President, Mrs. GEORGE W. WHEELER, Human Resources Chairman. NEW CASTLE, IND. July 1, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House of Representatives Education and Labor Committee, House Office Building, Washingtan~ D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINs: The League of Women Voters of which I am a member, "Supports policies and programs in the United States to provide eqtulity of op- portunity for education and employment". As of this moment, the programs under the Office of Economic Opportunity although not perfect are functioning. I am not in favor discarding this depart- ment and "spin off" other programs to other departments. Health, Education and Welfare is big enough, total authorization for funds would be $1.7 billion, not enough to include all the programs under OEO in addition to the present re- sponsibilities. I would not like to see the whole project destroyed by splintering. For several months many people in New Castle have been making preparations for two Head Start programs under CAP. The people in the target areas, Bel- mont and Hospital Heights, under the guidance of Mr. Curtis Sanderson have done a commendable job. Even when the original grant ran out and it looked as if the program would not be funded, the people in the target area kept work- ing. The residents of the Hospital Heights area have also been conducting a general clean-up. In one day 65 tons of trash was removed by them with the use PAGENO="0148" 3800 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 of trucks and drivers furnisl~ed by the County Highway Dept. This was a typical example of the continuing community effort. Approval for Head Start programs were awarded last week. Additionally, CAP has worked with Farmers Union and others to make the Neighborhood Youth Corps a great success in this area and there is presently a proposal pending which will include free remedial reading instruction available to NYC young- sters in need of such specialized instruction. I urge you to support the Administration request for $2.06 billion for fiscal 1968. If the House can approve $70.3 billion for defense, surely funds for edu- cating and training juveniles, and adults and preparing children so they can have an equal stai~t in the classroom will be approved. Respectfully, Mrs. MARGARETTA L. JoHNsoN. TIlE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF WARRENSBURG. Warrensbnrg, Mo., June 20, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chainnan, House Committee on Education and La bor, House Office Building, TT7asli ington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Warrensburg w-ishes to urge your full support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. The League supports the Office of Economic Opportunity as a valuable federal agency responsive to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of origi- nating, coordinating, and evaluating programs related to their needs. The OEO has been imaginative in its development of new programs. Work- study programs, an after-school study center, and classes for welfare mothers are working well in our community, and we hope for Headstart and others in the future. We find the self-help concept, unique with these programs, to offer grow-- ing incentive and encouragement. As with many federally-administered programs that are new- in concept. a great deal of publicity has been given to mistakes and dishonesty in manage- ment. The League believes in continued evaluation and improvement of the OEO system, and urges Congress to maintain its original faith in the program and con- tinue to support its original purposes. The proof of success of our Office of Economic Opportunity is in the lives of the people involved. In many cases a generation may pass before a valid judg- mnent of effectiveness can be made. The League urges that Congress not be side- tracked from the long course they have taken. Sincerely, Mrs. ROBERT C. JONES, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OFWEST EssEx. North Caidwell, N.J., June 14, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, 1?ayburn House Office Building, TVashingtom, D.C. M~ DEAR Mn. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of West Essex. Xew Jersey, strongly urges you to support the Economic Opportunity Amendment of 1067 (H.R. 8311). Our State has made much fine progress in the war on poverty, but w-e have much more work to do. At a recent forum on the poverty war held in East Orange. there was much emphasis l)laced on the fact that the programs are nmv- ing forward, accomplishments and successes are occurring. Out of ninety-three boys trained in a recent work study prograni, eighty-three have received diplomas. and now have full time jobs. Many people involved in the program as recipients gave personal testimony to: 1. The difference the training they received has made in their ability to secure and hold jobs. 2. The new approach on their outlook toward life. We are very much opposed to the proposed abolishment of the Office of Economic Opportunity and the Job Corps and the subsequent spin off to other departments. We feel that it is necessary to strengthen the OEO rather than weaken it. Many imaginative and far reaching programs have come from this office in just three short years. We are convinced that one office handling all PAGENO="0149" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3801 the problems of poverty can be more effective than many branches each handling one specific area. There is value ill having everything under one roof and one agency responsible for originating, coordinating and evaluating all related programs. While the League is impressed with what has been clone thus far, we admit problems exist and perfection has not yet been attained. We, therefore, support amending the present Act to include study and evaluation by the OEO itself and by outside evaluators. The League supports EOA programs particularly those which deal with basic education and job training. We support the Community Actioll Program. CAP has been responsible for stimulating aild involving the poor and the community at large. We urge you to vote for continuation of the EOA and bill HR. 8311. Sincerely yours, Mrs. FRED S. KANN, President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS, New Castle, Pa., June 14, 1967. Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTA~PIVE PERKINS: I would like to express to you the support of the League of Women Voters of NewT Castle, Pennsylvania for the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. The $2.06 billion authorization requested for fiscal 1968 seems a reasonable amount, compared to the $1.75 billion authorized for fiscal 1967 because many communities are moving from the planning stage to the more expensive operation of carrying out programs. Locally, the Community Action Program is providing funds for the following activities: Head start (summer only), $46,000 for 24 retarded and 225 other disad- vantaged children Visiting Nurses Association, $25,000 as partial support Operation Mainstream, $111,000 to provide work experience and job training for the chronically unemployed The local office is also participating in the Neighborhood Youth Corps spon- sored by the Roman Catholic Diocese of Pittsburgh to provide employment for youths 16-22. Seventy local youngsters have signed up so far. The League is opposed to abolishing the Office of Econoniic Opportunity and is giving time highest priority to the continuation of the Community Action Pro- gram which, by stimulating local initiative, innovation, and participation of the groups to be served has become a vital element for encouraging social progress in hundreds of communities. The League feels that established agencies have not been overly sensitive to the basic inequalities faced by the hard-core poor, and that by contrast OEO has been imaginative in its development of new programs. In addition, we feel the coordinating role of OEO and CAP should be buttressed in order to better insure that poverty programs administered by other agencies actually are directed to the needs of the poor. The League does not endorse all actions taken under the Anti-Poverty pro- gram; nevertheless, we feel the Office of Economic Opportunity is the agency best qualified to provide equality of opportunity in education and employment *for all persons in the United States. Sincerely, MRS. VIRGINIA K0LASIN5KI. President. LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF CENTRAL SANTA CLARA VALLEY. ~8unnyvale, Calif., June 19, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House Education and Labor Committee, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PERKINS: We are writing to request your vote in support of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. Federal programs aiding the pro- PAGENO="0150" 3802 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 vision of opportunity for education and employment are achieving some exciting successes here in Santa Clara Valley with our large minority of Mexican Amer- icans with their high degree of low skills and low education. The Office of Economic Opportunity Community Action Program has been especially successful in establishing nine Area Service Centers here. Based on the concept of helping people help themselves, they provide much needed and wanted information and referral help, job placement, services and classes such as auto repair, sewing, typing and consumer advice. Such simple things as working together to provide Christmas baskets for those less fortunate than themselves have given low income participants a new sense of community spirit and responsibility. Imaginative ideas such as a small transportation service for an area without public transit are being tried. Local creativity in solving local problems has been greatly stimulated by OEO-~AP funds. These are some of the reasons we urge support of the OEO with appropriate funding of CAP without stringent earmarking of funds. Many programs have promoted job training and stimulated employment. The Small Business Development Center has created jobs for 250 people and saved 120 existing jobs. 62 families are off welfare in businesses of their own through loans from SBDC. A San Jose man, Emiio Flores, is the first in California and possibly in the nation, to have repaid his loan. More than 1268 people have re- ceived management training. The Neighborhood Youth Corps and other vocational training programs are developing on many levels from enabling Mexican American youth to stay in high school and college to retraining hard-core unemployed in such trades as hospital services and groundskeeping. Operation Headstart is being enlarged and a similar program, Day Care Centers, has provided valuable experiences and help for over a thousand farm workers' children during the harvest season. Not only are the poor being helped by these programs, but we are beginning to see some evidences in the community of increasing awareness and concern for the problems and needs of the `other' Santa Clara Valley in our affluent midst. We recognize the problems inherent in the planting and growth of the OEO- CAP but we feel that careful evaluation of results instead of changes and cut- backs will produce a rich and much needed harvest for all of us. Sincerely yours, Mus. RAYMOND STRAUss, President. LEAGUE' OF WOMEN VOTERS OF BEVERLY HILLS, Beverly Hills, Calif., Jviy 10, 1DG~/. Hon. CARL PERKINS, U.s. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. D~.n CONGRESSMAN P~xKINs: The League of Women Voters of Beverly Hills supports Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1967. We feel highest priority should be given to the continuation of Community Action Program. The Vista Program in our local Venice community has instilled hope and opportunity for our needy and has had a catalytic affect on community action. Any earmarked funds which would curtail the Economic Opportunity program would seriously affect the progress underway. Our League also supports other EOA programs including those that provide basic education, work-training and experience for both adults and youth, such as the Venice Neighborhood Adult Participation Program, Neighborhood Youth Corps and Head Start. Increased funds to continue these programs is imperative. We urge your SUp])Ort. Very truly yours, Joy RABIN, President. PAGENO="0151" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3803 LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF SOUTH SAN MATEO COUNTY, INC., Menlo Park, Calif., June 13, 1967. Hon. CARL D. PERKINS, House of Representtives, Washington, D.C. M~ D~n Mn. PERKINs: On May 10, five members' of our local League attended the San Francisco hearings of the Senate Sub-committee on Employment. Man- power, and Poverty. We heard there that under the Economic Opportunity Act the poor, for the first time, had been brought together, involved in common goals, and given a feeling of dignity. Although no one from our county testified, these statements could easily have been made by people from East Palo Alto, the poverty area in this part of the county. Although we do not have extensive programs, we do have two centers for Legal Service; a job-training center-OICW; a summer "Learn-while-you-teach" program; two Information Centers; and a Neighborhood Youth Corps which is funded until this coming September. In order to continue and expand these programs, we urge you to support the Economic Opportunity Amen4ments of 1967 and to oppose the abolishing of the Office of Economic Opportunity. The poor in South San Mateo County know that these programs are far from perfect; some are discouraged and feel that the war on poverty is already lost. But the League is convinced that these groups are beginning to show' initiative and to participate in an orderly way. Our community not only needs the programs it already `has, it needs fund's for expanding these programs and developing new ones. Community Action programs are particularly needed, and we hope that final Amendments will not earmark these funds. Very truly yours, MARY GRES5LE, President. STATEMENT BY MRS. RICHABD H. HOLTON, EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF CALIFoRNIA For three years members of the League of Women Voters of California have been researching, studying and discussing poverty programs in our `state. We quickly. learned that only a small part of the "action" is taking place in Washing- ton where the laws are made; most of the action is here at home where the laws are implemented. In addition to our traditional m'ethods of work, League mem- bers have been acting as volunteers in Head' Start and tutorial programs, have led courses in parliamentary procedure, leadership training and voter educa- tion in target areas, have conducted elections for representatives of the poor to community `action boards and have accepted appointment to these boards, often at the urging of the indigenous groups. These are our credentials. Several of the California Leagues have acquired such extensive knowledge of their local problems that we have urged them to file with your subcommittee in- formation about their specfic areas of concern. What have we learned? First, we have become acquainted with the tragic extent of poverty in Amer- ica. Hiding on the other side of our freeways in the cities and in the country are the neighborhoods we thought didn't exist because we had not been forced to see them. We all know by now the statistics of unemployment and the theory of the self-perpetuating poverty cycle. And we have discovered that there are some problems so obvious that they are completely overlooked. League after League has reported that lack of adequate low-cost public transportation has trapped the' poor within their ghettos as inevitably as her poor education. And League mem- bers, who are mostly housewives, have learned with the shock of recognition that' mothers in poverty homes cannot shop economically because- (1) The budget allows almost no leeway for quantity purchases when' prices are low; (2) There is inadequate `storage space in the home; and (3) Food~tuffs bought for tomorrow are likely to be eaten today by children who don't usually get enough to sate their growing appetites. We have learned that almost everyone loves Operation Head Start. Never- theless, we `have observed problems. This year there were inadequate funds for all the Head Start programs that were proposed. Relationships among Head Start, local school districts, and the State Department of Education need to be PAGENO="0152" 3804 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 improved in order to maintain the educational progress of Head Start children and to avoid unnecessary duplication and conflicting standards among the various federal and state programs. Finally, although we have cheered the successes of Head Start, when we observe the cutbacks in other Economic Opportunity Act programs we wonder about the wisdom of earmarking such a high percentage of EOA funds for this purpose. Although the earmarking of funds reflects the dramatic community acceptance of Head Start, it also mirrors the controversy surrounding the establishment of many of the community action planning groups. League members can sympa- thize with the anxiety of Congress. Nineteen of our Leagues have members serving on Community Action or boards of related agencies. Many other Leagues have had regular observers at CAA board meetings. Without exception Leagues report on the great difficulties encountered in developing CAAs. We have learned that there is a necessary pattern in developing an effective agency. Time, patience, and negotiating skill are needed for a community to prepare itself to use the funds available. It takes time for many communities to determine whether they have problems which ëould be met by the Economic Opportunity Act; this does not imply an absence of local problems-rather a delay in identifying them or an unwillingness to do so. It takes time to pull together the appropriate representatives of governmental agencies and the poor into a working board. It takes time to make the necessary preliminary studies. Most difficult, and often more publicized, it takes time for these diversified groups to learn how to work together and develop effective programs. This painful process may require twelve to eighteen months but it can work. We recently received a letter from a League president describing a relatively new Community Action Agency. "This group," she said, "has been in a state of crisis for many months now, culminating with a `vote of no confidence' in the Executive Director . . . followed immediately by the firing of the Commission officers. By mid-March it appeared that the Regional Office . . . would close the local office . . . This immediate crisis is past, but our Commission is still operating on a month to month basis and no Executive Director has been hired." The League in question has decided to extend its efforts to assist the agency to strengthen itself and will assist in the poverty election to be conducted in June. In sharp contrast is this report from another community where the program has been in operation for a longer period. Reporting on many successes w-ithin the community despite inadequate funding the League president w-rites, "Our assessment is that the combination of having a highly competent Director and a well-functioning Board is the key to the strength of the poverty program.. As a result of our work with the `indigenous leadership," League members have come to recognize the need for short-term self-help projects, and many Leagues have applauded what one League called the `heart of the Community Action Program'-the neighborhood service center. Through lts location, the Center has solved the problem of distance and transportation; :thi.ough its ie- feiral programs it has finally made our numerous public and private health and welfare agencies truly available for those they w-ere designed to serve: and most important, through its employment df neighborhood workers recruited from the target areas, the centers have broken through the barriers of language, custom, and mistrust. Unfortunately, last years' cutback in funds came w-hen programs were begin- ning to prove their worth and new- leadership was learning to work effectively. There have been bitter disappointments w-hen communities have had to close down many functioning programs. Those communities needing a longer period in which to plan have had most projects rejected for lack of funds. But the issue is greater than a lack of funds or the value of any specific program. What is at stake here is the faith of the community in the self-help concept: to the deprived CAP has come to spell HOPE that there really is a way into the mainstream of the American economy and body politic. PAGENO="0153" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3805 LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OFESCONDIDO, Escondido, CaP]'., June 12, 1967. Re: Economic Opportunity Amendments (H.R. 8311). Hon. CARL PERKINS, Chairman, Honse Committee on Education and Labor, Rayb urn House Office Building, Washington, D.C.. M~ DEAR Mn. PERKINS: The League of Women Voters of Escondido wants to take this opportunity to urge your support for maintaining the Office of Economic Opportunity. There is value in having a single federal agency responsible to the needs of the poor and responsible for the difficult job of originating and coordinating and evaluating programs related to those needs. We also strongly support the Community Action Programs which we feel will be strengthened by continuing to be under the O.E.O. In Escondido our Coininu- nity Action Council has been authorized for only six months. This authorization accomplished county-wide coverage by our Economic Opportunity Commission of San Diego. Expectations are high for the succesful implementation of plans which have been in the making for over a year. Fiscal 1968 will be the turning point for O.E.O. to prove its ability to have an impact on equal opportunities for education and employment in the United States. The members of our local League concurred with League members nationwide in desiring specific provisions for evaluation both by the O.E.O. itself and by outside professionals. Adequate financing in F 1968 will enable such evaluation to be meaningful. As a result of intensive League study, many of our members have become actively engaged in Economic Opportunity Programs. One such activity is the Women in Community Service (WIGS) group which is making a strong impact in Northern San Diego County. Prospective women applicants for the Job Corps are being interviewed, counselled and prepared to gain the maximum benefits from their camp experience, and League members are helping! The pressures to economize are strong. We feel the pressure to provide programs of a preventive nature should be even stronger. Prevention is cheaper than curing! Thank you for your consideration of our views in this matter. Very truly yours, Mrs. JEAN R. NOVET. President. Mrs. Jol-IN G. REYNOLDS, ~Va tional Program Chairman. STATEMENT BY Mns. MAURICE BENDER, CHAIR~'IAN OF DEVELOPMENT OF HUMAN RESOURCES COMMITTEE OF THE LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF RIVERSIDE, CALIF. The following statement is submitted in response to field hearings of the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Employment. Manpower, and Poverty in Southern Cali- fornia on May 12, 1967. Our local League wishes to report on the progress and problems we have noted during our two year study of Riverside County Poverty programs. After an initial year of well-meaning but ineffective attempts to get started, our local O.E.O. programs got off the ground in the fall of 1965 w-ith the appoint- ment of a new Executive Director and reorganization of the local policy-making body, the Economic Opportunity Board of Riverside County. The Director has professional "know how" in community organization and apparent conviction that involving the poor lii self-help and extensive use of volunteers will and does produce real gains in anti-poverty efforts. `The reorganized Economic Opportunity Board has 12 of its 27 members elected `by and froth the recipient groups: it sets policy and passes on all locally initiated projeCts and funding. The Board's structure and functioning provide opportunity for communication and shared responsibility w-i't'h the recipient groups, as well as the usual civic, governmental and volunteer groups. Our assessment is that the, combination of having a highly Competent Director and a `well-functioning Board is the key to the strength o'f the poverty program in Riverside Gounty. Especially significant is the qxtent of volunteer service in locally initiated proj'ec~s. For example. in one month, Novem- ber, 1966, 724 volunteers donated 548 eigh't-'hour days work in services ranging from office help and transportation, to teaching youth or Head Start programs. One example of the strength of the program was the development of 15 Oppor- PAGENO="0154" 3806 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY* ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 tunity Centers in all major poverty target areas of Riverside County, staffed by Neighborhood Workers recruited from the target area. These Centers, represent- ing the heart of the Riverside County program, are multipurpose, providing a total approach to the family. Representatives' of the State Department of Employ- ment, the County Welfare Department, Legal Aid, and others, visit the centers at `scheduled times, thus providing readily `accessible, coordinated, and effective help to the poor where they live. In a county still largely non-urban, where public transportation is nil, and distances are great, we cannot stress too much the value of having Neighborhood Workers and Opportunity Centers in target areas, using a person-to-person approach to give information, identify needs and gaps `in existing services, and receive feedback from the involved poor. Another example of the program's strength provides tangible evidence of the usefulness of the Opportunity Centers. Through them the Urban League and De- partment of Employment began in August, 1966, a program to assist the unem- ployed by providing testing, evaluation, counseling, job placement and job devel- opment. 300 people have been placed in jobs and follow-ups are being done, but an additional 1,000 people have not been placed because they have no marketable job skills; their average education level is about 6th grade. Their need for guid- ance, counseling, and training is staggering. Our most critical unmet need in Riverside County is for training facilities for this 1,000 unskilled people, and hundreds more yet unidentified. The Riverdale area consistently has one of the highest unemployment rates in the country, varying from 6 to 8.9%. Some recent federal programs do provide funds for the type of training of the unskilled needed in Riverside. However, most, if not all, of this money has already been allocated to large cities, while our local O.E.O. has not yet even received guidelines. We believe that consideration should be given to allocation of funds to counties `based upon `a poverty or unemployment index. Most of the anti-poverty programs now operating in Riverside County are new in concept and in length of time they have been in operation. While our data is promising, it is tentative. We feel that Riverside County's Community Action Program is well justified in receiving more funding, not less, and for a longer period of time, for a sound evaluation of its impact on poverty. The financial re- sources available under the anti-poverty program in relation to the extent of poverty in Riverside County-30% of our families earn less than $4,000 per year-can `do little more than make a dent in the poverty status of our low in- come families. Riverside County will receive a total of $1,749,782 in federal and nonfederal funds during fiscal 1967-08. Less than $500,000 of federal funds will be available for locally initiated projects, an area in which we recognize our local personnel to have performed in an exceptionally outst'anding manner- including the professionals, the poor, the volunteers, ciVic and governmental groups. Welfare costs in Riverside County are now $26 million annually; the local war on poverty is allocated under two million dollars to try new solutions. `The League of Women Voters of Riverside heartily urges that these new at- tempts at new solutions be not curtailed, but expanded. MONTE SERENO, CALIF., June 17, 1967. Representative CARL PERKINS, Chairman, House Committee on Education and Labor, Rayb'urn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. My DEAR Mn. PERKINS: This letter is written to urge your support of legislation concerning the Economic Opportunity Programs, specifically the Economic Op- portunity Amendments of 1967, H.R. 8311. The League of Women Voters has followed closely the efforts of the Economic `Opportunity Programs as they are `being implemented in Santa Clara County, Cali- fornia, and we are intensely interested in the continuation of these programs which stress the concept of the Community Action Program: motivation through personal involvement. This holds great importance for a community such as ours which has a Mexican-American population amounting to 12% of the total County population. To guage properly the significance of this figure one must relate it to another: the Mexican-Americans make up 40% of the welfare rolls of the County. In a County that is dedicated to a rapid change from agriculture to industry we cannot afford to allow any large segment of the population to remain in isolation PAGENO="0155" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3807 as these people have in the past through the language barrier and an almost corn- .plete lack of education which was considered a matter of course because of their almost total participation in field work. The community has a responsibility to do all that is possible to absorb them in the new technically trained work force that is needed for our new industrial complex. All of the new federal programs are remedial: an indication that problems do exist, and that the present structure of the County, from the schools through job training and employment, is not capa- ble of effecting a solution without outside impetus and financial aid. We have a 30% dropout rate in our County schools. Can we continue to allow this in a highly industrialized center that demands high school graduation before acceptance at the lowest job entry level? Heretofore, the fault has been made to lie with the dropout, with no thought given by the power structure to the under- lying causes of unceasing poverty, bad housing, chronic ill health, and a language barrier. Mexican-American children who are told that it is "their problem to learn English and keep up with the rest of the class" accept this as proof that the power structure has the same indifference for them that has been shown to their families in the past through job, training and housing discrimination. The Mexican-American has been accused here of not being interested in job training through the Job Corps. Many have refused to join the call to train through a Center in Oregon. But here, again, another facet of the Mexican- American personality is the unlooked-for reason: in the closely-knit family structure of their society, the family is reluctant to see the youth, especially girls, leave home for training in a distant location. Note, that they were not asked to train at Camp Parks in Pleasanton, less than an hour's driving time from Santa Clara County, in mechanical and technical trades, but instead were assigned to field work training at the agricultural Center in Oregon. The League made several tours of the Job Corps Center at Pleasanton, Califor- nia, and was much impressed with several innovative aspects of the training there. Basic skills training was an integral part of the training in small classes that were geared specifically to produce men who could hold a job, understand in- structions given them on a job, and communicate with the foreman and with fel- low employees. These intensive efforts could effect a two-year rise in their read- ing and comprehension level in less than two months. Examinations were given every two weeks in every class, basic skills and vocational, so that failures were always noted and made to repeat the work of those two weeks then and there, without the waste of finishing a semester's work and waiting weeks to begin it all over again. The rigid semester's pattern, starting times, school text materials de- signed for a middle class audience were scrapped at the doors, and the entire pro- cethire was designed around the special needs of the admitted "dregs of society." Perhaps it is costly; perhaps mistakes were made. But society cannot afford to maintain dregs-we need new, innovative programs to elevate these misfits into a society for which the day of the low skilled worker is long gone. These boys at Pleasanton were working bard, and they were interested in what they were doing. Frictions and misunderstandings within the communities near the Centers are due to the reluctance of those communities to accept the boys and their aims, not the other way around. The vocational classes were profiting from a mistake long made in vocational training: men must have access to the best of equipment, new machines and training methods, in order that no time is wasted in their training, and industry is not duped into hiring them for a job only to discover they must retrain them for jobs the school claimed they had been doing. Again, this is costly; but the community needs trained workers, and we need these people reclaimed and trained into these workers. We do not want or neM them as welfare recipients. In Santa Clara County, facilities to train the hard-core unemployed are almost non-existent. Training facilities here are provided only for the few apprentices already accepted into the unions. Until the community faces up to its responsibility to train all who need it, we will desperately need federally financed training facilities such as the Job Corps Centers. A well-planned and managed work experience program for young people has started here for those in high school. So far, it has not reached the minorities or the high school dropout. An attempt to fill this vacuum has been made by the Neighborhood Youth Corps, and in Santa Clara County this program is work- ing very well. Mexican-American and Negro youngsters make up the bulk of those in the program here. Members of the League have interviewed NYC workers, and the people who have hired them, and the report is overwhelmingly in the majority that these young people have been turned from "problem cases" PAGENO="0156" 3808 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 to "believers." For many of them, this is the first example of support and con- fidence from their community, and they have been quick to repay this with a job well done. We urge not only continued support, but increased support for this excellent program. Very truly~yours, Mrs. SARAH S. MARTIN, President, League of Women T7oters, Los Uatos-~Saratoga. STATEMENT OF THE' LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF MODESTO, CALIF. The League of Women Voters of Modesto has been studying the poverty programs in Stanislaus County during the past two years and has found them to be a very complex subject because of the many proposed and existing programs and the many differel1t groups involved. We have attached two copies of material we used in our study about organizations and programs both proposed. and underway. By the fall of 1966, some programs were in effect. Several programs that really represented participation in planning by the low income groups were on paper and had been cleared by the local Community Action Commission and forwarded to San Francisco fOr approval by the OEO, but w-ere not funded because time ran out or for other reasons. It is evident that having the recipient groups participate in the planning of programs requires skilled leadership and patience of all concerned to allow time for these groups to learn the "how" of group effort and the complicated "how" of applying for funds. Our membership did not censure the controversial activities of Benny Parrish of the California Center of Community Development and his associates in the local conflict-oriented Community Poverty Council. It was felt that possibly the conflict this group created helped focus community attention on the problems faced by the poor and stimulated a re-evaluation of established methods of social work and community attitudes toward the poor. Dialogue between social organizations and the recipient poor has been estal)hshed and several meetings have already been held to exchange ideas hetw-een recipients and social workers of the local `Welfare Department. This, we think, is a remarkable development on both sides but it took time to come about. Compensatory education efforts were originally in the hands of local schools who were naturally better organized and knowledgeable about forms and pro- cedures and were planning programs even before our local Community Action Commission w-as formed. These program have been very successful. `We now have Headstart-type programs under other groups, but all have been widely approved though, as our second chart will show, they vary widely in cost due to differing approaches. But the program most widely approved up to now in our area was the adult training program carried on at Newt Hope School located in the heart of the lower economic area of Modesto and run by the adult division of our Modesto Junior College. New Hope was funded under the Manpow-er Development and Training Act to give pre-vocational and vocational training to the "hard-core unemployed" and it did a remarkable job under its dedicated director, Dr. Patricia Hertert. As the program continued, however, complications developed which lead to extreme frustration on the part of the director and the college. Experience showed that training our local unskilled and underprivileged adults requires the following: 1) before vocational training is begun, students must develop a "can do" att.itude and must learn the "three R's" needed to success- fully handle school work; 2) they must understand the expectations of the em- ployer and learn to present an employable attitude and appearance; 3) they must be paid while learning in order to support themselves and their families to be able to concentrate full attention on their schoolw-ork; 4) they must have counseling and help in solving the more pressing personal problems which en- tangle so many of them; and 5) funds need to be available without a specific cancellation time to allow class scheduling so that some workers. farm workers particularly, can complete the training during the off-season. In two years, Newt Hope trained 1008 adults. After training at a cost of $450,000, 52% obtained full-time jobs and another 9% found part-time w-ork. Training programs for kitchen helpers, custodians, dry cleaners, vocational nurses and nurses' aides were set up. Statistics show that during the first year after training, welfare expenditures decreased for those trained by 200%.. PAGENO="0157" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3809 Moreover, earnings during this first year were greater than the total cost of maintaining welfare recipients the year prior to training. After training, re- cipients earned nearly $3 toward their own support for every $1 provided by wel- `fare and earnings plus savings in welfare funds totaled nearly $500,000. Former welfare recipients were estimated to have contributed $50,000 in direct and in- direct taxes. (Note that the jobs trained for often do not pay enough to support a large family so that in some cases the Welfare Department still had to pro- vide some funds. However, those trained were motivated to work even though `this was true.) The League of Women Voters of Modesto feels that programs such as New Hope which represent a new and imaginative approach to solving the problems of poverty, should be given the time and the funds necessary to fullest success. It wOuld also seem logical and beneficial to all to have the programs that have proved successful continued without a break so that staff morale is kept high and staffs can be retained. Even though funds are now coming through for adult retraining, the criteria set up here is not being recognized and the junior college adult division is reluctant to re-instate New Hope `School unless its former experiences are taken into consideration. This was a unique and successful pro- gram, and we recommend it be continued as it was developed by Dr. Hertert. SAN BERNARDINO, CALIF., June 13, 1967. Representative CARL `PERKINS, Chairman, Com'inittee on Education and Labor, Hayburn House Office Building, Washington, D.C. League of Women Voters strongly support1967 Economic Opportunity Amend- `ment H.R.. .8311 and, specifically, retention of `OEO to administer all programs. `Highest priority to committee action program without your marked funds, edu- cation work training, and pilot projects with provisions for research and evalua- tion. We urge your committee support expansion-not curtailment. Mrs. JULIE MULVANEY, President. STATEMENT or LEAGUE OF WOMEN V0mR5 OF LONG BEACH, CALIF. The three-hundred members of the League of Women Voters of Long Beach have been studying for the past two years opportunities for employment and education in the Long Beach area, in conjunction with the nation-wide League study. Our committees read `background material on the problems of poverty and interviewed various agencies utilizing Federal programs-including Head- start, Neighborhood Youth `Corps, Job Training, Teen Post, Neighborhood Adult Participation Project, `Work Study, and Legal Aid. League members heard officials explain programs in education and employment. Many of our members are paid and volunteer workers in the' Poverty Program agencies and shared their experience with the membership. All this information was then discussed and evaluated. The consensus of, our League members `was that w-e support-a `locally administered CA'P agency separate from that of the `County of Los Angeles and we recognize the need for increased allocation of funds for CAP agencies to use in the W'ar on Poverty. From 1964 to January, 1967 a county-wide Community Action Agency (El~OA) supervised programs with the assistance of a local screening committee in the Long Beach area. Long Beach `is 35 miles away from the county seat in Los Angeles. For purposes of comparison, imagine a city the size of Newark, New Jersey, located 35 miles away from Manhattan. Imagine a Community action agency in Manhattan supervising programs for Newark. We observed many difficulties in implementing programs under this arrangement. As an example, in spite of careful preparation, in accordance with Federal Guidelines, it took eighteen months to get a Legal Aid program approved and funded for the Long Beach area, whereas a comparable project in Los Angeles was funded in a much shorter time. There was no direct Long Beach representative on the EYOA Board. (The Mayor of Long Beach served for a time representing cities as a group within the county.) People in the poverty areas had no feeling of participation in decisiomi making. Lack of adequate transportation facilities made attendance at EYOA meetings especially difficult for the poor. No applications to EYOA for `projects initiated from Long Beach and processed through the local screening committee were funded during the tw-o year period. Los Angeles County contains 76 cities in an area of 4,083 square miles. Heavily populated poverty areas are scattered throughout the county, each with its own PAGENO="0158" 3810 ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 special needs and connected only by complicated and loosely-defined governmen~ tal jurisdictions. Long Beach is the second largest and one of the oldest cities in the county, with a total population of just under 400,000. Through the years it has developed self-governing and self-supporting educational, welfare, eco- nomic and social resources. Within the city there are several pockets of poverty where the number of families whose income is under $3,000 exceeds 20% of the population of that area. In these areas there exists a high percentage of broken homes and in- adequate housing. According to figures from a study of 1960 Census records. 56% to 64% of people over the age of 25 in these areas have not completed high school. (See appendix.) Since January, 1967 the Long Beach community action agency has been funded and organized according to Federal Guidelines. Representation is given to the various sections of the city where the poor reside and neighborhood coun- cils are being organized with CAP coordinators acting as liaisons to the agency. We believe the Long Beach area should retain as much control and administra- tion of local programs as possible. We believe too that the role of a community action agency is to encourage initiation, development and evaluation of local programs which reflect com- munity needs. For instance, in Long Beach a local volunteer community orga- nization in a poverty area has developed tutorial self-improvement projects. and basic literacy programs for adults. Other proposals are designed to meet deficiencies in the areas of health, vocational instruction, community education and literacy. Most of these programs have been under consideration for funding for two years. However, ear-marking of funds makes it impossible to innovate new ~rograms. The League of Women Voters feels that in the long run locally initiated and locally administered programs will be most beneficial. Programs in education and employment have shown results. We have wit- nessed some individual cases in which the cycle of poverty is being broken. A well-planned program for Neighborhood Youth Corps trainees at the Municipal Airport has enabled a large percentage of them to find employment in private industry. In order that the CAP agency can be most effective there must be coordination and communication among all governmental agencies. At present, there is a lack of such coordination. Recently, in an interview, the director of the local CAP agency related how he sometimes learns about other poverty programs in the community `by chance-such as the funding of a training program for culinary workers to be carried out by an organization in the city. By using the CAP agency as a clearing house, this program and others like it would have access to other community resources which would help achieve greater effectiveness, better participation, and eliminate possible duplication. We support the concept of a CAP agency which can coordinate the Federal programs with the community- initiated programs and available community resources. In conclusion, we can see in CAP the beginning of a community effort to meet poverty problems. But it cannot do the job with insufficient funds. We need to have patience, make changes where necessary, and use long-range perspective in evaluating results. APPENDIX FIGURES FROM "POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS OF LOW INCOME AREAS IN LONG BEACH," LONG BEACH COMMUNITY WELFARE COUNCIL, INC., FEBRUARY 1967 Percent of families with income under $3,000 Percent substand- ard housing Percent not corn- pleting high school, over 25 years of age Downtown 32.5 10. 4 56. 8 - Central West Long Beach Redondo-Anoheim Carmelitos AllofLongBeach 27.9 23. 2 21. 1 67. 2 16.5 14.2 14. 8 7. 5 county housing 6.5 64.0 56. 3 52. 4 70. 3 46.3 PAGENO="0159" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3811 ECONOMIC OPPoRTuNITIEs DEVELOPMENT Cong. OF SAN ANTONIO AND BEXAR COUNTY, TEX., San Antonio, Tex., August 11, 1967. SARGENT SHRIVER, Director, Office of Economic Opportunity, EFecutive Office of the Presiăent, Washington, D.C. Sut: The Board of Directors of the Economic Opportunities Development Cor- poration, the Community Action Agency for San Antonio and Bexar County, applaud and endorse the statements of President Johnson in recent news con- ferences calling for "another home front effort to stimulate employment and opportunities for the poor" not only to avoid additional riots in our cities but eventually to bring about an end to the blight of poverty in the United States. In a summer torn with civic strife, San Antonio has been blessed with not having any. Our experience leads to a re-affirmation of our belief in the cor- rectness of the grass-roots and community involvement philosophy of the CAA, and to a concern that the program's slowly-achieved gains may be imperiled by those blinded by the glare of the summer's riots who would choke off fund- ing and even threaten the existence of the Office of Economic Opportunity. The thirty-three members of our Board, representing all elements of the 687,- 000 persons-including 186,000 in the poverty level-in Bexar County, are unan- imous in joining with the President when he asks that the nation move forward in seeing "that people are employed, that there are more opportunities that are equal, and there is better education and housing." To achieve the President's goals, we know that the action must begin on the community level. A resolution passed at the Board's most recent meeting urges that the Office of Economic Opportunity be kept in its present form and its funds expanded to help GAAs, because the CAAs represent the voice of the people in the War on Poverty. We believe the War on Poverty can be won-it is a people's war, waged by all the people, for the poorest of our peoples, in keeping with the traditional beliefs and generosity of all Americans. Respectfully, JAMES D. KAZEN, President. PmE LUCERO, Eccecutive Director. THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE, Boston, Mass., April 7, 1967. Hon. PHILIP J. PHILBIN, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR REPRESENTATIVE PHILBIN: I am herewith transmitting for your con- sideration and support a position statement adopted by the New England Public Welfare Administrators at a Boston Conference on March 10, 1967, and which was subsequently presented to you and other members of the New England Con- gressional Delegation in Washington on March 21, 1967, by the New England Regional Governors' Conference. We are greatly concerned with the 1966 amendments to the Economic Opportu- nity Act which require clarification to interpret the actual intent of the Congress as opposed to the apparent current interpretation promulgated by the United States Department of Labor, whereby it assumes full authority for adminis- tration of the Work Experience and Training Program under Title V of said Act. Our concern is further intensified by proposed legislation represented by HR5710 amending Sections 409 and 410 of the Social Security Act granting full authority to the United States Department of Labor for the administration of Community Work and Training Programs. I earnestly request your support of the attached statement and the recommendations adopted by the New England Public Welfare Administrators. May we hear from you at your earliest convenience as to what may be done in this matter. Very truly yours, ROBERT F. OTT, Commissioner. PAGENO="0160" 3812 ECONO~IIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 WORK EXPERIENCE AND TRAINING PRoGRAM FOR PUBLIC ASSISTANCE RECIPIENTS Position statement and recommendations to the New England Governors' Confer- ence on the proposed transfer from Public Welfare Departments to the U.S. Department of Labor: Adopted by the New England Public Welfare Adminis- trators on March 10, 1967, Boston, Mass. BACKGROUND In 1964 Congress passed Title V of the Economic Opportunity Act (entitled the Work Experience Program) to enable State welfare departments to develop experimental job training programs for public assistance recipients. The unique feature of these programs is that they combine essential social services such as family casework, remedial medical care, adult education, and child care, and work experience with the traditional techniques of on-the-job training and formal skill training. In the last two years, all six New England States have successfully demonstrated-in both rural and urban areas-that such a program can reach the so-called "unemployables" and can significantly reduce state and local welfare costs. Welfare departments in all six States have indicated an interest in adopting work experience programs on a permanent basis, under the authority of Section 409 of the Social Security Act (entitled Community Work and Training). RECENT DEVELOPMENTS AFFECTING WORK EXPERIENCE PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ASSISTANCE RECIPIENTS (1) Congress amended Title V (EOA) to provide for the transfer as of July 1, 1967, of certain activities pertaining to manpower training to the Department of Labor. We have been disturbed, however, to learn that the Labor Department is interpreting these amendments so as to transfer full administrative authority for conducting Title V Projects. (2) HR 5710-Amendments to the Social Security Act introduced by Rep- resentative Wilbur Mills in the 90th Congress-would amend Sec. 409 of the Act. It extends Labor's authority to include the administration of Conirnunitv Work and Training Programs, the real heart of public welfare's successful effort to return state aid and local relief recipients to self-support. EFFECT OF THE LABOR DEPARTMENT'S INTERPRETATION OF TITLE V AMENDMENTS AND TIlE PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO COMMUNITY WORK AND TBAINING (SEC. 409)- SOCIAL SECURITY ACT) The New England Commissioners of Welfare endorse any steps which would streamline the administration of Federal programs. Congress and the Executive Branch are justifiably concerned with lack of coordination. How-ever, steps (1) and (2) taken together will have consequences that we are certain neither Con- gress nor the Labor Department intends. Specifically, it w-ould mean- Welfare recipients will not be reached for some time to come. This is so because problems of dependency, low motivation, alcoholism, addiction, illiteracy, broken and unstable homes, immaturity, poor work history and poor physical and mental health-problems not uncommon in the public wel- fare caseload-are factors that disqualify public assistance receipients fOr Labor training programs. Moreover, Labor training programs have not reached rural areas in any significant degree. Title V projects have served these groups and areas successfully. Fragmentation of efforts to rei~ abilitate public assistan cc recipients. Responsibility for Title V and CW&T would be divided among-Public Wel- fare, Office of Education, local non-profit organizations, the Department of Labor and the Office of Economic Opportunity. The effectiveness of existing programs has been due to the ability of State welfare departments to coordinate many needed services under a unified administrative structure. Public Welfare would be left with statutory responsibility and accounta- bility for services leading to self-support without authority and means to provide those services that are not available from other sources. Any self-support activity undertaken by public welfare involving place- ment on a job or with a prospective employer would be subject to veto by the Labor Department or face loss of federal matching funds. PAGENO="0161" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3813 Unworkable funding ~mechanism: The proposed amendments to the Social Security Act may put welfare departments in the awkward, if not im-. possible, position of requesting funds from their State legislature to finance a program administered by the U.S. Department of Labor. Loss' of the last anti-poverty program which is administered by the States. THE CENTRAL ISSUE The need for prompt and effective services to a group of people whose social, health, and psychological problems and needs are predominate. Public welfare departments are equipped to respond quickly with a comprehensive range of services and skills to meet these highly individualized needs. The Labor Depart- ment is not so equipped. Public Welfare is committed primarily to serve the indi- vidual and cannot rule out all but those with a "high training potential." Labor's traditional commitment is to serve industrial needs for manpower and proceeds from the opposite end of the potential labor force spectrum. Both systems are essential and must be strengthened, not weakened, if the work experience and training program is to continue to serve its original purpose, to reduce dependency and return welfare recipients to self-support. RECOMMENDATIONS We recommend that the Governors of the New England States urge upon the President and the Congress the following: (1) That legislative intent of Title V of. the Economic Opportunity Act be clarified, and the Act amended if iiecessary, to assure State welfare de- partments primary responsibility for administering work and training pro- grams for present and potential public assistance recipients; (2) That the proposed amendments to the Social Security Act embodied in Section 204 of HI? 5710 be withdrawn; and (3) That Community Work and Training (Section 409 of the Social Se- curity Act) be ecetended in its present form and made permanent, with added authority for welfare departments to purchase materials, supervision, and other needed services when unobtainable from other sources. WICHITA PUBLIC SCHOOLS, UNIFIED ScHooL DISTRICT No. 259, Wichita, Kans., August 9, 1907. DEAR Ma. PERKINS: I am the senior member of the Wichita board of educa- tion having been elected in April 1955 and three other consecutive times having almost four years more of service before me. I have been involved in the "War On Poverty" by serving as chairman of a program development task force and am beginning my second year as the official board of education representative to the Wichita Area Community Action Pro- gram, Inc. (WACAPI). The clippings I have enclosed are all from the Wichita Beacon. They will indi- cate that we have come through some tense times in the past few days. I am dis- tressed by the local and national reaction to the tenseness. My concern is that restrictive measures are being aimed to suppress violence with no real effort being made to understand the basic problems. If you would check with the investigative branch of the Department of Justice or Health, Education, and Welfare you will find evidence that there is sufficient cause for discontent on the part of minority groups. Violence earlier in the year at one of our high schools was a direct result of smouldering resentment against the Wichita board of education and its complete resistance to doing anything realistic about the plight of the disadvantaged. My distress is converted into shock when I read that attempts will be made to dismantle the Office of Economic Opportunity because it has served the interests of the poor too well. No one objected to the fact that Richard Speck was entitled to defense counsel. Why is not the Newark cab driver so entitled? It is particularly tragic to feel that just as we are beginning to gain the insights and skills to deal with the problems of the poor that the money may be directed back to the old line agencies that have failed so miserably in the past. As an illustration of the direction we are moving I am enclosing Training Catalog #2 developed by our most competent executive director, Jack Ohapman. 80-084-67-pt. 5-11 PAGENO="0162" 3814 ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 it is my belief that such training programs should be funded by the Congress requiring no local contribution. OAP's such as ours can be an invaluable resource to other OAP's and to the employees of other units of government. Such training programs may be the answer to deficits of O.E.O. in the past. Give the resources to those who have proved their dedication and their competence. Yours very truly, Mrs. EDWANA D. COLLINS. WACAPI TRAINING CATALOG No. 2-AUGUST 3. 1967 BASIC DESCRIPTION OF INSTRUCTIONAL UNITS Series A: General instruction 1. Tile Economic Opportunity Act of 196-~.-A one hour presentation about the law which created the Job Corps, Neighborhood Youth Corps, Community Action Program, Head Start, VISTA, and other programs. A survey of the various titles of the Act and a summary of annual amendments. Trainer: Floyd Hansen. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes, BOA of 1964. 2. Understanding poverty.-A two hour session describing various points of view `ahoift the causes of poverty, the practicalities of meaningful communication with the poor and thoughts about solving the problems of poverty. Trainer: D. S. Sawyer. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 3. The Resident Advisory Council-A two hour discussion of the R.A.C. duties in the area of promoting individual development of the poor. as well as provid- ing opportunities for community participation, serving as a `sounding board" for community projects and striving for the betterment of the community as a whole. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. `Training aids: Presentation notes. 4. "War on poverty is fought by people."-Two two-hour sessions concerning the primary characteristics and attitudes of people employed as CAP staff. the occupational hazards they face in the course of their employment and ways of reacting to and facing these hazards. Trainer: Not selected. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. ~. "Put your helmet on before you peel: over the rim of your foa'liole."-A two hour description of the basic aspects of social action and methods for accomplish- ing social `action, with emphasis on the involvement of Target Area people in attaining goals. Trainer: Gerald Robinson. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. `Training `aids: Prese'ntation notes. 6. Why the poor may not care whether or not there is a war on poverty-A one hour session dealing with the knowledge that ninny of the poor may have had experience with various agencies in the past which can affect their at'titudes toward CAP, staff reaction toward these attitudes, and a discussion of the devel- opment of realistic attitudes toward people who are poor. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 7. Don't let your mouth do all the work-A one hour discussion concerning the use of eyes and ears to obtain an over-all picture of `a situation, w-ith emphasis on the restrained use of y'our tongue. Trainer: Gilbert Roman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board `and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 8. "Sir, I am happy to repo1rt that the problem has been surveyed to death."- Two two-hour sessions pointing up the do's and don't's of surveying and how to use information obtained through surveys. Trainer: John Dundas. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RALs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 9. The Senior Citi~en.-A two-hour presentation on the social, economic, psy- chological, dietary and physical problems of the senior citizen, his relationship to society and CAP's job in regard `to him. Trainer: Guy Gebhardt or Bernice Link. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. PAGENO="0163" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3815 10. "Just before I was fired I was ~"~A one hour session pointing up possible errors that concern following iristructiolis, dealing with people and con- ducting your private life and how these errors influence the effectiveness of your work Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff. Training aids: Presentation notes. 11. Most effective nse of the telephone-A one hour presentation on telephone Courtesy and methods of expediting telephone calls so as to avoid confusion. Trainer: Ann Gabbard. Trainees: All WACAPI staff. Training aids: Presentation notes, instructional aids, film. 12. Personnel policies.-A two hour elaboration of the material presented in the Policies and Procedures Manual which accents correct conduct and possible penalties. Trainer: G. W. Robinson. Trainees: All WACAPI staff. Training aids: Policies and Procedures Manual, Presentation notes. 13. TVorking for WACAPI.-One hour of instruction in use of employment forms, personnel records, salary scales and pay periods, tax deductions and in- urance policies. Trainer: Dee Tedlock or lion Anderson. Trainees: All WACAPI staff. Training aids: Sample forms. 14. Declaration of principles.-A one hour presentation setting forth the goals, concerns and directions of staff efforts, the challenge to staff members and the responsibilities involved. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board Training aids: Prose text. 15. TVelcome to WAOAPI.-A one hour introduction to the purpose, philos- ophy and methods of operation of CAP. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff. Training aids: Presentation notes. 16. Thoughts about human dignity-A one hour discussion of methods and attitudes used in dealing with the disadvantaged citizen. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 17. History of WACAPI.-A one hour history of how the Wichita Area Corn- munity Action Program came into existence and its growth to date. Trainer: Floyd Hansen. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 18. Pancho goes to Headstart.-A one hour session using the film "Pancho', depicting the need for early childhood education and the "team approach" tow-ard nieeting these neods. Trainer: Floyd Perry. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RAGs. Training aids: Film "Pancho." 19. The TLC of volunteers-A one hour session on the work of volunteers with CAP, pointing up why people volunteer, their goals for volunteer work and the staff's relationship to and duties toward them. Trainer: D. L. Hammond. Trainees: All WACAPI staff. Training aids: Presentation notes. 20. Why Bothcr?-A series of three one hour sessions designed to define com- munication and give meaning to sources and techniques of good communicating. The series will stress: (a) Introduction to Communication; (b) The Sender; (c) The Receiver. Trainer: R. L. Anderson. Trainees: All BCD employees. Training aids: Presentation notes. 21. The TVACAPI Board at work-A two hour presentation explaining the composition of the Governing Board and its function in relation to the WACAPI staff. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 22. Organizing neighborhood projects.-A two hour discussion of possible fu- ture neighborhood projects and the stops to organizing same. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Training aids: Not selected. 23. Thong/its about this "mawimum participation" bit-An hour discussion of the philosophy of Community Action. Trainer: G. W. Robinson. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, BOard and RAGs. Training aids: Not selected. PAGENO="0164" 3816 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 24. What you'll need to know six months from now-A one hour presentation discussing the projected goals of WACAPI. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All WACAPI staff, Board and RACs. Series B: Specialized instruction 1. "Ye compleat exeeutive."-A 21 hour course of 14 presentations, each 90 minutes in length which cover the basic concerns of executives a~bout the organ- ization with which they are associated. The individual lesson titles are: (a) In- troduction and Immediate Concerns. (b) Responsibilities of Executive Leadership. (c) Quality of Executive Leadership. (d) Operating Efficiency. (e) Internal Cor- porate Structure. (f) Public Value of the Corporation. (g) Concerns of Share- owners. (h) Trusteeship Effectiveness. (i) Fiscal Policies (j) Sales Vigor. (k) Research and Development. (1) Corporate Growth. (m) Principles of Executive Advancement. (n) Comprehensive Appraisal of WACAPI. Presentation notes used in this course will be collected and bound at the conclusion of the course (proba~bly in December, 1967). Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: ABC group. Training aids: 14 sets of presentation notes. 2. "How to keep your cool in a hot spot".-A six hour course consisting of 6 one hour presentations for Neighborhood Center Directors. The course is designed to provide "basic training" for those occupying this "hot spot" in the WACAPI organization. The individual lesson titles are: (a) Principles of Management. (b) Personnel Administration. (c) Organizing for Action. (d) Organizing for Service. (e) Organizing for Employment. Presentation notes used in this course will be collected and bound at its conclusion (probably in October, 1967). Trainers: J. H. Chapman, G. W. Robinson, G. D. Roman, M. E. Spencer, and R. G. Schuh. Trainees: Center Directors. Training aids: Presentation notes. 3. "Techniques of interviewing."-A two hour session for Center staff and other non-professionals about interviewing clients of WACAPI. Basic concerns about interviewing will be presented and supplemented by role-playing and other educational devices. Classes will be limited to about one dozen persons to assure maximum participation. Session may je repeated several times. Trainer: Not selected. Trainees: DEFG personnel with interviewing responsibilities. Training aids: Not selected. 4. "We're all in this together."-A one hour session for Center staff members dealing with the need for staff harmony and adhesion. This session which deals with internal staff relations will be repeated at intervals with different groups of staff members. The presentation is designed to encourage and stimulate dis- cussion. Trainer: D. S. Sawyer. Trainees: All Center Staff Members. Training aids: None. 5. "Existing social services."-A one hour session for Center staff members to present the basic facts about existing social services in Wichita-public and private. Trainer: M. E. Spencer. Trainees All Center Staff Members. Training aids: Directory of Social Services for each trainee. 6. "A close look at secretarial forms."-A one hour session for all secretarial staff members to acquaint them with standard formats for various types of writ- ten communications. Trainer: C. L. Harrison. Trainees: All secretarial classification persons. Training aids: Syllabus of standard formats. 7. "Management level information."-A two hour presentation of principles and examples of information being produced (or absent) which is useful in managing the affairs of WACAPI for Project and Center Directors. The session will be devoted to analyzing reports produced by WACAPI staff and establishing principles about good and poor reporting from them. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainee: Project and Center Directors (C & D). Training aids: Syllabus of examples. 8. "The WACAPI Assessment Uenter."-A one hour session for all Center staff to acquaint themselves with the goals and operation, assets and limitations, of the WACAPI Assessment Center opening in late July 1967. The session may be repeated for other groups at a later date. Trainer: R. G. Schuh, E. Pond. Trainees: Center Staff. Training aids: Not Selected. PAGENO="0165" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3817 9. "Instructional memos protect employee rights."-A one hour session on the reason for instructional memorandums, the elements of a good instructional memo, and additional information which must be included in memos to pro- ject directors. The final section deals with "Principles neglected only at great risk." The session may be repeated occasionally and may also be scheduled for groups not noted below at the discretion of Divison Directors. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: Assistant, Project and Center Direc- tors. Training aids: Presentation notes. 10. "CAPE-Uomnwnity action program employment."-A two hour session on career fields which are developing as a result of community action programs and other social factors. The session is primarily designed to give advice to young adults still completing their education on subject areas which will be valuable in CAP employment. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: Temporary and young staff members. Training aids: Presentation notes. 11. "The Neighborhood Youth Corps."-A two hour session on the goals and practicalities of the NYC, both out-of-school and in-school programs. Information about eligibility, recruitment, enrolee support, and follow-up after termination. The session will only be available after September 1, 1967 and is designed for Center staff members. Trainer: E. A. Fuhr. Trainees: Center Staff (DEF). Training aids: Not selected. 12. "WACAPI project directors."-A one hour session on the responsibilities of project directors, management, supervision, records, reports, finances, and other assigned and voluntary responsibilities. Designed to include all Class D personnel (unit directors) along with project directors. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: Class C and Class D Personnel. Train- ing aids: Standard instructions for project directors. 13. "MLS'-Management Information Services."-A two hour session on basic information about the SD form and the tracking form being required by OEO on August 1, 1967. This will be standard first presentation to staff who are responsible for originating this information. Trainer: R. L. Anderson. Trainees: All MIS originators. Training aids: Sample forms. 14. "Neighborhood development."-Two sessions of two hours each on the responsibilities of Neghborhood Development Supervisors and Specialists. Oppor- tunities and problems will be presented and discussed. Trainer: G. D. Roman. Trainees: NC 3 and NC 5. Training aids: Not selected. 15. "Family services."-Two sessions of two hours each on the responsibilities of Family Services Supervisors and Specialists. Opportunities and problems will be presented and discussed. Trainer: M. E. Spencer. Trainees: NC 4 and NC 6. Training aids: Not selected. 16. "Center manpower programs."-Pwo sessions of two hours each on the responsibilities of Center Manpower personnel. Opportunities and problems will be presented and discussed. Trainer: R. G. Schuh. Trainees: NC 7. Training aids: Not selected. 17. "Housing the disadvantaged."-A one hour survey of efforts to provide decent housing to the disadvantaged from both public and private resources. Current needs in Wichita will be highlighted. Trainer: Not selected. Trainees: Clases DEF in Centers. Training aids: Presentation notes or separate document. 18. "Money management."-A two hour session on purchasing, budgeting and saving aimed at the critical financial situation of disadvantaged persons. This presentation is primarily designed to meet the needs of WACAPI staff members, but may be presented to other groups of persons as interest indicates. Trainer: E. D. Riley. Trainees: Class P and G staff. Training aids: Not selected. 19. "Attitudes about the poor."-A one hour session in which common attitudes about the poor are examined and compared with what is believed to be a more realistic and constructive attitude-which is important to productive CAP work. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: Class E, F, and G Staff. Training aids: Presentation notes. 20. "How to identify a probiem."-A two ~hour session on identifying social problems and their importance. A "tracking system" is outlined to follow a "lead" PAGENO="0166" 3818 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 through investigative work to determine the size and nature of the problem to a plan to deal with the problem. Trainer: G. W. Robinson. Trainees: N C Staff. Training aids: Not se- lected. 21. From "joint" to job-A two hour session designed to familiarize manpower personnel with criteria for recognizing candidates for the Assessment Center and providing basic techniques for helping the candidates achieve desirable goals. Trainer: R. C. Schuh. Trainees: Manpower Specialists. Training aids: Presentation notes and appropriate forms. 22. How to propose.-Two classes of two hours each to provide the "know how" needed by BCD employees in order to organize and write proposals for new programs. Trainer: J. Dundas. Trainees: All asst. directors, proje.ct director~ center directors. Training aids: Presentation notes. 23. The feeling is mutual.-A one hour discussion of the `basic human need for approval and how it can affect inter-staff and inter-community relationships. Trainer: D. L. Hammond. Trainees: All Operations and Center Staffs. Training aids: Presentation notes. 24. The elements of supervising-An hour presentation introducing Center Di- rectors and SupervisOrs to the attitudes and procedures of unsuccessful super- vising. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: DEF Staff. Training aids: Presenta- tion notes. 25. `Trouble down here beiow.-A one hour presentation for Project Directors, Center Directors, and Supervisors, dealing with the need to develop and sustain rapport with the grassroots, both `within the center and within the target area. Trainer: D. S. S~~wyer. Trainee: C, D, B Staff. Training aids: None. 26. TVACAPI confidential-A one hour presentation stressing the importance of respecting the confidence of other personnel regarding information in personnel folders, etc. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: Adm. Staff. Training aids: Presenta- tion notes. 27. TT7hat are we doing? Where are we going?- Three one hour presentations dealing with the various functions of the Governing Board and how it can en- hance the effectiveness of the Community Action Program. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: All Board Members. Training aids: Presentation notes. 28. Culture and poverty: Reciprocating effects.-A one hour presentation dis- cussing the relation of culture and society to poverty, the theory of relative deprivation and the development of sub-cultural traits. Trainer: Mrs. P. Anderson. Trainees: Selected C, D Staff. Training aids: Not selected. 29. Implementation of comprehensive manpower-Nuts and bolts-An on-going training program for Manpower Specialists to bring about better coordination between the Assessment Center and Neighborhood Centers. Trainer: R. G. Schuh. Trainees: Manpower Specialists. Training aids: Not selected. 30. Who do I work for?-A one hour explanation of the philosophy, purposes and procedures of the CAP., designed to provide general information for NYC workers assigned to CAP. Trainer: C. D. Roman. Trainees: NYC Workers. Training aids: Presenta- tion notes. 31. Elements of a complete report.-A one hour presentation dealing with sharpening the powers of observation and interpretation for the purpose of compiling accurate and comprehensive reports. Trainer: J. H. Chapman. Trainees: Center Directors, and Supervisors. Training aids: `Presentation notes. Series C: Orientations 1. Central Office, 1102 W. Douglcts.-A tour of the five floors of the Central Office for staff, Board, RAG and visitors. 30 minutes. 2. Neighborhood Centers.-A tour of the five WACAPI Neighborhood Centers with a short orientation to the elements of Center operation at one of them for visitors. PAGENO="0167" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3819 3. Summer employees-A brief orientation to the organizational structure of WACAPI and an explanation of the (few) personnel policies governing summer or other temporary employees. 2 hours. 4. Delegate agency ernployees.-A brief orientation to the organizational struc- ture of WACAPI for personnel who are operating a delgated project. Information on the skills of staff members who may be able to supplement their efforts will be highlighted. 2 hours. Series D: Seminars (NoTE-Seminars are originally conceived as a four hour presentation during the day or early evening hours with a keynote address from some person of recognized stature. Seminars are primarily designed to meet the informational needs of Board members. No seminars are to be planned until the staff has been given speeific instructions to begin work on a seminar. Sufficient information is in our hands at this time to list the following seminar topics.) 1. Who are the poor?-A presentation of fact and myth about the persons of poverty, those who receive public assistance and those who have broken the "cycle of poverty". 2. Citizen participation in the war on poverty.-A presentation of the full range of citizen participation (in both negative and positive ways) in attacking the causes of poverty. Conclusions about helpers and hinderers will be made to guide the Board's future policies. 3. Coordination of services to the poor.-Tbe great principle of OEO in 1956- Coordination of Services-has anyone tried it? With what success (or failure)? Is it even possible? Who needs it? Is there an "anti-coordination of services" movement? Isn't a little overlapping and uncoordination a good thing? 4. Retirement-Fullillfliefl t or disaster ?-The housing, nutritional, recrea- tional and other needs of senior citizens will be surveyed. Data acquired from the National Council on Aging's Project FIND will be used in support of facts presented. 5. What is community action?-A presentation of at least four points of view about the nature of "community action" ranging from the U.S. Bureau of the Budget view to the dynamic and creative changes which have made cities like New Haven, Connecticut, the envy of most other cities. PAGENO="0168" Principal investigator Dr. W. J. Foley Mrs. Misha Prather Dr. Richard Silberstein Dr. Egon Mermelstein Dr. Paul Secord Dr. Milton Hillery Dr. John Dailey; Mrs. Margaret Moss_ - - - Dr. Vernon Van De Riet Miss Suzanne Keëley Dr. Marvin Cline Dr. Martin Deutsch Dr. Robert Hess Mr. Mark Ozer Dr. Harry Osser Dr. Edward Zigler Dr. Walter J. Cartwright Mrs. Doris Chertow Dr. Marvin Cline Mrs. Marguerite Bittner University of Iowa University of Colorado The Staten Island Mental Health Society Hofstra University University of Nevada University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee George Washington University University of Florida Extension Division, University of Oklahoma Howard University Institute of Developmental Studies, New York Uni- versity. University of Chicago Children's Hospital of the District of Columbia John Hopkins University Yale University Texas Technological College Syracuse University Howard University University of Southern Illinois a 0 0 Term date ~ 0 0 CURRENT RESEARCH AND DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS FUNDED BY PROJECT HEADSTART, DIVISION OF RESEARCH AND EVALUATION (JUNE 1067) ONGOING RESEARCH PROJECTS Contractor Description Iowa statewide data gathering with a 5 year followup of Headstart population Identification of kind of teacher who best meets needs of Headstart children Comparative study: Headstart and 3 control groups Test far influence of cognitive conflict training procedure for acquisition of concept of conservation of substance (prenumber concept) over other training techniques. Critical literature review for a social psychological framework on relationships between home, school, and child's educational achievement. Study of effects of Headstart on cognitive and affective developmental patterns in rural- urban areas. Use of Dailey language facility test on nationwide Headstart sample, modification of "Test of Basic Information" for Headstart. To evaluate developmental effects of a unique sequential learning program To establish 2 model child development confers for Kickapoo Indians; furnish training to 12 interns in Indian subcultures. An evaluation and followup of summer 1966 Headstart children in Washington, D.C Continue the regional research and resource center for early childhood enrichment Maternal influences upon development of cognition. Followup study of a group of Negro mothers and 4-year-old children who were subjects in a study of cognitive environ- ments of preschool children. Reexamine the initial sample from 1965 study along with a varied sample to measure initial reading skills and to validate prediction made in 1965 study. To obtain detailed information on the communicative abilities of disadvantaged children.. Immediate and followup motivational and intellectual consequences of 9 months of Head- start-type nursery school. To determine the lasting nature of any gain that the children in the Lubbock Headstart program 1965 may have had. Analysis of administration in contrasting urban and rural environments Prepare the procedures for the common evaluation activities of the evaluation and re- search centers of Headstart. Determine effects of preschool experience on school readiness and achievement of the deprived child and relative permanence of the effects (East St. I.ouis). To apply new and refined observational methods to study interaction patterns between preschool aged children and their mothers, in culturally advantaged and disadvantaged families. Dr. Kate Kogan University of Washington June 30, 1967 Do. Do. Aug. 15, 1967 June 30, 1967 Sept. 15, 1966 Aug. 13, 1967 Nov. 1,1967 June15, 1967 Sept. 1,1967 Aug. 31,1967 Oct. 31, 1967 Nov. 1, 1967 Jan. 31, 1968 Dec. 29, 1967 Aug. 31, 1967 Apr. 30, 1968 Oct. 31, 1967 June 30, 1968 Do. PAGENO="0169" Dr. Monica Holmes- Dr. Dorothy Adkins; Dr. lan Reid Dr. Evan Keislar; Dr. Carolyn Stern Dr. Dorothy Adkins; Dr. Bonnie Ballif____ Dr. Stanley Sapon Dr. David Dennis Dr. Patricia Minuchin Dr. Arthur Jensen; Dr. William Rowher___ Dr. Orval Johnson Dr. Vera John Robert Reeback Dr. Edsel Erickson Educational Testing Service Associate YM-YWHAs of Greater New York University of Hawaii- University of California, Los Angeles University of Hawaii University of Rochester Western New Mexico University Bank Street College of Education University of California, Berkeley Southern Illinois University May 30, 1969 Sept. 30, 1968 Apr. 30, 1968 Sept. 30, 1967 Aug. 30, 1967 Sept. 30, 1967 June 30, 1968 Dec. 31, 1968 Dec. 29, 1967 Sept. 30, 1968 June 30, 1967 Feb. 2,1968 June 30, 1967 Aug. 15, 1969 June 30, 1968 Dec. 31, 1967 June 30, 1968 Do. ONGOING DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS Dr. Susan Gray George Peabody College for Teachers Continue the regional research training demonstration center for culturally deprived children. Dr. Richard Dunham Florida State University Conduct a model preschool training program for deprived children and demonstrate a method for helping the deprived family to stabilize itself and become self-sustaining. Dr. Merle Karnes; Dr. Queenie Mills University of Illinois Demonstration-training program for leaders in the field of preschool disadvantaged children. Dr. William Parker Dependency Prevention Commission of San Bernardino Investigation to determine influence of children with American speech and language County. proficiency on children with bilingual language background. Dr. Peter Bentler University of California, Los Angeles Develop a multifactor instrument for assessment of developmental changes in children aged 0 to 6. 3-year study of Headstart children and their first `school" experience Study interaction pattern of Headstart children, to determine the extent to which these patterns bias teacher ratings of school readiness and intelligence. A preliminary evaluation of a language curriculum for preschool children Comparative effects of echoic and modeling procedures in language instruction with culturally disadvantaged children. To further develop an instrument to measure motivation to achieve in preschool children_ Establishment of an experimental nursery school for the purpose of analyzing the func- tional aspects of verbal behavior of disadvantaged preschool children. Conduct a study of visual perceptions as related to cultural deprivation and conduct a followup program of 1966 Headstart children in the area. To develop ways of systematically describing variations in expressed curiosity and con- structive exploration among preschool socially disadvantaged children. An experimental analysis of learning abilities in culturally disadvantaged children Provide a centralized source where researchers working with young children can obtain specialized information on measurement instruments and techniques. A study of language change in integrated and homogeneous classrooms An experimental analysis of generalization in first language learning The effects of teacher attitude and curriculum structure on preschool disadvantaged children. Research and evaluation of the rural child care project 2 experimental studies in Summer Headstart, 1967. Changing Headstart children by upper middle class mothers. Achievement motivation and pattern reinforcement in Headstart children. ENKI Corp Research on the evaluation of equipment for child development centers Univecsity of Connecticut Conduct an appraisal of Headstart participants and non-Headstart participants including patterns of specific learning disability. Mr. Jess Cusick Dr. John Pierce-Jones Dr. John Cawley Yeshiva University University of Rochester Western Michigan University Kentucky Child Welfare Research Foundation University of Texas Nov. 30, 1967 Mar. 31, 1968 Aug. 31, 1968 May 31, 1968 PAGENO="0170" 3822 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF COMPLETED RESEARCH PROJECTS FUNDED BY PROJECT HEADSTART, DIVISION OF RESEARCH AND EVALUATION (JUNE 1967) 1. Allerhand, Melvin E.-"Final Report: Impact of Summer 1965 Head Start on Children's Concept Attainment During Kindergarten," Cleveland: West- em Reserve University, January 1967. 22 ijp. + Appendix & charts. 2. Berger, Stanley 1.-Development of Appropriate Evaluation Techniques for Screening Children in a Head Start Program--A Pilot Project," University of Rhode Island, September 1965. 11 pp. 3. Berlin, Irving N.-"Report of King County, Washington Regional Research Project," University of Washington, December 1965. 112 pp. 4. Caidwell, Bettye M., and Soule, Donald-The Preschool Inventory," Syra- cuse: State University of New York Upstate Medical Center, October 1965. 19 pp. 5. Ca~vley, John F.-"An Assessment of Intelligence, Psycholingistic Abilities and Learning Aptitudes Among Preschool Children," Hartford: The Uni- versity of Connecticut, 1966. 64 pp. 0. Chandler, Marvin, Rev.-"Project Head Start and the Culturally Deprived in Rochester, New York: A Study of Participating and Non-Participating Families in Areas Served by Project Head Start in Rochester," Council of Churches of Rochester, January 1966. 102 pp. 7. Chess, Stella-"Behavior Scale and Procedures Manual," New York: New York University Medical College, September 1966. 21 pp. 8. Chesteen, Hhlliard E.-"Effectiveness of the Head Start Program in En- hancing School Readiness of Culturally Deprived Children," Baton Rouge: Community Advancement, Inc., June 1960. 166 pp. 9. Cohnstaedt, Martin L., and Irons, Peter H.-"Phe Impact of Operation Head Start on Greene County, Ohio," Antioch College, February 1966. 195 pp. and Appendices. 10. Colon, Manuel-"Evaluation of a Public Housing Project in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands," College of the Virgin Isles, October 1965. 24 pp. 11. Curwood, Sarah T.-"A Survey and Evaluation of Project Head Start as Established and Operated in Communities of the Commonwealth of Massa- chusetts during the Summer of 1965," Masachusetts Committee on Children and Youth, October 1965. 157 pp. and Apendices. 12. Eisenberg, Leon, et. al-Final Report (series of reports and papers), Balti- more: John Hopkins Hospital, October 1966. 94 pp. 13. Friedlander, George H.-"Report on the Articulatory and Intelligibility Status of Socially Disadvantaged Pre-School Children," Bronx, New York: Institute for Retarded Children of the Shield of David, December 1965. 44 pp. and tables. 14. Gordon, Sol-"Final Report: Evaluation of Project Head Start Reading Readiness in Issaquena and Sharkey Counties, Mississippi Summer 1965," Rutgers, the State University, August 1966. 28 pp. 15. Harding, John-"A Comparative Study of Various Pi~oject Head Start Pro- grams," Cornell University, New York State College of Home Economics, June 1966. 34 pp. 16. Harris, Dale B.-"Results of Goodenough Draw-a-Man Tests of Head Start Children," University Park: Pennsylvania State University, March 1966. 4 pp. 17. Harvey, 0. J.; White, B. Jack; Prather, Misha; Alter, Richard D.; Hoff- meister, James K.-"Teachers Belief Systems and Preschool Atmospheres," University of Colorado Extension Division, February 1966. 23 pp. 18. Hess, Robert-"Techniques for Assessing Cognitive and Social Abilities of Children and Parents in Project Head Start," University of Chicago, July 1966. 109 pp. and Appendices. 19. Hodes, Marion-'~An Assessment and Comparison of Selected Characteristics Among Culturally Disadvantaged Kindergarten Children Who Attended Project Head Start (Summer Program 1965), Culturally Disadvantaged Kindergarten Children Who D:id Not Attend Project Head Start, and Kindergarten Children Who Were Not Culturally Disadvantaged," Glass- boro State College, New Jersey, August 1960. 49 pp. 20. Hollander, Cornelia-"Preparation of an Art Guide," New York: Yeshiva University, November 1965. 22 pp. 21. Holmes, Douglas; and Holmes, Monica-"An Evaluation of Differences Among Different Classes of Head Start Participants," New York: Asso- ciated YM-YWHA's of Greater New York, August 1966. 83 pp. and Appendix. PAGENO="0171" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3823 22. "Evaluation of Two Associated YM-YWH'A Head Start Programs, Final Report," New York: Associate YM-YWHAs of Greater New York, December 1965. 42 pp. and Appendix. 23. Horowitz,, Frances; and Rosenfeld, Howard-Comparative Studies of a Group of Head Start and a Group of Non-Head Start Preschool Children," Department of llurnan Development and Family Life, University of Kansas, January 1966. 41 pp. 24. Jensen, Judith; and Kohlberg, Lawrence-Report of a Research and Demon- stration Project for Culturally Disadvantaged Children in the Ancona Montessori School," Chicago: University of Chicago, August 1966. 160 pp. 25. John, Vera P.; and Berney, Tomi D.-"Analysis of Story Retelling as a Measure of the Effects of Ethnic Content in Stories: A Study of Negro, Indian and Spanish-American Children," New York: Yeshiva University, March 1967. 66 pp. and Appendix. 26. Johnson, Henry Sioux-' `The Effects of Montessori Educational Techniques on Culturally Disadvantaged Head Start Children," (Results of a Clavis Montessori Schools Special Evaluation Head Start Project with James J. Slaven, Director), Fullerton, California, September 1965. 67 pp. 27. and Palomares, Uvaldo, H.-"A Study of Some Ecological, Economic and Social Factors Influencing Parental Participation in Project Head Start," University of California Riverside Extension Division, August 1965, 61 pp. and Appendix. 28. Krider, Mary A.; and Petsehe, Mary-"An Evaluation of Head Start Pre- school Enrichment Programs as they Affect the Intellectual Ability, the So- cial Adjustment, and the Achievement Level of Five-Year-Old Children En- rolled in Lincoln, Nebraska," Lincoln: The University of Nebraska, March 1967. 94 pp. 29. Lamb, Howard E.; and Ziller, Robert C.; Maloney, Alan W.-"The Develop- ment of Self-Other Relationships During Project Head Start," University of Delaware, 1965. 178 pp. 30. Montez, Philip-"An Evaluation of Operation Head Start Bilingual Children Summer 1905," Los Angeles: Foundation of Mexican-American Studies, Au- gust 1966. `116 pp. and Appendix. 31. Morris, Berniece E.; and Morris, George L.-"Evaluations of Changes Oc- curing in Children Who Participated in Project Head Start," Kearney, Nebraska: Kearney State College, September 1966. 119 pp. 32. National Opinion Research Center-"Collection of Social History, Experience Information, and Parent Evaluation of Head Start on 1% Sample Nation- wide," Chicago, September 1965. 27 pp. 33. Ortiz, Alfonso-"Project Head Start in an Indian Community," University of Chicago, October 1965. 50 pp. and Appendix. 34. Ozer, Mark N.-"The Effects of Neurological and Environmental Factors on the Language Development of Head Start Children: An Evaluation of the Head Start Program," District of Columbia: Children's Hospital, Novem- ber 1965. 34 pp. and tables and appendix. 35. Pierce-Jones, John, et. al.-"Outcomes of Individual and Programmatic Varia- tions Among Project Head Start Centers, Summer 1965," Austin: The Uni- versity of Texas, September 1966. 180 pp. and Appendices. 36. Porter, Philip J.-"Final Report: Evaluation of Head Start Educational Pro- gram in Cambridge, Massachusetts," Harvard University Medical School, December 1965. 30 pp. 37. Raph, Jane B.-"Language Research `Study-Project Head Start. Developmnent of Methodology for Obtaining and Analyzing Spontaneous Verbalizations Used by Pre-Kindergarten Children in Selected Head Start Programs: A Pilot Study," Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, October 1905. 25 pp. 38. Reiff, Donald G.-"The Language Siuation in Project Head Start Centers 1905, (Survey of Research Completed 1965) ," Univer.sity of Rochester, January 1906. 51 pp. 39. Rice, Robert R.-"The Housing Environment as a Factor in Child Develop- ment," Ithaca: Cornell University, December 1966. 31 pp. 40. Schaie, K. Warner-The 1965 Head Start Psychological Screening Program: Final Report on the Data Analysis" (under contract originally signed with Dr. Robert Kerns), Human Resources Research Institute, West Virginia University, March 1967. 37 pp. and tables. 41. Sigel, Irving E.; and McBane. Bonnie-The Relationship Between Cognitive Competence and Level of Symbolization among Five-Year Old Children," Merrill-Palmer Institute, June 1906. 102 pp. and Appendix. PAGENO="0172" 3824 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 42. Soule, Allen.-"Northfi'eld, Vermont: A Community Depth Study," Central Vermont Community Action Council, Inc., December 1965. 63 pp. 43. Sprigle, Herbert.-"Curriculum Outline for Sequential Learning," Jackson- ville: Learning to Learn School, January 1966. Chart. 44. "A Study of the Effects of a Sequential Program of Guided Learning Experiences and Innovations in Pedagogy on the Intellectual Development of Culturally Deprived Preschool Children," Jacksonville: Learning to Learn School, August 1966. 17 pp. and Appendices. 45. Iran Egmond, Elmer; Miller, George; Jackanicz, Sandra; Cheong, George.- "Final Report: Operation Head Start, An Evaluation," Lesley College, Cam- bridge, Massachusetts, March 1966. 81 pp. and Appendix. 46. Wax, Murray, L., and Wax, Rosalie, H.-"Indian Communities and Project Head Start: Summary and Observations in the Dakotas and Minnesota," together with Bee, Robert L., "An Appraisal of Possibilities for a Head Start Program among the Potawatomi Indians of Kansas," University of Kansas, September 1965. 61 pp. 47. Wolff, Max; and Stein, Annie.-"Study I: Six Months Later, A Comparison of Children Who Had Head Start, Summer 1965, with their Classmates in Kindergarten (A Case Study of Kindergartens in Four Public Elementary Schools, New York City) ," New York: Yeshiva University, August 166. 83 pp. 48. "Study II: Factors Influencing the Recruitment of Children into the Head Start Program, Summer 1965 (A Case Study of Six Centers in New York City) ," New York: Yeshiva University, August 1966. 30 pp. NATIONAL EVALUATION PROJECTS 49. Planning Research Corporation.-"Results of Summer 1965 Project Head Start," Vol. I & II, Washington, D.C. May 1900. 394 pp. and Appendixes. 50. Planning Research Corporation.-"Evaluation of the Full Year Program 1906", to be completed 7/31/67. 51. Educational Testing Service.-"Evaluation of Summer Program 1966," to be completed 6/30/67. 52. Institute for Educational Development.-"Aid in the Establishment and Man- agement of 13 Evaluation and Research Centers," to be completed 10/31/67. THE CITY OF BATON ROUGE AND PARISH OF EAST BATON ROUGE, Baton Rouge, La., Augwst 22, 1967. Hon. CALL D. PERKINS, Comm4ttee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAL CONGRESSMAN PERKINS: This is a rather late answer to your letter re- questing my appraisal of the anti-poverty program here in Baton Rouge. I had to investigate before I could accurately reply. The local program known as Community Advancement Incorporated is doing a good job by conducting various local projects of a civic nature. Classes in home-making-----sewfng, home nursing, cooking, efficient grocery buying, hygiene, etc., have been conducted and are very good. Additional projects such as citizen- ship drives to get people out to register to vote are also worthwhile as are classes in civics, government, and others which acquaint these uneducated people with the workings of the law, legislative and judiciary processes. These people are totally unaware of the least basic principles involving these fields. Community Advancement, Inc. organizes neighborhood cleanup and beautification projects which help to build civic pride in that area. Classes explaining sidewalk, street paving and street lighting requests and financing are also good. The Head Start schools seem to be doing very well in assisting families by both providing an early educational opportunity for the child and assisting the parent by relieving them of child care thus enabling the parent to obtain em- ployment or train to upgrade their present line of work. Classes are held for adults at the same time the child is in school. If classes are at a time other than this, nurseries are provided. lIp to now, I have expressed only sincere enthusiasm for the poverty program and I am sure that there are areas where more credit is needed but which I am not familiar with. Here are some of the criticisms. The Neighborhood Centers seem to be expensive in comparison to the benefits gained from their operation. PAGENO="0173" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF. 1967 3825 There seems to be an* inequity between the salaries and qualifications of person- nel. The coordinators are paid an excellent salary `but need no prior experience or educational requisites. Social workers require a college degree and prior experi- ence and are paid less than a coordinator. Other positions pay seemingly without regard for experience or education or work. There also seems to be dissension or inequities between treatment of persons in positions which are based mainly on race rather than work output, capabilities or potential. When a colored person has a fairly high administrative position but lacks the needed . administrative capabilities to be effective, no action is taken. Dismissals of colored personnel are rare whereas white personnel are dismissed for sometimes minor infractions. In the rare instance when colored are dismissed complaints from fellow em- ployees are raised and apparently heeded. Any promotions or hiring of white personnel also bring about many complaints and demands from colored per- sonnel. Other criticisms of the poverty program may be normal of the terrific task of organizing in a small amount of time the necessary structure to effectively and efficiently administer the funds allocated for the many various activities being carried out. Again, I feel that overall in our area the poverty program has been of material assistance in upgrading the poorer class and preventing any overt acts with which we are so besieged in the police department. I also feel that investigation as to programs and activities carried out by these local poverty boards should be continuous so that no abuses or programs con- trary to the good of the local community are carried out or exist. Should you wish further information, I will be glad to cooperate in any way possible. Yours very truly, DAVID J. KEYSER, Chief of Police. A COMPREHENSIVE EVALUATION OF OEO COMMUNITY ACTION PRoGRAMs ON Six SELECTED AMERICAN INDIAN RESERVATIONS REPORT No. 4-FINAL REPORT, SEPTEMBER 19~36 ALBERT JENNY 2D, PROJECT DIRECTOR; JAME5 C. E. SMITH, GERALD M. SIDER, FRANK BLACKFORD, W]ILIAM H. KELLY, WILLIAM WILLARD, ROBERT 0. ALBERTS, PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR Prepared for Office of Economic Opportunity, 1200 19th Street, NW., Washington, D.C. 20506, on Oontract OEO-935 Prepared by Human Sciences Research, Inc., Westgate Research Park, 7710 Old Springhouse Road, McLean, Virginia 22101 FOREWORD This report is the fourth and final product of an eight-month field study con- ducted for the Office of Economic Opportunity by Human Sciences Research, Inc., under OEO Contract No. 935, calling for "A Comprehensive Evaluation of OEO Community Action Programs on Six Selected American Indian Reservations." The six reservations at which field work was conducted included `three in the Northern Plains area-Pine Ridge (South Dakota), Turtle Mountain (North Dakota) and White Earth (Minnesota)-and three in the Southwestern United States-Santa Clara (New Mexico), and Papago and Gila River (Arizona). The three reports published earlier in the course of the project are: Report No. 1-Pre-test Report (H.SR-~RR--66/10a---Sm), February 1966, dealing with inception of HSR research during February 1966 on the six reservations in- cluded in the study. The report documents initial contacts and discusses problems in initial implementation of field work. Report No. 2-Progress Report (HSR-RR-66/10b-~Sm), April 1906, dealing with principal tools utilized in field data analysis, iclunding a road-map of typical events in OAP inception and development on American Indian reservations. The report contains preliminary findings and plans for suesequent stages of the proj- ect. A supplement to this second report amplifies material pertaining to Turtle Mountain, abbreviated in the present report due to early termination of work at `that location. Report No. 3-~Preliminary Field Report (HSR-RR-66/16--~Sm), July 1966, summarizes field activity undertaken and completed by HSR field teams on the PAGENO="0174" 3826 ECONOMIC OI~PORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 six reservations under study and relates the methods and objectives of these oper- ations to the aims of the study as a whole. The present document, Report, No. 4-Final Report, consists of a substantive account of the background of thi,s study and the results of field research on each of the reservations involved. It includes a synthesis of findings and a delineation of major problem areas in implementing Community Action Programs in their present form, with recommendations for appropriate action and further research. Coverage is reflected in the five chapter headings: I. Introduction. II. Project Background. III. Comprehensive Evaluation of CAP's on Six Selected Reservations. IV. Synthesis of Project Findings. - V. Recommendations. In view of the considerable size of the complete report, and of the compre- hensive scope of material presented in Chapter III in particular, it was sug- gested by OEO project monitors that Chapters IV and V be issued separately bound for more convenient use and wider distribution, and that the complete report, most useful for specialized reference, be given more limited distribution. In compliance with this request HSR has issued a Final Recommendations Re- port for the project in addition to the complete Final Report. The former con- sists of two final chapters of the main report, plus the Foreword, Abstract, Introduction, and Bibliography. In discussion of problem areas relevant to recommendations offered in Chapter V in both versions, the reader is referred by page to appropriate sections of Chapter III, making it possible (when using the complete report) to examine detailed material on reservation conditions and CAP operation's on each of the reservations where phenomena relevant to the problems treated in Chapter V are found. The large number of sites and situations in which information was gathered, plus the many subcontracting and consulting relationships entered into to obtain the specialized data and research capabilities which the study required, make it impossible to here acknowledge by name the scores of individuals who con- tributed time and effort to the study. To all of them HSR is immeasurably grate- ful and trusts that this final product of their efforts will merit their approval. Among the many, those who carried the principal responsibilities for field work, data analysis, report preparation and overall direction merit special mention, however. In work at the Gila River and Papago Reservations, Dr. William H. Kelly of the Bureau of Ethnic Research, University of Arizona, led a team consisting of Mr. William Willard, Director; and Dr. Nadine Rund, Assistant Director, which contributed the principal material contained in Sec- tions A and B of Chapter III. Field work at Pine Ridge was directed initially by Dr. Murray Wax, Uni- versity of Kansas, and Mr. Albert Wahrhaftig, of the Carnegie Cross-Cultural Survey, acting as Co-directors. The two final months of field work at Pine Ridge were conducted under the direction of Mr. James 1. E. Smith, now at the Na- tional Museum of Ontario, Canada. Mr. Frank Blackford, resident Field As- sistant at Pine Ridge for the entire field research period, prepared the material on that reservation presented in Section 0 of Chapter III. Mr. James G. E. Smith also directed field operations at Santa Clara, Turtle Mountain, and White Earth, on the last of which he `is a recognized authority. He is principally responsible for preparation of the materials on these three reservations, presented in Sections D, E and F of Chapter III. A special aid to Mr. Smith in work at Santa Clara was a week of consultation with Dr. Alfonso Ortiz, which greatly facilitated work at that location. Assisting Mr. Smith at Santa Clara and Turtle Mountain was Mr. Jack Preston, and at White Earth, Mr. Arthur M. Harkins. Mr. Harkins was in residence for the entire research period, and provided much data and many insights of great value to the study. Other field research assistants were Sara Beacham, Thomas Cox, Kenneth D. Davis, Timothy Dunnigan, Robert Friedman, Ella Rumley, and Clifford Sifton. The comprehensive goals of the project could not have been attempted without their fine and diligent efforts. Principal members of the HSR Headquarters staff associated with the project were Mr. Gerald M. Sider, Dr. Robert C. Alberts, and Mr. Albert Jenny 2nd. Mr. Sider coordinated data collection efforts throughout the project, conducted interviews and document exploitation at OEO Headquarters in Washington with Mr. Jenny, and contributed the sections of the following report dealing with Indian poverty (Chapter II, Section A, Parts 1, 2 and 4), synthesis of project findings (Chapter IV), and reservation economics (Chapter V, Section C). Mr. :Sider and Mr. Jenny each made two trips to the field in the course of the project PAGENO="0175" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 .3827 to coordinate and inspect work-in-progress at the several reservation sites. Dr. Alberts, Principal Investigator, provided overall supervision and guidance in attainment of project objectives. Mr. Jenny, who served as Project Director, and to whom what success the entire undertaking may have is principally due, directed the project throughout, contributing extensively to its concepion and implementation, and provided both the material dealing `with field research contained in Chapter II (Section B) and the recommendations contained in Sections A, B and D of Chapter V. More than conventional thaks for secretarial support are also due to Miss Jean K. Thompson, one of whose lesser rather than greater tasks as Project Secretary was production of this report. While the foregoing begins rather than completes the list of those directly con- nected with the project to whom thanks are due, the number of persons whose participation in other connections made the project possible is greater still. Among these are numerous OEO personnel, both in Washington and elsewhere, whose helpful suggestions and willing cooperation HSR acknowledges with gratitude. In particular these included members of the CAP Indian Desk, and Mr. George Castile, OEO Project Monitor. In addition, without the aid and co- operation of representatives of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the US Public Health Service, and the tribal councils, reservation organizations, CAP offices and component staffs, and numerous other groups, in the field and in Washington, the present report would not have come into being. To all of these individuals and organizations HSR expresses its great appreciation. In the last analysis, however, it is to the countless reservation residents, men and women, Indian and white-whose contributions `of information and whose patience and hospitality in facilitating the work of project researchers `made this study possible-that HSR is most indebted. ABSTRACT As the Final Report in an eight-month field study undertaken for OEO by Human Sciences Research, Inc., the report explores the impact of OEO Com- munity Action Programs (CAPs) on six selected American Indian reservations, evaluating this effort to win one of the most difficult battles in the War on Poverty and deriving initial guidelines and recommendations toward strengthen- ing the attack. The six locations at which field research was conducted are the Gila River and Papago Reservations in Arizona, Santa Clara Pueblo in New Mexico, the Pine Ridge Sioux Reservation in South Dakota, and the Turtle Mountain and White Earth Chippewa Reservations in North Dakota and Minnesota. This report first examines the depth of Indian poverty in its course from the inception of the reservation system to and through World War II, prior to the establishment of OEO. The new approach of OEO, entailing for the first time Indian-generated proposals for remedial action and direct funding of Indian bodies for implementation of such proposals is described, and some general analytical notes on the concomitants of poverty provided. The field research design applied to this task by HSR, combining direct field observation with the t'estimony of community elements in varying functional relationships to OEO programs and to each other, is then presented. The objec- tives of interviews in determining the realities of Indian poverty as impacted by CAP components are stated. Each of the reservations studied is next discussed in `terms of the history and culture of its people, the conditions existing at the time CAP components were introduced, and the utilization of CAPs as well as their effect on the Indian people concerned. A range of relevant problems is brought to light, and basic eco- nomic imbalances are cited. Following a synthesis of these findings, involving the structure and orienta- tion of CAPs on these six reservations, based on empirical field data and per- tinent literature, thirteen problem categories are isolated and described, with attendant recommendations for action and research toward enhancement of the program as now conceived and operating. Beyond this, the ultimate necessity for actions leading to reservation economic viability is pointed out, if culturally distinct reservation communities, as opposed to individual assimilation, are ser- ously envisioned. The synthesis of findings, recommendations, and bibliography are included in all copies of the Final Report, but also appear, separately bound, as the Final Recommendations Report. PAGENO="0176" 3828 ECONOMIC OPPORTtJNITY ACT~ AMENDMENTS OF 1967 TABLE OF CONTENTS Forward. Abstract. Table of Contents. List of Maps. I. Introduction. II. Project Background. A. The Depth of Indian Poverty: A Brief History of Indian White Relations: 1. Political and Social Trends to World War II. 2. Indian Reservations Since World War II. 3. The OEO Approach. 4. Some Notes on Poverty. B. Field Research in American Indian Communities: 1. General Considerations. 2. Community Elements. 3. Functional Aspects and Interrelations. 4. Interviewing Objectives. 5. Staffing and Reporting. III. Comprehensive Evaluation of CAP's on Six Selected Reservations. A. Gila River Reservation: 1. Historical and Cultural Background: a. Pre-Spanish Conquest Period. b. The Period of Spanish and Apache Influence. c. Relations with the U.S. Government. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Context: a. Present Social Organization of Gila River Reservation. b. Political Structure. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program: a. Introduction. b. Policies and Programs of the Community Action Agency. c. History of the CAP: 1964-1966. d. CAP Administration and Tribal Government. e. CAP Relations with other Agencies. f. Indian Reaction to CAP. B. Papago Reservation: 1. Historical and Cultural Background. a. Early History. b. Spanish Contact and Early Culture Patterns. c. The Development of the Papago Reservation. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Context: a. General Economic Trends. b. Socio-Political Organization. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program: a. Introduction. b. History of Papago CAP: 1964-1966. c. Current Status of CAP. d. CAP and other Agencies. e. Indian Reaction. f. Summary. C. Pine Ridge Reservation: 1. Historical and Cultural Background. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Context. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program: a. Early History of CAP. b. Development of CAP Components. c. Opinions and Attitudes Regarding CAP. d. Problems in Implementation of CAP Components. e. Summary. D. Santa Clara Reservation: 1. Historical and Cultural Background: a. Pueblo History. b. Pueblo Culture. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Context: a. Eastern Pueblos. b. Santa Clara. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program: a. Sequence of Events. b. Opinions, Attitudes, and Activities of External and Internal Community Ele- ments. c. Problems and Summary. E. Turtle Mountain Reservation: 1. Historical and Cultural Background. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Context. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program; F. White Earth Reservation: 1. Historical and Cultural Background. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Context: a. Early Ecological Adaptation. b. Present-Day Social Adjustment. c. Economic Patterns. d. Political Structure and Public Services. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program: a. Formative Period Preceding CAP. b. Sequence of Events after Funding of CAP; c. Attitudes and Opinions. d. CAP Problems at White Earth. e. Views of CAP by Selected Observers. f. Summary. PAGENO="0177" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3829 IV. Synthesis of Project Findings. A. Introduction. B. Structure of Community Action Programs: 1. Integration of Components into Programs. 2. The CAP as a System: a. Tribal Council. b. CAP Staff. c. CAP Committee. d. Consortium. C. Tendencies in Indian CAP Development. D. Orientations of Existing CAP Components: 1. Education. 2. Jobs for Aides. 3. Components Oriented Toward Elimination of Poverty. V. Recommendations. A. Introduction. B. Improvement of Existing Programs: 1. External Communications. 2. Technical Assistance. 3. Approval of CAP Components. 4. Funding of CAP Components. 5. Reaction of Indian Leadership and People. 6. Staffing of CAP Components. 7. Housing Facilities for CAP Components. 8. Dissatisfaction with CAP Components. 0. Factionalism. 10. Nepotism. 11. Needs Beyond the Scope of CAP Components. 12. Intrs.Reservation Communications. 13. Coordination of Government Activities. C. Toward Economic Viability of Reservations. D. The Post-Poverty World of American Indians. Bibliography. LIST OF MAPS Location of Gila River Reservation in Arizona. Gila River Reservation. Location of Papago Reservation in Arizona. Papago Reservation. Location of Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota. Pine Ridge Reservation. Location of Santa Clara Pueblo in New Mexico. Santa Clara Pueblo. Location of Turtle Mountain Reservation in North Dakota. Turtle Mountain Reservation. Location of White Earth Reservation in Minnesota. White Earth Reservation. I. INTRODUCTION The central objectives of this report are to evaluate both the strategy and tactics of the "War on Poverty" on six of its many fronts, developing recom- mendations from empirical study of the battle in progress. In all wars it is well to know the nature of the enemy and to envision the shape of things to come after his defeat. Here the questions generated by this view are what is poverty- in the context of the American Indian-and what is the American Indian to be "after poverty?" It is somewhat easier to answer the first question than the second. While there are many views of poverty, both from within and without, certain concepts recur in most of them: funds insufficient to command goods and services enjoyed by the American middle-class; low level of education and skills; unhealthful and unsanitary living conditions; absence of meaningful social organization; loss of self-identity, purpose, or hope; often various forms of self-denigration; and, finally, being considered "poor" by others. All of these concepts apply in greater or less degree and with various local nuances to a very large number of Ameri- can Indians on all Federal and state reservations; the Indian has been isolated from the main stream of economic and social development in America perhaps more completely than any other population group. The Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) has undertaken the breaking down of this isolation, at long last bringing the Indian out of poverty along with all others not participating in the growing affluence of soci'ety~at-1arge. The primary mechanism for this effort is the Community Action Program (CAP), which, through its varied components, attempts to equipt the American Indian for a viable existence in terms of modern technology and present-day culture. This leads directly to the second question-"What is the Indian to be `after poverty' ?" Vestiges of his early culture (or more accurately, the early cultures of the several distinct Indian groups), mixed with the reservation culture of poverty, have led to pronounced distrust and frequent rejection of present-day 80-084-67--Pt. 5-12 PAGENO="0178" 3830 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 American ways of living. Many Indians simply wish to be left alone. Though willing to regard Washington programs as sources of funds to be used opportu- nistically-from long experience viewing such programs as temporary, regardless of plans `and promises glowingly described-these Indian groups are most in- clined toward maintaining the status quo of reservation life. If certain studies are indicative of general trends, these may be in the majority.' Other Indians, though wishing to maintain a separate existence, often at variance from the prevailing culture of American society, wish to develop their reservations economically. Still others wish to learn the techniques and skills which can enable them to leave the reservation and become functioning members of the larger world. The opportunities and risks confronting OEO in these circumstances are clear. Given a sound approach, an effective program, a favorable set of conditions, OEO stands to make unparalleled changes in the lives of American Indians in terms of their own felt needs and aspirations-and in terms of the hopes of society-at- large for a universally prosperous and forward-looking America. However, with- out sufficient vision and awareness of the intricacies of American Indian reali- ties, vast funds and well-intentioned efforts may be invested with few results beyond minor shifts in reservation power structures and a broadened gap be- tween the minority of Indians who are Federally employed and the many who are the intended beneficiaries of OEO endeavors. Evaluation of on-going Community Action Programs on Indian reservations is therefore extremely prudent at this time to determine, now that such programs are substantially launched, bow realistically they are geared both to the oppor- tunities and to the pitfalls represented by Indian values and conditions. Beyond immediate problems of Indian health, education, and employment, such `deter- mination is critical to questions o'f communication, identity, alienation, fac- tionalism, traditional distrust, cynicism and hopelessness. Are these understood and being met in a hopeful and enduring way? Is there sufficient variety of ap- proach in CAP programs to accommodate both those who wish to compete in society-at-large, and those who wish to develop an economically viable but cul- turally separatist reservation-and to offer both the paths to realization? Is there effort to overcome, with antagonism, the indifference and opportunism certain to be encountered? The balance of this report examines six selected American Indian reservations and their CAP programs in these regards. After considering the development of Indian poverty and research approaches employed in evaluation of CAP struc- ture and operations on these reservations each of the six is discussed in respect to relevant historical `and cultural `background, resources and people, and the arrival and impactof CAP. An analytical critique and a summation of significant findings follow, relating this material both to Indian poverty and OEO responses. Recommendations derived from this total range of investigations and analyses conclude the report. These focus on the principal problem areas identified in the course of project research and field work, and include `suggestions, both for action and further research, bearing on improvement of existing programs. A brief note suggesting an innovative approach to development of economically self-sustain- ing reservations is added, together with a brief commentary on alternative roads for the Indian into the post-poverty world. II. PROJECT BACKGROuND A. THE DEPTH OF INDIAN POVE~TY~ A BRIEF HISTORY OF INDIAN-WHITE RELATIONS 1. Political and Social Trends to World War II Pre-revolutionary America was colonized by several European nations, simul- taneously `and seriatim. In the course of this colonization the Europeans en- countered many Indian nations and linguistic groups; on both sides there was wide diversity of practices and beliefs. This, plus language variations and the hostilities within each side, worked chaos on Indian-white relations and, as the balance of power swung increasingly to the whites, worked increasingly to the detriment of the Indians. The Indians were the losers both when the Europeans fought among them- selves, paying the penalty for taking sides, and when the Europeans were at peace with one another and wanted lands to settle. Whatever the Indian did, he lost: lands, people, livelihood. Warfare, epidemics, and attrition during migra- `An example of such studies: Ablon (1964: 296-304). PAGENO="0179" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3831 tion each caused heavy depopulation and together destroyed not only people but social systems. The point is an important one in understanding the circum- stance of the Indian today. Loss of population, loss of livelihood and, eventually, removal to reservations, altered basic aspects of various Indian social systems. What happened, in gen- eral, was the customary ways for people to interact with each other and with their environments changed, while values and beliefs about how the "good man" should interact with his social and physical environment tended to persist. The Plains Indians, for example, regarded the "good man" as a hunter and warrior; but there came a time when there was little to hunt and no fight that at best was not potential suicide. The problem wih farming-which was the proffered alter- native-was that it ran counter to Indian values. To the extent that this inconsistency between traditional values and real world opportunities persists, it blocks developmental change. It can also be a mech- anism to convey development; the problem is to use Indian values in positive fashion rather than oppose or ignore them. We will return to this point after considering the question of Indian social systems in relevant detail. European population pressure for lands in America in the late seventeen and early eighteen hundreds defeated even the best-intentioned state and Federal Government attempts to partition white and Indian activities. To obtain clear access to Indian lands and prevent bloodshed on both sides, Congress in 1830 passed the Indian Removal Act, giving the Indians perpetual title to lands west of the Mississippi, and directing removal there, eventually by force, of most of the Indians to the east. In the years 1830-1840 approximately 100,000 Indians were thus "removed," with enormous hardship and suffering. Eight years later, in 1848, came the discovery of gold in California, and with it the attempt to partition the country into Indian and white areas, so as to leave the Indians sufficient area to engage in their own productive activities, came to a rapid demise. The Federal Government began to extinguish title to the Indian lands along the California routes, and the bison herds which formed the basis of the Plains economy soon were decimated by the wagon caravans and professional hunters. Homesteaders, following major wagon routes and spreading out from these, made massive inroads on Indian land, the reservations becoming smaller and more marginal. During the period Indian "nations" gradu- ally came to be referred to as "tribes." In 1871 the US House of Representatives took it upon itself to henceforth deal unilaterally with the Indians, and ended recognition of Indian nations or tribes "as an independent power with whom the US may contract by treaty." In the `twenty years following this assertion of dominance by Congress over the Indians there were two separate developments in Indian-white relations. On the one hand, the Indians' attempts to control `their `position vis-a-vis the whites `by physical force led, in general, to increasingly one-sided massacres. Related to this was the transfer, especially toward the end of the period 1871-91, of the Indians' protest from the physical to the religious sphere. Bo'th the use of force and the religious movements must be viewed as attempts by the Indians to cope in a traditional manner with the various threats posed by white society. T'he type of warfare changed and new religions (e.g., the "Ghost Dance") were oulte different from earlier ones; but the attempt to cope with the environment in these ways was traditional. The harsh suppression by white society of these religious movements, as well as the warfare potential of the Indians, funda- mentally altered their ability to interact with their total environments on their own initiative. `A result was the destruction of principal goals `of Indian life. On the other hand, the years between 1870 and 1890 a number of private organizations were formed to alleviate the plight of *the Indians, their main methods being to influence Federal legislation directly or indirectly through arousal of public sentiment. When President Grant took office in 1869, he appointed a Board of Indian Commissioners (disbanded in 1933) to advise on, Indian policy. While this was a Government group, it had no power to implement its recommendations. Grant also asked missionaries working among the reserva'tion Indians to nominate Government field agents. This policy was abandoned in 1880, a failure for both the Indians and the Government. Two observations might be made on these developments: without legislative influence good advice is meaningless; and good intentions without knowledge of the problems as the Indians see them are potentially harmful. In 1879 the Women's National Indian Association was formed;. and in 1882 the Indian Rights Association. A year later saw the. first meeting of the Annual PAGENO="0180" 3832 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Lake Mohonk Conference of Friends of the Indian. These conferences were organized by Albert A. Smiley, of the Board of Indian Commissioners. All three groups were concerned with the plight of the Indian and with "helping" him in *his relations to white society. These groups were the driving force behind the Dawes Severalty (or General Allotment) Act of 1887. This Allotment Act of 1887 is often (and rightly) discussed in terms of its direct or indirect intention to deprive the Indians of land. In brief, the Act was to divide tribal land into parcels and assign these to individual Indians, with full title and citizenship to devolve to them in twenty-five years. "Excess" land left after allotment was opened to homesteading by whites. In view of (1) the clamor in support of the Act by Congressional Representatives from areas where there was pressure for Indian lands, (2) the fact that, in general, this Act was not implemented on Indian reservations where surrounding whites bad no desire for the lands, and (3) subsequent events in which Indian lands were reduced from 138 million acres to approximately fifty-two million acres, it seems clear that at least one consideration on the part of some lawmakers in passing and implementing the General Allotment Act was depriving the Indian of his lands. This does not, however, explain the support the Act received from those who genuinely considered themselves acting in behalf of the Indian. One reason for such support lay in the belief that it was the best of two unfortunate alterna- tives-that individual ownership of land by the Indians would at least place some limit on white depredations, whereas without allotment all might be lost. An- other reason, more r~ievant here, was the belief that through individual land ownership the Indian would best adjust to the dominant American society. To this end of "civilizing" the Indian, the General Allotment Act provided for both individual ownership of land and instruction for the Indians in the arts of agri- culture and animal husbandry. It has been argued in various quarters that failure of the Indians to take to farming is attributable to the incompatability between the Indian's values and beliefs (and the social organizational features accompanying these values and beliefs), on the one hand, and the requirements of agriculture, on the other. This was doubtless an important element in the failure of the attempt to implement farming, and bears out the need often cited in this report for taking into account the values and belief systems of the Indians. However, in the case of the General Allotment Act, it is extremely important to note that the technical assistance proffered to the Indians was wholly inadequate even to the task of teaching a people desirous of farming.1 Later in this report we will deal further with the alignment of technical assist- ance programs with indigenous value systems. The current situation and the possibilities for action are complicated by the fact that in general Indian groups remember very clearly technical assistance which came with blatant disregard for their values. There has thus been established in many places hostility to such assistance (and to its sources) which is now very much an element in the situa- tion which CAP operations confront. In the period between the General Allotment Act of 1887 and passage of the Indian Reorganization Act in 1934 there were changes in Indian conditions, in public sentiment regarding the Indian, and in the character of legislation con- cerning the Indian. The most important changes in Indian conditions were eco- nomic stabilization at a level of extreme poverty, and levelling out of population decline, with, by 1920, strong indications of an upturn. While population figures for the period are highly inexact, trends became sufficiently clear to indicate to the Federal Government that the Indian was not a "dying people" and that the poverty-without-prospects-of-change which characterized most reservations could not be dealt with by waiting for the Indians to die off. In 1922-23 there was public controversy over the Bursham Lands Bill which led to its defeat, indicating for the first time that popular opinion was tending toward respect for Indian rights. It was the intention of the Bill to give white squatters on Indian lands perfect title to land they were using (which would have been particularly disadvantageous to the Pueblos of the Southwest). In 1923, the Committee of One Hundred, appointed by the Secretary of Interior to in- vestigate the Pueblo land case, produced a report in which, for the first time, a majority "deplored the effort to obliterate the unique qualities of Indian cul- tures" (Hagen 1961 :15). Accompanying these changes in Indian conditions and in public and official sentiment about the Indian was an increase in knowledge about the socio-economic 1 See Meriam (1928: Chapter 1 passlm). PAGENO="0181" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3833 circumstance of reservations. Some of this knowledge was derived from the work of private organizations interested in the plight of reservation Indians. The major advance in public and official knowledge-of the sort essential for formulation of enlightened policy-was the publication of the so-called Meriam Report of 1928. In 1926 Secretary of Interior Hubert Wouk commissioned the Brookings Insti- tution to investigate American Indian conditions. Lewis Meriata directed the efforts of an interdisciplinary group of scholars, including Indians. The product of that study was published in 1928 as The Problem of Indian Administration, and is variously referred to as the "Meriam" or "Brookings" Report. The Report showed both a detailed knowledge `of actual conditions on reservations-~which were far worse than had been popularly supposed-and a rather high degree of sophistication about social systems and social change. It was clearly stated, for example, that the multiple correlates of poverty-ill health, poor housing, inade- quate real or cash income, etc.-were all interrelated, so that "causes cannot be differentiated from effects." Three major contributing causes of Indian poverty were listed as: (1) the destruction of the economic basis of "primitive Indian culture," (2) the irrelevance to modern economic conditions of the social systems remaining from the past, and (3) past Government policies. Significant outcomes of pi,itting Indian reservation poverty in this frame- work were: (1) establishment of Government policy primarily designed to alter Indian reservation social systems, (2) removal of laws `restricting certain (e.g., religious) Indian practices, and (3) the attempt to provide an economic basis for modern Indian reservations. Along with increasing knowledge about American Indian reservations, a factor in the development of this policy was the onset of `the Depression. Hagan (1961 :153) points `out that ~the Depression destroyed a lot of myths about the virtues of a "free, competitive society"-the ideal society toward which the Indians were being pushed. Without sufficient employment for Amencan farmers and laborers, there seemed to be little point in encouraging Indians toward these ways of life. The new legislative policy toward the Indian was enacted in 1936 as the Indian Reorganization Act. This was to be the "New Deal for American Indians." In brief, this Act: 1. Prohibited future allotment of tribal lands, permitting tribes to assign use rights. 2. Returned to the Indians land not preempted by homesteaders. 3. Permitted tribes to adopt written constitutions `and charters of incorpora- tion. 4. Provided funds for establishing revolving credit unions, for aiding the tribes in forming internal organizations, for educational assistance, and for the pur- chase of land. 5. Permitted the various tribes to choose by referendum whether they wished to have the Act apply to them. Most reservations today operate under constitutions this Act entitled. The confidence of the Government in the Indians which the Act signified, plus support from the BIA, helped shore up Indian societies in many ways in many places, but lack of income in cash or kind, plus certain recent problems, have left the Indian still desperately poor. 2. Indian Reservations S~ince World War II World War II budget pressures brought talk in Oongress of terminating the BIA, and/or `the Wheeler-Howard (Indian Reorganization) Act, and `of assign- ing responsibility for Indian reservations to the `states. During the same period many Indians worked in industrial centers employed in defense industries or were in the Armed Forces. The image implicit in the Indian Reorganization Act of the reservation as a socially and economically viable unit was being directly threatened by Congress and indirectly challenged by the appeal of urban wage work at salaries unobtainable on or in the vicinity of the reservation. Further, the high hopes for the reservation on the part of those who supported the Indian Reorganization Act were being frustrated `by the fact that despite~ expenditure of millions of dollars in the course of several years, Indian poverty remains widespread. Still another threat to the possibility `of building viable reservations came from the Hoover Commission Report of 1949 on reorganiza- tion of `the Federal Government, which urged that responsibilities for the welfare of the reservation Indians be transferred to state governments and recom- mended that policies be formulated to assist Indians to leave the reservation. At the end of World War II migration of Indians to cities reversed as war- time industries closed or cut down labor forces. At the same time, a rising birth PAGENO="0182" 3834 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 rate (up from three to over four percent a year) resulted in further population increase. Reservation economic opportunities, however, have shown no corre- sponding rise. In fact, economic activities on the reservations are somewhat unresponsive to such Indian problems as population pressure and rising employment aspira- tions. Take, for example, the BIA leasing system: As a broad but valid generali- zation, it may be stated that on reservations where there is profitably usable farm land, such land is ordinarily leased to non-Indians or farm corporations. This is also the case with profitable cattle-grazing land. The land leasing pro- gram-managed by BIA-began soon after reservations were created and is a well-entrenched tradition. Where reservations have natural resources in the form of mineral deposits, timber, petroleum or abundant water, exploitation is usually under BIA management through a leasing system with non-Indian corporations. Income from leases is distributed by the BIA. Flexible response to population growth is obviously not a characteristic of this system. In 1954 the BIA began two programs related to increasing population pressure and the difficulties of reservation economic development. The initial emphasis was on the Voluntary American Indian Relocation Program. The aim of this Program was minimum subsidy of urban migration and employment placement of Indian families and adult individuals in certain industrial centers. These centers have included: Cleveland, Ohio; Waukegan and Chicago, Illinois; St. Louis, Missouri; Dallas, Texas; Denver, Colorado; and Los Angeles, San Jose, San Francisco and Oakland, California. Particular centers used in any one fiscal year has varied, though Chicago, Dallas, Denver, Los Angeles and San Jose have usually been included. In 1961 the title of the Relocation Program was changed to Employment Assistance. With the title change there has been an increase in interest in em- ployment placement in proximity to the reservations, and general effect of Em- ployment Assistance has been to remove from reservation those Indians best qualified by education and work experience for adjustment to the urban-industrial milieu. A second program, directly related to Employment Assistance, is Vocational Training, authorized by Public Law 959 and other public laws applying to specific tribes. Generally, vocational training under such legislation is applicable to per- sons between eighteen and twenty-five, with exceptions made for individual cases, and usually involves short-term trade school courses with employment placement on graduation. In recent years this program is largely taking the annual secondary school graduating classes from boarding schools and reserva- tion schools. Another source of candidates, both for this and the Employment Assistance Program, is the graduates of the BIA vocational trade schools at Haskell Institute in Lawrence, Kansas. Still further efforts have been made by BIA to meet Indian economic needs. Since 1950 there have been a number of BIA-directed attempts to develop indus- trial plants and tourist attri~ctions on or near reservations. There is an industrial diamond cutting plant near the Gila River Reservation in Arizona; several small plants on or near the Navajo Reservation; an electronics component assembly plant on Laguna Pueblo land in New Mexico; a fishhook snelling plant on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota; a jewelled roller bearing plant near Turtle Mountain Reservation, North Dakota. Similar plants are in operation or planned at other reservations. All of these plants have certain common characteristics. All have small labor forces and with piece-work pay. All are either sub-contractors or feeder plants of larger companies. The chief attraction for these plants seems to be an inex- pensive and abundant labor supply with no union involvement, BIA-subsidized training programs, Federal reservation tax shelter, and low-cost lease arrange- ments for building without the necessity for the company to buy or build a plant. Some of the disadvantages are distances from major markets, absence of a social base for well developed utilities and facilities (roads, electric power, water) and the difficulty of attracting management personnel to live in isolated rural areas. Since 1950 opportunities for off-reservation w-age work in seasonal agriculture have steadily decreased with mechanizing farm operations steadily eliminating the numbers of farm laborers needed. On some reservations this decrease threat- ens a major source of income, as on the Papago Reservation, where seasonal farm work formerly supplied one-third of reservation income. Steadily rising population pressure on reservation resources is only partially alleviated by subsidized relocation and small-scale employment in local in- PAGENO="0183" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3835 dustrial plants. Both relocation and employment are chiefly available to the most able reservation residents. Many reservation residents are unable to take part in either of these alternatives, due to previous inadequate education, job training or experience. In part the inadequacy of BIA Indian school and de- nominational mission schools is at fault. Neither is adequately financed, and qualified teachers are seldom attracted to or remain in Indian schools. Drop- outs and below-grade scholastic achievement rates are usually significantly higher for Indians than for other ethnic groups. Thus a limited educational background bars many Indians from realizing available employment opportu- nities, or makes training more difficult and expensive than might be with better schooling. Unfortunately, the insufficiency of BIA efforts to improve the Indian lot is not the only negative influence operative in `this situation. Anti-Indian prejudice is another important factor in the vicinity of many reservations, creating both general barriers to social interaction between Indians and non-Indians, and specific barriers to economic progress (e.g., to kinds of employment open to Indians). Such generalized prejudice, however, is not the only problem faced by Indians in neighboring communities. A particularly difficult area of Indian-white rela- tions is law enforcement. In many of the reservation border towns Indians have a high arrest "visibility." Actions l~y Indians leading to arrest, imprisonment, and fine frequently are not arresting offenses for other ethnic elements of the population. This social differential directly contributes to Indian economic problems in that an employed person may be arrested, held, fiuied, and lose his job because be was in jail and could not report for work. A further result is lengthy arrest records for many Indians, which preclude employment wherever such records are considered in applications-as they are in most plants with military contracts. The unemployed Indian unable to pay the fine may also have to borrow money, and if money cannot be obtained, he may have to serve whatever sentence is meted out. In many border towns prisoners actually perform (without pay) most of the municipal services-garbage collection, road repair, street cleaning, and janitorial services in municipal buildings. While such socio-econornic trends as the foregoing were taking shape in the post-World War II period, "termination" was tried, pushed, and subsided as a Federal Government approach to Indian' reservations. In 1950 Dillon S. Myer became Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and endorsed a policy of terminating- unilaterally-the special status of Indian reservations. This policy received strong backing from the "Eisenhower Congress" of 1952. By 1956 Federal relations were severed for ten' thousand Indians-a small number, in one light, but the hue and cry raised for termination caused widespread disillusionment with the Government on the part of Indians, who once again had understand- able reason to doubt the consistency of Government policy and the stability of Government support. 3. The OBO Approach As an introductory overview of the OEO approach in carrying the War on Poverty to American Indian reservations we may begin with a brief re- capitulation of the situation on these reservations in the mid-sixties, the field into which OEO moved. Government presence on these Federal reservations was dominated by two agencies: the BIA and the Indian Health Division of the PITS. Responsibility for Indian health was transferred from the BIA to the PITS in 1955; in the ensuing years the PITS has gradually expanded its activities, especially in the area of preventive public health measures, until it has come to assume re- sponsibility even for such things as the provision of drinking water. In the 1966-67 U~ Government Organization Manual (1966 :256-257), BIA lists its objectives as: ". . maximum Indian economic self-sufficiency; full participation of Indians in American life; and equal citizenship privileges and responsibilities for Indians." The same source lists as principal BIA activities: 1. to act as trustee for Indian lands and money held in trust by the United States, and to assist the owners in making the most effective use of their lands and other resources; 2. to provide public services-such as education, welfare aid, and law and order-when these services are not available to Indians through other agencies; PAGENO="0184" 3836 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3. to furnish guidance and assistance to those Indians who wish to leave reservation areas and enter normal channels of American economic and social life; 4. to collaborate with the Indian people (both tribally and individually) in the development of programs leading toward full-fledged Indian respon- sibility for the management of their own property and affairs and gradual transfer of public service responsibilities for the Bureau of Indian Affairs to the agencies which normally provide these services; and 5. to assist Indian tribes and groups, in cooperation with local and State agencies, in developing programs to attract industries to reservation areas. In practice, BIA programs fall into four general categories: land management, welfare, relocation, and the whole range of activities prerequisite to economic viability-general education, technical training, road-building, power supply, maintenance of law and order-leading to the creation of what economists term infrastructure. While efforts of this kind would appear to meet most Indian needs, three main difficulties have arisen over the years. The tendency has been for such programs to be conceived and administered paternalistically, creating and maintaining an attitude of dependence on the part of Indians, with attendant indifference and hostility arising at various places and times toward any thoroughgoing efforts to induce change. Secondly, incoming new administra- tions, or even changes of personnel within incumbent administrations frequently shifted BIA policy, so that programs which might have been making some headway were dropped, or reversed in mid-stream, leading to understandable cynicism among Indians. Finally, there has been a tacit assumption evident in the nature of many such programs that Indians should acculturate to the American norm in behavior, attitudes, and values. Coming from outside, such an assumption has apparently aroused a certain amount of antagonism. As a result of this indifference, hostility, cynicism and antagonism, combined with the general lack of improvement in living conditions, easily observed by Indians as well as outsiders, hopelessness is the rule on Indian reservations in respect to the concept of anything good coming from Governmental intervention. This is the situation toward which the OEO approach is directed. To meet the three defects noted in previous efforts to set Indians on a viable path, OEO has attempted three innovations: 1. To ask Indians to design their own programs and to place the funds for implementation directly in Indian hands, thus defeating the dependency bred of paternalism. 2. To encourage community action in the development of self-sustaining pro- grams, conceived, implemented, and maintained by Indians, thus defeating the insecurity bred of vacillating and disappearing programs. 3. To encourage the flowering of Indian ways and values through fostering the economic viability of reservation communities, thus defeating the antagon- ism bred of forced acculturation. As in many human endeavors, new problems arose to plague these well- considered undertakings. Because of prevailing conditions on Indian reserva- tions, the degree of sophistication required to create workable proposals for correcting the economic and other inequities of Indian life was not frequently encountered. This led to Indians making use of tribal attorneys and other out- side white assistance, on the one hand, and the creation of the Three-University Consortium by OEO to extend technical assistance to Indians, on the other. Thus, in spite of the original intent, Indians found themselves receiving CAP components essentially designed by outsiders, though more influenced by In- dian initiatives than past ameliorative efforts had been. In view of past ex- perience, however, many Indians were alienated by this turn of events, and initial enthusiasm waned. Secondly, the tribal councils which ordinarily became the community action agencies on these reservations, were not created for this purpose, as such bodies had been in urban and rural Negro and white areas. Previously powerless, because of the lack of any tax base or other revenue-raising mechanism, these tribal councils established under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 con- stituted the overt potential leadership of the traditional power structure of their reservations. They also represented traditional social attitudes, were familiar with previous ameliorative efforts and in a great many cases tended to make use of funds along traditional lines. That is to say, they did not often attempt to stir up meaningful community action toward the development of self-sus- taining programs leading out of poverty. PAGENO="0185" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3837 They tended, instead, to funnel the funds intü immediate cash for CAP aides and other temporary employees, in consonance with long-standing beliefs as to short-range gains, kin-group loyalties, and the expectation of an early demise of the OEO program. As to fostering the economic viability of reservation communities, the creation of the necessary infrastructure, for such efforts to succeed, requires the co- ordinated efforts of many Government agencies (e.g., OEO, BIA, EDA, PHS, and PHA) since OEO alone is not legally empowered to deal with employment, construction, or materials needs, but is devoted primarily to the development of human potential. Human potential, to be developed in the context of Indian reservations, needs almost simultaneous motivation, training, and opportunity- in the face of apathy, lack of skills, and frequently total lack of economic resOurces. The loans to low-income families and local cooperatives, and assistance to migrants authorized under Title III of the Economic Opportunity Act will not have a permanent impact where enthusiasm, training, and opportunities are absent. Nor is relocation, under present conditions, an answer to Indian problems, since, aside from the fairly well-documented (see Chapter I, p. 2 footnote) antipathy toward leaving the reservation on the part of Indian, the present birth-rate exceeds the current relocation rate, and many of those relocated return to the reservation after a few years, even when relatively successful in the outside world. An examination of the background and course of such problems in the context of OEO Community Action Programs on the six selected reservations, and suggested solutions to them, constitute the balance of this report, following brief discussion of the research approach employed in this study. 4. Seine Notes on Pc~verty Before discussing aspects of research design pertinent to data collection on the six reservations studied, it is important to examine one further context in which Indian CAPs operate: the context of poverty `as such. There are certain commonalities in the situation of the poor, whether Indian, Negro, or white, urban or rural, which are relevant to understanding the dynamics of their involvement in programs designed to benefit them, and to understanding of the potentiality of poverty programs per se. The characteristic Governmental definition of poverty is economic, measuring resources (primarily net cash income) against a standard of "minimal needs." The figure of $3,000 for families (regardless of size or geographic location) and $1,500 for individuals (regardless of location) was used in the 1964 Annual Report of the President's Council of Economic Advisers. The characteristic social definition of poverty is related to, but differs in basis from, the economic definition. In a social system frame of reference, a man is poor if he is considered poor by those around him and thinks of himself as poor. By this economic definition of poverty, the great majority of Federal reser- vation Indians are poor. By this social definition, the situation is not so clear. Data from White Earth, for example, indicate that a large proportion of the population, poor by the Government's economic definition, were surprised to be told that they were poor. At the same time, many Indians who are poor by economic criteria are very conscious of their lack of amenities and are well aware of the local social position that money buys. On this point we have, for example, the following from the August 1964 CAP Application of Oglala Junior Community, Pine Ridge Reservation: The poverty program is a new experience for the members of the Oglala Junior Community because it offers to build ideas into reality. Many members expressed that they had not realized that poverty existed, as so many of them grew up in conditions which are now described as poverty but was not identified as such prior to this time. In short, "poverty" as a social class concept applies on Indian reservations, but not in the sense that it does in, for example, urban areas. The difference is appar- ent both in the lower income levels among Indians who are socially "non-poor," vis-a-vis their urban counterparts-and in the importance of other factors than income which contribute to social stratification_"progressiveness vs conserva- tism, among them. This is well to keep in mind in going through the data in later sections. The focal characteristic of poverty In America, among any ethnic group, is dependency. The poor person is directly dependent upon others for satisfaction of his wants and his needs. All members of a society acre, of course, indirectly dependent on others, and in some ways most are directly dependent. The question PAGENO="0186" 3838 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 is one of degree. The poor have far fewer alternatives in their dependency relationships. This dependency is primarily economic, but the psychological correlates must not be overlooked since they are often paramount to the individual. One assumption regarding dependency that yields useful insight is that it is associated with hostility toward whatever the person is dependent upon; as dependency increases, so does hostility. One mechanism for relating hostility to dependency is the impossibility of full satisfaction ever being obtainable from the dominant partner in the dependency relationship.2 Such a working understanding of the relationship between hostility and de- pendency permits certain refinements in poverty program design. In particular, it points up the need to find ways of reducing dependency on the funders of programs as a way of coping with hostility directed toward these funders. In data sections later in this report the reader will note expressed concern on the part of Indian informants that OEO may close down or its funds be cut off. Such concern is related to hostility toward inconsistent treatment which the Indians have received over generations from the Federal Government-an important factor in view of the high degree of Indian dependency on Government, and thus particularly crucial for OEO. If we take dependency as a focal characteristic of poverty, then in the light of the Indians' high degree of dependency on the Government almost all Indians are "poor." "Welfare" programs of the handout variety mitigate the physical effects of poverty, `but not the social or emotional ones. Unilateral withdrawal by the independent partner from the dependency relationship (e.g., Government termination of reservation status) does not solve the economic problems. The OEO approach to Indian poverty is, in broad outline, to give the Indians-the tribal councils in particular-funds for the implementation of programs which are to a limited extent chosen by, and to a larger extent run by, these councils. This gives the tribal councils a degree of independence, and allows them a certain amount of self-assertiveness. However, sO long as funds must be applied for every year, and so long as programs may cease when funding stops, the Indians remain dependent on OEO and hostile to the process which makes them concerned that funds may be cut off. In concluding sections of this report we will return to *this problem, suggesting ways of dealing with it through self- maintaining programs, and other mechanisms. The problem is raised here insofar as it is a general characteristic of povePty. A second major characteristic of poverty is apathy. Both apathy and dependency may ultimately relate to passivity-dependency being a way in which the poor relate to others, apathy being a way of withdrawing from such relations. Much could be said of the importance to the poor of an apathetic world view- in a sense apathy enables the poor person to avoid losing battles from having hopes which are quickly crushed. Important for program `planners, however are two further aspects of apathy: first, apathy is an acceptance of things as they are; second, it is the opposite of manipulative involvement. Fundamental to the OEO approach to poverty-particularly "Community Ac- tion"-is the involvement of the poor in programs on their own behalf. Of neces- sity this involves creating situations where the poor reject rather than accept major aspects of their social milieu. Among Indians this poses special problems. Reservations are communities in a way that urban ghettos are not. Political leadership on Indian reservations tend to derive from the community rather *than being imposed upon it. To build up Indian communities typically requires building up the political structure and reinforcing traditional values. Yet the apathy of the poor can be overcome primarily by an involvement predicated on dissastisfaction and the promise of change. This seems, at first, paradoxical. The way out of the paradox is selectivity: a selective reinforcement of traditional values and traditional tribal political processes, and selective rejection of reservation situations which need changing. It is difficult to bring about the environment for this selectivity. The problem is that the apathy that program planners must overcome l5 often associated with perception of the social environment as uniformly devoid of possibilities for change. It therefore follows that to the extent that apathy about change is associated with beliefs about the uniform impossibility of successful change, it is difficult to 2 These points are amplified and supported in: Freud (1922), Macgregor (1961-62: 238- 242), and Erikson (1939: 101-156). Part of the above analysis of dependency and hostility is derived from Macgregor, op. cit. PAGENO="0187" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3839 involve the poor in selective change programs. The tendency is to either wholly reject a program, or to wholly accept the program and reject the entire current situation, often resulting in disillusionment. That selectivity of this sort may need to be encouraged is taken up in the recommendation section concluding this report. Here the intention is simply to give the reader a framework for evaluat- ing the pervasive criticisms of CAP programs and operations which the data evince. The point is that such criticism is natural and expected, and must be understood on two levels: its content, and the particular process of criticism it- self which is rooted in the subcultures of American Indian reservations. B. FIELD RESEARCH IN AMERICAN INDIAN COMMUNITIES 1. General Considerations In examining the roots of poverty in communities where, by almost any def- inition,. poverty is widespread, the researcher must be well aware of the role of local attitudes and traditional modes of human interaction within such com- munities in maintaining isolation from the generally higher degree of prosperity in surrounding populations. There may be many objective and observable economic imbalances which initially created the condition, and which need to be modified in order to ameliorate or eliminate poverty in a given area, but the very observa- bility of these imbalances leads one to ask why nothing has been done. The reasons are almost certain to lie somewhere in the outlook of the people con- cerned and in that of the people who have been unsuccessfully attempting to eradicate poverty in the past. In general, the wider the difference between the values of those who are poor and of those who are attempting to reduce poverty, the more difficult the task. In urban areas, where the model of affluence and power presented by the dom- inant segments of the population may differ least from the aspirations of the disadvantaged, the task may be easiest. There, the major ingredients of satis- factory social change may be appropriate education, economic opportunity, and the reduction of barriers erected by the non-poor. In rural areas, such as Appa- lachia, complications begin to arise. Here, the ideals and aspirations of the people concerned appear to be variant in relation to those held in urban society. Older models of propriety and the good life have retained great vitality, so that a simple introduction of educational and economic roads to suburbia may find little support if not outright opposition. In tailoring Community Action Pro- gram.s toward maximum response, it then becomes necessary to take into ac- count the participants' view of life, to chart the roads out of poverty in direc- tions the participants are willing to travel. When the communities in question are American Indian communities, where models of the good life stem from cultures far more different from' that of the "Great Society" than any Appalachian variant may be, and where, furthermore, there is frequent antagonism toward Americans ways, bred of a long and un- fortunate historical connection, the alleviation of poverty becomes complex indeed. Under such circumstances, a very close scrutiny of the outlooks of population elements of each community concerned is imperative in reaching conclusions both as to problems and their remedies. 2. Gominnnity Elements . In many communities there are marked horizontal cleavages corresponding to social and economic differences, and vertical cleavages related to occupational groupings, political factions, and the like. In most American Indian communities, the horizontal cleavages are virtually non-existent, there being almost no affluence, and a great deal of poverty. Vertical cleavages, however, abound, and cross-cut each other. There may be "fullbloods" and "mixed bloods," usually not referring to genetic realities primarily, if at all, but indicating, by the f.ormer, those who look back with nostalgia to the old ways, and, by the latter, those who accept or desire some degree of acquaintance with the ways of the majority society. There is frequently a high degree of political factionalism, often representing lineages, kindreds, or other kin-groupings rather than differences in political principles. There are those who live in the "agency town" and who are employed by the BIA, PHS, or, recently, by the Community Action Agency- and those who live off the beaten track in small hamlets or individual home- steads, supported by subsistence agriculture, occasional odd jobs, or welfare. There is always, in addition, a group of externally oriented people in residence who have come in from the outside to serve with Federal, state, and local agencies on the reservation. PAGENO="0188" 3840 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY A~T AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Representatives of each of these groups must be sought as informants if any- thing like a true picture of reservation conditions or aspirations is to be obtained with the possible exception of certain reservations such as those of the Pueblos of the Southwest, where the events of history have led to a more cohesive main- tenance of old ways than elsewhere, and a stance of secrecy toward the out- sider so that only officially designated spokesmen will tnform the observer at all. In other areas, however, all groups will have complaints to voice, problems to describe, accusaions to make, and each will probably accuse the other of greater or less responsibility for the general state of affairs. Out of these in- terlocking, sometimes complementary, sometimes conflicting sets of testimony, a fairly clear-cut picture of the human element in the local poverty complex will gradually emerge. When this is combined with as objective as possible an appraisal of the economic realities of the community and of the impact of past and present efforts to ameliorate the situation, realistic recommendations may be made toward the elimination of poverty. 3. Functional Aspects and Interrelations In most American Indian communities today, after at least a century of reservation life, following two centuries or so of more or less unhappy contact with European invaders, either one of two developments seems to have taken place. Where the original cultural complex was geared to a pattern of primarily agricultural subsistence at a low-level of abundance, as among the Pueblos, a tendency to retain communal solidarity in somewhat covert fashion is noted. Ceremonies and languages are kept secret from the outsider and the overt tribal government represents a contact point between the real tribal government and the outside world. Where a more abundant hunting culture existed as among the Plains Indians, permitting a more flexible, looser tribal organization, with institutions primarily geared to hunting and war parties, the disappearance of the buffalo, and other diminutions of hunting opportunities, as well as the cessation of intertribal war- iare has led to an almost complete dissolution of tribal institutions above the kin-group level. A few forms may remain, but little of the substance. The residual culture of such groups is concentrated in the kin-group structure and is atomistic within that context. That is to say, each kin-group tends to function as a separate faction, seeking its own ends in disregard of the interests of other similar groups. Only when some disturbing force of clearly threatening or compelling nature impinges upon two or more of these groups from the "outside," is there even a temporary alliance. This appears to be analogous to the older hunting or war party when more than one kin-group had to cooperate in order to attain some highly desired goal of the chase or deal with a highly dangerous military threat. Otherwise, kin-groups of greater or less extension were the normal social milieu in relative isolation from their peer groups-as they are today. In this atomistie variety of present-day Indian society, members of the tribal government again serve as spokesmen to the outside world, but without the uniform backing and consensus of nearly all elements of the population as in the Pueblo groups. They, themselves, represent only one, or perhaps a few, of the dominant factions of the reservation concerned, and are subject to the criticisms and accusations of all the other kin-based factions. This state of affairs makes it necessary for the researcher to become well ac- cepted by the tribal leadership in the case of the cohesive groups and to con- centrate his researches upon that leadership, while, among the atomistic groups, although acceptance by the leadership is equally necessary, it is only the begin- ning of the researcher's work. He must learn to be accepted among the "out" factions, as well (without antagonizing the "in" factions), and expect to hear many versions of the "truth" from all sides. 4. Interviewing Objectives Having identified his groups and determined the most effective approach in a given reservation, the researcher must strive to discover the basic views as to what is happening in regard to poverty and the Indian future from each discerni- bly different group, in order to have a basis for measurement of his own independ- ent observations. In relation to the CAP impact, he must learn the sequence of events surrounding the inception and progress of each component, as well as the reactions of the several internal Indian factions and of external groups such as the BIA and the PHS. Since Indians in general do not feel comfortable under formal questioning by whites, regardless of the ostensible reason for the interrogation, a period of PAGENO="0189" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3841 familiarization with the members of the various groups is the recommended ap- proach, followed by informal conversations, open-ended, and developed within the context of Indian interests and aspirations. This does not mean that the researcher has dispensed with the questionnaire concept altogether. He has simply internalized his questions, and notes, in passing, the comments which bear upon them. 5. ~tayflng and Reporting In the light of the preceding considerations, it was felt that the data for this report could be be obtained through the use of a three-man team for each reserva- tion: a Field Research Director, Senior Field Assistant, and a Field Research Assistant.3 The Field Research Director's tasks included making original con- tacts, interviewing key men on the reservation, counseling the other research personnel, general supervision of working procedures, and preparation of requi- site interim and final reports, or being available for consultation in connection with the preparation of such reports. The Senior Field Assistant conducted inter- views with the members of official bodies oi~ the reservation, cooperated with the Field Research Assistant in preparing data for submission to HSR staff during the course of the project, and assisted in the preparation of reports. The Field Research Assistant either remained on the reservation during the entire five-and- one-half-month field research period, or was replaced by another fulfilling the same function. This function was primarily that of contacting the rank and file- the Indian "man in the street"-and building up a picture, under the supervision and guidance of the senior research personnel, of Indian reactions of all kinds to CAP components and toward more general concepts of the meaning of poverty and its elimination in an Indian context. Through the use of the open-ended, informal interview combined with observa- tion and background information in part supplied by HSR staff, the researchers were able to cover the schedules of information requirements provided by HSR staff. The resultant data was submitted to HSR weekly from the field and has been distilled into the following' substantive and analytical chapters of this report. Thus, the events, problems, and recommendations presented rest upon fresh, em- pirically derived data acquired at the sites of the actions and conditions described. III. COMPREHENSIVE EVALUATION OF CAP'S ON Six SELECTED RESERVATIONS A. GILA RIVER RESERVATION 1. Historical and Cultural Background The following section reviews some of the important events and highlights some of the major themes in the development of the current social, political and economic structure of the Gila River Reservation. As in the historical introduc- tions to the chapters on each of the five other reservations studied, the purpose is to provide the reader with a general perspective on the social system and an over- view of conditions, which together comprise the context of CAP operations and pose the problems to the solution of which CAP work is addressed. a. Pre-Spanish Conquest Period There is general agreement that in the days before Spanish contact the Pima villages were more widely dispersed than during the 19th Century when the first English-speaking observers came in contact with them. Carl Sauer, authority on the native population of northern Mexico, indicates that the aboriginal Pima population along the Gila River did not exceed 1000 persons. This small, scattered population occupied a chain of isolated villages along the Gila River, with perhaps a population of fifty to one hundred persons per village, that is, ten to twenty families. These villages appear to have been organized along kinship lines. Men stayed in the villages where they were born after marriage; women went to live with their husbands. The core of "relatives" in any village was thus the males. The male members of each village were also likely to be members of the same clan. Little is known about the structure and function of the Pima clans other than that there were five of them, and that they were patrilineal. As age has always commanded respect among the Pima, primarily because it signifies experience, the eldest clan member was probably the leader or "head- man" in the life of the village. There may have been several elder males of nearly 3Santa Clara, because of Its small size, had a two-man team for six weeks. PAGENO="0190" 3842 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 equal authority. The existence of the position of "headman," before the coming of the Spanish has been questioned, however. Drucker states definitely that "The village chief is a recent functionary," and Underhill has indicated that prior to Spanish contact each village may have had a ceremonial leader, but no political official with actual authority. Although each native villag~e was a self-containing and self-sustaining unit, social interaction between Pima communities seems to have occurred. Members of different villages were connected by kinship ties, and meetings between dif- ferent villages to play games, exchange gifts, and gamble were apparently frequent. Nonetheless, there was no true tribal organization in the political sense. Drucker and Underhill both deny the aboriginal existence of a tribal leader among the Pima, and there is certainly nothing in the Spanish sources to in- dicate anything more complex than local village organization. The location of houses and fields was probably the same among the aboriginal Pima as it was among other tribes of northcrn Mexico: The members of the village grouped their houses together on `high ground to avoid danger of possible flooding. In this connection, Hackenberg (1954: 160) states: "In the old days a man's relatives lived in groups in `the village. The village used to be smaller than it is now * °. `There used to be one, two or three groups of relatives tO the village * ~. People used `to live in a summer house of `brush, then they bad a permanent winter house in the hills The summer house was built on the farming land that they owned ~ That this pattern has some antiquity is indicated by the following quote from the Spanish historian, Velarde, in 1716: "They live in a community together in the winter, and in the summer each one in his own hut." The political organization and the economic patterns obtaining in this pre- conquest period were related, albeit complexly. The absence of tribal unity and the scattered settlement pattern of the Pima villages is unusual for an `agricul- tural" people, and far more characteristic of groups relying on hunting and gathering for their subsistence. Still, this social organization is appropriate when we consider that the aboriginal Pima relied for half their subsistence upon native plants and animals. Reliance on hunting and gathering preclu'des the development of densely settled areas, large towns, and complex political forms. `The coincidence of some of the characteristics we have defined `for the Pima with the traits described by Julian Steward (1936: 334) for the primitive hunting and gathering bands are striking: "Political unity in all `bands is very similar. Centralized control exists only for hunting, for rituals, and for the few other affairs that are communal. Conse- quently, the leader has temporary and slight authority. In patrilineal `bands. he is usually the head of the lineage. In `bilateral bands, he is a persoii of prestige. There is rarely an institution of chief. Frequently the shaman is more influential than the leader." This band-like pattern `of social organization was permitted to function because of the absence of hostile tribes in the Qua country during the pre-Spanish period. The Papagos were `related to the Pima, and the Sobaipuri were also on friendly terms, as were the Maricopa, a Yuman-speaking tribe then occupying the Qua Bend country to the southwest. These were the aboriginal neighbors `of the Gun Pima. They were sheltered from the war-like Mohave and lower Colorado tribes by the Maricopa, and from the Apache by the Sobaipuri on the east. To the north of them were the Hopi, with whom they were usually at peace, although occasional hostilities seem to have occurred. It is known that in addition to the Papago, the Gila Pima traded w-ith the Hopi villages and the Sobaipuri. The extent and importance of `this trade is difficult to estimate, but it does demonstrate both that peaceful relations existed between these groups and that they were in communication with each other for some time before the coming of the Europeans to the region. In short, their geo-political position was nearly ideal prior to the 18th Century. Within the village itself we find reliance on kinship ties to preserve social order. This is a condition characteristic of primitive societies which do not feel any pres- sure on available land resources and consequently do not develop complex forms of social organization based on property ownership and land tenure. Those rituals in which the group participated, the rain-making rite and t'he harvest ceremony, were rituals for the whole village and served to solidify and symbolize the unity of the group. , b. Tue Period of ~S1pan'ish and Apache Influence The Gila Pimas selected those `culture traits from the Spanish which best PAGENO="0191" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3843 enabled them to resist the Apaches. The strong position in which this Tribe was found by the Anglo-Americans in the 19th Century attests to their success. Wheat was substituted for corn as the basic agricultural crop, giving the In- dians a year-round cycle of crop production which they did not formerly possess. This increased productivity of the soil made possible a greater density of popula- tion, so that the range of settlement could be diminished and the size of village increased. New forms of cooperative labor helped to increase production and maximize the protection afforded to workers. With these new economic developments other changes occurred in the socio- political sphere. The enlarged village required stronger political organization, and the village chief emerged in a new role with the primary responsibility of control- ling crop production and irrigation `activities. The new crops and technology, as well as the new socio-political ideas, were probably borrowed from the Spanish during the 18th Century. The Pima might never have taken over many of these new elements and complexes were if not for the necessity of devising new survival techniques for protection from the Apaches. It was possible for the Pima to take what they needed from the Spanish in order to protect themselves against the Apaches because of their unique position on the Spanish borderlands. The conditions of contact existing between the Gila Pima and the Spanish permitted them to receive the best that the European cul- ure had to offer while rejecting and evading domination and cultural destruction. c. Relations with the U.S. Government "The Pimas knew that the territory containing their lands had changed hands with the Gadsden Purchase of 1953 onsequently when they heard of a boundary survey being made, a delegation of the head chiefs in June, 1855, traveled 200 miles to Nogales to confer with the boundary commission . . . They were told by Major Emory that their rights under the Mexican Government w-ould be respected by the United States. He wrote this on several sheets of paper and gave it to them to take home. He also gave them all silver dollars, blankets, and clothes to take with them" (Wetzler 1949 :225). This delegation, headed by Antonio Azul, head chief of the Pima, clearly received the impression that they were to `be given title to their holdings and that the lands over which they ranged at present would not he curtailed. In addition, *they became convinced that `they were to receive gifts of agricultural implements in reward for their services to the United States: "They were assured from time to time that w-hen their country came under the control of the United States they would be bountifully rew-arded with abundant agricultural implements. Trusting to these specious promises, they remained satisfied, and since the year 1849, they have acted in the capacity of, and with even more efficiency than, a frontier military; yet, in all this time, nothing has been done for them by our government" (Hackenberg 1954 :30-31). The foregoing quotation taken from a California newspaper in 1858 suggests that no Government action was taken until popular pressure was exerted, for discontented grumblings were soon heard among the Indians: "In 1858, two companies of Federal troops bound for Fort Vuma stopped at the Pima Villages. Chief Juan Jose tried to buy shovels and axes for $3 in gold apiece from them. When told that government property could not be sold to them be offered $5 apiece, saying that the people in his village needed them badly. When he was again refused, the chief called them a nation of liars for not honoring their promises and left abruptly" (Wetzler 1949 :219). In 1859, Congress appropriated $10,000 to "enable the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to make suitable presents to the Pimas and Maricopas in acknowledge- ment of their loyalty to this government and the many kindnesses rendered by them to our citizens." Part of the same legislation was a directive considering the appropriation of $1,000 for a survey of the Pima and Maricopa settlements so that a reservation "not to exceed 04,000 acres" might be established, and authorizing the establish- ment of such a reservation. The Pimas displayed a mixed reaction to the bill. As far as the gift of implements were concerned, they were delighted. (1) Changing Social Environrnent.-Several important changes occurred ex- ternal to the reservation at this time which had important consequences for the Pimas. The construction of the Southern Pacific Railroad attracted new hordes of settlers to the Case Grande Valley, increasing existing pressures on the limited water supply. Increasing population in Utah forced many Mormons to colonize new- areas. Beginning in 1880, Mormon settlements were founded in the Upper Gila River PAGENO="0192" 3844 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Valley near the present town of Safford. In the next twenty years three thousand Mormons took up residence in this area. This new population pressure on the land brought ecological changes. The annual winter floods became a menace to contend with. T'he first serious floods had occurred in 1868 and they came regu- larly after the late 1870's, signifying that the moisture retentive qualities of the Upper Gila Basin were being destroyed by erosion. The Gila channel shifted and widened. The inevitable consequence for the Indians occurred in 1887. In that year the Florence Canal Company appropriated the entire flow of the Gila during the greater part of the year to serve subscribers who owned irriga'ble land in the Florence area. The Indian Service' made no attempt to enforce the legal claim which the Pimas possessed as prior diverters. (2) The New Era in Indian Affairs: 1880-90.-After 1880 a new attitude toward the Indians became prevalent in Washington, an attitude which crystal- lized toward the end of the decade in the allotment policy (the D'awes Act of 1887). One intent of this measure was the so-called "assimilation" of the Indian, by which was implied the obliteration of Indian culture. Forerunners of the Dawes Act were certain educational and judicial measures, `apparently directed toward the s'ame objective, which were first applied on the Gila River Reserva- tion in the early 1880's. `In 1881, the first boarding school wa's constructed on the reservation at `Sacaton. This w'as riot the `first educational facility provided for the Pimas, but it was their first introduction into the military discipline and culture-effacing structure of attitudes that characterized Indian Service education for the next half-century. In the same year an Indian police force of fifteen men was recruited on the reservation, and two years later a Court `of Indian Offenses convened for the first time under two Pima judges. `T'hus, although making no provision for the welfare of the Pimas and Man- copas, the Federal Government was taking important steps to regulate their conduct. The only service provided for the Indians at this time `other than edu- cation consisted of an agricultural adviser stationed at `Sacaton. Between 1878 and 1898, eleven different agents served brief terms at Sacaton. Although, to their credit, it must be said th'at they all remarked on the need to secure additional water resources for the Indians, the short duration of their tenure made it impossible for `them to even learn the history of the people they were dealing with. (3) Pima ~S1ociai `Change: 1890-1905--Much stress has been laid, in various studies of `reservations, of the role of the boarding school in promoting accultura- tion by removing children from their parents during their formative years. There is ample `testimony to `prove that this occurred on the Gila River Reservation. As a result of anticipated difficulties of "readjustment," and also because of the lack of economic opportunities, many of the Phoenix Indian School graduates did not return immediately to the reservation. `They sought to make use of the skill's `acquired in school to earn a living, usually in Phoenix. `A portion of wages \~ras usually "sent home" to parents and families on the reservation, however. Because of the short `distances between Phoenix and different villages on the reservation, these students never lost touch with their families for any consici- enable length of time. Some of the feelings of one of these ex-students of the Phoenix Indian School is reflected in his statement: "I left the reservation in 1911 and came back in 1929. I finished the Indian School in 1922. I wanted to go to Haskell Institute but my parents were having a hard time and thought I should stay in Phoenix for about ten years. I worked `as a chauffeur and in a hardware store, and as a caretaker. For three years I worked for an undertaker. Quite a few people like me did those things." This was the response pattern of one group of the newly educated Piinas. There was a second type of response, however, and `this one was exhibi'ted iii the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the rese'rvation villages of Cooper- ative Colony, and later Progressive Colony also. Young, more acculturated In- dians established `Cooperative Colony in 1900 along "modern" agricultural lines. Differences between acculurated (i.e., relatively more "Anglo"-oriented) and non-accul'turated Indians were a part of other cleavages developing at this time. After about `1890, it seems that the individual relocated Pima villages began to take on distinct characteristics because of the different environmental situa- tion's which confronted them: 1. There was a `marked difference in agricultural productivity between villages, depending on water resources, primarily seepage water. PAGENO="0193" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3845 2. There was a difference in the availability and utilization of educational fa- ~cilities from one village to another. 3. There was a difference in religious belief dating from the entrance of Cath- elic missionaries to the reservation. Some villages became Presbyterian, some Catholic. 4. There was a difference in access to the agency from one village to the next. The west-end villages came to feel isolated and left alone. The people in these villages did not have access to agency jobs or information. There were no open lines of communication between east- and west-end villages. These divisions ~ hich first appeared in the Pima Maricopa community at this time, were widened and perpetuated in the' subsequent years, and are even more noticeable at present. (4) Implementation of the Allotment Program: 1914-21.-The general manner in which allotment was earned out has been described by a retired Indian Service land officer: "The first allotment made when they began in 1914 was the ten-acre primary with water right. After that the secondary allotments were made. Indians went out with the allotting agent and selected their land every day. Allotment numbers were given by the surveyor. Then all the allotment numbers in a certain district were posted. A call was put out for `the people who lived in that district to come in and select `their allotments. Sometimes they made appointments with the In- dians to meet them at certain places and go out from there. Other times the people were supposed to come to Sacaton. Usually, families selected the land for allotment they had previously occupied" (`Hackenberg 1954 :203). Expanding cotton acreages in the 1920's led to the introduction of `the second major change in the Valley: farm mechanization. Throughout the years follow- ing the construction of the Ashurst-Hayden Dam, which served 35,000 acres around Florence, commercial agriculturalists were able to secure large holdings under the new irrigation works, on land suitable for mechanized farming. Ma- chinery developments at this time made tractor farming possible. A government farmer who saw the whole change take place described it thus: "They began with Pima cotton during the war. In 1917 Goodyear leased `this tract north of the reservation and grew long staple cotton for fabric in automobile tires. He continued to plant this acreage for a while and that made work for some of the Indians. After he began many others took up cotton throughout the Casa Grande Valley." (Hackenberg 1954: 203). About mechanization he had this to say: "Cotton came into the Salt River Valley and Casa Grande Valley abo'ut the same time. The Indian plowing ten acres with a horse felt pretty small by com- parison . . . Indians worked harder and more willingly before 1920. The change came with tractors. They saw the white man sitting up there on top of the tra'ctor and dOing in One day what it took them a week to do with horses. It took the heart out of them" (Hackenberg 1954: 203). And again: as long as both Indians and whites were farming with horses on a subsist- ence basis, the Indians held their own. When commercial farming with tractors `began after the First World War, the Indians were left behind. Their land hold- ings were too small `to use machinery even if they could afford any (Hackenberg 1954: 203). 2. Recent Conditions and Present Content a. Present Rocial Organization o~' Gila River Reservation (1) Residence Pattern.-The Pimas and Maricopas now live in non-clustered communities. The areas are divided in'to seven districts that take their names from the included communities. Sacaton is the only real village area while Black- water, Santan and Sac'ato'n Flats are communities of widely dispersed residences. Less than one-fourth of the reservation pppulation is located in `the western part of `the reservation, and they are separated by thirty miles of desert from the center of tribal government on the east end. The west end is Phoenix-oriented, while the east end is oriented toward trade and business associations in Pinal County. The west end i's ~represented by four Councilmen as opposed to thirteen from the east end. Because the west end has received a minor share of services provided by the Tribe and by various Federal Indian services, they have, perforce, become more independent economically and socially. The Maricopa colony, located at the west end, is ethnically and physically separate from the Pima portion. It is wholly contained within District Seven. 370 of the 5,200 reservation residents live in District Seven. 80-084-67-pt. 5-13 PAGENO="0194" 3846 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 (2) Family Patterns.-Traditional'ly, residence was patrilocal (with the father of the husband), but, today, in the~ majority of cases among the Pima, each new family sets up housekeeping on their own. Evidence among the Maricopas shows that the majority of new families live in a patrilocal residence pattern. There is equality among the siblings, male and female, for both Pimas and Maricopas, insofar as Government allotments are concerned. (3) ~S'ocial Class and $tatus Groupings-Social class processes divide the full- blooded Pimas from the mixed or non-Pimas. For example, there is on the res- ervation a Sioux who has a steady job and is a respected member of the corn- inunity, but it is said that he could not become a Tribal Councilman. The non- Pimas are generally accepted in most facets of social activity; the division is an unspoken feeling, which emerges under certain pressures. It appears that some status comes with church association: minister, elder and others. Other than that, there are a few families who by their political activity may have gained some higher status, but this is difficult to pinpoint. The Maricopas follow very much the same pattern toward the "mixed" mem- bers but are less class or status consciOus among themselves. (4) Education.-Phe Pimas are 95% literate in English, according to Bureau of Ethnic Research records. The majority have reached the eighth grade. There are very few college graduates and most of those have left the reservation. (5) Employment Pattern~.-The BIA estimated average income is $1,845 per year. The estimated work force is 1,800 with 25% full-time workers and 40% seasonal. The majority of the full-time workers work for the Government in one capacity or another, while the seasonal work is mostly farm labor. Income from individual farms is slight. b. Political $tructnre The tribal political system is democratic, with all tribal members having the right to vote for the elective offices. Members are all persons who appear on the rolls, and havO at least one-fourth Indian blood. Most districts have a council organized in any manner the people of that dis- trict desire. There are a few communities that have their own council. 3. Impact of tl&e Community Action Program a. Introduction Policies and programs introduced under provisions of the Economic Oppor- tunity Act of 1964 are developing a new stance on the part of the Gila River Indian community. New attitudes, new programs, and a new effort on the part of other Federal agencies, notably the Bureau of Indian Affairs, have played an i'mportant part in this. Any substantial change in Indian social and economic conditions, however, re- mains a hope and a promise. In the present as in the past, conditions on the Gila River Reservation are those of poverty, traceable to the fact that resident Indians occupy a land base without resources adequate for their support. From the early 1920's until about 1950 both the Indians and the BIA operated on the assumption that a self-supporting and self-directing agricultural com- munity could be created on the reservation by subjugation of the land for irri- gated agriculture, and by training of the resident population as modern farmers through formal education and intensive etxension work. For reasons too com- plicated to treat briefly, the plan met failure. From 1950 to the present some Indians, with encouragement and Oubsid'ies from the BIA, attempted to solve their economic problems by moving to permanent residence off the reservation. The numbers have been small, no more than equal to the increase in reservation population. Centripetal forces which hold families on the reservation and tend to draw Indians back to it, are obviously overwhelming in spite of reservation living con- ditions. To these forces must be added the encouragement of reservation resi- dence by agencies of the Federal Government. Through the years, in order to provide education, training and experience for life in an industrialized society, the BIA has little by little assumed complete management of the reservation and has undertaken provision of almost all social services. Little beyond subsistence farming and routine family life was left to the Indians themselves until the passage of the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934. The result has been detribalization, replacement of Indian institutions by those under Anglo control, and the elimination of any `possibility, prior to the middle 1950's, of an internally structured Indian society. Programs aimed at PAGENO="0195" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3847 rehabilitation, at the creation of a self-supporting and self-directing community, have failed. It is now the purpose of the Indians, and of Federal and other agencies, to accept the fact of reservation residence and to attempt once again to build in this area the economic and social foundations for a viable Indian community. A summary of this development, starting immediately prior to establishment of the Office of Economic Opportunity, follows. Commencing around 1950, rehabilitation emphasis has been gradually shifted from dependence upon reservation resources, mostly agricultural development, to dependence upon education and training for industrial employment, and the creation of job opportunities for Indians on and near the reservation. During the same years, community development, health, education and social services have been expanded. (1) Resources Development.-Development of agricultural resources had come to a virtualhalt. This is mainly due to shortage of irrigation water, but in part must be traced to the failure of irrigation projects intended to provide adequate living for Indian farmers on family farms or as agricultural workers on the tribal farm or on Indian farm land leased to non-Indian operators. During fiscal year 1965, 39,144 acres out of a possible 65,236 were devoted to irrigation farming. Non-Indian farmers used a total of 18,989 acres; 3,375 acres of the tribal farm were put to use; and individual Indian farmers grew crops on 14,962 acres. The gross value of farm products was $4,736,665. Of this amount, approximately $850,000 went to about five hundred individual Indians whose average gross income was about $1,700. Average net income has been estimated at not much over $300. In addition to income from farming, individual Indians collect rent on farm land that has been leased to non-Indian operators. The total `amount of such income in 1965 was $377,000, paid to about three thousand individuals. (2) Employment Assistance.-BIA estimates `the total number of reservation families at 850, with an average annual family income of $2,000. The great majority of these Indians earn their livings or supplement their incomes from land holdings, through seasonal agricultural and part-time common labor jobs, largely off the reservation. The BIA has maintained a program of vocational training and an employ- ment assistance program for the past `ten years. During fiscal year 1966, ninety- one residents of t'he Gila River Reservation were granted financial assistance for adult vocational training programs. All but `thirteen (14%) continued in training `through the year and, according to the BIA, their earnings upon gradua- tion will average $2.84 per hour-approximately three times `their earnings as agricultural workers. Another twenty-seven individuals were provided financial `and technical assist- ance in securing industrial employment outside the s'ta'te of Arizona. All but three were still employed at the end of the year. In addition, another sixteen individuals were placed in an on-the-job training program `at a diamond cut'ti'ng factory in Chandler, close to the reservation. The arrangement is one in w'hich the B~A pays half of `a minimum wage rate during a two-year training period. Employment assistance and training subsidies are key BIA programs in economic adjustment for those Indians prepared to profit from the program and willing to take jobs off the reservation. In a single year, as noted above, more than one hundred adults have benefited from these programs. Most are `recent high school graduates, and it may be anticipated that the employment assistance program, particularly adult vocational training, will be gradually expanded as a larger number of Indians complete high school training. Normal employment services for Indians seeking work on `the reservation or in n~arby areas is provided by the Arizona State Employment Office as well as the employment `assistance office of the BIA. Non-agricultural employment on the reservation is almost exclusively in jobs that are provided Indians by the BIA, PHS and the tribal government. The total so employed is approximately 130, with an average annual income of close to $3,500. (3) social services and Community Development-It is in the fields of social services and community development that the Gila River Indian community differs most from the usual American community. There is no tax base for the support of tribal or village governments, schools, health care, law and order, maintenance of public buildings, fire protection, trash disposal, and the like. Where tribal government* meets certain costs,' revenue is derived from income on `tribal assets rather than taxes. Most services and facilities, however, are PAGENO="0196" 3848 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 provided directly through Federal and state appropriations. Those taxes that Indians pay (income taxes, sales taxes off the reservation, automobile property taxes, etc.) go to county, state or Federal collectors. The result is a fairly univei~sal `feeling among Indians that they have no per- sonal involvement in their own government or in services available to them, and a tendency on the part of county, state and Federal administrators to feel that they* are not really answerable to the Indians in the. administration of their agencies. (4). Health-The health~ program for the .Gila River Reservation, operated by the. Division of Indian Health of the. PH.S, includes both preventive and curative services and facilities. At Sacaton a thirty-bed hospital provides maternity and routine hospital care. More complicated cases are treated either at the Phoenix Indian Hospital or in private hospitals under contract with the P1-IS. Outpatient clinics are operated at Casa Blanca, Sacaton. and Gun Crossing. All medical servicesfor reservation Indians are provided without charge. (5) Education-Education has been, from the very start of the reservation system, the primary vehicle through which the Federal Government has attempted to prepare lndians for life in industrialized society. Although not openly re- sisted, as on other reservations, education for their children, prior to World War II, was not considered of great importance by most Gun River Indian families. Today,man-y parents recognize the need for education, though a common complaint from school officials is that a number of parents do not make their children attend school regularly. - Reservation children .attend schools operated by the BIA, Catholic mission schools and public schools. On.the reservation itself there are four BIA schools, two mission schools and one public school. Almost one-third of reservation young- sters are transported to public schools in nearby off-reservation towns. The total 1065-06 enrolinient of children living on the reservation or nearby. ages six through eighteen, was about two thousand. School enrollment of children up to age fourteen is nearly universal, and the dropout problem does not become serious until students have completed eight years of schooling. In the fourteen through eighteen age group about -thirteen percent are dropouts. This compares with a non-Indian rate of something less than three percent for this group. Another serious problem in. Indian education is the grade retention rate. About sixty-five percent of the Gila River Indian children are behind grade in school. During 1965-66 nine per~ent in the second and third grades had been retained in the same grade, about three percent had been retained in the fourth through twelfth grades, and four and one-half percent had been retained in the ninth through twelfth grades. The retention rate for Indian children in the first three grades is much higher than for non-Indians, but the retention rate in high school is about the same as for non-Indians. Betw-een fifty and sixty Gila River youngsters living in southern Arizona graduated from high school in 1906. This compares with about 170 w-ho finished the eighth grade this year. The percentage of high school graduates is far low-er than the expectation among non-Indians but no study has been made to deter- mine the principal causes for this difference. (6) Law and Order-Law enforcement on the reservation is directly under the supervision, of the BIA, while-the tribal government operates the courts. On the BIA payroll are a Chief Criminal Investigator, a Captain of Police, a Ser- geant of Police, one policewoman, five policemen and a jailer. Employed by the Tube ama thiee judges a couit dell `1 pri'~on work super\i~or md o vul ~oo1 In addition, the Tribe has eight part-time Rangers .and eight part-time junior police. Among all of these people only the Chief Criminal Investigator is a non- Indian. - - - Arrests are -mostly on charges o-f drunk and disorderly `behavior (0-0%). Other causes are assault. and similar crimes (20%), theft (10%), and -major crimes (-2%). A'pproxi-matel~ four arrests are made each day and an average of -thirty pri-soners are-con-fined in the `Sa'caton Jail at any given time. -. (7) Welfare-General as-sistan~e an-d child -welfare -`cases on the reservation are under the jurisdiction .of the BIA~. Welfare cases in all other categories are administered through county offices of the Arizona Department of Pu-hue Ansi's- ta~mce. The magnitude of the reservation welfare program is not known exactly `but it is estimated that one-third to one-half of reservation families receive financial, assistance through welfare at least part of eadh year. BIA `statistics show that 190 individual-s received genera-i assistance during fiscal year 1966 at a total -cost of $160,503, and that ninety-one `children were `cared -for in foster `home-s or in-sti- PAGENO="0197" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 9 6 7 3849 tutions during the same year at a total cost of $S4,0S5. Experience on other reser- vations would indicate that many more individual's., are receiving help under categorical assistance program's administered by the State. The BIA part of the program i's administered by four `social workers, two secretaries and one `clerk In addition to the admirn~tration of genei al assist'ince and child welfare programs, t'he office conducts family `social work, provides consultants for the CAP Day. `Care Center', assists Indians in qualifying for `state aid and assists in the ~e1ection of young boys and girls foi the Neighboihoocl Youth Corps. (8) Agricultural Ewtension and home Beonornios.-T.hese programs are not administered by the State or `reservations in Arizona `but `fall under the Land Operations Office of, the BIA. On the Qua River Reservation there i's one exten- sion `agent and one home demonstration agent. Extension work is almost entirely devoted to programs of group education particulaily among young boys md girls through 4-H and sumlar projects (9) Uonnnvni.ty Developnment.-~Piped water to Indian `homes is available Only in Sacaton part of Casa Blanca and Coop The system at Sacaton a a~ in t lied and is operated by the BIA. Running'water has been made available in the other town's under the auspices o'f the Public Health Service. The `co'st of installation is met by the' Federal Government and the greater s'hare of labor wa's to be sup- plied on a voluntary basis by village residents. Phi's program, has met `with vary- ing success `because of `small community participation. ,Electricity and telephones on the reservation are owned and `controlled by private utility companies. Except for `s'tate and Federal `highways that cross the reservation, all roads are constructed and maintained by the B'IA at an annual co'st of about $350,000. The BIA maintains about forty-six mile's of paved road, twenty-one miles of graveled road, and 250' mile's of `unsurfa'ced road. Highway facilities are adequate where main roads cross the reservation from north to `south (`Mari'copa to Phoenix) and from southeast to northwest (Ca'sa Grande an'd `Coolidge to Phoenix).' Highways `connecting Indian communities from ea'st `to west are well developed. `Reservation access to `Oa'sa `Grande and Tucson on the south and southeast, an'd to the `Salt River Valley on the north, will `be greatly improved when the four-lane super highway connecting Tucson and `Phoenix, now under construction on the rOservation, i's completed. Economic development on the reservation is a primary interest of the BIA Office of Reservation P'rogram~s. T'he purpose of this office is, to attra'ct private industry to the `reservation or to nearby `communities and to coordinate various Federal programs, `such a's EDA, aimed at industrial development. In addition, the BIA operates (1) an administration office headed by a super~ intendent and an as'sistant superintendent, (2) a realty office where record's of individual and tribal land holdings and leases a're maintained, (3) a financial office w'here rental and other payments for `use of Indian land i's collected and disbursed to individual Indian land hol'ders, (4) a plant management section in charge of maintenance of all Federal property as well `as the water and sewage `system in ISa'caton, (5) a coordinating office for self-help `housing project's', an'd (`6) a soil and moisture conservation pro'gram. The BIA operation involves employment of 140 individuals', about half of whom are Indian's. (1) Tribal Uovernment.-The only organization on the `Gila River Reservation through which Indians have been able to assume s'ome control of their own af- fairs has been the Qua River Indian Community Council.1 Made up of members of the Pima and Ma'rico'pa tribes, this community i's a "domestic dependent na- tion." As an independent community under Federal protection, and thus not sub- ject to state or local laws, it is entirely possible tha't the Community Council could not only be a self governing body but could assume complete contro'l of all, civil and criminal law schools, medical facilities, welfare programs and business activities on the reservation. Three m'ajor obstruc'tions stand in the way of this possi'bility: (1) Indian land transactions are subject to the approval of the Secretary of the Interior and Indian tribal land cannot be alienated without time consent of.Congress; (2) the annual tribal budget must be approved by the Secretary of the Interior; and (3) Federal rather than tribal law applies to certain major crimes committed on the reservation (including murder, rape and arson). , , In practice other Federal limitations on the powers of the community council The Tribal Council of Gila River Reservation. PAGENO="0198" 3850 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 normally do not inhibit its actions. The most important of ten such limitations are- 1. To levy dues, fees, and taxes on nonmembers residing `or doing business with the reservation; 2. To provide by ordinance for removal or exclusion from the territory of the community nonmembers whose presence may be injurious to the peace, health, or welfare of the community; 3. To regulate the use and disposition of property of members of the com- munity insofar as such use and disposition affects the welfare of the com- munity at large; 4. To establish and regulate subordinate organizations for business pur- poses; and 5. To enact criminal and civil codes or ordinances governing the conduct of members of the community and nonmembers on the reservation. Other powers, such as `the right to administer community property and to levy dues, fees and taxes on members of the community, have been held by the Com- munity Council without restriction for many years. To be self-governing, however, a community must be able to finance its own op- erations either from internal resources or from outside grants, contracts And gifts. Tribal income in fiscal year 19& was slightly over $100,000, almost all de- `rived from income from tribal trust property. Even though a substantial in- crease is expected this year, the sum is barely enough to maintain the Community Council, Tribal Court, Council headquarters, legal fees, and other minor ex- penses. All other political functions and social services, with the exception of the public school at Sacaton, have been administered and financed by county, state and Federal agencies, principally the BIA and the PHS. The more than two mil- lion dollars in annual appropriations for health, education, land management, welfare, resources development, and other services provided by Congress for the direct benefit of Gila River Reservation residents, must be spent under the di- rect supervision `of Federal administrators, and this responsibility cannot, ex- cept through contracts, be delegated to tribal government. A break in this system occurred with the establishment of the public school at Sacnton. This school is financed entirely with county, state and Federal funds since the school district itself has little or no revenue. School finances, however, are channeled through a local school board, with at least one Indian member, which has the same authority with respect to the operation of the school as any conventional school board. The tribal government has grown in influence through the years. Tribal health, education, agricultural welfare, and other committees-~and in recent years. a tribal advisory committee-have had some influence on Federal ad- ministrators, who in fact have encouraged the Tribal Councilmen. When local administrators have found their hands tied by Federal laws and regulations, the Tribal Council, with the help of its attorney, have, on occasion been able to secure changes in these rulings by appealing a decision directly to the Secretary of the Interior, to Congress, or both. A case in point is the Federal regulation which requires that Indian farm- ers pay their full share of water costs under the San Carlos Irrigation Project. Tribal government has solved this problem by securing an annual special ap- propriation from Congress to meet these costs. Government without financial resources and without full power becomes a situation of indirect rule, and indirect rule is notoriously subject to frustration and consequent personality clashes. Such clashes between local administrators and Indian leaders have occurred with regularity in the past. At the moment, however, these difficulties are at a minimum and there is an increasing effort on the part of the BIA to give Indian leaders the widest possible control of their own community services. b. Policies and Programs of the Community Action Agency It was against this background that the Community Action Agency programs of OEO were introduced to the reservation in the spring of 1964. The initial policy was to help the Indians help themselves. Indians were asked to survey their own total social and economic situations, to define the nature of their problems, to propose methods for their solution, and to set up machinery through which the Indians, with necessary technical and advisory assistance, could "develop, conduct and administer" their own programs. The part of this policy that resulted in programs under the direct responsibility and supervision of Indian leaders on the Gila River Reservation had the almost immediate effect `of erasing many of the psychological consequences of earlier PAGENO="0199" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3851 Indian-white relations which were characterized by paternalism and indirect rule. CAP, however, was in its early stage isolated from the main stream of eco- nomic and social rehabilitation programs on the reservation. This was changed in the spring of 1966 when new CAP programs, especially those having to do with employment adjustment and new employment opportunities, were authorized, and when CAP was integrated into a new coordinated plan for total reserva- tion rehabilitation. This new plan, which was given the Pima title TTli-Tliaw-Hup-Ea-Ju (It Must Happen), was created by the administrators of tribal government, the BIA and CAP. The men primarily involved were Lloyd A. Allison, Tribal Governor; Alexander Lewis, Lieutenant Governor; Z. Simpson Cox, Tribal Attorney; Milan Mokovack, CAP Director; and Kendall Cumming, Superintendent of the BIA Pima Agency. The central thinking in the plan is to coordinate all existing programs and resources of all agencies, create and develop new programs-particularly those that might provide stable and adequate income for reservation families-and centralize the direction of this coordinated plan insofar as possible in the office of tribal government. A summary of direct Federal financial assistance deemed necessary is given in Figure 1, page 57. (1) The Coordinated Reservation Plan.-Vh-Thaw-Hup-Ea-Jn, the coordi- nated reservation plan, is divided into four major categories: Economic Develop- ment, Social Development, Community Development, and Government and Management. A separate committee will be established for each planning category. These committees will be responsible for execution of the plan and will draw on all available resources to accomplish the projects. Resources of the BIA will be available to the committees for execution and planning of programs. BIA, OEO, PHS and other agencies, plus the Arizona Congressional delega- tions, will be kept informed regarding the program. A system will be established to record progress on all activities and periodic reports will be prepared showing the status of all projects. The core of economic development for the planning period will be the estab- lishment of three industrial parks. All three will be managed by nonprofit cor- porations which will lease tribal and individual Indian lands. The Tribe plans, in certain instances, to construct buildings for rental at nominal rates to private development enterprises. One of the parks will be an agricultural-industrial park established for cattle feeding and allied industries. The others will be utilized for light and heavy industrial development. Chandler will be provided a means of adequate sewage disposal, and sewage facilities will be available at the site of one of the proposed industrial parks. Commercial development along Interstate Highway 10 will be a major eco- nomic factor on the reservation. Projects such as the proposed Snaketown Na- tional Monument will be important in attracting and retaining tourists and visitors on the reservation. Perhaps the most critical need is the rehabilitation of the San Carlos Project. Seepage in the canals, neglected fields, aging water works and fragmented land allotments collectively prevent the most efficient use of land and water. Lining of twelve irrigation ditches could increase crop values on the Indian part of the project by as much as $191,000. Construction of the proposed Pima Reservoir cOuld save enough water to increase crop values by an additional $72,500. The problem of small allotments and their fragmentation is a major hindrance to profitable farming. The Maricopa Cooperative Association is demonstrating a method for solving this problem. A third approach to increasing agricultural income is to develop new areas of agricultural land. Development leases are one way of obtaining such improve- ment. Two development leases totaling 7,400 acres are contemplated during the planning period. The proposed Arizona Power Authority pump storage power project is pos- sible because of a particular terrain and location. If this project is successfully initiated and completed, annual income to the Tribe would total over $100,000. The proposed Goodyear Air Training Facility is another project which could have an additional economic impact on the reservation. The Gila River Indian Community will request specific legislation such as the authority for ninety-nine year leases. Legislation is already being drafted to trans- fer management of the San Carlos Electrical System to a Federal Corporation whose joint board would consist of Indians and non-Indians. PAGENO="0200" 3852 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 (2) Uommtxnity Development.-The community development plan calls for a greatly stepped-up program of new construction, including water and sanitation facilities in the villages, neighborhood buildings, a youth center, a public school at Sacaton a BIA school at Casa Blanca and facilities foi fire protection An expansion of the road construction program is aiso being sought. The heart of the community development plan, how-ever, insofar as the wel- fare of reservation families is concerned, is the cothmunity improvement com- ponent of CAP. This will provide jobs and job training as part of the direct solu- tioa to pressing family economic problems. (3) E~oeial Developrnent.-CAP involvement in T~h-Thaw Hup-Ea-Ju is prin- cipally in the field of social development. Approved and proposed CAP com- ponents include child development counseling family development rehabilita tion of alcoholics, adult education, work experience, and legal services. (4) Tribal Management Development.-Under this plan a new look at tribal government and tribal management of community assets is contemplated. The tribal constitution and law and order codes will be reviewed for possible re- vision. In addition, management training programs for selected Indians will be encouraged. (5) Uonciusion.-As stated earlier in this chapter, these plans and proposals are for the most part no more than hopes and promises. Should they materialize-and once in existence be maintained for adequate periods of time-they offer promise of successful results. The greatest threat to long-term success of the program will lie in the possible failure of the Federal Government to maintain successful projects once they are established. FIGURE 1.-SUMMARY OF DIRECT FEDERAL FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE NEEDED FOR GILA COMMUNITY VH-THAW-HUP~EA-JU PROGRAM EDA grant EDA loan HUD HEW BIA OEO Total Economic: Pima-Coolidge Santan Kyrene Chandlersewer Ditch lining Pima Reservoir Interstate 10 Air training Planning 701 Community: Community improvement (title 2) Water and sanitation Neighborhood buildings Road construction Additional road manitenance Youth center Sacaton School Casa Blanca School Fire protection Social: $448, 160 420,720 488,000 504,000 33,030 70, 000 $112, 040 105,180 122,000 $568,400 25, 000 80, 000 25, 000 $162,960 300, 000 360, 000 $380, 000 270, 000 1 660, 000 30, 000 600, 000 10, 000 $247, 000 $560, 200 525,900 610,000 1,235,360 380, 000 270, 000 33,030 70, 000 25, 000 247, 000 300, 000 80, 000 660, 000 30, 000 25, 000 360, 000 600, 000 10, 000 Child development (title 2) Counseling (title 2) Family development (title 2) Alcoholism (title 2) Adult education (title 2) Work experience (title 2) Legal services (title 2) (2) 277, 000 77, 000 107, 136 34, 750 26, 000 298, 083 102, 000 277, 000 77, 000 107, 136 34, 750 26, 000 298, 083 102, 000 Total 1, 963, 910 339, 220 698, 400 822, 960 1, 950, 000 1, 168, 969 6, 943, 459 1 Includes regular planned expenditure of about $400,000 as shown on control schedule. 2 During the past 2 weeks grants of $247,000 for tho community improvement program and $115,000 for initial funding of education, alcoholism, and administration programs have been announced. Note: Hospital cost is not shown since figure is not available. The consequences of the reservation system and of continued subordinate status have created attitudes and values that will not change rapidly. Indians must have the opportunity to secure and hold acceptable and depencla4ble jobs that pay enough to support a family in some degree of decency. When this promise is fulfilled mid when the Indians know that there is reasonable per- manency in job opportunities, the school teachers, social workers, extension and home demonstration agents, lawyers, psychiatrists and community leaders may PAGENO="0201" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3853 expect some substantial results from the Pre-School, Day Care, Recreational, Vocational Training, Alcoholism, Legal Aid, Homemaking, Community Develop- ment programs, and all the rest. o. History of CAP: 196~t-G6 In July 1964, after several visits from Dr. Robert A. Roessel of the OEO Task Force, Governor Lloyd Allison of the Gila River Indian Reservation appointed a committee of five to draft a Community Action Program. The preliminary pro- posals were to be su~bmitted to the Office of Economic Opportunity by 1 September 1964. Dr. Roessel met with the CAP Committee late in. July to explain the Eco- nomic Opportunity Act of 1964. He made suggestions about possible opportunities provided by the Act, but left the actual writing of proposals to the Pimas. The CAP Committee's proposals were approved by the Tribal Council on 26 August 1964. These provided for the esta~blishment of pre-schools, day-care centers, the development of recreational facilities, and the training of adults in home manage- ment arts, practical agricultural methods, and mechanical and building trade skills. Dr. Mayland Parker of ASU wrote a section on the training of VISTA workers. These proposals were sent to OEO on 31 August and the CAP Committee, having fulfilled its purpose, was officially disbanded. The first Community Action Program submitted by the Gila River Pimas was returned for revision. The Advisory Board and the CAP Committee invited Dr. Roessel, later Director of the Indian Community Action Center at Arizona State University, the Special Assistant to the Phoenix Area Office Director of the BIA, and the Acting Superintendent of the BIA Agency at Gila River, to consult with them in preparing revised proposals. Much of the writing was done by these people. The new components included pre-school education for five-year olds, sewing and borne management instruction, and day-care nurseries. The Recrea- tion component was retained, while a special section on program administration was added. The discussion draft of the revised Community Action Program was completed by 21 January 1965, and forwarded to OEO. This was followed two weeks later by additional documentation requested ~y the Program Analyst of OEO detailing the checkpoint procedures observed, the moblization of resources, the specific duties of the Program Director, and how the contributions in kind were calculated. Notification of the receipt of these materials was sent from OEO on 16 February to the Lieutenant Governor, and on 9 March, Governor Allison received a telegram from Sargent Shriver, OEO Director, informing him that the Gila River Community Action Program had been funded in the amount of $216,455. Not supported was the Sewing and Home Management component. The grant was made available on 16 March 1965. Application for CAP directorship was made ~y Milan J. Mockovak in a letter to the Gila River Tribal Council early in March of 1965. Favorable action was taken on Mr. Mockovak's application at the 16 March meeting of the Council, but the contract was not signed until 7 April. Mr. Mockovak was paid from tribal funds until May, when he was entered on the CAP payroll. As explained in the CAP narrative progress report for the period 18 August through 30 September 1965, "Routine administration and the selection of professional personnel is the responsibility of the CAP Director. All other policy matters are discussed with the Tribal Advisory Board each Friday morning (when it convenes) to discuss progress and planning or at any other time at either's request." At this point it is necessary to briefly discuss the backgroud of the Advisory Board in order to understand its position as liaison between CAP and the Tribal Government. The Tribal Advisory Board was originally created in 1960 to meet on a per diem basis twice a month. By 1964 its work load bad become such that the Board was reestablished on a full-time salaried basis by resolution of the Tribal Council, The Lieutenant Governor was installed as Chairman and three individ- uals were appointed as members. According to this resolution, the Board was to have "such powers and perform such duties as the Governor or the Council may direct." The recruitment of personnel to run the Recreation program proved particularly difficult. Eight local residents were hired by the CAP Director as Recreation aides between 16 May and 14 June. Several of these had to be replaced for inadequate performance. On 17 May selection was macTe from a field of eight candidates for the position of Recreation Program Director. The new Director was to start work on 7 June, but two days prior he notified the CAP office that because of family illness he would be unavailable. A second choice was then made and this individual reported for work on 21 June, but resigned two weeks later because of "a disabling personal illness." After consultation with the Tribal PAGENO="0202" 3854 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Advisory Board, Burdette Morago, one of the Recreation aides, was promoted to Director. The full-time Recreation program remained in effect until the resumption of school in September. It was then decided, with approval of the Tribal Council, that instead of having the Recreation aides continue to work weekends as origi- nally planned, responsiblity should be placed within each community for carrying on recreation activities. Four full-time Recreation aides were "to serve in the role of expediters and contact men with regard to other programs." The Recrea- tion Program Director, Burdette Morago, was also assigned new administrative duties as Assistant Project Director. In preparation for this new position, Burdette Morago accompanied Milan Mockovak to a three-week course for sixteen CAP directors from Arizona, New Mexico, and Nevada in September 1905, conducted by the Indian Community Action Center at Arizona State University. On 1 November 1965 the Recreation program was restarted on a modest basis, `being limited to supervised basketball, but this was terminated in the spring of 1965. A `Child Care specialist began work on 19 July. Two aides and a cook were also selected. Sacaton had originally been designated as the site for the Day Care Center. Later the site was changed to Santan where more adequate facili- ties were available. To supervise the operation and maintenance of the Center a board was established made up of the Day Care teaching staff, two members of the Tribal Advisory Board, two people from BIA Welfare, the PHS Chief Medical Officer at Gila River, and a PHS Field Health Nurse. The Center opened on 13 September with six enrollees, and by June 1966 enrollment had reached twenty-four. The Pre-School teachers were chosen from more than SO candidates. A principal teacher was hired and the `teachers were assigned to six communities, each in different districts. Tweleve teacher-aides were selected from twenty-seven appli- cants and were assigned in pairs. An eight-week workshop for the Pre-School teachers and teacher-aides was included in a contract between the Tribal Council and Arizona State University. The workshop opended 28 September with enrollment restricted to five-year-olds. When the program was broadened to include four-year-olds, the enrollment in- creased to 288. A second training session for Pre-'School teachers and teacher-aides was held from 11 through 17 May 1966. On 19 May the Ak Chin Community Council resolved to have their Com- munity Action Program incorporated into that of the Gila River Reservation. This proposal was ratified by vote of the Gila River Tribal Council on 21 July. Although referred to as The Maricopa Tribe, Ak Chin is a separate reserva- tion with a small resident population made up almost entirely of Papagos. Because so few people live on the reservation, OEO denied the funds requested by Ak Chin. After passage of the above resolution, the BIA conducted a survey of the Ak Chin Reservation to determine family composition and income, and with this information Ak Chin was written into the 1966-1967 Gila River Com- munity Action Program soon thereafter. A preliminary draft of the Community Action Program for 1966-67 was pre- sented to the Gila River `Community Council on 2 February 1966. The CAP Direc- tor and his assistant discussed the components: Community Development and Program Administration, Education, Alcoholic Rehabilitation, Health Assistance, and New Employment Opportunities to be provided through a community im- provement program. These `proposals were approved by tbe Tribal `Council and sent to OE'O on 17 March 1966. In the meantime administrators of tribal government, CAP and the BIA had been discussing the possibility of coordinating the efforts of all agencies in com- prehensive single plan for reservation rehabilitation, noted earlier, which had been given the title V1i-Thaw-Hvp-Ea~-Jv., the `Pima phrase roughly translated as "It Must Happen." The CAP contri'bution was to be the components `outlined at the February Tribal Council `meeting, exclusive of the Health Aide program. The plan was discussed at a meeting of community chairmen on 10 May, and was submitted for consideration of the Tribal Council at a special session three days later. A Legal Aid Service component was subsequently added to the Community A'ction Program on 15 May and incorporated into Vh-T1ia~w-Hvp-Ea-Jm~. Final ratification of the coordinated reservation plan by the Tribal Council occurred on 18 May. During the week of 23 May, delegates from the tribal government, `CAP and BTA traveled to Washington to explain their plan to the agencies involved. `Since their return they have `been attending local community meetings `around the reservation to enlist the support of the people. PAGENO="0203" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3855 The Community Development aides' training began in May when they attended a three-week course conducted by the Indian Community Action Center at Ganado on the Navajo Reservation. An eight-week course, also under the direction of ICAC, was held for the Pre-School teachers and teacher-aides during June at Fort Apache. On 1 June 1966 the CAP Director received a telegram from Sargent Shriver informing him that all but the legal services component had been funded. This latter component was subsequently approved, but operating funds had not arrived as of 10 July. d. CAP Administration and Tribal Government The constitution of the Gila River Indian Community allows for formation of an elected Gila River Community Council (Tribal Council) and creates the positions of an elected Governor and Lieutenant Governor, and an appointed Tribal Advisory Board. Ultimate authority is vested in the Gila River Indian Community Council whose membership is elected from the reservation's seven districts. The meetings of the Tribal Council are chaired by the Governor or Lieutenant Governor. The Advisory Board was designated as having "such powers and duties as the Gov- ernor of the Council may direct." The constitution also allows for district coun- cils, chaired by the district's senior council member. The district councils may discuss local issues and make recommendations to the Tribal Council. The Tribal Council is organized as a democratic institution, but informants have expressed doubts about the membership being representative of the people. One informant said that people do not believe the Tribal Council functions as anything more than a "rubber stamp" for the decisions of the BIA. Two persons interviewed said, "The Council does not represent all the people but it could come up with a list of needs most people would agree with." There is little interest in the functioning of the tribal government, except by a few politically oriented people. One Tribal Councilman said that the people elect Councilmen who they think are good; but once the individual takes office he becomes the recipient of the community's scorn for the tribal government. He described Tribal Councilmen as caught in a situation that limits their ability to communicate with the people. The Tribal Treasurer used the following analogy to describe Pima feeling: "It's like crabs in a bucket-when one tries to climb out the others grab him and pull him back." The younger members of the Tribal Council from the west end of the reserva- tion have stated that they are trying slowly to unseat the older generation through actively soliciting votes from other young members of the communities. The young people feel that the older members of the Tribal Council do not take them seriously. The membership of the Advisory Board, which may or may not include mem- bers of the Tribal Cuuncil, at present consists of two non-Council members and one Council member. Officially, Advisory Board meetings are to be chaired by the Lieutenant Governor, but this is infrequently the case. Often the meeting is directed by whichever member feels like being chairman. The Advisory Board was designed to function as an adjunct of the Governor- a fact-finding organization which could make recommendations. The Advisory Board was not given authority to make executive or legislative decisions. The Tribal Council itself is described as the only body with power to make policy decisions. Observations have shown that the Advisory Board has acted with considerably more power than specifically authorized. One example was observed at a Council meeting when a resolution was introduced concerning tribal lands. At the end of the vote, a Board member expressed dissatisfaction with the decision. The Council rescinded the resolution. Other observations confirm that the Advisory Board has been able to assume considerable power. A reaction was seen in a statement made by a former tribal governor at a local community meeting. He commented that the Advisory Board had been "acting with executive powers for which it was not authorized." On 23 June the Governor informed the Board that it would not be treated as an executive body. This was done in response to hostile actions of the Board toward the CAP Director. The power exercised by the Advisory Board might indicate that it is an ex- pression of the people's wishes, but evidence shows that while it is a major power bloc, it has no base at the grass-roots level. Members of the Board are PAGENO="0204" "3856 ~ECONOM1C OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 chosen by the Tribal Council, not by the people, and the people do not view the Board, as a distinct entity. Local meetings in the communities, though not provided for in the tribal constitution, are formally structured. There is regular membership, scheduled meetings, and a formal organizational hierarchy. These local community councils are the major means of communication between the grass-roots and the Tribal Council. To win support for Tribal Council decisions, or for the projects of any ~tribal agency, support of the local communities must be gained through discus- ~ions at these local council meetings. Organization of the local community councils is not uniform. Generally there is one council per district, with the exception of District Six which has two. It should be noted that these'local councils are not the district councils. The constitution calls for .the district `councils to be chaired by the senior councilman of the district; the local community councils, while generally functioning for one district, are not chaired by any of the, councilmen, but by a resident of the district elected by the people. .An interesting situation arises in the Maricopa section of the reservation where a community council exists but rarely meets. Instead, most community meetings are called by the leadership of two farm cooperatives, this leadership being parallel to that of the community councils in Maricopa Colony. The local community council appears to be an effective line of communication to the people. The community councils may be more representative and may more closely express the wishes of the local people, though not a formal part of the tribal government. The Community Action Agency has a formally designated position in the governmental organization. The CAP Director was hired by the Advisory Board. If the Advisory Board makes recommendations for changes in CAP structure or activities, it must take these matters to the Tribal Council. The hiring of the CAP Director illustrates the way the tribal government has functions with. the Community Action Agency. At the Tribal Council meeting on 16 March 1965, a number of applications for the post of CAP Director were considered. The Tribal Council had not been involved up to this point in the selection of the nominees. The CAP Committee had been working with Task Force member Dr. Robert Roessel, dnd later with BIA Special Consultant, Dr. Brenda Brush. The temporary CAP Committee was partly made up of members of the Advisory Board. Therefore the CAP Committee and the Advisory Board wei.e responsible for presenting the program and the nominees for CAP Director to the Tribal Council at the 16 March meeting. * Three nominees for Director of CAP were presented at the latter meeting. The nominee whose chances were considered best was a former BIA and PHS em- ployee who at the time was program analyst for the OEO Indian Desk in Wash- ington. This man had thebacking of most of the Advisory Board and t'he Gov- ernor. Another nominee was the brother of the Tribal Treasurer. A third nominee `was a counsellor at the Sacaton public school. The Tribal Council meeting appeared to be a formality to approve the first nominee, but one Board member opposed to the flrst nominee managed to divert the proceedings. Using the dress of the delegate from the BIA as a diversion, this person ranted about not backing anyone who was a candidate of "that naked woman" and wore down the opposition until the third nominee was picked as a `compromise candidate. The Tribal Council, the `Advisory Board, and the CAP Administration have `not followed the formally designated chain of command. In proposals submitted to OE'O Washington in January 1965 the chain of command is again explicitly designated: "The ultimate responsibility for program direction, policy making. and advisory responsibility rests with the Tribal Council and Advisory Board." The proposal states that the CAP Director would meet regularly with the Ad- visory Board and Tribal Council. The CAP administrators have met with the Tribal Council as formally desig- noted. However,' the Tribal Council has shown apathy toward the efforts of the CAP Administration to keep them informed. At one Tribal Council meeting the CAP Administration was awaiting Tribal Council decision on proposals; the meet- ing went on for quite a while when a Council member moved that the motions be tabled `until the members .`could read the proposals. One Council member pointed out that they all had had' the proposals to read for at least a week. Further examples of apathy and ineptitude are to be found in comments of Councilmen interviewed who demonstrated little knowledge of CAP proposals with which `they have dealt. Some Councilmen cOmplained `that the people did not know enough about the CAP projects, yet none mentioned that they" were the people responsible for communicating Tribal Council business to the communities. PAGENO="0205" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDM ENTS OF 1 9 6 7 3857' This situation is again an example of lack of leadership * qualities, which ap- pears a *direct result' of the policies of the Governmental `agencië~ which have been responsible for Indian affairs. Indians, generally, have not been, given the opportunity to develop the potential abilities of leadei ship To compound matters it is apparent that in matters of government the' Pimas have moved'~vith extreme' caution and deliberateness. This `again may have resUlted from `ubiquitous BIA' control:'that' heretofore fettered most Indian attethpts at self-government. Now; for probably the first time in their history, they'a~re~ being a'sked to move wih" utmost celerity' into ~a `program that will irrevocably `Change the life of the Pimas. ` ` ~` " .At ,a recent Advisory Board meeting' `(June 1966)' a hostile attitude was ap- parent. The CAP Director was before the Board to discUss two' projects-a man- power survey to be conducted in connection with Vh-T1i~w-Hitp-Ba-Ju,' `and the' use of additional members of NYC. The Advisory Board, led by onemember (the' same one who chose the present CAP `Director `as a compromise candidate),' was very antagonistic, essentially' questioning `everything the `CAP Administration brought before the Board. The underlying~ complaint seemed to' be that the" Board's position was not respected and that the Board was losing power. The' members complained that it was a rarity for the Director to come to the'Board for its opinions, although the CAP Director has met with the Board regtilarly~ The members who were taking an antagonistic stance made st~ten~ents~such as "You never came to us before, why are you coming now ?" and "You do not come to us for opinions, but only to rubber stamp `decisions you've already made !" The CAP Director was confronted in particular about the use of the two Uni- versity of Arizona community development interns to-conduct a manpower survey for, Vh-Thaw-Hup-Ea-J'u. The Director pointed out that these' students were note being paid out of tribal funds but were employed by the ICAC at Tempe. The crux of the Advisory Board's complaints were "Why not hire Indians to do the job?" While this was the voiced complaint, it was apparent that the real prob- lem was that the Board wanted to reenforce its power. In order to meet the de- mands of the Board, the CAP Director agreed to dismiss the two students.' These same students were rehired the next day with the approval of the Advisory Board `after the Superintendent of the reservation ,impressed upon the Board the need for a manpower survey. A compromise was reached when it was agreed that the supervision of the manpower survey would be done by' a member of the, Tribal Council. `` ` The question of the use of NYC workers, as presented to the Advisory Board by the CAP Director, is also illustrative. The Advisory Board questioned the' CAP Director as to why he wa's presenting the, NYC requests since there was also an NYC Director. The CAP Director explained ,tha't a phone call from the Re- gional NYC Director had'been placed to the reservation's NYC Director, but since the NYC Director was not present, the CAP Director had taken the call, and therefore was presen'ting the situation to the Advisory Board. The NYC was to be' expanded by fifty and the CAP Director hoped to use the additional NYC' em- ployees in the Vh-Thaw-Ha~-Ea-J'u project at Coolidge. The Advisory Board again did not speak to the request, `but directed critical remarks `at being used as a "rubber stamp" and toward the NYC Director's inefficiency. The Advisory Board had no answer for the CAP Director when he pointed outthat the NYC Director had been chosen by the Advisory Board. A source of friction has arisen when the Advisory Board has been asked to nominate some people for position's which might be available under various `pro- grams. They have failed to do so, and have forced the CAP office to go ou't and ftnd them. The Advisory Board then objects' to CAP's selections. The decision by Governor Allison on 23 June to stop the Advisory Board's use of executive power will modify the pattern of interaction between CAP and the Tribal Council. Now the CAP Director will take his proposals `directly to the' Council, while keeping the Advisory Board informed of changes and of the progress of CAP projects. By' meeting regularly with `the Tribal Council the CAP Director hopes that the programs will subsequently be' explained by the Council members to their constituents. Recently the Governor and other members of the Council have made efforts to discuss CAP and the comprehensive development plan in local community meetings. During these local meetings it is apparent that some political campaigning is being carried on. Some of the differences Of opinion became evident at these community meetings when the Governor obviously expressed his lack of faith with the Alcoholism project This was done in the Pima language and would not ha~ e been noticed except for a comment in English by a member of the audience that understood PAGENO="0206" 3858 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Pirna. This came after many expressions of total cooperation between all `the participating groups, and `an affirmation of complete support for all the programs. The CAP Administration has recognized the existence of the local community councils. The CAP Director has expressed his hopes of organizing the local com- munity council chairmen into a CAP committee. The CAP Committee would be used as a sounding board for CAP proposals. They would be a direct line of com- munication with the people and ideally would prepare the way for CAP programs in their districts. The CAP Director began organizing the Committee in mid-1965. In order to stimulate attendance at meetings, CAP buses are sent out to com- munities' to bring in the local chairmen. Difficulties have arisen because of the rule which prevents Tribal Council mem- bers and their relatives from being CAP employees. During at least one Advisory Board meeting, the possibility of requesting a waiver of this rule from Shriver was discussed. The above results indicate the ~interest of the communities in having repre- sentatives involved in CAP. The CAP Director recently commented that he intends to intensify effort to involve community chairmen and form a viable CAP committee. Although superficially the present report would seem an indictment of Indian ineptitude in the handling of Indian affairs, it is strongly felt by a consensus of the survey team conducting research at Gila River that something must be said in Indian defense. The fear of termination `of protection by th'e Federal Government should readily point up the unintentional but very effective develop- ment of an attitude of paternalism on the part of the Government, and the consequent total dependency by the Indian upon the Governmental agencies. At this time the Indian cannot put his affairs in order without guidance from non-Indians. He resents this, and th'is further contributes to his resistance and to internal disorder, to the detriment of attempts to help him to his feet. Because of m'any cultural differences, it is easily understood how and why various Governmental agencies often feel it is easier to take over and do what must be done for the Indian than to try to teach him, in a short time, a totally different concept. For his part, the Indian soon feels that it is far simpler to let the white man handle all functions that are culturally confusing to him in his relation with the outside world. This is not of course, an indictment of Federal Government or its agencies. T'he point is rather that there is still an enormous communication gulf between the two cultures, and it will take much gentle and patient guidance on the part of Government to bring the Indian to an understanding of the intricacies of self- management in a democratic context. e. CAP Relations with Other Agencies (1), Relation of CAP and BIA.-Cooperation between CAP and BIA on the res- ervation is primarily a result of personal relations between individual members of the two agenci'es. Prior to the arrival of the present BIA Superintendent in 1965, the BIA had limited communication with the reservation population. Informants have noted a marked improvement in communication among reservation groups due to the efforts of this new Superintendent. He has summarized hi's own policy as aiming to "pass as much responsibility as possible to the Tribal Council and to encourage Indians to `take the lead in the development of their own programs." This point of view, on the part of the Superintendent, made him very sympa- thetic to the philosophy of OEO and CAP. Thi's attitude is also shared by the assistant Superintendent, who at the time of initial introduction of `CAP to the reservation was `the Acting Superintendent. The first OEO proposals were sub- mitted by the original CAP Committee. These had to `be rewritten and the Acting Superintendent played a major role in the rewriting. Today the Superin- tendent and Assistant Superintendent work closely with the CAP Administration. Many examples have recently shown the close interaction between the adminis- trations of CAP and BIA. In June the ICAC in Tempe sponsored a manpower sur- vey to be conducted by two community development interns from the University of Arizona. The survey is part of Vh-Thaw-Hup-Ea-Ju, under which all reserva- ti'on agencies will cooperate. The interns began work out of the CAP Director's office, but consulted frequently with all levels of BIA. The work was temporarily interrupted when the Advisory Board of the Tribal Council objected to the sur- vey. The Board's objections were said to be based on the lack of Indian involve- ment, although indications are that its, reaction was more politically motivated. The CAP Director withdrew the interns until he had consulted with the BIA Superintendent, who in turn went directly to the Advisory Board. The result was PAGENO="0207" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3859 the reinstatement of the survey by the community development interns, under sponsorship of the Board. Communication between the CAP Director and the BIA Administration has been direct. The above is only one example of numerous times the BIA Superin- tendent has spoken for CAP to the tribal government. The backing that the BIA Administration has given CAP has been witnessed at local community meetings as well. The CAP Director is an activist. His direct approach in getting things accom- plished has strained relations between some BIA employees and CAP. The Super- intendent has used his influence to resolve these difficulties in some instances. Part of the difficulty apparently arises from the fact that some long-terra em- ployees of the BIA. feel their jobs threatened by CAP activities. Cooperation between individual BIA employees and CAP personnel has been observed. During one informal session, a VISTA volunteer, the CAP Director, and representatives of BIA discussed the plans of Vh-Thaw-Hup-Ea-Ju and a juvenile home to be jointly administered by representatives of the three agencies. When Pre-School was beginning, the Tribal Council, VISTA, and BIA cooperated with CAP to prepare an old BIA home school for OAP use, and the CAP proposals for a Sewing program include the BIA home economist as an instructor. The actual cooperation is frequently dependent upon inter-personal relations. The sympathetic attitude of the BIA. Superintendent and Assistant Superintendent is of paramount importance. The BIA Administration has not only encouraged co- operation from within, but has attempted to insure that other reservation groups understand and agree to full cooperation. (2) Relation of GAP and PHS.-The cooperation between CAP and PHS on the Gila River Reservation is seen in varying lights, depending upon the point of view of informants. While good cooperation is spoken of by some administra- tors, this apparently remains on the administrative level, relating primarily to projected proposals. The CAP Administration, in interviews and at public meetings, has talked about the sorts of cooperation necessary between the two agencies. At a local commu- nity meeting held in June, the acting Assistant CAP Director spoke about the plan for a new hospital and how all agencies-PHS, CAP and BIA-ha&been working together to drawfl up these plans. The Tribal Attorney spoke on the same subject at another community council meeting. In March, in an interview with researchers connected with the present project, the Assistant Superintendent of the reservation spoke of the need for increasing cooperation among agencies. He emphasized that there will be "no room for ac- cusation, name-calling, or any chance to embarrass one particular segment in order to gain some particular point." Some strain in PHS-CAP relations has been a result of personality conflicts with one individual in PHS. This individual felt that the CAP Director was put- ting too much pressure for speed upon the PHS. He said that the CAP Director believed "you have to create a furor to get things done." The informant ex- plained that some PHS people were not ready to move rapidly and this has caused misunderstanding. PHS personnel generally express a desire to cooperate with the programs, but there is an attitude among them that they are doing the very best they can under the present circumstances. It is possible that PHS is understaffed, which would make it difficult for them to be very active in their participation with CAP. A major block to participation is the attitude of the lower level PHS personnel. The employees are very willing to express their empathy with the Indian, but it is flat sounding. As one said, "We wouldn't be out here unless we were really interested." There is a bureaucratic detachment manifest among the lower level PHS per- sonnel. The ambulance service has been complained about many times by the In- dians. A PHS doctor said the Indians take advantage of this service and some- times use it just "to get a ride into Phoenix." The doctor i~mdicated they were attempting to solve this by "trying to hold the calls on the reservation to a mini- mum of two a month." His defense of the service is diluted by cases of Indian police on duty calling for an ambulance for stricken Indians, and then being re- fused. The reason for the refusal given to the police officers was that they "wouldn't know whether the person was really ill or not." These comments would indicate that the PHS staff has a considerably more detached attitude toward the Indian than CAP would like for complete cooperation. Some cooperation has existed between representatives of PHS Administration and GAP Administration. The formation of the Alcoholic Prevention and Treat- ment program proposal is an example. In the spring of 1965 the Gila River Corn- PAGENO="0208" 3860 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 prehensive Health Committee was formed through the efforts of BIA, PETS and school officials. This Committee was enlarged to include twenty members drawn from the Tribal Council, the Advisory Board, PHS, BIA, the Tribal Court, school officials, representatives of reservation missions, CAP Administration, and aver- age reservation citizens. The Committee theets once a month and the focus as stated in reports has been "the problem of family disorganization-the problem of alcoholism." The Chairman of this Committee is the Acting Chief Social Worker for PHS, who describes himself as the "PHS liaison with CAP.' In a letter to the Tribal Governor, dated 18 February 1966, the PHS Social Worker stated that the CAP proposals are "creative, potentially fat-reaching in their effects, and soundly comprehensive in treatment approach, encompassing medical therapy, psychotherapy, work treatment, and educational activities." He further stated that the Gila River Comprehensive Heidth Committee `unani- mously endorsed the program (3) Relation of CAP and ICAC.-The Gila River Community Action Agency has called upon the Jndi'in Community Action Centei at Aiizona State Uni~ ersity for two 1 inds of services training piogiams and consulting The technical services aspect has not been a major need for the Gila River OAA. The CAP Director has kept the ICAC staff informed of program activities through personal visits to the center. Visits by ICAC technical assistance staff have not been requested, due to lack of need for assistance in proposal writing by the Gila River CAA. Consultation services for the Pre~School program and the Day-Care center have been requested under the terms of the consultation contract with ASTJ. The need for training programs has been steadily inci~easing, as the Gila River CAP has added to the number and variety of program components, and in cons~ quence, has acquired and will require additional personnel in the categories of CAP Director, teacher-aides, Pre-School teachers and aides, community aides, and Health aides. The present CAP Director anticipates that training needs will constitute the major number of future requests to the ICAC. (4) The Relation of CAP and NYC-There has been close contact between NYC and CAP since NYC began at Gila River. The NYC Director was chosen by the Advisory Board, with the approval of the Tribal Council. Although NYC does not come under CAP it has been necessary for the CAP Director and Assistant Director to assume major roles in the direction of NYC, because NYC directorship has been a part-time position and consequently the Director is. not always avail- able when needed. TTh-Thaw-Hup-Ea-Ju calls for the cooperation of NYC. Much of this plan has been drawn up by the CAP Administration working with the BIA. The CAP Director, due to the absence of the NYC Director, proposed at a recent Advisory Board meeting that NYC people be used in preparation of buildings for the Pimna- Coolidge Development Corporation, which may later employ reservation residents. One result of close cooperation between NYC and CAP has been the idea, throughout the reservation, that NYC is part of CAP. This view of NYC prevails at the grass-roots level, in the Advisory Board, and in the Tribal Council. Much of the criticism of NYC has therefore been directed at CAP. Specific problems met by NYC are lack of definite and worthwhile jobs for youth, lack of adequate supervision of those on jobs, and lack of education for NYC people as to how to handle their salaries. There have been local supervisors chosen recently to help alleviate this situation. It has been necessary for the CAP Director to play a dominant role in explaining NYC and in trying to help NYC. resolve these criticisms. (5) The Relation of CAP and VLS~TA.-The ~~elationship between VISTA and CAP on the Gila River Reservation is generally determined by the individual relationships between volunteers and CAP Administration. At present, the CAP Director is responsible for the VISTA volunteers on the reservation. The original responsibility for VISTA was delegated to the Tribal Council, but a recent deci- sion of the Tribal Council Advisory Board has put VISTA directly under the supervision of the CAP Director and the sponsorship of one member of the Advisory Board. With the iecent change in administiative responsibility the CAP Director predicted th'~t three volunteers would resign because he was not going to let them continue to sit around. On the other hand, it has been observed that many VISTA volunteers lool to the CAP office for field support and consult with the CAP D rector on projects they have in mind There has been some cooperation as evidenced in the CAP Director s report on a VISTA volunteer working on a PAGENO="0209" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 196.7. 3861 family visitation project in conjunction, with BIA. and PHS: "She was helpful in coordinating the efforts of the local PHS hospital staff and the aforementioned welfare agency (BIA) to rehabilitate a family." Volunteers who have conflicted with the CAP Director have been observed to ignore him or work around him. One incident may reflect many aspects of the VISTA-CAP relationship as well as the position of the CAP Director in relation te the tribal government. One VISTA volunteer asked permission from the CAP Director to take a number of teenagers from the reservation to the pow-wow at Flagstaff. The volunteer also asked for the use of CAP buses. The Director de- nied the request. The VISTA vOlunteer then took his request to the Advisory Board'and received its approval. (It should be noted that this incident occurred before Governor Allison's statement of 23 June 1966 limiting powers of the Ad- visory Board.) The foregoing situation not only reflects the kind of conflict that takes place between' the VISTA. volunteers and the CAP Administration, but reflects the ambiguous power structure. on the reservation. VISTA-CAP cooperation is dependent upon individual relationships `~s is ob served in conflicting opinions of the volunteers. Most volunteers working near Sacaton and generally on the eastern portion of the reservation have more direct contact with CAP and are frequently seen in the CAP office. At the west end of the reservation volunteers report frustrated attempts to establish communica- tion with the CAP Director. The Pimas on the west end generally like the VISTAs and what they have accomplished. `The. Maricopas are rather neutral concerning VISTA. There is one VISTA volunteer among the Maricopas who seems to work along in spite of general disinterest. The teenagers come around, but the feeling is that they are waiting for a handout or some sort of organized recreational activity that VISTA might instigate. One explantion for the lack of. communication between the west end VISTAs and the CAP Administration lies in the long-time rivalry between the people of the two areas. People in the west end have felt that all programs-BIA, PHS,, and so on-have always focused on the areas `near Sacaton to the exclusion of' west end communities. VISTA volunteers have reflected some of these opinions of the west' end which may be one reason for the lack of communication. The VISTA Training Program from ASU has been located, chiefly in west end communities. The VISTA Training Director and the CAP Director have had some difficulties in their relationship which may be part of the problem While the people of the west `end are, happy with their permanent VISTAs, they are not enthusiastic about the Training Program. They cannot understand the point of having a trainee for just three weeks. The VISTA Training Program on the reservation has created some prejudice in east-end communities. The prejudice has hampered VISTA assignments and projects hi these communities. In one of the VISTA training groups part of the trainees were sent to east-end communities without preparing the communities. One woman reports that she came home one day to find a strange metal object near her house. On investigating she found it was a sheet-metal structure which contained two VISTA trainees. The trainees told her that they had been brought there to spend several days. The metal structure was called a poverty hut, and was to serve as their living quarters. The Pima woman telephoned the VISTA Training Director. She said that she would like to have the poverty hut removed. from her yard, and in concluding added, "How would it settle with you if I pitched my `tipi' on your lawn?" The overview of the relationship between CAP and VISTA reflects a split be- tween the two ends of the reservation. The CAP Director has' the responsibility for VISTA work on `the reservation. At the east end of the reservation this is a functioning role; at the west end there is little evidence of a working relation- ship between the VISTA volunteers and CAP. f. Indian Reaction to CAP The initial reaction toward Community Action Programs was conditioned by the circumstances of the introduction of the CAP idea to the reservation. The majority of the Tribal Council members knew little about CAP until March 1965, when they were called upon to select a CAP Director. After a Direc- tor was selected, there was a wait Of two months before OEO funds were actually available. `Since 0110 information ha'd not been disseminated on the reservation, and there were no operating programs until,May 1965, the general reaction was indifference. There were no applk~ants for the jobs which were to be available under the funded components. 80-084-67-pt. 5-14 PAGENO="0210" 3862 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 When the programs actually went into operation, reaction was in terms of the individuals employed. `There has not been a concept of a general program. The best supported Community Action Program on the reservation is the Pre-Sehool program. The benefits to the children were mentioned by everyone. Individual teachers and `aides had personal difficulties with people, but by June 1966 these individual problems failed to overshadow the positive aspects of the Pre-'School `program. A major effort to `develop a favorable opinion `climate has: been made by the CAP Director. He `has held a monthly community chairmen's meeting to dis- cuss CAP, with the object of creating a reservation-wide CAP committee. The effe~ts of these meetings are `evident in interviews with the chairmen, which in- dicate that `these men are informed on CAP matters. During `May and June of 1966, there were several Tribal Council sessions, community chairmen meetings, and community meetings at which ,Vh-Thaw-Hup- Ea-Jn was presented by BIA, CAP and Trthal~ Council representatives. At the same time, `several individual's began using CAP programs to test the political climate for indications of possible support and possible issues in the fall election of a new Governor and Lieutenant Governor. `(1) Indian Reactios-~peciflc Programs-The Pro-School is' universally re- garded as a good th'ing., `The Day `Care Center is similarly regarded, `but since it does not yet affect many people, it does not enjoy as wide approval. Other `programs-the Community Aide, and the Recreation Program-seem to have had little impact other than on individuals `directly involved. Geneca7 Prograin.-"Another `do-gooder-program_They `come and they go." This reaction seems to derive from `past experience with other programs. People feel that the Community Action `Programs are made up first, then handed to them for approval; and they feel that if they do not approve they will not have any programs, so that it is better to say yes than `to lose them `altogether. Many also feel that the program's are moving too fa'st and `changing all the time before they have a chance to hear about them or to understand them. Many think that this is just another white man's program-so why get excited about it,' it will probably no't `last long. Although there is a certain amount of apathy towards the general `program because of past experiences', th'e majority of `the Indians have expressed `accept- ance of it. The majority feel that if the programs are fully developed and reach their ultimate goals, `both the individual and the reservation will be uplifted to a semblance of equality with surrounding communities. Reservation Agencies.-A reaction `which ha's been increasing is that CAP may lead to termination of the Federal trust status of the reservation. The linkage of CAP with other agency programs in Vh-Thaw-Hv,p-Ea-Jn appears to `have added to this fear. It should be pointed out at once that there is no strong negative reaction against CAP, and that the BIA is the chief target. There is an ambivalent atti- tude toward possible termination. The Indians, although they express desire to diredt their own progress, are fearful of complete withdrawal of support by the BIA. There has been some trepidation expressed about financial dealings: with white `businessmen in adjacent `communities. The closeness of the Gila River Reservation to the expanding urban area of Phoenix and satellite towns gives the reservation `land `considerable value as space for urban, industrial expan- s~ion. V1i~-Thaw-Hup-Ea-Jn cle'arly involves urban, induStrial expansion in several of its projects. In general, the Indian does not fully comprehend the implications of en- croachment of the highly `urbanized areas adjacent to `his reservation. Most do not realize the potential high value of the land or its strategic po'sition. Indian committee members `have been named by the Tribal Council to work on these projects and some of these members express lack of confidence in their own abilities to deal knowledgeably with the non-Indian businessmen members of these boards, or with the financial problems of industrial park leasing and other projects under cons'id'eration. Personnel -Indian/Non-Indian.-The sentiments about a non-Indian having the job of CAP Director are varied. They range from a disavowal that a white man could kno'w the Indians' reactions and needs, to beliefs that an Indian Director could not have accomplished as much in such a short time. Some people think the reservation people would trust an Indian and there are others who feel that the opposite would be true. The majority of people do not know what they want in this respect. PAGENO="0211" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3863 The present Director has publicly stated many times since his selection that he wishes to keep the job only until a Pima is trained and ready to move into the directorship. He has also stated that the present Assistant Director, a Pima, is the logical choice. There are opinions pro and con among reservation residents as to the succes- sion pattern. However, it is universally admitted that there is no other qualified Pima available at present. Political Factionalisni._Factionalism is closely involved with opinion about CAP. One faction is seen as supporting the present Director. Other factions op. pose or support CAP on a personality basis as faction members are personally affected by some action or inaction of a CAP staff member. Organized reaction is manifest in a group called the Farmers Association, a semi-secret Pima organization with a history of opposing BIA programs. The Association was active during the 1930's in opposing programs considered in- fringements on Pima water rights. At present, it is said to be `holding secret meetings `conducted in the Pinia language,' sending members around to influence voter opinion in th'e forthcoming election and, through influencing Council mem- bers. affecting Tribal `Council decisions. The Association opposes CAP and Vii- Thaw Hitp Ea Ju because both appear attempts at extending white domination over the Pimas-to the point that the Pimas will finally lose their land. One elderly man is said to have jumped up to exclaim, "We fought the Apaches for our land. Now we will have to fight for it again." Apathy-Indifference is the most common reaction to all development pro- grams. The indifference stems from past experience with other optimistic pro- grams which never got off the ground. The Superintendent has stated on at least one occasion at a community meeting th'at the BIA office had "stacks'~ of old five and ten year plans that never got out of the paper stage. Lack of Information.-The CAA administrators, in attempting to bring in- formation to a wider audience, are continuing to develop the community chair- men as a CAP committee, with the hope they may communicate th'eir informa- tion to their own community council meetings. The OAA administrators attend community meetings themselves to discuss CAP action. It is required of CAA employees, Pre-School staff, and others, that they attend the meetings in the communities in which they work. A frequent reaction to 04P is "we need more information." People who have attended meetings at which CAP projects have been discussed say, "We need more explanation. Someone should come around to talk to `the people at their homes." Explanation in both English and `the Indian languages is considered best. People want to be sure that explanations are the same in both languages, and some of the older people are more comfortable in their own idiom. This is apparent at community meetings. (2) Attitudes by Geographical 4rea.-As earlier noted, the Gila River Reser- vation consists of two distinct population centers-an east and west end. These sections are separated by thirty miles of desert with the seat of government and all reservation agencies in the east end. As a result of geographical soparation there has been a difference in reaction to the OEO programs between the two. The west end feels that it has been ignored by the BIA and tribal programs. This attitude has developed because of real and imagined slights' compounded through the years. The west end has transposed some of this antagonism into a resistance to CAP. The young people `have become more active in politics on the reservation in recent years and on the east end a number of young people are involved in the CAP directly. The Assistant CAP Director is an example. On the west end, where participation is more concerned with tribal politics, there is active effort to enlist voting support from young people in outlying areas, though there is a definite traditional attitude against the young voicing opinions. The older people who show up at the presentation meetings rarely understand the tremendous impact of the program. The first time most of them hear of V1?,-Tllaw-HUV-1?Ja-,1u is at community meetings, so they do not feel it is "their program." Even though they are told constantly that it is' "the people's pro- gram," the people are more apt to "wait and see," as they have in the past. At the west end, especially among the Maricopas, primary opposition to the program seems to be directed at intrusion of more white men onto the reservation. West end attitudes indicate a more traditional outlook than those of the east. PAGENO="0212" 3864 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Many of the Indians in the east are either in the tribal government or have jobs with the Federal agencies. SOme feel that CAP is a threat to the status quo they enjoy. There is a certain amount of apprehension about relinquishment of power in tribal politics. Animosity exists towaids the CAP Dnector at both ends of the reservation though it is stronger at the west Cńd where the majority opinion is that the CAP Direcor pushes them too much. People of the east end share this feeling, but some feel that because of the Director's drive he is the only man for the job. Pre-School and VISTA programs are met with appreciation in both sections of the reservation. There has been dissatisfaction in the management of the NYC program in both areas. ThOse are the only specific* programs that most of the people have had contact with so fai The majority of the Maricopas are disinterestOd in CAP and tribal politics. Maricopas offer two comments: "The Pimas and all their magnificent plans that never come about," and "The Pimas are always fighting among them- selves These statements are the sum of the Maricopas feelings towards the activity on the Pima portion of the reservation I ~ 1~/J~JO H OP PAGENO="0213" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3865 Phoenix Tempe~ ft ~ 8~ Gila R1JI Re~ ervation ~JL~J~ Chandler GILA RIVER & MARICOPA RESERVATIONS~ ARIZONA B. PAPAGO RESERVATION 1. Historical and Cultural Background The history of the Papago may be divided into threeperiods for the purpose of indicating the nature of their adjustment to their physical and social environ- ment, which in turn has implications for their response to opportunities offered by OEO programs today. a. Early History Excavations by Dr. Emil Haury at Ventana Cave in the northwestern part of the Papago Reservation have uncovered evidence that man has been in the South- west for at least ten thousand years. The lowest levels in the cave contained bones -of now extinct animals hunted by the inhabitants. The earliest cultures found in the bottom of the cave are called "hunting and gathering" because their projectile points, scrapers, and bone awls show that the people hunted wild animals and ~prepared them for food and clothing, -and the various grinding tools indicate that they gathered wild seeds and root-s and ground them for food. There i~ no evidence that these early -people practiced agriculture ormade pottery. In the next stage, beginning about the first century A.D., corn and pottery are found for the first time. This period marks the beginning of a more or less seden- tary agricultural population who lived in-the caveuntil abOut 1400 A.D. Besides -the corn and pottery archeologists- al-so found human mummies, cotton textiles, -woven sandals, and baskets. This cultural material seems to have been a local ~variation of the general Hohokam culture which was spread widely over southern Serape - Maricopa Indian Reservation -r PAGENO="0214" 3866 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Arizona in the same time period. The ruins at Casa Grande National Monument represent one of the final stages in the Hobokam culture. Although very little is known about the people in this area from 1400 until early Spanish contact with the Papago Indians in 1698, the evidence strongly suggests that there is a direct cultural continuity between Hohokam culture and the present-day Papago. b. $panis1i~ Contact and Early Cnlture Patterm The second period of Papago history begins with the journey of the famous Jesuit priest, Father Kino, through the area in 1698. It ends shortly after 1870, when the Papago came under nominal control of the Indian Agent on the Pima Reservation. These one hundred and seventy-two years coincide roughly with the duration of the Apache Wars. The Spanish differentiated the Indians in Southern Arizona as follows: there were the Papagos (the "desert people") in the center; to the north were the Pimas of the Gila River; to the east were the Piman Sobaipuris and to the west were the various Yuman peoples. The "desert people" differed from the river people in that they did not make as much use of agriculture and did not raise cot- ton. Otherwise the culture throughout this area seems to have been basically the same. The essential features of Papago culture in the 1500's and 1600's were an eco nomic life which required annual movement from hills to valley, a patrilineal family and village organization, and a simple system of ceremony and rituaL We will briefly discuss each of these, and their interrelations. The patterns estab~ lished then remain important now; while there have been many changes, there are common trends and processes. (1) Economy. The economic life of the Papago was typical of many Indians in northern Mexico. The nature of this economic adjustment led the Spanish to speak of them as rancheria people. A rancheria is a village which has a permanent location but which is not occupied continuously. The Papagos cultivated fields, growing corn, beans, and squash, along the intermittent streams during the sum- mer months. The rains came in the late summer months, and provided moisture for the crops. After the crops were harvested, people went into the hills and through the winter relied on hunting and gathering of wild food products. Thus. each local group had two village sites, one in the valley and one in the hills, and in the course of any year divided their time between the two. The population was rather sparse, and there were no towns as large as those of the Pueblos in the north. (2) Politics.-The important political unit of the Papagos in the 16th and 17th centuries, as now, was the village. Each village was independent; there was never any general tribal organization under a single head man. Every village group had two ceremonial houses, one in the summer `village and one in the winter village. `These houses were the focus of religious and political activity. The house was circular and was called the Rain or Cloud House. It was only in the Rain House that the sacred fetishes which each village possessed could be opened on ceremonial occasions. It was here also that the men of the village met regularly to plan work, decide questions of government, and discuss village affairs generally. The meetings of the men in the Rain House were presided over by a village patriarch who was called the Keeper of the Smoke, a title indicative of his duty of building the fire before a meeting. He was not only the chairman of all secular meetings but also the leader of village ceremonies for rain and ritual purifica- tion. `Other village officials were the crier who announced all the meetings in the Rain House and the leader of the hunt, the games, and races, the war parties. and the ceremonial singing. Each of these men had many ritual duties in connection with his leadership, and all were definitely subject to the deliberation of the council of elders in whose hands the ultimate control of the village affairs rested. Within each village the people were organized into what might be called `patriarchal families. All the children of a man called him by a certain term. the same one which he and his brothers and sisters had applied to their father. This term was not the ordinary one for father but was regarded as indicating a per- son's membership in a certain patrilineal line. There were at least five such terms among the Papago: aapap, apki, rnaam, `waahw, and o'kari. These patrilineal lineages were grouped into two larger units, one called the Buzzards and the other the Coyotes. These two large groups regulated `marriage. No member of the Buz- zards could marry within his group. The lineages and the two larger groups had certain ceremonial duties. The lineages were somewhat like clans but never at- PAGENO="0215" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3867 tamed the importance in Papago social structure that clans attained among the Pueblos. (3) Religion.-The religious practices of the Papagos in early post-contact times were centered around the recurring events of the annual agricultural cycle. The regular annual round of ceremony included as its most important events a festival in early summer at the time of the fathering of the fruits of the giant saguaro cactus, a deer dance in the autumn when the people had moved back from the field villages, and rain dances in the spring before the ripening cactus. In addition there was an important ceremony called the Viikita, regarded as a har- vest festival, which was celebrated every four years. The Viikita was an elaborate ceremony in which were to be seen most of the important elements of Papago ritual. It required the cooperation of several vii- lage~ and a long period of preparation. The men of each village worked for a period of ten days immediately preceding the event, construction images to repre- sent various mythical beings or places and a quantity of sticks with feathers attached to be used as prayer offerings. Each village contributed groups of singers with a leader, and it was the duty of the leaders to compose songs espe- cially for the occasion. Also taking part in the ceremony were masked performers who acted as clowns. These men, like most of the other ceremonial participants in Papago ritual, held their offices through inheritance. The Viikita ceremony proper included the singing of songs while the effigies were carried in procession, the symbolic representation of the sun and moon, the sprinkling of corn meal, and the representation of parts of the Papago flood myth. Thus, the Papago social organization was based on small autonomous village units governed by decision of the older men in more or less democratic fashion, with officials who were ritual rather than political leaders. It was a type of orga- nization adapted to the small rural community primarily concerned with the business of getting a living. The foregoing indicates the general nature of Papago culture at the time of. earliest white contacts. The changes which have taken place since are many. During the period of first contact with the Spanish, "governors" were appointed for each village. These men were truly political officials as none of the village officers had been before. They had nothing to do with ceremonies, but were purely secular in function, and a major part of their activity consisted in acting as go-betweens with the `Spanish. Their power grew steadily at the expense of the older ceremonial officials. The early Jesuit missionaries worked effectively at combining the `traditional Papago beliefs and rites with Catholicism. When the Franciscans took over the field, the Papagos refused to accept them at first as their teachers, but remained independent as the Sonora Catholic Church. They maintained their own native priests and adhered to the earlier established ritual. c. The Development of the Papago Reserva~tIon The formation of the Papago Reservation as it now exists did not follow the usual pattern of boundary definition, 1i~y treaty in return for the cessation of hostility. The Papago had been cooperating with the Anglo Americans, particu- larly in the suppression of the Apache raids. This cooperation had been particu- larly important to the existence of both the Papago and the early settlers in the vicinity of Tucson in the two decades 1850-1870. In 1874 an executive order established a reservation of 69,200 acres surround- ing the mission of San Xavier, and in 1884 another small area near Gila Bend on the Gila River was set aside as a reservation for the few Papagos living there. This left the greater part of Papago territory between the Santa Cruz River and Gila Bend open to settlement by non-Indians. The Papagos were thus in a situa- tion unique among Indians in Arizona and New Mexico. Elsewhere, relatively large portions of the territory ranged over by the Indians were set aside as reservations exclusively for Indian use. The Papagos, lacking any treaty with the United States since they had fought on the side of the Anglo-Americans, were given no formal protection against settler encroachment, except for the relatively minute areas at San Xavier and Gila Bend (Spicer 1962:136). The period from the 1870's to the early 1900's saw extensive Papago-Anglo contacts in two areas: mining and ranching. For these purposes the whites settled among the Papago, and in these contexts the Papagos came to see Anglo society operating. Ranching practices, for obvious reasons, had the most influence on Papago ways of life. In the early decades of the 20th century, many Papago children were educated in BIA boarding schools. In these boarding schools the Indians learned the use PAGENO="0216" .3868 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 of English, and were cut off from the patterns and patterned reinforcements of the traditional Papago ways of coping with the world. By 1928 the situation of ranches, boarding schools, `and mission activities from Protestants as well as the' longer established Catholics, had worked to `fractionate Papago `political orientations. There were two factions: the "Good Government League," which was the more "progressive" in terms of adaptive concessions to the Anglo society. These people tended to be Presbyterian. There was also the "League of Papago Chiefs": tradition-oriented and largely Catholic. In 1918, by executive order, a reservation of some two million acres was estab- lished for the Papago. It lay between Tucson and Ajo, and ran southward to the Mexican border. There were two important exclusions: a strip of `territory through the center, which was dominated by white ranchers on some of the better grazing lands, and the rights to the minerals under the reservation land. This exclusion of the mineral rights once again placed the Pap'ago in a unique position via-a-vis other American Indians. It was felt politically necessary to do this in order~to create the reservation at all. Government programs for the Papago were established with creation of the reservation. In the 20's `the major expenditure was for deep wells. These wells were held to be mystically dangerous, and the location of them in relation to villages was a further source of factionalism-creating tensions between the progressives and the traditionalists. In 1931 "the strip" of land through the reservation was restored to the Papagos, in part through the activities of `the League of Papago Chiefs. This group and the Good Government League were active in removing a hostile superintendent. As political activity of this sort increased on the reservation, it became apparent `that the locus was not reservation-wide, but was confined to the southeast corner ~of the reservation. This area had `the most contacts with Anglo society, and h'ad the highest wage-employment rate in Tucson `and, to a lesser degree, Phoenix. In 1934, under the new Indian Reorganization Act, the Papagos were encouraged by the reservation superintendent to form a Tribal Council. A constitution was adopted in 1937. The Papago were, by this constitution, divided into eleven districts, each having two representatives in the Tribal Council. As well as being `political divisions, these districts were worked out to be cattle grazing areas. The districts included two outliers from the main Papago Reservation: San Xavier and Gila Bend. Leadership in the Tribal Council was assumed by the southeastern part of the reservation (the Baboquivari District). The political organization of the Papago brought together Indian groups who were not, in general, in contact with each other: the reservation is large, the transportation poor, and so there had been a high degree of internal isolation. Another event which brought widely scattered Papago together was the establish- ment, at the height of the depression, of Civilian Conservation Corps camps. Spicer analyzes the development of Papago political and social reservation-wide networks as leading to both a sense of contentment with the progress in the economic development of the reservation, and a tendency to withdraw somewhat from the non-reservation social world.2 2. Recent Conditions and Present Content a. General Economic Trends In the post-war period, and through the 1950's, Spicer (op. cit.) finds two important trends in `reservation life: (1) Wage Work.-There has been a steady growth of off-reservation wage work, particularly in the cotton-growing ranches. The Papago seem to establish semi-permanent connections with particular ranches, so that particular roups of Papaga will return to the same ranches over the years. The great majority of Papago had by 1960 made this a permanent adjustment, so that the overwhelming portion of Papago income has now derived from off- reservation sources. At the same ,time they maintained residence in their home villages `and returned several times a year there for ceremonials or other matters (Spicer 1962:145). (2) ~ehools.-The second imp6rtant trend is the increasing number of Papago children attending school. By 1958, almost all Papago school-age children were enrolled in either a BrA. a mission, or a public school. Public school enrollment accounted f'or one-third. As the educational level of the Papago rises, so does the level at which they are integrated into the surrounding economy. 2 See Spicer (1962: 143). PAGENO="0217" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT* AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3869 The Papago, in short, are in the process of developing an adjustment to Anglo society that is satisfactory to both themselves and the Anglos. This adjustment seems to be based on steady if periodic employment a reservation to return to and a few groups who are interested and active in building understanding and mutual adjustments between Indians and whites. The Papagos have been helped constructively in their adjustments to the surrounding Anglos since the 1930's,. when a BIA social worker helped the Papagos employed in Tucson. Which is not to say that PapagO'/white relations are wholly satisfactory, .but rather to point up the virtues of any constructive work in this difficult area. This is especially important as the expanding population forces the Indians to look outside the reservation for income, and to do this in ways that neither require them to sever themselves from the reservation completely, nor to renounce the attempt to adjust to the "great society." The Papagos' had escaped the sort of close government control which char- acterized the other Indians of the state, having come under Government super- vision relatively late and undergoing the brunt of such supervision only after the new policy of the Indian Reorganization Act was put into motion. While a certain small proportion of Papagos developed the characteristic attitudes of dependency apparent on other reservations, the majority continued as before the establishment of the reservation in 1917 to rely on their own efforts to supplement their small-scale farming and cattle raising on the reservation. As resources became increasingly insufficient at home, they increasingly sought work for wages among the surrounding people, so that their' primary economic adjustment was by 1960 no longer on the reservation (Spicer 1962 :146). b. ~Sociopolitical Organization (1) Religion.-It is difficult to make generalizations about Papago religion since the several kinds of belief-aboriginal, Sonora Catholic, Roman Catholic, and Presbyterian-vary greatly in different districts and from generation to generation. Parts of `the old religious pattern are still important to all the Papagos except the strictest Presbyterians. Survival of the Aboriginal Religion.-Today in most parts of the reservation people say that the old men who know the ancient ceremonies aredying off and that no one else has learned how to conduct them. Papago ceremonial life seems to be concerned with two things: rain and health. Though many of the old prac- tices have disappeared, the emphasis on these two all-important areas continues. Many of the old Papago cermonials were one way or another connec'ted with bringing rain. Today the principal means directed to rain-bringing centers around the annual wine ceremony which occurs after the fruit of the saguaro cactus has been picked in June. Syrup is made from the pulp of the fruit and carried back to the villages to be fermented for use in the ceremony. When the time has been set, each family donates syrup for ceremonial use, about four quarts. This `syrup is sent to the ceremonial round house in the village for fermentation in large jars. During the fermentation period of four nights the syrup is carefully watched and tested by men. Each night the villagers gather to participate in the songs and dancing which aid the process. They sing of clouds, wind, rain, and the growing crops and perform a simple circle dance around a small fire. Every- thing is done four times, since the number four has a magic quality in Papago belief. While the people sing and dance the medicine men rise and stand quietly, waving their sacred eagle feathers. If the feathers gather moisture or drip, the rain will come soon; if they stay dry, the rain is many days away. After the medicine men announce that the' wine has reached the proper stage of fermentation, they and the singers make speeches. T'hen the wine is ceremoni- ally served to each adult in prescri'bed order. It should be noted that intoxication is not the objective of the wine ceremony. It is a means to an end. Papagos feel that the wine brings happiness and song which helps to erase the evil and ill feeling of the past year. Sonora Catholicism-In most of the larger PapagO villages `there is a little adobe building with a rickety wooden cross over the door-the Sonora Catholic church. Sonora Catholicism antedates other Christian faiths on `the reservation today. The beliefs and practices' of Sonora Catholics are remnants of the teach- ings of early Spanish missionaries, acquired either directly `from Padres. or through other Indians or Mexicans. During the generations when no Catholic clergy came to Papagueria, the faithful carried on as best they could the cere- monies and devotions of the church. With the absence of priests and the passage of time much of the original Roman Catholic'creed and ritual has vanished. PAGENO="0218" 3870 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 (2) Family.-The family is the most important unit in the Papago social struc- ture and its solidarity is strong. Most often a household consists of the old parents, unmarried Sons and daughters, and married sons with their wives and children-three generations in all. Since relatives may be depended upon for hospitality, it is a rare household that does not also include a widowed daughter, a distant cousin, or a child whose parents have died or remarried. Brothers or sisters of the old parents (also regarded as grandparents by their siblings' grand- children) may also be part of the family. Thus a Papago child is born into a family that includes a varied combination of relatives. A child's family relation- ships are such that the absence of one relative is no deprivation, for there is usually another who is acceptable as a substitute. The Papago family is patriarchial and there is always a recognized head of the house. In a typical household of three generations, the grandfather holds author- ity over the group, and each married son is head of his own family. If the grand- father grows too old for active responsibility, his authority passes gradually into the hands of the soil who is generally considered to be the ablest-not neces- sarily the oldest. Although the head of the house alw-ays has the final word, he has a strong obligation to solicit and consider carefully the opinions of all the other family members before final decisions are made. Even small children are consulted in things which concern them directly, and a child's decision as to whether he wishes to go to school or the hospital is seldom questioned. Seniority and respect for elders is the most important guideline for personal relations in the household. The child not only respects his parents, but he must also defer to older brothers and sisters. Each person in the family. seems to have some authority over all those younger than himself. Men, as a rule, have greater prestige and authority than women. Descent is reckoned through the male line, and inheritance is from the father. Older brothers have more authority than older sisters, and~ all boys expect `their sisters to wait upon them in the home. Men usually receive and spend the family's cash income. Even if a woman has a strong personality and `actually makes decisions, the man is always the family spokesman, and the woman will disclaim authority, `at least in public. However, women are not relegated to an inferior position. They are never ordered about and are never servile toward the men. The a'ttitude of both sexes is simply that their duties and spheres of authority and influence are different. In recent years the women have been working ou'tside the home and `have been gaining some influence in spheres once dominated by men. For example, in the tribal elections in the spring of 1956, women voted for the first time. (3) Viflage.-With its officers and activities, each village functions as a `politi- cal en'tity. A headman acts for the villagers in `outside contacts, espeCially with non-Papagos. He may inherit office or be elec'ted by the Village Council, but holds office only by common consent. He may be replaced at any time his work becomes unsatisfactory. He is a spokesman rather than a leader, expressing village atti- tudes rather than forming them. The more accurately he reflects the opinions of his village, the `better he is at his job. No Papago tries to make himself a `big shot." However, a headman m'ay be powerful. Remarkably foresighted, con- cerned with his people's welfare, he is responsible for them and is expected to feel his responsibility. Villagers look to him for ideas. Therefore, although he may not formulate opinion, he guides and `helps it along. He calls the meetings of the Village Council, composed of all the adult men, to talk over decisions of any importance. One headman `has summarized his activities as follows: When we're going `to have a meeting, I go around and tell everybody what time we're going to have it. Meetings are held here at my house. If somebody from the Agency is coming through, he sends word so I can go around to tell the peo- ple to come. I tell `the people there will be someone coming, and if I know his name, I call it. At the meetings, sometimes I tell the man's name and why he came over, and wh'at he is going to talk about. I tell them to go ahead and say what they want to. We always have to use interpreters because some of the old people `don't understand English. A headman does not act on important matters until his council agrees on the course.' Unanimity is a strong Papago idea-one they usually achieve at the cost of speedy action. It may take weeks or months. Some issues, never agreed upon, are never acted upon. When outsiders demand fast action, not allowing time for unanimity. Papagoes are disturbed. (4) District and Tribe.-No tribal organization existed until 1937, when Papagoes organized under a written constitution, authorized by `the Indian Re- organization Act of 1934. T'he governing body is a Tribal Council consisting of PAGENO="0219" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3871 twenty-two members, two being selected from each of the eleven districts into which the reservations are divided. The Gila Bend and San Xavier Reservations are each one district. Each district is self-governing in local matters and is headed by an elected district council composed of not less than five members. All elected leaders hold office for two years. The Tribal Council has always been quite democratically structured, the source ~of the force for a democratic orientation ultimately deriving from the village. There was no immediate acceptance of tribal organization in the terms in which the Government men saw it. There had never been a subordination of one village group's interests to another, nor was there now. Representatives were not re- garded by their districts as empowered to enact legislation, but rather were thought of as "legs," to use the old Papago term; that is, messengers and corn- municators of news to their district councils. This was notably true of San Xavier, which regarded itself as quite distinct from the "desert people" of the Sells Reservation (Spicer 1962: 144). The political structure of the Papago, which is genuine "community action," is threatened when quick action on any issue is required. It is important not to confuse the size of the carrot dangled in front of the horse with the total dietary requirements of horses: however attractive the rewards for the Indians of a lot of money right away, the democratic, and slowly moving, Papago political proc- esses ought not to be run into the ground, or be bypassed (albeit under pressure) by those more acculturated and accustomed to dealing with white society. 3. Impact of the Uommunity Action Program a. Introduction The Community Action Program on the Papago Reservation is in a forma- tive stage, moving from a base of Papago leadership to widening Papago involve- ment. The impact, at this stage, is in the realm of tribal politics, with CAP as a central element in the redefinition of roles of tribal leaders and Federal admin- istrators at one level, and of the roles of tribal leaders and village leaders at another. Tribal administrators visualize the creation of Papago leadership, free of Anglo controls, as a possible outcome of Community Action Programs. The CAP Director has formulated a set of community development principles as the result of his past experience as Tribal Chairman and of a long association with anthropologists. The following report will illustrate how the Director's philosophy has influenced the present position of CAP's development on the Papago Reservation. The Director's position is fairly clear and is stated in the following quotation from an interview with him in March 1966: The OEO Act called for maximum feasible involvement of the people. This is tailor-made for the Papago people because that is the way we do things. The Chairman in the Tribal Council cannot approve an action without reference to the people. The Chairman lends support, submits things to the Tribal Council, and full discussion follows. The Tribal Council seldom gives instant approval; instead, a proposal must go to the district meetings. Delegates may come in to Tribal Council meetings and say, "We cannot support something one way or another because it's not yet discussed in district meetings." This is exactly the way they carry CAP.... Anything done with the people must involve everybody. There must not be programs without involvement of the people. The jobs must not be doled out as political plums. People will want relatives in jobs. If factionalism or nepotism creep in, it is the people's undoing. There is community involvement so they feel free to criticize. The CAP Committee helps decide who is to be hired or fired. The CAP Director may hire but people reserve the right to approve. . We must be willing to take one step back to take ten tomorrow. You cannot ramrod anything through-it takes time, but when a decision is reached it is a decision of the people. We will never break any speed records, but we are build- ing solidly so our work will not come apart at the seams. (1) The Peopie.-The influence of an earlier way of life on the modern adjust- ment of Papago Indians seems to be of considerable importance. This is in large part due to the relatively recent (1917) introduction of Federal services on the main reservation and to the continued isolation of reservation villages. The most important political fact is that the Papago were never, until very recent times, organized as a tribe. It was a society of small autonomous groups, loosely held together by custom and tradition and governed by the unanimous decisions of the older men. PAGENO="0220" 3872 ECONO~IC' OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Papago culture was characterized by an emphasis on traditional religious ceremOnialism and lea'dOrship, and a lack of interest in Anglo `ideas of wealth and public works. There has always `been a highly developed native literature in myth `and' song recital, in folk' stories, and in formalized oratory. Papagos have been greatly interested in social gatherings and especially sensitive to the maintenance of form and custom in social intercourse. Early reports' give an impression of an unhurried, relaxed type of life, and a dependence upon estab- lished tradition. There was a reliance on old people who understood this tradi- tion to speak for the group, rather than reliance on individual initiative. These values and traditions persist today, particularly in outlying villages. They account, in `sonic measure, `for the resistance to projects and proposals stemming from the white man's concept of "progress" and of wealth as a sym- bol of status and achievement. Modern Papago life continues tO revoh~e around the village or a combination of related and contiguous villages. As social units, these clusters of related families are far more meaningful to the average Papago than membership in the Tribe. This attitude is `reinforced by a system of village and district control of grazing rights. In the larger settlements a traditional social-political organization controls the daily lives of the people. The headman is frequently a powerful figure and is often tied to the traditional way of life through his additional duties as a native diagnostician (Ma-kai). To him, and to the elders in' the village, are brought all local problems and decisions: the timing of a fiesta, the settling of land and other disputes, an'd dealings with the outside world. The leadership pattern within the extended family is a reduced version of the village pattern. The olde~t male assumes the role of family spokesman and any situation arising within the family must be solved with this man as mediator. Prestige in a village is gained `by participation in local events-fiestas, the cattle round-up, the building of chapels and repairing of eharcos (temporary rainwater reservoirs) and fences. Papagos talk about the "American way" (mirigan kiidag) aiid the "Indian way" (`o'dham kiidag). To work and live in the society of Indians, earning a living from farming and ranching, and making everything possible from local resources without dependence upon money and wage work, is the "Indian way" and the people who live this way are praised. A type of political factionalism has grown out of the conflict between the "American way," which is identified with Sells, largest town and seat of the BIA agency, and with life in off-reservation communities, and the "Indian way." which is identified with the smaller reservation villages. Those who have begun to find success in the "American way" are generally considered "progressives" who do not oppose change or the influx of commercial life to the reservation. The "conservatives" take the other stance. The pull of these forces is not an Indian choice. The reservation cannot sup- port its population in the Indian way of life. Most families must seek wage work in Sells, or off the reservation, either permanently or temporarily, and thus are inevitably drawn into the cash economy and the ways of life of the American, (2) Family Economics and Settlement Pattern s.-Papago Reservation fam-. ilies may be roughly divided into five economic classes: (1) wage workers, (2) full-time cattlemen, (3) part-time cattlemen. (4) reservation residents with off-reservation employment, and (5) welfare recipients and others who are not in the labor force. Wage workers are found mostly in `Sells where they are employed by the. Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Public Health Service, the Tribe an'd by traders and cattle buyers. Kitt Peak National Observatory, east of Sells, employs twenty- two Papagos and perhaps another twelve are employed `by schools and traders at Santa Rosa and other reservation towns. Wage work income is estimated at' close to one million dollars annually and involves about two hundred permanent and seventy part-time Indian `employees. Full and part-time cattlemen are estimated at 250, no more than thirty earn- ing an adequate `living from this source on a full-time basic. The part-time cattle raisers supplement their income principally from seasonal and ternnorarv off- reservation wage work. Some are employed at temporary jobs on the reserva- tion and some supplement their income through subsistence farminc-, Gross income from cattle raising is estimated at $650,000 annually. PAGENO="0221" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3873 Indian families residing on the reservation who earn their, livings through seasonal and temporary wage work off the reservation are estimated at 300 to ~00. The fifth important segment of the reservation population is the group living on unearned income, mostly welfare, and those not in the labor force. Most recent figures on welfare are for 1962, when an' average of 536 adults were receiving, welfare income in the following categories: old age assistance (266), aid to dependent children (154), aid to the blind (12), and general assistance (104). In a `1964 study it was estimated that six hundred males over the age of fourteen and not in school were technically out of the labor, force, either idle and not looking for work or unable to work `because of old age or illness. Many of these, of course, are welfare recipients. Others. are truly idle and are sup- ported, in large part, by relatives. There has never been a satis'factory study of family income on the reservation. Full-time cattlemen no doubt have the highest income, but no estimate is avail- able. The group employed at wage work has an average annual income of about $3500. The income of those who combine serious effort at cattle raising with `wage work perhaps averages $2500. The average annual income of other reserva- 1ion families, including those on welfare is not known. A good estimate would `be $1100 plus or minus $300. It is estimated that just under five thousand Indians make their usual home -on the three Papago reservations'. Income, employment and residence data would indicate that about 20% are stable residents with incomes from cattle and wage `work, another 13% make a fair living from cattle but supplement this income -with wage work, about 40% have reasonably stable homes but are supported by welfare payments or by relatives, and 26% make their usual homes on the `reservation but earn their livings through seasonal and temporary off-reservation `wage work. - ` - A significant aspect of the employment and settlement pattern has to do with -tribal political organization and possible community develo~iment' projects. The small farming and cattle raising centers are losing population to Sells and to villages near the borders of the reservation because `of the shift to a wage work economy. Cohesive communities with common employment and social interests are thus giving way to more heterogeneous communities whose inhab- itants are not deeply committed to community affairs.. Sells and the central Tribal Government at Sells are gaining in importance a't the expense of outlying villages. (a) The Land.-The problem of transportation and communication on the main reservation stems from the combined factors of distance and scattered small population centers. The reservation stretches sixty miles along the Mexican border and extends about ninety miles north to south. In `this vast desert area of 4329 square miles are thirty-six villages with a mean `population of 110, ranging from Sells with about seven hundred inh'abitants to Vaye Chin with twelve. Between are the ranch homes of another five hundred residents. Two good roads cross' the reservation from east `tO west and north to south, meeting in `the approximate center at Covered Wells. This gives all-weather access to about half the villages. The other half `are on dirt roads, often im- -passible in wetweather. About 100 miles northwest of Sells is a small Papago Treservati'on at Gila Bend with a population of about one hundred, and sixty-five miles east of Sells in the S'an Xavier Papago Reservati'on with a population of approximately five hundred. Most of the reservation is desert land, - suitable only `for ~tock raising. The elevation on the east rises to over 7000 feet in the Baboquivari Mountains, but drops rapidly to the west to about 2400 feet at Sells, and to about 1500 feet' at Chuichu to the northwest. Rainfall over most of the. reservation averages about ten inches per `year and temperatures range from a record high of 115 degrees in summer to a low of 17 degrees in winter. Speculation with respect to possible non-Indian use of the main Papago Reservation serves to bring into perspective the nature of time land arid its -resources. Had this area never been an Indian reservation it would probably now have a non-Indian population of around one hundred families: perhaps twenty families at a tourist and trading center at Sells; another thirty or fort~ ranch families; another twenty or so engaged in farming at favorable locations such as Chuichu and Papago farms; and perhaps another twenty engaged in PAGENO="0222" 3874 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 mining and other enterprises. There would be a school at Sells, perhaps another at Santa Rosa, a gasoline station or two along the main highways, and prob- ably little more. (4) Federal Agencies-Since CAP components now funded on the Papago Reservation are exclusively concerned with special educational programs and with child care, there is little integration with social and health services provided by Federal agencies and none at all with Federal programs aimed at employment,. employment training, or resources development. As is true of other reservations, the BIA agency at Sells has concentrated in recent years on education, vocational training and employment assistance, all in anticipation that the limitation of natural resources will force most Indians, in. the future, to seek a living off the reservation. (5) Resources Development-Except for a possible expansion of mining ac- tivity there is neither promise nor prospect of any change in the near future that will produce additional sources of income for reservation Indians. Water and development for the livestock industry has reached near completion and there are no plans in prospect for the development of additional irrigated farm land. In consequence, BIA attention has turned to employment assistance. The heart of this endeavor is a two-year vocational training program, mostly for high school graduates. During fiscal year 1966, 57 adults took advantage of this opportunity. In addition, 29 adults were given financial and technical assistance which per- mitted them to accept permanent employment outside the reservation area. About seventy out of eighty-six thus given assistance are expected to complete their training or remain on the jobs in which they have been placed. Since this type of assistance normally must be limited to high school graduates, those who can qualify are now limited, but their number should increase marketdly in the years immediately ahead. (6) $ervice Agencies-EducatiOfl.-SinCe the end of World War II Papago parents have changed their earlier attitudes and are now insisting on education for their children. In consequence, the BIA has responded with construction of new schools, establishment of a new public school at Sells, and considerable improvement in the level of education available at off-reservation boarding schools where youngsters of high school age must be sent. In addition, the facilities available at Catholic mission schools have been expanded. Practically all Papago children now finish the eighth grade, and well over one-third who finish the eighth grade go on to graduate from high school. About 1450 reservation youngsters were enrolled in school last year: 77% in elementary school; 21% in high school; the remainder in special education and institutional training. About thirty graduated from high school. (7) Health-The health program for the Papago Reservation, operated by the Indian Health Division of the PHS, includes both preventive and curative services and facilities. At Sells a fifty-bed hospital provides maternity and rou- tine hospital care. More complicated cases of illness or injury are treated either at the Phoenix Indian Hospital or in private hospitals under contract with the P115. Outpatient clinics are operated at Sells, Santa Rosa, Pisinimo and San Xavier. All medical services for reservation Indians are provided without charge. (8) Law and Order-Law enforcement on the reservation is directly under the supervision of the BIA, but the Tribe employs two court clerks and pays half the salary of a judge. On the BIA payroll are a special officer, chief of police. seven policemen and a part-time policewoman. All except the special officer are Papago. (9) Weifare.-BIA finances and administers a general assistance and child welfare program. Other welfare programs are administered by the state through county offices. The BIA staff consists of four social workers and two clerks. (10) Agricultural Eo~tension and Home Economics.-BIA personnel consists of one extension man and one home economist. Extension work is almost exclusively devoted to programs of group education, particularly among young boys and girls through 4-H and other programs. The home economist, in addition to her regular program of work, has cooperated closely with the work of the Parent- Child Centers operated by CAP. (11) Economic Development.-An office of. reservation programs operated by the BIA has as its primary interest the development and coordination of all plans that may increase employment or improve community facilities on the reser- vation. Considerable time is devoted to the coordination of various Federal pro- grams, such as those of the EDA, aimed at industrial development. PAGENO="0223" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3875~ In addition, the BIA operates an administration office headed by a superjn- tendent and an administrative officer, a realty offi~e where records of individual and tribal land holdings and leases are maintained, a financial officer where rental and other payments for the use of Indian land is collected and disbursed to individual Indian land holders, a land management and soil conservation depart- ment, a plant management section in charge of maintenance and operation of all Federal property, and a road construction and maintenance department. The entire BIA operation involves 114 permanent employees, seventy-three of whom are Indian. b. History of Papago CAP: 1964-66 In April 1964 the Papago Tribal Council was informed of an American Indian Conference in Washington, D.C., convened to discuss ways of eliminating poverty on Indian reservations. The Papago Tribal Chairman was invited to attend but the Educational Consultant to the Papago Tribe went in his place. The BIA became in volved in the war on poverty after the Superintendent attended a meeting in Sante Fe, New Mexico, in June 1964. The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the role of the BIA in the national war on poverty, with specific reference to industrial and commercial development, education. and housing on reservations: Upon returning, the Superintendent called a meeting to outline plans for Papago involvement. Representatives of BIA, PBS, and reser- vation missions were invited, and the Tribal Economic Development Committee was to help in setting up a program to be presented in Washington within thirty days. This Committee had been established in 1962 under the aegis of the Eco- nomic Development Agency of the Department of Commerce for the purpose of 1)ringing industry to the Papago Reservation. In August 1964 Dr. Robert A. Roessel, a member of the President's Task Force on American Indian Poverty, came to the reservation to inform the Tribal Chair- man that the Papagos were one of the first thirteen American Indian tribes eligible to participate in OEO programs. Later that month Dr. Roessel visited the Baboquivari Youth Camp with the Papago Tribal Educational Consultant. In the course of the trip possibilities for a Papago CAP program were discussed. The consultant in turn brought up the subject of participation in OEO to mem- bers of the Papago Education Committee. Several days later while on a visit to Arizona State University, the Chairman of the Education Committee met with Dr. Roessel and immediately started to work on his return. An Education Com- mittee meeting was held on September 4th with a group from the Tucson Indian Center, Ajo representatives (Ajo is a town with Papago residents, outside the reservation boundaries), Dr. Robert Hackenburg and Dr. Bernard Fontana. Dr. Roessel arrived the next day. There was a special meeting that evening at Santa Rosa with the Education Committee attending. When informed that the war on poverty was designed for administration by the recipients, the Education Committee demanded whatever OEO data might be available. The BIA turned over such materials to the Tribe. This disassocia- tion of OEO and BIA is in line with a sense of growing Papago nationalism. On 3 September 1964 Tom Segundo, a former Tribal Chairman, was telephoned in Chicago and told that a real emergency existed with OEO proposal formation, the Tribe having only four days to write up an application. In response he ac- cepted an invitation to come to Sells and help with the job. The Tribal Education Committee requested a special meeting of the Papage Tribal Council on 5 September 1964. The Education Committee invited Dr. Roessel to help them in the presentation of the Economic Opportunity Act of August 1q64. Dr. Roessel explained the provisions of the "anti-poverty bill" and specifically discussed the scope of a Community Action Program. bessel ex- plained, "It is the intent of Congress that the Papago people develop the pro- gram and that It be the kind of program that they want. Once formulated, the program would be implemented by the Community Action Program Committee of the Tribe." He emphasized that the CAP Committee would be appointed by the Council and that all policy decisions would be under the jurisdiction of the Tribe. Roessel's explanations were translated into Papago and his formal pres- entation was followed by a question and answer session with the Council mem- bers. At the close of the meeting, the Council appointed the Education Committee to act as CAP Committee. The CAP Committee was requested by the council to conduct studies neces- sary for preparation of a Community Action Program. The Committee was also authorized by the Tribal Council to hire a director and other personnel neces- PAGENO="0224" 3876 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 sary for the development of CAP. The Chairman of the Committee told the Council that he would "like to meet with the people in each of the eleven dis- tricts and Papago communities off the reservation for the purpose of discussing the OEO and securing their ideas, suggestions, and recommendations as to what they feel ought to be included in action programs for their communities." He stated that "this will be done before the proposed P:apago Community Action Program is drafted." The CAP Committee began its work by asking the Tribal Council delegates to set up meeting dates in their respective districts. These meetings were ar- ranged and the CAP Committee divided the responsibilities of explaining 01110 to the districts. The meetings in the districts were similar to that with the -Council-the philosophy and possibilities of OEO were presented and the ses- ;5l011 was opened for questions. A source or recurring confusion, however, has been the similarity between CAP ideas and the BIA Ten Year Plan. At a Tribal Council meeting of 4 Septem- ber 1964, one day preceding the OEO presentation, the BIA Program Officer presented the Ten Year Plan. The Plan encompassed many projects which were also among CAP potentialities. Following is a list of projects in the BIA Plan read to the Councilmen: 1. Pre-Schools for four or five-year olds in the. five largest villages except -Sells. 2. Study halls in the five largest villages except Sells. 3. More classrooms, teachers, and dormitories at Santa Rosa School; add grades eight and nine at Santa Rosa School. 4. High school in Sells, or dormitories at Tucson and Casa Grande so high school students can go to school in these neighboring towns, or bus service for high school students from Sells to Tucson. 5. Tribal leadership training to be made available for tribal and district leaders who want to study the course. 6. Increasing vocational and employment assistance programs of BIA. Recreation center at Sells. 8. Step up welfare program to help with family problems. 9. Foster homes, temporary or permanent, for abandoned children. 10. Day Care Center for working parents, especially at San Xavier and ~Chuichu. 11. Program to increase gardening and planting of fruit trees. 12. Big increase in roads program. 13. Study-tribal office operations. 14. Help from Washington office on revising the tribal constitution. 15. Start program to encourage new home construction on reservation. 16. Community centers in five larger villages. 17. Recreation areas in eight larger villages. IS. Tourism and recreation at Baboquivari Cabin and Fresnal Canyon. 19. Encourage more small game hunters to buy permits to hunt on the -reservation. 20. Storage dams could be built on the reservation somewhere in Vamori Wash. 21. Increase discussion of improved range management practices. 22. Flood control program for Sells and Santa Rosa washes. .23. Accelerate program of brush control and root plowing in some areas. 24. Bank protection program to stabilize water in the Santa Cruz River on `San Xavier Reservation. - 25. Increase efficiency of tribal herd production. 26. Relocate Chuichu farmers to area below Tot Momolikot Dam. 27. Cross fencing each district for rotation grazing. 28. Develop Papago farms. The Ten Year Plan has never been further developed this this. The CAP Committee Chairman. Cipriano Manuel, bad been told the Committee tad to have the proposals in Washington by 15 September. Very little time existed to hold meetings. They begged for a period of grace. Dr. Robert Roessel interceded and the Papagos were notified they had until 28 September. The CAP Chairman contacted district councils and Tribal Council delegates to set up meeting dates whenever possible. Cowlic, Sells and Big Fields asked ~for special meetings. Gila Bend, Big Fields, and Santa Rosa Ranch wanted the same day. The CAP Committee split up to make the meetings at Big Fields and PAGENO="0225" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3877 Santa Rosa Ranch. They cancelled Gila Bend. They worked through the Tribal Council and contacted district chairmen in setting up the meetings. The CAP Committee Chairman was the spearhead of the movement. The whole Committee would go when possible; when not, as many as possible would go. The Tribal Council had authorized travel expenses for the Education Committee out of tribal funds, and this allowed for CAP Committee travel. Eugene Johnson, Tribal Council Chairman, was invited to all meetings but could not make many. He chaired the meetings when present; etherwise the CAP Committee Chairman took over. Committee members were assigned different areas of the Act, for study; and requested to report findings back to the Committee. Everyone was briefed on the Economic Opportunity Act. They had very great problems in that copies of the Act were scarce and there were not enough to go around. A standard question at the meetings was, "How is this different from BIA?" The people had difficulties with the BIA in the past and it was a problem to separate the CAP from the BIA in their minds. "Would the CAP Committee collide with the BIA ?" Requests came for road and fence repairs, soil conserva- tion, windmills, wells, classrooms, a high school at Pisinimo, a high school at Santa Rosa, an experimental farm as part of a school in Santa Rosa, and live- stock assistance. On 29 September, the proposal was submitted to the Tribal Council. There was discussion in the Papago tradition. There were questions on various aspects of Papago acculturation problems. Would Papago culture fade out? Could it be preserved? Could some satisfactory identity through adaptive acculturation be achieved through the CAP? How do the Indian people fit into a non-Indian society? Could CAP provide some means of preserving Papago culture through a library, museum, and history books? Initial discussions had to do with tangibles like the charcos (small depressions used to collect rainwater) and fences. Later the talk turned to arts and crafts, co-ops, social problems, and preservation of the Papago culture. Baboquivari, for example, wanted a school for the training of juvenile officers to deal with the delinquency problem. The CAP Committee then made a final write-up and forwarded it to Wash- ington. The Tribal Council approved the work of the Committee on 20 September.. Dr. Roessel called the Papago Tribal Office in Sells on 23 November to say that the Committee now had to work out budgets and priorities for the components. On 23 November, the CAP Committee learned from newspaper and television reports that the Educational Survey and the Remedial English components had been funded in the amount of $29,500. Several days later a letter of approval wa's received. None of the people on `the CAP Committee read the letter thor- oughly, since it appeared to be identical to the newspaper announcement. Some time later, Dr. Irving W. Stout, of the Department of Education at Arizona State University, visited the reservation to see what was holding up implemeri- tation of the Educational Survey. He was handed the letter of approval from OEO, which he read in its entirety. Dr. Stout pointed out that the second page of the letter was a request for the Papago Tribe to formally acknowledge willing- ness to accept OEO funds. The `CAP Committee had held `meetings in the districts and on this basis pm'- sented a tentative program to the `Tribal Council on 25 September 1964. The Educational `Survey was one of the proposals approved by the Council. The p'ro- posal was approved on 25 October by OEO Washington, and on 4 December, Arizona State University signed the contract to direct the survey. The survey team consisted on Dr. Irving Stout of ASU, Josiah Moore, then Education Consultant to the Papago Tribe, and four Papago assistants. The survey began on 28 January 1965, with a meeting of the Tribal Council, the CAP Committee, and the survey team. The survey covered the majority of villages and all districts of the reservation. The Tribal `Council stated the `raison d'ëtre of the CAP Committee and Educa- tional survey as follows: The special committee that the Council appointed `feels that this survey is necessary because false starts have `been made in the past with an unwise expendi- ture of money due to an inadequate assessment of needs and inadequate prepara- tion. One of the survey workers said that in some areas people would not give the information wanted and in other areas they were rather skeptical. She cited San Xavier; someone said to her, "Where are the white people? Did they get tired of taking surveys?" On the basis of the survey, recommendations were `submitted to 8O-084-----67-pt. 5-1i~ PAGENO="0226" 3878 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 the Tribal Council. The report explained that, "Some of these recommendations will necessitate proposals to the ODO. Some suggest explanations which will lead undoubtedly to proposals later. Some are for steps that can be `taken without the necessity for a proposal, at least not at this time." The recommendations were all aimed at improving opportunities on the reservation as "the people have been practically unanimous in their desire to live on the reservation." The recom- mendations of the survey included proposals for: an economic, legal, and engineer- ing audit; a work study program; keeping records of bulls and their progeny; a self-help training program; tribal action in marketing Indian-made baskets; management training; pre-schools and parent-child centers; adult education; developing community action; workshops for councilmen; and recreation. The final statements of the survey reaffirmed the basic philosophy of 0110 and the dominant feeling of Papago leaders. "The survey was one step in meeting the needs of the people-an opportunity for them to look into their own needs. offer their own suggestions-and to begin planning for how to do it. The success of the program in the various villages will depend on their being allowed to do this, no matter how slow it may be, this is the only w-ay to have whatever is done genuine community action." The CAP Committee met on 5 March 1965 to discuss electing a new Chair- man. The membership felt that the present Chairman had not maintained his interest in the Committee. At the 5 March meeting, the Committee asked for the Chairman's resignation and elected Josiah Moore in his place. Moore later became Assistant CAP Director and NYC Diredtor for the Papago CAP. Confusion arose two weeks after `the eleetion of the new Chairman when the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, Los Angeles Branch, wrote to the former Chairman, informing him that a letter of credit had `been established through the Bank in `the name of the Papago Tribe, `and asking him w-hy no payment vouchers had been drawn against it during the period 19 February to 11 March 1965. When this communication went unanswered, the Bank wrote the former Chairman again. This time the new Chairman, Josiah Moore, answered the letter, pointing out that no information had been received `from OEO that such a letter of credi't existed. He applied `to OEO for authority to sign `pay- ment vouchers in place of his predecessor. It took two months of correspondence to straighten out this matter. During March 1965 the second round of proposal's was submitted to OEO Wash- ington. Component One involved the establishment of an ndminis~traitive office for CAP. The Component Two application was for a survey of cultural re- sources, which was deferred. Also `deferred was Component Three-Leadership Training. Component Four was a counselling service for Papago school children and dropouts. Component Five was Parent-Child Centers and Six was Pre-School. The last three-Counseling, Pre-School, and Parent-Child Centers-were granted funding in August 1965. The CAP Administration requested BIA assistance with bookkee'ping and legal problems in June 1965. There is no indication that the BIA adtually gave the help requested, and eventually the CAP Administration re'tained a lawyer and `a `bookkeeping firm. With the funding of the programs `in `August, the Papago CAP was notified, through the Tribal Chairman, that supplies could be ordered from the Federal Supply Service. Hiring of perConnel began in the fall of 1965. The CAP directorship was given to Tom Segundo, former Tribal Chairman. Segundo, between his time as Tribal Chairman and CAP Director, had been studying at `the University of Chicago under Sol Tax and working as a civil engineer. He arrived in Sells on 13 September. Josiah Moore, Chairman of the CAP Committee, was appointed Assistant Direotor. Segundo and Moore attended a three-week CAP Directors' training ses- sion, begun on 20 September under the sponsorship of the Indian Community Action Center at Arizona Sta'te University. On 13 September Mrs. Lea C. Masters `arrized in Sells to take charge of the Parent-ChJd and Pre-School `programs. Mrs. Masters had been a profes- sor of child development at the University of Alabama. She had also worked for the Government, developing Pre-School Centers, and had served as con- sultant Ito Operation Head Stai~t in Washington, D.C. Mrs. Masters selected the personnel to run the Parent-Child and Pre-School Cen'ters in Sells and Santa Rosa. In November 1965, `the CAP Director received information that time head of the Community Action Program for OEO was dissatisfied with the rate at PAGENO="0227" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3879 which proposals were coming in `to his office from Indian reservations. it was his suggestion `that a team be sent ou't from Washington to help the Indians speed up their work in `organizing and planning the CAP programs. The CAP Director understood `that this was to be a "crash" `program. The Indian Corn- inanity Action Center (ICAC) ha'd already been established at Arizona State University in Teinpe and an ICAC `Technical Assistant contacted the Papago Reservation with the request `that they rush the preparation of the CAP proposals. In December 1905, the Papago CAP Director summed up the situation as follows: The CAP office on `the reservaition will be in charge of the conduct of the program and the administration of programs. 1. There is a counseling program authorized and financed but it has not yet started for lack of personnel. 2. There is a proposal for community leadership training but this has been deferred. 3. There was a proposal for a study of cultural resources on the reservation. 4. They are now in process o'f preparing a proposal for community develop- men't in Papago villages. 5. They also plan to write a proposal which would provide legal aid for mem- bers of the Papa go Tribe. 6. The Remedial Reading program authorized in the first round of proposals has been financed. `but `for lack of personnel the project ha's not started. Arizona State University (ASU) had promised to `help find `support and staff for remedial classes. There was implied help from ASU in direction and s'taff for this program and others. Since the ICAC has been established, this promise of help has been restated by ICAC personnel. In December 1965, the CAP Director tried to find someone to teach remedial reading through ASU, the University of Arizona, teacher placement agencies in Phoenix. other CAP directors, individuals, and people at the universities. The CAA hired a teacher in January, prepared to start at Santa Rosa. The BIA School Director and the Santa Rosa School principal said now there was no room. The BIA contributed special items such as office furniture but has not provided space. There was an attempt `to submit a proposal for a legal aid component w-hich was to be prepared by the Tribal Attorney. I-Ic turned this over to a woman who does public relations work. The woman wrote a proposal which was a plagiarized version of a report on the Papago prepared for BIA by the University of An- zona Bureau of Ethnic Research. This was submitted to Dr. Roessel and to Josiah Moore. The Indian Community Action Center (ICAC) was asked for help in finding a Remedial School teacher and a `counsellor. They gave referrals and helped in getting information on buying trailer units. `On 14 January 1966. the CAP directors of Indian reservations in Arizona, in their regular monthly meeting at `the, CAP office in Salt River. Arizona, dis- cussed mutual problems. The Indian Desk Program Analyst `for OEO, Dr. James Wilson, addressed the meetings, setting `forth OEO policy respecting `the prepa- ration of new proposals. The next day. the Panago CAP Administrative staff, the Papago Tribal Chairman, and the Papago' Tribal Attorney conferred with the OEO representative on the `subject of contracting for the services of a lawyer and an accountant on a full-time `basis. It was proposed that the Tribal At- torney be hired to handle CAP's legal matters and the accountants for the Papago Tribe be retained to manage the `CAP `books. The representative pointed out that OEO guidelines did not allow for the reimbursement of consultants for prnfessional and technical services except on an "as performed" basis. The relationship between the Papago Community Action Agency. the BIA, the ICAC, and the Indian Desk of OEO at this time may he illustrated by the following report of the Tribal Chairman to the Papago Tribal Council on 4 March 1966: Trip to Washington, D.U.-This trip was made in regard to the OEO Com- munity Action Program. At the beginning `of this program we were told there were people in Tempe who would help us with our proposals if we needed help. Now it is getting to the point that they are just like other departments who feel that they should dominate us and keep us from making out our own proposals. When Mr. `Segundo came, `he found that the financial records needed to be `checked by `an auditor so he `set aside some money for accounting :an,d for' an attorney. The `amount of work involved under this program makes it necessary PAGENO="0228" 3880 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 for this type of legal and accounting assistance. When Mr. James Wilson came, we talked to him about this and he did not like the idea of hiring an attorney arid consultants. So whelm Roy Elson from Senator Hayden's office came to Tucson. Mr. Berger talked to him and explained to him what we had done. Later a let- ter from the Washington OEO caine to the Papago Tribal `OEO stating that only $400 would be set aside for such services. Mr. Elson suggested that the Tribal Attorney and one of the tribal leaders should go to Washington. When we got there, Roy Elson had already arranged for us to see Mr. Kent Watkins, who is also working in the Senator's office. We were told that there w-ere some people talking to him. We waited a while and when they came out, it was the people from the OEO in Tempe. Mr. Berger explained to Mr. Elson that these people were the cause of our problems. After they left, we talked to Roy Elson and Mr. Watkins. We told them that we needed help. Mr. Watkins said that he would talk to Dr. Roessel. WTe also told him that of the men appointed to help us, imone of them are attorneys or accountants. This is serious business when you are handling Government funds; that is why we need these accountants. We listened to him while he talked to Dr. Roessel, and he said that they did not care if the Tribe wanted to hire the accountants or attorney. Congress is now trying to relocate the OEO headquarters for the Southwest Areas in Son Francisco. That is why w-e felt they were probably in fear of getting a cut in their funds. We know that at the end of the fiscal year whatever portion is not used of the money w-ill have to be returned. The committee from Tempo is constantly asking us to call on them. If we don't ask them to work for us they will have money to send hack. It w-as arranged by Mr. Kent Watkins that we meet w-ith the high officials of the OEO, including Warren Cardwell, Head of the Indian Section, and Jim Wilson Southwest Indian Program Analyst and also liaison man between the Congress and the OEO Office. All these men came together and it seems that it was already decided that there would be no change in their decision to permit the Papago OEO Office to contract for accounting, auditing and legal services, and that only $400 could be set aside for accounting and legal services each. Mr. Watkins stated to us that from now on I will keep track of any more money being asked for this office for attorneys and accountants. We were also in- formed that Barry De Rose was not working for this group in Tempo. There will be a legal aide who will visit the reservation to help the people with their legal problems, social security and welfare problems. Someday we will have such a person on this reservation. We told Mr. Watkins about our pro- posal and he said, "if you will send it in, I will push it from here We also met with men in the Mining Department and asked why they are holding up the Newmont Mining proposal. The men in this office must have been there a long time and forgot all they ever knew about minerals. They could not see why this company would want to turn loose with that kind of money. We informed them that the Bureau of Indian Affairs office was going to settle for only $10,000 bonus, but the Mining Consultant had advised us to ask for $50,000: if we find that the claims in their area are already invalid, we will get $100,000 and get royalties from this also. Mr. David Jones stated, "I will go to New York and find out why this company wants to put up this amount of money when they do not know what is under this ground." The Tribal Attorney replied, "You don't care anything about the Papagos because you don't want to do anything about this. This is the only source of revenue that will help the Papago PeoPle." In May 1966. three teachers were hired for Counseling and for Remedial Read- ing. They began work on 10 May, two weeks before the close of the school year. Through the spring of 1966, the Director and other members of the CAP staff attended district meetings around the reservation to discuss CAP proposals. The Councilmen heard monthly reports on CAP developments at the monthly Tribal Council meetings, where the CAP Director and Assistant Director gave regular reports. e. Current status of CAP (1) CAP as Part of Tribal Goverament.-The Papagos officially became a Tribe with ratification of the Constitution of 1937. Before that time, when neces- sary, tribal action was conducted by essentialy self-appointed ad 1~oe committees Dr. James Wilson has replaced Warren Cardwell as Head of the Indian Section Cardwell is now with the Indian Health Division of the P115. PAGENO="0229" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3881 made up of village leaders. The only formal units of government were the village councils, composed of elders who planned all village events, made judgments about social behavior, and meted out punishments. Decisions were made by a group of men and no single individual was formally responsible for all decisions. Councilmen represented a cluster of kin-related villages, and the larger. older villages had leaders who dominated the council. This domination, however, was simply a result of the fact that larger villages had more people and more social ceremonial events to organize. Today it is still necessary to deal with village councils, despite the fact that tribal and district councils have been invented to expedite the information-getting and decision-rnakng processes. According to the Papago constitution, eleven districts are represented by two councilmen each in the Papago Tribal Council. These are selected in any manner the people of each district wish. Each of the eleven districts in turn elects a district council of at least five members, each serving for two years. From the membership of the district council one person is appointed Chairman. The dis- trict council manages all affairs within district boundaries, but issues involving more than one district are decided by the Tribal Council. District councils seldom initiate action. They report and evaluate intended proposals. * The Tribal Council has the right to define membership, administer tribal law, levy taxes, and handle its own finances. But in all other spheres the Superinten- dent of the reservation has final authority. * On the reservation, Papagos are subject to Federal law in regard to ten major crimes: murder, nianslaughter, rape, assault with intent to kill, assault with a dangerous weapon, arson, burglary, larceny, incest, and robbery. All other offen- ses are dealt with according to tribal law. The Papago Code of Law and Order, drawn lip by a committee of the Tribal Council and approved in 1945, is mainly a codification of the old laws and customs of the people. However, it includes several white innovations. On the reservation, law is administered by a tribal court and enforced by Indian police. Indian judges are appointed with approval of the Superintendent. Although the constitution provides' for three judges, there is only one at present. I-Ialf of her salary is paid for by the `BIA. Many difficulties are settled within the family without recourse to law, or are taken to village courts. Since 1965. agency and council officials have been attempting to streamline the constitution so that `more authority may be entrusted to the Tribal Council. * The CAP Committee went to the District Council to explain OEO during 1964. It was over a year before the GAP Administration was ready to return to the district level with its programs. The CAP Director met regularly with the Tribal Council to report on progress, but the Director did not meet with the district councils until May 1966. Members of the Tribal Council have not demonstrated the understanding of CAP that would be expected after the number of meetings they have attended. Minutes of Council meetings confirm' that detailed explanation's have been given. Council members have expressed general indifference to the programs. The' CAP Administration told the Tribal Council in May 1966 that it was then prepared and would welcome invitations to `speak to district `council meetings. The `majority of `district's `responded with invitations and the `CAP administrators have begun t'heir visit's to these districts. The CAP Director called an orientation meeting June' `23-24 to which Tribal and `district council members were invited, along with any other reservation residents. The two-day meeting was devoted to re-discussing OEO structure iii `Washington and on the reservation, the history and aims of CAP, and the desire for increased communication with the local villages. The orientation wa's `spon- sored by the ICAC and a number of ICAC representatives s'poke at the meeting. All discussions were translated into Pa'pago. T'he CAP Director discussed the need for an OEO Board of Directors which would be a `direct line o'f `communication to `the grass-roots. `Spda'kin'g of the history of the Papago CAP, the Director explained ~the early CAP proposals were `based on the findings of the Educational `Survey conducted by the Educa- tion Department of Arizona State University. He told the group that he `hoped they would go home and think a'bout what had `been `done and said. He said that they were "running out of time durin'g this orientation," and he `hoped "they could return later with suggestions and help `him think out hi's `programs." PAGENO="0230" 3882 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 FIGURE 2. Organization of T'apago CAP (Chart 1) A second round of orientation meetings were subsequently scheduled for 30 June and `1 July. At the 30 June meeting the `CAP Director discussed the pro- posed Board of Directors and their roles. The CAP Director made use of Chart 1 (Figure 2, page 125) to illustrate. As seen on this chart, the Papago Tribe represents both the district councils and the Tribal Council. The Board of Di- rectors i's seen as having a liaison function with the people in relation to the CAP `staff. Each Director on the Board would be responsible for one component. As shown in Chart 1, each component was described a's one element in the total community development scheme. The CAP Director advised the councilmen to "take this back to your people and explain it to them-study this Board of Di- rectors and decide to try to get the best person you can to represent you." The CAP Director illustrated communication patterns with a flow chart as `shown in Chart 2 (Figure 3, page 126). The `community `development worker's would have the key position in ~a'cilitating the two-way communication between the village people, the tribal government, and the CAP Administration. This proposed `structure was also presented to the Council members at the second orientation. They were instructed to return to the villages and districts with these new idea's. He said, "Tihings are happening `slowly; whatever we accom- plish will `be for the benefit of the people." Community Development PAGENO="0231" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3883 a FIGURE 3. Communication Patterns Prior to Siilimt~odon 01 Proposals to OEO by Papago CAP (Chart. 2) (2) Papago OEO Proposals-Component Project 1: Education Survey- $17,065.OO.-The Education Survey came out of the September 1964 meetings of the Papago CAP Committee. The present CAP Director said that there had been much discussiçp in the meetings about educational programs. This line of discussion, he `thought, arose from the fact that the CAP Corn- mittee was originally `a Tribal Education Commi'ttee, and `from the frequent presence of ASU Education Department staff at these meetings. He said that he protested against this exclusive education focus, because there was no reliable information on which to base programs. The idea of the Education Survey was then introduced by an ASU Education Department member present at this discussion. This ASU `staff member `said he had conducted such a survey some years before, on the Papago Reservation, and felt that be could ai'd the CAP Committee in dev~loping a survey program, and then direct the survey operation. The Committee `went to ASU to meet with the Director of the Educational Research and Testing Center. T'here was agree- ment between the CAP Committee and the ASU `people that ASU would contract to carry out the proposed survey. The program component was written by ASU staff and sent to Sells for Com- mittee approval, and after approval was sent in to OEO as one of the first pro- posals made `by the Papago CAP. The survey program was submitted late in September 1964, then resubmitted in revised form in November. The survey was carried out `during a four-month period, February to May 1965. Two ASU staff members di'rected the work, with four Papago CAP Com- mittee members as the survey workers. The survey results were presented in a publication entitled "The Papago Education Survey." Component Project 2: Remedial English Program-$21,850.OO.-This project w-as developed at `the same time as the Education Survey. It is not clear who pre- Two-way discussion of the People's desires, etc. PAGENO="0232" 3884 ECONOMIC OPPORTITNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 senteci the idea for this program proposal, but the influence of the ASIJ Education Department people may be supposed to have contributed to some degree in drawing ~it up. The program was funded at the same time as the Educational Survey, but implementation after funds were available was quite different. The Remedial English Program did not go into operation until June 1966. In November 1965 the Papago CAP Director explained to an ICAC technical assistance staff member that the cause for the long delay had been that the Tribal Council and CAP Committee had been insisting on having Papagos fill all jobs in the Remedial English Program. However, no qualified Papagos bad filed appli- cations. The CAP Director was `aible to hire a qualified non-Indian `teacher in late January 1960 through a teachers employment agency in Phoenix. The teacher was hired, but did not return to the reservation and was finally te'rini- nated. A second teacher was hired through the same employmei~t agency in May 1966 and began work in June. Problems manifest in implementing this program component include: (1) Papago Tribal insistence on hiring Papagos, even though none of the qualified Papagos would quit their jobs to take this one. (2) The. space problem was raised as a point of dissension between CAP and BIA. Approval for Remedial English Centers in BIA schools had been obtained at the time of program application and was reaffirmed in conversa- tions between CAP staff and administrators of BIA schools. However, when the teacher was hired in January and a program appeared to be ready to begin, space was not available for the work in the BIA school's. The BIA school people said this was because the schools we're overcrowded. The Papago CAP people said that they had a feeling that the BIA school administrators talked cooperation with no intention of actual compliance. (3) The problem of getting qualified professional people to take jobs in the relatively isolated small reservation communities also retarded the program. Component Project 7-1: CAP Development Offlce-~2G,112.OO.-Tkiis component provides for administrative services, with a director and an assistant director. The proposal was developed during CAP Committee meetings in the fall of 1964. The reasons for a later (March 1964) submission date relate to slowdown in CAP Committee activity after October 1964. Provision for this component was made in the 5 September 1964 Tribal Council resolution creating the CAP Committee. The resolution provided for the Coin- mittee to hire a director and such other staff as necessary. The resolution, as has been noted elsewhere, was prepared at the sagrestion of Dr. Robert Roessel. This component thus reflects the Committee view as influenced by the advice of Dr. Roessel. Component Project 3: Papago Counseling S1ervice-$25.056.OO.-This component came out of fall 1964 CAP Committee activity. Arizona State T~ivers'ity Educa- tion Department members and the Sells `Public School Principal aided the CAP Committee in preparation of this proposal. The Tribal Chairman, who was on the 1964 CAP Committee, the Tribal Educa- tional Consultant, and the Tribal Attorney, together made a trip to the Washing- ton offices `of OEO in late July of 1965 to find out what had happened to the pro~ect proposals that had been sent to Washington in March. They said that they had not received any communication from the Indian Desk since April. During March and April they had several telephone conversations with the Program Analyst, but this line of communication closed. The first visit in Washington was to the office of Arizona Senator Carl Hayden. The second was to the BIA. The third was to the OEO Indian De~l:. Regarding the latter, they stated that the Program Analyst told them that the Papago programs were being held up because here was nothing written into the proposals about integrating minority groups in the Papago program. The Tribal Chairman told him that there are no minority groups on the reservation. There are some Mexican residents married to Papagos, but only three or four and these are con- sidered as belonging to the Tribe. The visit was inconclusive as far as the Papago delegation was concerned. On the following day the delegation again visited the offices of Senator Hayden and the BIA, requesting advice on what to do about breaking the apparent im- passe at the OEO Indian Desk. On the third day of this visit, the Papago delega- tion was informed by Senator Hayden's office that an announcement of funding for the Papago CAP would be made within two days. The Papago group returned PAGENO="0233" ECONOMIC OPPORTIYNTTY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3885 to Arizona in the afternoon and two days later the announcement of funding was made. The operational path of this component is the same as that of the Remedial English Program. In November 1965 an ICAC Technical Assistant specialist came to Sells to urge action on the Remedial English and Counseling programs. In January 1966 a husband and wife team was hired for Remedial English and Counseling. This team failed to appear and a second husband and wife team was hired for these programs in May 1966, beginning work in June. Component Project 2: Papago Cultural Resouree-$18,039.OO. No Funding.- This component proposal is another product of fall 1964 CAP Committee work. Dr. Robert Roessel, with Nicholas Lee, Principal of the Sells Public ~chool in 1964-65, worked with the Committee on this proposal. The idea of a tribal collection of ethnographical material has been discussed by Pa.pago groups at various times over the past tweleve years, as evidenced by Bureau of Ethnic Research records. The attempt to obtain OEO financing for a Papago ethnographic center was unsuccessful, according to one CAP Committee member, because the 1964 CAP Committee Chairman became angered when a Sells Public School teacher ex- pressed interest in participating in order to obtain an MA. The chairman is said to have refused to continue Committee efforts to make proposal revisions recom- mended `by Dr. Roessel. Component Project 4: Community Parent-Child Centers-$43,837.OO.-TbiS com- ponent was prepared by Dr. Grace Langclon, of the ASP Education Department, who has been interested in this type of center for many years. This component was funded in A'ugust 1965. Mrs. Lea C. Masters was hired as Director of these ceilters and the Pre-Schools. The Parent-Child Center, as written in the proposal, seems to have been' de- signed on an urban settlement house pattern complete with a social worker. The social worker position, it should be noted, was added in a revision suggested by the OEO Indian Desk. The two `Centers established in Sells and Santa Rosa were delayed until December 1965 due to some problem in a frozen bank account, which was unfrozen through special appeal to the Arizona senatorial delegation. The two Centers have become popular among Papago women as places to cut an~ sew clothing for their families and are, in fact, known as "the sewing centers" to all Papago women interviewed in the course of the present study. None of those interviewed recognized the term Parent-Child `Center. Success of this component w-ould therefore seem to be related to the `stated need of all women interviewed, to have some place where village women can go to sew family clothing with access to sewing machines. The very modest beginning of the Parent-Child Centers did not offer anything beyond a sewing center, and this was precisely what was wanted by the Papago women. Component Project 7-2: Community Parent-Child Cent ers-$118,127.OO.-- The request for this component involves an on-going extended Parent-Child Center program. Specifically it requests three more units in addition to the two now in existence at Santa Rosa and Sells. These would be' located at Chuichu, Pisinimo, and San Xavier. Component Project 5: Pre-School Center-$44,127.OO.-This proposal is one of the ASP-prepared programs and seems to be an OEO package deal. Interviews of reservation residents found no one who classified nursery schools as a prime need for the reservation. It is not clear why only two schools were proposed, rather than schools' for all the major population centers. Certainly the two, one in Sells, the other at Santa Rosa. caused resentment in the other villages. The feeling was that `Sells and Santa Rosa get everything, and that other communities are forgotten. The Pre-Schools, while not originally a Papago idea, have achieved popular acceptance, and continuance and expansion of the Pre-Schools component would be w-ell received in all areas. Component Project 6: Leadership Workshop for Potential Leaders and Tribal Con neil Members-$14,419. No Funding-This proposal requested funds for two projects: a one-week workshop for Tribal `Councilmen, and a three-week workshop for unidentified "potential leaders." Since the original proposal in which the programs were evidently set out in detail was not available, it is not possible to comment on the proposal. A copy of an addendum to the proposal is available, however, indicating that Dr. Robert Roessel relayed to .the CAP Committee a request from OEO for additional information. PAGENO="0234" 3886 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 (3) Current ~tatus.-The current status of the Papago Community Action Agency. is a direct reflection of the current status of Papago tribal government.. To review that status, the BIA retains either direct or indirect control over all major categories of activity. Insofar as local affairs are outside the sphere of BIA concern, the Papago district and village councils are in control. The `Tribal Council structure occupies a position somewhere `between the BIA Administration and the local councils. This position, at present, is much closer to the local councils than to the BIA. The Community Action Agency reflects this position. The CAP Administrator and the Tribal chairman, acting together, keep CAP matters away from possible involvement with the BIA. This enmeshing of CAP, Tribal Council, `and the local leadership may be lead- ing toward the general Papago acceptance of a reservation-wide development program. It is apparent *that there is a general atmosphere of readiness, as evidenced by the following interview excerpts: "Righ't now the Papago are at their lowest ebb. The people want to do some- thing different, they want to do something better, but there just doesn't seem to be any avenue for improvement. In the district here, there are few opportuni- ties, and their work outside the reservation in the cotton ńelds is diminishing every year. Machines are doing so much agriculture work that there is less and less need for very many farm workers. Something could be `done right here in the district on a rather simple level in improving the flood-water farming which is done through some `sort of a Peace `Corps-type project in which the farmers could be helped in selecting better varieties and perhaps more crops, and helping them to get a tractor. Now farming is done in the old style with a `horse and `a plow, with a hoe and a shovel. If perhaps there was even one tractor this would enable them to farm faster than they can do now. If there was someone right here to help them all the time this would improve things. If there was some way of getting insecticides in to spray grasshoppers when they are just about to eat up the crop, and if there was someone to show them how to use te insecticides. If there were ways' of getting more adequate irrigation to the crops, this would be on a very simple level, but this would `be something that would reach the people ,on a level where they are `able to understand it and be able to profit from it. "The fact `that the Papagos are `at their lowest ebb offers an opportunity for some real projects to be started with their complete cooperation `to bring some change about. But if something isn't done soon, the opportimity will have passed and the people in this area, at least, will `be completely disintegrated as far as any sort of a cohesive group. There is already a developing problem, not only in the problem of sobriety, but in the disintegrating family unit. "Men are not able to make a living for a family and wander on a'nd off the reservation looking for work here and there without any great success, leaving their wives `and children in the villages sometimes, sometimes taking them with them. T'he family unit is `becoming quite fragile, homes are breaking up easily, children are left with grandparents or with some other relatives in the village while the parents are off somewhere else, `perhaps never to return. Any kind of program would be accepted. The present one with the sewing class once a month is well received but it does not happen oft'en enough. The women are ready to work in some kind of program or programs all the `time, rather than just once a month. The NYC program last summer was a real life-saver for many families. The Head Start and other such school-level things will be ineffectual because families will be gone'. T'hos~ families who do remain will be those with cattle and farms who are better off than those who are going to be forced to `migrate. Those who are `the worst off will then simply become more so." The four `days of orientation meetings in `Sells, and the CAP administrators' meetings with local councils, have developed an atmosphere or readiness for change programs. However, `the avoidance of official agencies has meant that assistance in preparing program proposals has also been avoided. Originally, the Papago program proposals were, to a considerable extent, prepared by ASh staff members. Later, IOAC technical assistants were frequently called upon for advice. The `avoidance of `this assistance has contributed to a slowdown in program proposal submission and particularly in submission of proposals written in acceptable OEO form. At the present time, July 1966. the Papago Community ~~ton Pro~rern ha~ five components in operation. All five are operating on OEO funds granted eighteen months ago, all having had several extensions. PAGENO="0235" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3887 There is a Legal Aid component in process which has not yet been received by the OEO Indian Desk. There are no other proposals pending OEO action. The Papago CAP staff is working on eight new proposals, but none are yet in submission form. These are: 1. Community Development Program. 2. Homemaking Component. 3. Leadership Training. 4. Legal Aid. 5. Tribal Enterprise. 6. Work Training. 7. Recreation. 8. Radio Program. If the CAP Administration can succeed in obtaining funds for their hoped-for total of fifteen components in operation, the evolving general acceptance of change programs may lead to a major self-directed Papago development pro- gram. d. GAP and Other Agencies (1) GAP-lUAU-The relationship between the Papago CAA and the ICAC has vacillated between close reliance upon the ICAO to complete Papago in- dependence from the ICAC. During the early stages of the Papago CAP (fall 1964 to September 1965), responsibility for the program rested upon the Papago CAP Committee, which worked closely with ICAC. The CAP Committee met on a once-a-month basis during most of this time. The CAP Committee conducted an Educational Survey during 1965 under the direction of ASU consultants. The new CAP Director went to a Dirtctors' training program and the Teacher-Aides went to an Aides' training session, conducted by ICAC in the fall of 1965. The close reliance on the ICAC con- tinued until February 1966. Then from March to May 1966, the Papago CAP maintained an independent stance, with minimal contact through an ICAO community development intern. There were no requests for the ICAC technical assistance. In June 1966, the ICAC was contacted by the Papago CAA for advice on preparation of a new legal services component. Shortly after this visit, the CAP Director requested ICAC sponsorship of a two-day orientation session for the Papago Tribal Council and the District Council members. The session was to orient the councils on the OEO Community Action Program. Members of the ICAC staff took part in the orientation session `as resource persons. During June 1960, the Pre-School Teachers and Teacher-Aides went to Fort Apache for the ASU training session. (2) UAP-BIA.-A description of interaction between the Community Ac- tion Agency and the BIA must considerhistorical Papago attitudes toward the Agency. The dominant trends can be characterized in three stages. Between 1915 and 1945 the Papagos, through the traditional village leaders, tried to block all Agency moves. Specifically, the Papagos opposed the Agency's plans for range management, well drilling, the draft policy of World Wars I and II. T'he antipathy was not directed at the purposes of the programs, but at the imposition of outside force on the ,Papago `villages. During the two Wars, the village leadei~s `told the local youth to resist the draft, since they were not a Papago concern. The result during World War I was forced registration, carried out by a United States Marshal at the `request of the Indian Agent. The above situation typifies the relationship between the Indian leadership and the Agency until the 1940's. The Papagos lost every battle to the Indian Agent, and during the 1940's they capitulated. The attitude of direct antagonism gave way to an "Uncle Tom" approach. The Tribal. Council members became yes-men for the BIA. Members of the Tribe who were forced to deal with the outside world cooperated with the Agency. Those who could avoid contact con- tinued to live as they had traditionally, ignoring the activities of the Agency. The third stage has been a recent reaction against this behavior. Some younger men have been aggressively antagonistic toward the BIA. The Tribal Council has swung away from a policy of cooperation to one of avoiding the BIA. The CA~P Administration and the Tribal Council systematically avoid involving the BTA in project planning. `The CAP Administration intends that their program will he totally Papago. As a result the BIA has not been invited to participate. The BIA at the Papago Reservation began preparing proposals for OEO in PAGENO="0236" 3888 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 1964. but did not inform the Tribal Council of these plans. The Tribal Education Committee then took over and drafted the OEO program proposals at Dr. Roes- sel's suggestion. A recurrent and confusing problem began when the OEO proposals and the BIA Ten-Year-Plan were presented at the same meeting. The CAP Admiriistra- tion has been forced to spend considerable time unraveling this confusion. Most informants reported they now had a clearer picture of CAP activities but it had taken some time for them to distinguish CAP from BIA. Some informants re- ported that CAP had been slowed because people thought CAP was a BIA pro- gram, traditional resentment of BIA being initially directed at OEO. This had to be cleared up before CAP could gain support on the reservation. BIA employees interviewed in the present study acknowledged this confusion but expressed a desire to see cooperation. The BIA employees felt that any inter- action hetw-een the two agencies depends on CAP. The reluctance of the CAP Administration to involve the BIA has been maintained out of the belief that still more confusion might arise and CAP might be condemned by those who are hostile to the BIA. The CAP policy of non-involvement with BIA has given rise to criticisms from within the BIA. Most critical remarks have been aimed at specific programs and the ETA informants report a willingness to cooperate with CAP, if asked. As one BIA employee said, "The BIA has adopted an attitude of `you have to come to me if you want anything from me.'" 1-Ic said, "I'm not going to bug them to accept my help." This individual spoke favorably of CAP projects but could not understand why CAP was ignoring ETA. This lack of understanding of the proP- lems of CAP-BIA communication was evident among all ETA personnel inter- view-ed. Papago informants felt it best that the situation remain as is. A members of the CAP Committee explained the situation as he saw it: "BIA seemed resentful of the Papagos being solely responsible for the money used to finance OEO. They seemed to think all funds are better channeled through them, but it has been a good thing for the people to handle their own finances, and they are making it work." (3) (YAP-PHS.---Papago CAP-PHS interaction has been minimal. The long- time antagonism between the people and BIA also holds for PHS. CAP has been forced to take its independent stance in order to reach the most people. Since CAP has not consulted with PHS, some PHS employees have become increasingly hostile toward CAP. The Papagos are critical of the quality of PHS service and the lack of cross- cultural understanding on the part of P1-IS personnel. The researchers en- countered frequent complaints about the ambulance service, for example. One informant said, "You don't dare get sick except on the scheduled days. If you are sick on the day the ambulance is not scheduled to come, you'd better get well fast." Criticism's are also directed at the PHS field nurses for not understanding Papago ways. Demands made by the nurses, while often appearing sensible to an Anglo, are often new to a Papago. When the PHS nurses express impatience with people who do not readily accept their suggestions, the people classify the nurses as undesirable. Similarly, doctors who disparage the Ma-kai (traditional diagnosticians) do not find themselves welcomed in traditional villages. These are the factors that have widened the gap between PHS and the reser- vation population and therefore limited CAP-PHS cooperation. PHS provided physical examinations for the Pre-School children. There has also been some discussion of PHS participating in future orientation -programs for new' CAP employees. PHS and CAP administrators are hopeful that the community de- velopment workers will be able to serve as links in the communication `between PHS and the villages. (4) UAP-VISTA.-The two VISTA girls on the Papago Reservation have devoted most of their time to the `General Educ~ttion Development Program to enable high school dropouts to earn equivalency diplomas. Students who cannot get into Sells to attend classes are tutored in their homes by VISTA workers. The names of most of the students contacted by VISTA were obtained from the rolls of NYC. To date, three persons tutored by VISTA workers have earned diplomas, and one has gone on to higher education. Volunteers have organized informal physical education classes in Sells for girls at the junior high level, and helped w-ith the NYC bookkeeping a~fter the NYC accountant died in an automobile accident. One of `the VISTA girls has been asked to work as a PAGENO="0237" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3889 counselor at two camp sessions to be held at Baboquivari on the Papago Reser- vation. The VISTA workers have assiduously avoided being identified with the BIA. They feel that it is important to go about their work unobtrusively. So long as VISTA workers show creativity and initiative in starting worth- while projects, it is felt that the program should not be put directly under the supervision of CAP. The VISTA girls at Sells go to Josiah Moore, Assistant CAP Director and NYC Projec't Director, whenever they are in need of advice. One of the VISTA volunteers expressed the view that if VISTAs are going to be assigned to an Indian reservation such as that of the Papago where many do i~ot speak English, instruction should definitely be given in the language, culture and history of `the people among whom they are to work. (5) CAP-Head ~tart.-The Head Start Program began in the summer of 1965 with 312 children and fifty-two administrative and teaching personnel. There was a medical and dental checkup program provided `by PHS. The BIA and Franciscan Missions provided the schoolrooms. Problems in administration `and communication were acute due to great dis- tances between the ten schools. This wa's mentioned by several of the Anglo teachers who `felt that a `better integrated and coordinated program would have been more beneficial. The teachers were particularly dissatisfied with the admin- istration, especially concerning supplies. Specifically, they blamed the principal, whom they'said was "the major obstacle of the entire program." Everyone con- cerned was very pleased wTith the use of Papago assistants. The white personnel involved said these assistants were very capable and their interest was very high. It was also mentioned that the use of men was ver~- beneficial to the program. The Indian/non-Indian community is clearly divided in reaction to Head Start. The Indians `and the Catholic missionaries felt the program was doing an excellent job. The Indian families felt that it was preparing their children for school. This was substantiated by some of the Sisters at `the Mission School who said that "the Head Start children are more `open in their outlook than those who did not participate," and if `there were `to be a program next summer, "it will he welcomed." The opposition is from the BIA. and the Protestant missionary groups. The BIA people feel it is a haphazard effort and has no real value in the outlying communities where "the children are not prepared for it." T'his is in direct contrast to comments by several Indians who feel that children in the outlying areas need this exposure the most, since "the children in Sells are already ex- posed to Anglo ways and the English language." The Protestant missionaries expressed the belief that there is widespread dissatisfaction with Head Start because of a bus accident at the end of the summer of 1965. There is almost universal agreement among Indians and Anglos that the long field trips were not satisfactory, but the Protestant mis- sionaries feel that this was just another example of a "play-school atmosphere." They also commented that the Indians used the Head Start schools pi'imarily for baby sitting. The Head Start bus accident created some difficulty for the instigation of the Pre-School in Santa Rosa because people confused the two programs and were afraid there might be a repetition of this situation. In the villages where Head Start schools were operating, there was a misunderstanding when they were discontinued while Pre-Schools were started in Santa Rosa and Sells. They felt that they were being lef't out, not realizing the Pre-School and Head Start are different programs. There is a strong feeling among the Anglo teachers that anyone who would work in Head Start should be either "totally untrained in education, or trained for a Pre-School situation-not elementary school teachers as they are too rigid." They also felt that more Indian assistants or teachers should be used because "they establish better rapport." (6) CAP_NYC-During March 1965 the reservation Superintendent formed an ad hoc committee to discuss youth problems. The Chief of the Land Man- agemen't Section of the BIA was placed in charge and work was begun on a plan for NYC. Only one Papago was a member of this committee-The Vice Chairman of the Ttibal Council. The Land Management Chief and the Vice Chairman went to Phoenix where `the NYC program wa's explained to them. At that point the CAP Committee formed their own group and stated that any youth program would have to be a tribal program. The original committee PAGENO="0238" 2890 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ~aTfled by the Superintendent was then dissolved and the Land Management Chief brought all the NYC material that had been gathered to the CAP Committee and stated that he would be glad to work with them. An NYC project officer was at the BIA office in Phoenix in April to accept proposals. Five CAP Committee members and the Land Management Chief brought him an incomplete proposal. The project officer then excluded the Land Management Chief from the discussions and met only with the CAP Committeemen. A few days later, with the help of an administrative assistant from the BIA, the proposal was completed and submitted, but the Land Management Chief was frozen out of further NYC sessions by the CAP Committee. Most reservation residents agree that NYC is a good thing. It results in an income that would not be forthcoming at all in some families, and has helped prevent disruption of families moving off the reservation to the cotton field in summer. In some cases a young person may make more money than the head of a household, and may be the sole support of the family. This fact has prompted at least one person to suggest that the upper age limit be expanded to thirty. Complaints concerning NYC fall into four categories: (1) There is not enough supervision. This seems to depend to a great extent on the abilities of the village headman, who usually directs the NYC in the area. In some villages there is excellent supervision; in others it is poor or non-existent. (2) There are not enough jobs. Due to cutback in funds in the summer of 1966, all people in the NYC will be restricted to totals of eighty hours or one hundred dollars for the entire summer. (2) According to some the added money gained from NYC has resulted in a significant rise in juvenile drinking offenses. (4) There is need to set aside part of the money young people earn in NYC, since frequently it has been spent before the person returns to school. The relationship that NYC has bad with the PBS seems to have been satis- factory. PBS provided the jobs and NYC provided the workers. The girls who had worked at the BIA boarding school did well and would have been rehired had funds been available. Since the very beginning CAP and NYC have been very closely allied. Even now the Asssitant Director of CAP is the NYC Director. (7) Pre-~eiiool and Parent-Child Centers-The Pre-School program is a pilot project which began in September 1965. The Pre-School project was under consideration for seven months in Washington before approval was granted. After approval was granted and a starting date of 1 September established, the program received funds in December 1965. The Pre-School Director began working 1 September without salary. Prior to receipt of funds, five teaching aides received five weeks of training at Arizona state University. In December enrollment and teaching at the Pre-Schools began. There is presently one Pre-School in Sells and one in Santa Rosa. Enrollment in Sells is twenty-five students per class, with a daily average attendance of twenty. En- rollment in Santa Rosa is seventeen per class, with an average attendance of fifteen. A second program supervised by the Pre-School Director is the Parent-Child Program, which began in November 1965 and employs a staff of two teachers, four aides, and two janitors divided equally between Sells and Santa Rosa. In this program one or both parents must accompany children who attend the Centers. The buildings used for the Pre-Schools and Parent-Child Centers are, in Sells, rented from the Presbyterian Church, while in Santa Rosa a community build- ing is used. There are eighteen staff members presently employed by the two programs in- cluding four teachers. Two commute from Tucson to Sells; the others teach and live in Santa Rosa. At the beginning of the Pre-School program the Director visited the major villages and explained the purposes of the program to parents. Instructors con- nected with the Parent-Child Centers maintain close rapport with the Indians both because they have the parents at the Center and because they pick up the children every day. In the summer of 1965 there was a Head Start program in a number of villages. When Head Start activity ended and the Pre-Schools continued in Sells and PAGENO="0239" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3891 Santa Rosa there was confusion in the smaller villages, and the people "did not realize why the program had stopped." The Indians voice satisfaction with the programs, except for the confusion with Head Start, and would like them continued. One Indian said, "Since the children began Pre-School, they have been speaking better English: We try to encourage this at home, and Pre-School has helped a lot." An Indian woman said, "I enjoy myself learning to sew clothes (at the Parent-Child Center) ." Another woman said, "I'm learning to sew and my daughter is beginning to speak and understand English. I think this program is very educational for both of us." There is agreement between Anglos and Indians that there is a need for more Papago women to participate as teachers, since those who teach have better rapport with the parents and children. (8) Missions.-There are several Christian missions on the Papago Reserva- tion: the Roman Catholic Franciscan Missions, the Presbyterian, the Baptist, the Assembly of God, the Nazarene, a dissident splinter group from the Assem- bly of God, and a Mormon Mission. Among these only the Franciscans and Presbyterians are of any importance outside the BIA Agency Center of Sells, and none of the missions are of major influence in any area of Papago village life. The participation of the missions with the Papago Tribal Community Action Agency has been limited. Representatives of the majority of the missions at- tended a 1964 meeting at which the CAP Committee presented a discussion of the Papago OEO program proposals. Since that time interaction has been largely concerned with use of mission building and teaching staff. The Presbyterian mission has rented the Sunday school building in the Sells Presbyterian com- pound to the CAA as a Pre-School. The Franciscan mission has provided space for Head Start and Head Start teachers from the regular mission school teaching staff. Several of the missionaries interviewed m'ade reference to a strong anti-white sentiment among Papagos which inhibits close interaction with them. Because of this sentiment these missionaries feel that close cooperation with the Papago Community Action Agency is unlikely. c. Indian Reaction (1) A Papago Leader's Observation3.-The President of the Association for Papago Affairs is familiar with the activities of CAP on the reservation. She has been a research assistant for the Bureau of Ethnic Research. The following is a synthesis of Papago feeling toward OEO programs, as recorded by this observer: "In the fall of 1964 there was great interest and excitement over a new pro- gram. The Papago were hopeful about a program that would be created and managed by the people without help from the BIA or Washington. "After the first flurry of meetings had aroused interest there was a lull in activities. After the people in the villages gave their ideas on the needs of their communities, nothing happened; for a year there was no further mention of the War on Poverty. "The people's reaction to these events was to become skeptical. They were told that the program would be theirs-their ideas, their plans to meet the needs of their communities-but this had not happened. Ideas evolved during the one meeting in each community did not become realities. There is much confusion. People do not really understand the difference between BIA programs and Com- munity Action Programs. To them these programs all come from the Govern- ment, and if one department (BIA) promises to do something for them and fails to do it, then the Government is blamed. "Although the programs started on the reservation in 1965, in most villages nothing has been done, so people think they will not get any programs for their villages. There are only two Pre-School programs going, although there were several Head Start programs of six weeks duration. Many people feel this is all they will ever get for their villages. Still, they are told it is their program and it will help their people. Sells, which is the headquarters for BIA and tribal offices, has a Pre-School and Parent-Child Center, although children living there are constantly exposed to TV, radio, movies, and English-speaking children and parents. The children in remote villages with no exposure to the English lan- guage, TV, radio, and movies are not getting Pre-School training, even though theirs is a greater need. PAGENO="0240" 3892 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 "Most of the jobs available in the CAP are filled by Anglos, except for the Director and the NYC Director; few aides are employed, and ill some villages NYC workers are used. "Few people are really informed of the activities of CAP. People feel that many proposals are made up and the ideas submitted to the people. The Director, who has to direct the program and enlighten the people about CAP, is much too busy to give much attention to all villages, so people's questions go unanswered and eventually interest lags. The Tribal Councilmen who have more contact with the CAP do not always have good communication with the people of their dis- tricts, so the people do not know what is taking place. Villages are scattered and there is not transportation available. Therefore few people froni villages come in contact with people from other villages, with the result that there is no knowl- edge of what is going on except in Sells and its surrounding villages. I was told by one person, `People do not have objections or comments mainly because they do not quite understand it or do not hear the full story.' Another said, `When anything comes up, any program, we grab it before we really understand it and that is why it does not work. There is always a time limit on all programs coming from the Government. Before word gets to all the people, it is usually too late to try to understand it.' People do not ask questions. If they would, they would probably be more interested in following these new programs. To translate the English language into the Papago language is very hard. Things can be inter- preted several ways. There is a great deal of comment about the qualifications of jobs, the misunderstanding and the apathy of the people. "People want a chance to work and thereby help themselves up from poverty. No matter how small an income they get, it will be better than none. But there is no industry on the reservation, and yet they talk about a vocational training program. "Where will we use these skills that we train for? If it means leaving our homes, then it is just a waste of time and money, because Papagos are inse- cure in urban living because it is a new and frustrating experience.' Reservation living is so much more familiar and they know how to deal with the problems they encounter. "There is a strong feeling that, given more understanding, more time to orga- nize a working group of Papagos who will really get the people to work together and acquaint them with CAP, that it will interest the people, and the people will start working for themselves. This type of situation has been demonstrated in the success of the Tucson Papagos, who in 1958 organized into an association to meet and surmount problems in urban living. In order to make their programs work they had to organize. It took two whole years of weekly meetings, many discouragements, many arguments, many rebuffs from the city of Tucson. `We wre told that if we did not like it in Tucson, we should go back to the reserva- tion.' They had no trained leaders but those who had learned by trial and error. They all learned together. They are still learning. The Migrant Ministry Office of Migrant Opportunity (sic) asked help from the Tucson Indian Association, so that they traveled fifty-four miles nightly after work to organize the Indians in the farming areas. "Although the Indian Association of Tucson applied for OEO funds from both the reservation CAP and Tucson city CAP, they have been unsuccessful. The reservation CAP at first asked their cooperation, which they received whole- heartedly. Then they were told by the ICAC they were not eligible and should go in with the city of Tucson. This was done with much work on the part of the Indian Association, and although they were seventh on the priority list of all Tucson's programs, and although this is the only proposal that has come up from the poor people, they were not funded. The rest. of Tucson's programs are from Red Feather Agencies. The Indians are wondering why. Who can they turn to next? Will all off-reservation Indians be left out?" (2) $anta Rosa.-The CAP projects have focused in two areas, Sells and Santa Rosa. Described by the CAP Director as a pilot effort, the programs have been kept small. Traditional differences between Sells and Santa Rosa have con- cerned the CAP Administration, which is based in Sells. Criticism of CAP by Santa Rosa residents has resulted in two major complaints: (1) Santa Rosa should have more autonomy in controlling its programs; and (2) the CAP Ad- ministration has not kept Santa Rosa well informed. These criticisms have been expressed in Santa Rosa's leaders' suspicions of CAP. The relationship of Santa Rosa to Sells and the effects on CAP are of con- cern because, as CAP grows to encompass more districts similar problems m~y occur. PAGENO="0241" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3893 Since the establishment of the reservation, Santa Rosa and other areas have viewed Sells as non-traditional. Sells is the center of the BIA and people from other districts tend to equate Sells people with the BIA. A result of the BIA's focus on Sells has been increased acculturation of Sells residents. Most people in Sells have daily contact with Anglos, while people in Santa Rosa have minimal contact. General antipathy for BIA policy has deepened the sense of separation between the two areas; Informants who have attempted to explain the differences between the two areas have mentioned dialect differences: "the people of Sells speak Indian like Mexicans." Another explained that dialect differences were only a part of total cultural differences. This informant explained that the people presently living in Sells were originally from Mexico, while those in Santa Rosa were descended from people living in the area before Spanish contact. Cultural dif- ferences, coupled with the bias against "BIA-Indians," has resulted in corn- niummication difficulties for CAP. The District Council leaders of Santa Rosa have complained that CAP is func- tioning similarly to other programs directed by Sells. The difficulty facing the CAP Administration is not that people in Santa Rosa feel that specific projects are bad, but that leaders in Santa Rosa want the program to be completely their own. During the formation of CAP Santa Rosa had three residents on the CAP Committee. When the CAP Committee visited the various districts, the opinions of Santa Rosa District leaders were solicited. The difficulties are after the proj- ects were implemented. District leaders asked the CAP Administration to schedule regular meetings with district councils, but paperwork in Sells made this' difficult until re- cently. The councilmen in the area complained that they had not been given the option to hire and fire Pre-School personnel in their districts. It should be emphasized that both the Pre-School and the Parent-Child Cen- ter have been evaluated on their individual merits in Santa Rosa. The Pre- School has been criticized by parents who feel more emphasis should be on reading and arithmetic. Pre-School has also been criticized by those who coin- pared the Pre-School teacher to the Parent-Child Center specialist. The Parent- Child specialist made frequent visits to families in the area, and went to lengths to learn something of Papago culture, while the Pre-School teacher did not make similar efforts. The Santa Rosa District Council has not been unduly critical of the specific projects, but minor irritations have been increased by the communication prob- lems and cultural differences between Sells and Santa Rosa. An informant who is well acquainted with OEO programs said, "Sells and Santa Rosa are like New York slums and Appalachia; their problems are different." The CAP Administration is aware of these problems and is taking every opportunity to increase Santa Rosa's voice in its own affairs. The Director's feelings that the early projects should be a "pilot program" has given him and his staff a chance to meet these problems and prepare carefully for CAP growth into other districts. (3) General Reaction-The first contacts the grass-roots had with GAP were in 193t. During September the new CAP Committee went to the reservation districts to canvass opinion. These visits created an opportunity for the people to hear about CAP and to make their needs known. The following are reactions picked up by project researchers two years later: "The ideas did not come from the people here. They just listened to all these explanations. The Chairman only asked if they could fix the district fence and the eharcos, and they told us the money was only for education programs." Another informant commented: "The Education Committee decided what was going to be done and they came out to the villages and told the people what was going to be done. We didn't have anything to say. Many of the people thought that they ought to fix some of the houses, or do something about our roads. We thought tllat maybe some work like that would be what OEO was going to do-you know, making things a little bit better for the poor. But then we found out that that was not what it was going to do. It was going to do education. Education is all right, and we need it. but we really need adult education. They could use programs for the adults. Everything is for the children." A member of the CAP Committee discussed the difficulties the Committee has faced: 80-084-137-Pt. 5-16 PAGENO="0242" 3894 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 "It is hard to do anything about the problems here because they are only a few people who are interested, and very few understand about the Poverty Program. That is why we try to tell them to come to the meetings so they can get all this information. I only understand part of it and that is why I keep going to any meeting that they have here. The CouncIlmen don't attend all the meetings and the people who can really help us don't belong to any club and don't attend the meetings." The CAP Committee members' statements have been confirmed by others who attend meetings. "I can't tell you much about the meetings. We were there, hut I can't remem- ber what they were talking about. I can't remember which meeting it was because it has been a long time ago. I do remember the one that was held about two or three weeks ago with the CAP Administration and the Tribal Chairman. They asked the people if there was anything they wanted to ask for, but the people did not say anything. One reason, I think, is that they talked in English so long and most of the older people who were there went to sleep, and by the time they finally started talking in Indian, nobody was listening. I tried to get my kids to go around and wake them up, but they were afraid to I guess. Also, some of the people left the meeting by the time they talked in Papago. There was another meeting later, but I did not go. One thing, they never let us know about the first meeting until 6 :00 p.m. Somebody came around and told us about it. I suppose some of the other people already were gone or had other plans for the evening." One of the early difficulties facing the CAP Committee as noted was to make a clear distinction between the BIA's Ten Year Plan and CAP proposals. Acting on a directive from Secretary Udall's office in Washington, the BIA began in 1964 to draw up a Ten Year Economic Development Plan. After con- sulting with members of the Tribal Council, including its Chairman, the BIA Program Officer picked a committee of ten Papngos, whose duties were left rather vague. Ostensibly they were to keep the BIA appraised of the needs and w-ants of Papago and to act as go-betweens for the BIA and the Tribe. When a preliminary draft of the Ten Year Plan had been completed, it was presented to the Tribal Council. Before the Councilmen would commit themselves, they w-anted to know how long it would be before actualization of the Plan. To this question the BIA had to answer that it was yet without funds, and could not say whether such a plan would ever be implemented. At the next meeting of the Tribal Council the OEO programs were explained. Because of similarities between the two and the close timing of their presenta- tions, a number of Councilmen confused the BIA and OEO proposals. The same thing happened in other communities on the reservation where both BIA and the CAP Committee had gone to test opinion concerning projected plans. Inasmuch as BIA had acquired a reputation of not coming through on promises, CAP was ~t first disadvantaged by being associated with the BIA. This confusion has been generally cleared up, and CAP is widely accepted. Whenever the BIA brings proposals before the Tribal Council there are many critical questions. In short, untangling of CAP components, BIA projects, and other OEO projects (NYC and Head Start) has never been satisfactorily accomplished. Said one interviewee: "They came last summer and started a Head Start here. It lasted one sum- mer, then went away. We haven't had anything else. I don't know where the Head Start came from. I don't think it was BIA. We were never asked anything about it, it just came. They didn't ask us if we wanted it, they just came with it." The lack of clear understanding of CAP has in some cases caused antagonism. Regions which are neglected time after time, and are nevertheless called upon to support new programs, have begun to be purposeful in their irritation. Santa Rosa reactions are an example. The leaders there feel that they've been willing to listen in the past and that the lack of communication is not their fault. Now they are beginning to seek new ways of getting the attention they feel their districts deserve. In other situations, people who know little about the programs are indifferent. Most people do not conceive of broad development plans or long-range goals. In nearly every case, people react directly to those specific programs with which they've had experience. "We don't know very much about it in the villages. My brother sends his children to the Pre-School but he doesn't know if they are learning very PAGENO="0243" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3895 much. They do a lot of playing. They like it very much. It gives them a lunch and they do learn some English." One aspect of the reaction to a specific program is expressed in-a translated interview: "He knows the program is a good thing, the Pre-School program, and he ap- proved it because he has lived so long and be knows that there will be many changes and that the younger people will have to work with these changes. That is why he thinks the education is good. When he was little, he had a `Highway of Life' which he is still following now. In the old days when there was very much needed here, they had flowers, grass, and food and they didn't need money the way they do now. The Indians are going to be white men before long. The old ways are going to be of the past. He was born in 1909 and he saw the time when it was beautiful here, flowers blooming, and food from cactus and the ground. Now there no more flowers, food. They didn't want the Pre-School program at first because it wasn't the Indian way. Later, decided it would have to be that way since the younger children will be more Anglos than Papagos." The CAP Director reflected on the problems faced by the CAP Committee in 1064: "The job of briefing the people was much more difficult because they had to do everything by speaking without any official papers to pass around. The usual question was, `How is this different from BIA? In organization? In structure and hierarchy?' In the past, they had difficulties with the BIA and it was a problem to separate in the minds of the people, the CAP from the BIA. The question was: `Would the CAP Committee collide with the BIA?'" As the Director explained, there was a major concern that CAP would dupli- cate BIA projects. Therefore, requests for roads, fences, soil conservation, and so on could not come under CAP. The CAP Administration was rushed in the beginning. The Director has expressed awareness of the need for enhancing communication with outlying districts. The Tribal Chairman, in discussing the CAP, stated: "My personal reaction to this was that this idea was the best thing that could happen. Anything dealing with education has to be good. There is a lack of jobs here and the NYC fills that area in the training of the young people to get jobs later on. People first thought they would be getting money. I thought it was better to work on young men and women. Yes, I helped in some of the planning of the proposal. People came up with much the same ideas found in other places so that the program was not difficult to write. I worked on it all the way through. "Anything that has anything to do with education is most effective. I think that lack of education is the basis of the poverty stage. "The Pre-School, Parent-Child Center, which now has a counselor, is doing very well. The parent and child come into the Center on the bus and the child goes to Pro-School while the parent goes to sewing or cooking class. The biggeit problem that we have is in getting personnel to come out here because there is no housing available. "It takes time for the older people to understand about the programs. It was brought up three or four times at meetings before they finally could under- stand it. The Community Action Committee explained it to the people. It is bard for the people to understand the beginnings of any program. It takes a lot of meetings before they can really understand. This particular program took at least three meetings." A summary of general reactions was given by a Tribal Councilman: "Last year OEO was brought before the Council. We bad several meetings in one month because of the OEO programs. I had read about it in the paper but had not heard about it directly from anyone who came and stood before the Council. At first we thought it would not happen here on this reservation. We had several promises from people before, and then when we asked for things we wanted we never got them. It was a big program, this OEO, and would be a big thing coming to the Papagos. Programs on the reservation are important, but we have these problems all over, all over the United States. We were afraid that the Papago would not receive much, that it would all go to the poor in the cities. "The Education Committee tried to explain to the people what the programs were. They explained most of the programs in the district I represented, but I did not attend any of the meetings. The Education Committee tried to go over some of the projects with the people, to take the proposals to the people. But PAGENO="0244" 3896 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 that is very hard on this reservation. This reservation is too big and the villages are too scattered to get to the people. Communication has always been a prob- lem because you can't get to the people unless you drive out to their homes, and that takes all day. "There is another problem in gctting the word to the people and that is that `the Councilmen who do dome to the district meetings, or to the main meetings in Sells, never write anything down to take back to the people. They think they will remember everything that is brought up in the meet- ings, bu't they don't. They lose a lot of it, they forget a lot that goes on and that they are supposed to take to the people. "Ancther problem in getting the ideas to the people is the rush that every- one is in. Washington says one thing and wants it done the next day, and you can't work that way with the people. Everything was such a rush here that, although they wanted a separate committee to work on the CAP, they didn't have time to form one, so they gave it to the Education Committee. Then the Education Committee has got to try and get through to the people what this is all about. Most of the people can't grasp it right away, although they try. This means that things have to be explained in English and Papago, and that people have Ito he around who not only can understand Washington English, but who can put Washington's words into Indian. That is hard to do, to be able to speak Washingiton in Indian and have the people underStand you. People don't understand, and they ask to have something repeated, and it is said again in the same way, and they `~til1 don't understand. We have this prob- lem of communication, and it will always slow dow-n things that are coming from the Government." f. Summary (1) Development-Origin of the Idea of OEO-CAP on the Reservation-The reservation's first contact with the idea of OEO came through radio and news- paper announcements and transcriptions of speeches made by President Johnson and Sargent Shriver. Steps in the Development of CAP-The flr~t formal introduction to OEO came in mid-April 1964 when Dr. Robert Roessel of the Indian Education Center at Arizona State University spoke with the Tribal Chairman. The initiation of OEO activity occurred when Dr. Roessel attended a conference on education on the Papago Reservation and asked the Chairman of the Papago Education Committee what action had been taken on CAP programs. The Chairman said he had heard of nothing concerning CAP for the Papagos. It was reported later that news of OEO had been sent to the BIA and had been disseminated throughout the BIA and PUS, but to no one on the Tribal Council. Roessel came *to `the reservation in September of 1964 for several meetings. The Education Committee was a~ppointed to prepare a plan to elicit needs and wants from people. Meetings were held in quick succession at Sells aiid at several other places on the reservation. People expressed interest in CAP, Then came the information that CAP was limited in its jurisdiction, and interest waned. The Tribal Council delegated responsibility to formulate CAP programs to the Education Committee. When the Education Committee made initial reports, the Council passed a resolution that the Education Committee continue as the official CAP Committee. The new CAP Committee requested assiStance from Dr. Roessel for proposal preparation. Role of Agencies in CAP-The relationships between agencies existing on the reservation prior to the inception of CAP have remained unchanged. Each maintain its former jurisdiction and continues programs and plans which were underway at the inception of CAP. The BIA Ten Year Plan has been temporarily shelved, although some elements are now CAP components. In- dividual staff members of agencies were asked for suggestions on specific pro- posals and were asked to contribute some buildings and equipment. Contact has been directly with lower-level members of agencies. Members of the PHS have given services required by Operation Head Start and Pre-ScliooI for health examinations prior to admissioi~. CAP operates independently with little cooperation or exchange of ideas with other agencies. The BIA has cooperated when buildings have been needed and PUS has given medical attention. The missions have also offered buildin°s. Off-Reservation Agencies-All programs on the reservation as the result of PAGENO="0245" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3897 planning and actual operational activity by members of the Indian Education Center and the Indian Community Action Center at Tempe, anti menThers of the Education faculty of Arizona State University. Members of the Department of Education were instrumental in the planning and execution of the Education Survey, the Pre-School program, and the Parent-Child Centers. Role of Tribal Government-The former Tribal Chairman, Eugene Johnson, was not involved in initial meetings. Councilmen were not involved in the Devel- opment of CAP. The Tribal Council is notified monthly of proposal development and program progress. Contact with the district councils is maintained by CAP. The Director, Tribal Chairman, and other members of the administration staff attend district council meetings, upon invitation, to explain the proposals and programs of CAP and the role of the particular district in CAP. Significant OEO Policies-Indian leaders originally thought that they could propose any program which w-ould be ultimately beneficial to the Tribe. Then a clear statement of the types of things which would be funded was made available. OEO requested that the proposals be rewritten on new official forms. Insistence upon a rapid succession of program proposals, as exemplified in the initial re- quest for swift action, nearly resulted in control and development of programs being lost by the Reservation Community Action Agency. The Papagos need time to become skilled at the planning and operation of programs, and OEO should be prepared to wait until such skill develops. (2) Level and Kind of Participation-Problem Areas-Communication is im- peded throughout the reservation due to distance and isolation. The Papago have many sparsely populated villages rather than several large population centers. It is difficult to plan programs that will encompass all areas. People who have not been involved in specific CAP projects tend to lose interest. The Papago Reservation presents a cross-cultural problem somewhat analogous to a underdeveloped colonial state. All development plans and programs up to the present have been imposed by an outside bureaucracy, with slight attention to gaining Papago acceptance beforehand. Moreover, no substantial number of Papagos were directly involved in the general money economy until about 1945, before which subsistence farming and livestock provided the Papago economic base. The colonial analogy may be carried further in the case of the tribal govern- ment. The Tribal Council organized under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 has no real power at the local level. It is an imposed institution which has not been completely integrated into the Papago social organization. Papago village leaders and village councils remain the locus of decision-making anti political power. This village-level organization was only partly recognized in the district council system under the BIA. If Papagos are to take part in planning and carrying out their own Community Action programs, recognition must be made of the Papago social organization and the Papago decision-making process. The implications of this recognition are: 1. General consensus must be reached by the village councils in order to achieve - maximum feasible involvement of the people. 2. Allowance must be made for a very much alive sentiment of Papago nation- alism which, if ignored for the sake of bureaucratic expediency, will impede attempts .to gain Papago support for programs. 3. Allowance must be made for the time required for reaching consensus by the village councils. 4. The problems involved in translation of QEO materials into Papago for non- English speaking members must be recognized. This is a problem not only in trans- lation of sentence but of concepts. 5. Another significant aspect of Papago colonial status of the total lack of trained administrators. Recognition should therefore be made of the pressing need for making available modern administrative training for Papago leadership in terms of reservation developments. 6. The importance of the village can be recognized in a very practical way. This is in the area of travel allowances. At present there are 145 miles of paved roads in 2.7 million acres. The majority of the villages are accessible only by 450 miles of unpaved gravel and dirt road, two-thirds of which are not recommended for passenger cars, especially in wet weather. PAGENO="0246" 3898 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 PAGENO="0247" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3899 Xavier 1. Historical and Cultural Background The Teton' `Dakota Indians, known generally as the `Sioux (last syllable of a French corruption `of the Ojibwa name for them), migrated from the northeastern woodlands around the middle of the 18th Century, probably due to population pressure. The seven tribes comprising the Teton Dakota, or western division of the Dakotas, moved in two steps. The Oglalas and Bruld subtribes moved west- ward to the Missouri by way of the Blue Earth River in Minnesota and the James River in North and South' Dakota. The Minneconjou, Sans Arc, Two Kettles, Hunkpapa and Blackféet Teton Dakota moved westward on a route parallel to, but north of, the Oglala and Brulé. The first step took the Teton Dakota from eastern woodlands into high grass prairies, and required rapid culture change to adapt to the new conditions. During this trek they acquired a few guns and horses, apparently by~ trading with the tribes that had had contact with whites. `The Teton Dakota were held back for years by the Ankara, who held the region of the Missouri Valley in the path of the Oglala and Brulé. When smallpox decimated the Ankara, the Teton Dakota broke througl1 them and were able to overcome th'e neigh'boring Cheyenne with ease. In extending their control over the region of western Nebraska, South and North Dakota, and eastern Montana and Wyoming, the Dakota had to overcome the Pawnee, Kiowa, Crow, and Mandan. They developed a culture borrowed in part from neighboring Plains tribes and an economy based on the large buffalo herds. Among the institutions borrowed by the Teton Dakota were military societies. an elaborate system of chieftaincy, councils, and camp policemen, all with their rites, ceremonies and well defined roles. It is questionable whether these for- eign culture elements were we assimilated, however. Wissler's uncritical descrip- Ciia Bnd Indian flEservation Gun Bend j San Xavier Indian Reservation l'\I'AGO !n:SER\TATION *\IflON.\ C. PINE RIDGE RESERVATION PAGENO="0248" 3900 ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 tion of them (as recalled by Pine Ridge Reservation Dakota in 1912) is reviewed by Feraca (1966). who points out that military socičtięs disappeared during the early reservation period among the Dakota, although they were maintained until recently among the Cheyenne and Arapaho. Regalia and other externals seemed to have been adopted without the formal roles they symbolized, accord- ing to Feraca. Far more important to Dakota social organization was the older system of kinship-based bands, or tiyospave. In the ~re-reservation period;a Teton Dakota tribe, such as the Oglalas, would usually stay together for only a few summer months, when they held the annual Sun Dance and large buffalo hunts. During most of the year they travelled in bands of extended kin, the tiyospaye, which roughly translates as "they live together." These bands shared available food and resources: when one mem- ber went hungry, all were hungry. The band chiefs were often the poorest men in terms of material possessions, because they carried personal responsibility for the welfare of their bands, and their influence depended on their generosity as well as bravery. Mekeel (1936) reports ~that the Teton Dakota tried to live by four virtues: bravery and generosity, and less important, fortitude and moral integ- rity. These virtues are woven into every Dakota institution. Whenever a mis- sionary or administrator has tried to reform some cultural element, unaccount- ably strong resistance has resulted, according to Mekeel, because of the threat to deeply held personal values. First contact w-ith whites brought many guns, knives, iron pots and axes to the Dakota, but did not disrupt their lives. Fur traders, first French and later American, engaged in mutually profitable exchanges with the Dakota, and often married Dakota women and entered tribal life. However, when whites began migrating to the West Coast, first by the hundreds and, after discovery of gold in California hi 1849, by the thousands, the Dakota reacted to the threat they posed to the buffalo herds by raiding their wagon trains. Thirty years later, after first sporadic and later heavy fighting with United States troops, and after three separate treaties, each more disadvantageous to the Indians than the last. the Teton Dakota found themselves wards of the United States Government. The last great buffalo hunt was held in 1882. In 1889 the Great Sioux Reservation was broken into five separate Teton Dakota reserva- tions. The Oglala and part of the Bruld were settled at Pine Ridge, in southwest- ern South Dakota. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Contewt The Pine Ridge Indian Reservation covers an area of roughly five thousand square miles, and is inhabited by close to ten thousand Oglala Sioux. The political organization, under an Indian Reorganization Act constitution ratified and ap- proved in 1934, has been from its inception at variance with the true social organization. This discrepancy and its consequences are fundamental to any understanding of Pine Ridge. The Boundaries of eight reservation districts recognized in the original con- stitution were primarily administrative. They followed the rather arbitrary pre-existing "boss farm" (a term used by the Oglala Sioux to indicate farm dis- tricts, once administered by BIA sub-agents) boundaries. In addition to these eight districts, three communities-Pine Ridge, Oglala Junior, and Red Shirt- have been given Council membership, although the constitution has not been amended accordingly. The eleven present election districts and their Council representation are: Wakpamni (2) ; Pine Ridge (5) ; White Caly or Oglala (2) : Oglala Junior (1) ; Red Shirt (1) ; Wounded Knee (4) ; Porcupine (4) Medicine Root (4) ; Eagle Nest (3) ; Pass Creek (3) ; and Lacreek (3). Tribal elections are held every two years. In addition to district representa- tives, a five-man Executive Committee is elected. The President and Vice-Presi- dent are elected at large, and the Secretary, Treasurer, and fifth member are elected by the incoming Tribal Council, and may be Council representatives. After election, a Council meniber has no official, and frequently no unofficial, responsibility to his constitutents. The districts, and some communities, have their ow-n councils, but they have no official power and few funds. On the 1966- 1968 Tribal Council only about one-sixth of the Tribal Councilmen belong to their dmstrict councils. Although in theory the district councils pass resolutions on to their Council representatives to be voted on, according to both Tribal and district councilmen, this seldom works in fact. A number of ellegations were ma cle by Indians living in the districts that Tribal Council representatives had PAGENO="0249" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3901 voted against the best interests of the majority of their constitutents for rea- Sons of personal financial gain. A few Indians stated that it was customary for a man to be elected to the Tn- Thai Council, disappear from local affairs, and suddenly become wealthy. They maintained that Councilmen use their influence to secure long-term tribal loans for themselves and their relatives, and participate in other benefits as well. One experienced Sioux politician reasoned that a proposal to reduce the number of Tribal Council representatives to twelve was a bad idea, because twelve would be too easy to bribe. Many Indians complain that the Tribal Council serves the interest of a relatively well-to-do segment of the Tribe. Tribal regulations allow cattle operators who are enrolled in the Tribe to lease land from fellow Indians at a lower rate than the landowners could get by leasing to the highest bidder. A small percentage is taken from individual lease payments by the Tribal Council to finance programs that many landowners claim to get no bene- fit from. There is a group of landowners who for the last few years have been actively working to bring about the abolition of the Tribal Council by public referendum. It would be unfair to assume, however, that most Tribal Council representa- tives feel no responsibility to the people who elected them. The Tribal Council, as the official governing body of the Oglala Sioux, can deal with, Government agencies and private organizations who have goods and services to offer the Sioux. Candidates for the Tribal Council are selected largely on how well their constitutents think they will perform at getting goods and services that will benefit their districts. A Councilman should be able to acquit himself well with whites, both to be able to get things from them and to act as whites expect people to act, so as not to "give the Tribe a black eye." For example, an incumbent politician whose public drunkenness had, in the opinion of many Sioux brought dishonor to the Tribe, was not returned to office, though he was respected for his generosity in many areas. Many, perhaps most, of the "real" leaders on the reservation-those people whose oponions are sought and respected in local affairs-have never run for tribal office. For one thing, the role the Councilman is supposed to play is dis- tasteful to many traditional Sioux. For another, the style of democracy that ie* quires a man to stand before his people and argue for their votes goes against their ideals of modesty and reticence. Many Sioux, both "traditional" and "pro- gressive", disdain the Council because it lacks the power to stand up to the BIA. Some blme the Councilmen and cite old leaders who, they claim, would not have been so acqiescent. Some blame the constitution, which they say makes the Council a rubber-stamp of BIA. Perhaps most important, until recently, the stakes have not seemed high enough to be worth the trouble. Because the Council has no power, little `of significance comes of tribal politics, and few people get very excited over it. This situation may change, however, since the Council may gain at least partial control over the local Community Action Agency (Office of Economic Development (OED)). In the 1966 Tribal Council election, reportedly voter turnout was some 25% higher than usual, and almost twice the usual number of candidates ran for office. Malan and Schusky (1962), state that `in 1956 the average annual income of Pine Ridge Reservation family heads was $1,110, and even this low figure is inflaged by a small number of individuals who had made land sales that year, giving them an annual income for that year of over $10,000. More recent income data is unavailable, but it seems unlikely that income levels are appreciably higher. The Wright-McGill fishhook snelling plant at Pine Ridge town and other reservations locations now employs about two-hundred people, at $50 a week, nine month of the year. Recent Government construction, first of public housing. then of the building that houses the post office and community center has created many temporary jobs. As of 23 March 1966 the OED was employing nearly 250 people. most of them at $1.25 per hour. However, during the same period niechan- ization ended many farming and ranching jobs near the reservation. Malan and Schusky (1962) report that of the 48% of heads of families on the reservation who were employed during the year, half of these worked as unskilled farm labor. Unofficial estimates by welfare workers in Pine Ridge indicate that almost one-quarter of these jobs have disappeared in the last ten years. Of 125 Pine Ridge Sioux interviewed by HSR researchers, 85% thought that life was harder in 1966 than ten years ago. All but four of the rest thought it was about the same. PAGENO="0250" 3902 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 Subsistence at perenially low income levels is made possible by the surplus commodities which all but a few Pine Ridge Sioux receive, and by certain other benefits. The PHS hospital in Pine Ridge town provides free medical attention for residents of Pine Ridge town. One-third of the families on the reservation receive some form of welfare payment, according to estimates by a BIA welfare official. Half as many more are eligible for welfare payments, but are too proud to take them, according to the same official. Subsistence is nonetheless an art. Relatives help one another in time of need, so, that goods and services are shared. If someone drives into Pine Ridge, his car is usually jammed with relatives and friends taking advantages of the ride to take care of their own business, or to visit friends. If one family has unexpected expense, such as having to finance a wake for a deceased member, members of the extended family customarily contribute whatever money, food and help they can, though perhaps going hungry later on. "Relatives first" often makes the Sioux undependable workers because, when called on to do so, they seldom hesitate to miss work to help a relative in need. Some white shopowners near the reservation reported that the Sioux learn very quickly, and are usually dependable on the job, but with no notice they may fail to appear for work for days or months at a time. Many families leave the reservation in summer for ranch and farm labor jobs in Nebraska, or sign on migrant labor crews as far away as Washington State. Young men often leave and return to the reservation during the summer months to visit relatives on weekends or to live off their earnings for a week or so before looking for another job. Nearby ranchers complain that young Sioux are very undependable, but that men over thirty usually stick with a job. Men too old to compete for these jobs stay home and raise gardens, if they can get together enough money in the spring to buy seed. Among families living in Oglala, Oglala Junior, Payabya, and Calico, approximately one in five raises gardens. The ratio is much lower in Pine Ridge town, where there is little land available for gardening, and where the problem of stealing is greater. The ratio seems to be higher as one goes east on the reservation. People living in greater isolation from town were generally found to put more effort into gardening and home repair. As one man living in a community an hour's drive from Pine Ridge put it, "out here you have to learn to make do." 3. Impact of the Community Action Program a. Early History of CAP Neither the idea nor the phase "community development" is new at Pine Ridge. In 1957 and 1958, mass meetings were held In many areas of the reser- vation to discuss needs and solutions to Pine Ridge Reservation problems. These nieetings were organized by state agricultural extension workers, primarily C. P. Allen (who from December 1965 to June 1966 was the Director of The Pine Ridge Office of Economic Development) and Everett Jordan (presently Community Development Specialist), working in cooperation with community and tribal leaders. Participation was reportedly excellent, and many ideas were generated in these meetings. Many of the ideas were written down in hopes that a Government agency could be persuaded to give the economic backing most of the programs needed. The following resolution is an example of one com- munity's ideas. The first two projects were intended to produce building ma- terials to be used locally for self-help housing. RESOLUTION In order to foster and promote Community Development & Organization within our Indian people, it is basic and necessary that work program and projects be started on the Pine Ridge Reservation. It is apparent, that outside industries will not be able to come on to the reservation, due to road conditions, lack of freight facilities (railroad) etc. Work programs and constructive pro- jects started by the Oglala Sioux Tribe, may be an incentive for outside indus- tries to come in, as well as a Rural Development program. Whereas, we of the Medicine Root Area, Kyle, S.D., organized in late 195fi, and going into our second year of our Development program, are fully aware of the success or failure of our program, if work nrograms are lacking. We have started from the grass-roots and have made a good showing, and for the posterity of our program, constructive projects and work programs are essential. PAGENO="0251" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3903 Be it therefore resolved, that the Superintendent and his Department heads and the Oglala Sioux Council, give our proposed projects, due consideration: (1) Sawnvill Project.-within the North Buffalo pasture. (2) Cement Block Project-equipment to be rented from a local resident. Purchase of cement mixer and cement will be necessary. Agricultural Engineer specialists from the State College will run tests on sand and gravel pits within our area. (3) Weed Control Projeet.-due to heavy infestation of creeping jenny in our cultivated areas, a weed control project is necessary. Specialists from the State College will assist. Two areas have been selected for 1958 weed demonstration plots. (4) $tock Water Development.-plans have been made to repair our stock water dams, namely, Kyle, Red Water and Two Orow dams. Stock- irig of game fish, seeding of wild rice, trees, and recreation and picnic areas. Irrigation set-up has also been proposed, and one dam to be set up as a Game Refuge. Be it further resolved, that each Department Head of the Pine Ridge Agency, that is concerned with any of the above proposals, conduct a field survey and make cost estimates and recommendations, if the projects are feasible. The foregoing resolution was duly approved and adopted this 14th day of Octo- ber, 157, by the Resolution Committee, and presented for your consideration. (S) CHESTER RED KETTLE. (S) NORMAN UNDER BAGGAGE. (S) IsAAC BRAVE EAGLE. KYLE, S. DAK. Among other projects suggested were those proposing Health Aides to teach sanitation and good health practices in Indian homes, a Day Care Center for Indian infants, Home Improvement aid, aid in starting individual and commu- nity gardens, and Indian craft projects. The Tribal Attorney, Richard Schifter, was enlisted to help interest Govern- ment agencies in funding, but nothing come of this at that time except letters of encouragement. According to both Mr. Jordan and Mr. Allen, failure of the meetings to bear immediate fruit occasioned a good deal of cynicism among the participants. A mimeographed schedule of events, "Highlights of the Kyle Fair, 1958," prepared by the Kyle Fair Committee, contains the following as part of the program: August 27-ceremonial fire to be ignited by Kyle Association resolutions that were disapproved-4 resolutions. August 28-fire to be ignited by Law & Order resolution, work project, family survey forms. August 29-fire to be ignited by Kyle Development program, that has "stalemated" into a slow death. Under the supervision of Martin Pulliam and Isaac Brave Eagle as nar- rator. An, appeal to the Great Spirit, that our future proposals, demands and needs be heard. However the ideas generated remained alive, both on the Pine Ridge Reserva- ti()n and in the office of Mr. Schifter. Tribal Council minutes for the years before the pa~ssage of the Economic Opportunity Act contain items such as the following: March 1, 1963 Resolution 63-32: Whereas, the Oglala Sioux Tribal Council realizes the necessity for development of the tourist trade on the Reserva- tion, and Whereas project proposals are being prepared for submission to the Department of Commerce for grants and loans under the ARA and Public Works Acceleration Act for construction of White Clay Recreation and Camp Area, Fort Philip Kerny Tourist Center and a permanent Sun- dance Arena, Resolved, That $100 be used to print a tourist brochure. (s) PAUL APPLE, Tribal ~Secretary. According to members of the Executive Committee of the 1962-1964 Tribal Council, Mr. Schifter kept them apprised of the likelihood of passage of the Economic Opportunity Act, and the implications of this Act for the reservation. In 1965 the Tribal Council reportedly tried unsuccessfully to obtain funds for a Day Care Center. When the passage of the Economic Opportunity Act appeared likely, Mr. Schifter discussed plans for a Health Aides project with members of the Executive Committee. Twelve other plans, including a Day Care PAGENO="0252" 3904 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Center, were discussed to select those that were both most necessary in the light of current reservation needs and most likely to be funded under the expected Economic Opportunity Act. The Executive Committee, in consultation with Mr. Schifter and representatives from the BIA and PHS at Pine Ridge, decided to try initially to develop proposals for a Day Care Center, Community Health Aides, and a Neighborhood Youth Corps activity. Tribal Council minutes for 13 May 1964 show that on that day Mr. Schifter sketched the outline for Day Care Centers to the Council, and asked whether the Council approvec1. The response was almost unanimous approval. Re also described an NYC pro- gram, and the Health Aides plan, and the Council approved both. A member of the Executive Committee stated that because of the need for haste in prenaring applications for funds, project plans had to be designed "behind closed doors" without participation by the people. Mi. Schifter contacted a child development specialist, Dr. Harold Abel, to discuss the Day Care Center plans. Dr. Abel urged the inclusion of Nursery Schools, which would be of more benefit than the Day Care Centers, which were designated merely to look after the children. According to Tribal Council minutes, on 24 June 1964 Mr. Schifter gave a brief report to the Tribal Council concerning President Johnson, the Poverty Program, and opportunities for the Tribe. From the minutes of 25 June: `Mr. Richard Schifter explained the various phases of the Anti-Poverty Bill and it was the recommendation of the Council that Phase la and lb be acceptable to the reservation for a possible program." In early August of 1964, Dr. Robert Roessel reportedly visited the Pine Ridge Reservation to discuss the "War on Poverty" for the first time. The Council was not formally in session, but a Sl)ecial session was convened to hear him speak. No minutes were taken, but according to a number of observers, Dr. Roessel explained that the Community Action Program was to be unlike any Government program that had gone before. It was to belong to the people. A community could write up a request for a project to develop itself, and OEO would provide the funds and skills to meet the request. Building materials and supplies were to be made available through the OEO. The program would hire members of the community to carry out the community's plans. Reportedly, w-hen Dr. Roessel finished speaking, one of the non-Council members among those who gathered asked him if what he had described would really happen, because what he had said sounded almost too beautiful to be true. Dr. Roessel is said to have replied that not all of the plans could be put into effect at once, that the projects would have to be done in phases, but that OEO would help the Indian communities in every way possible. It is possible that the specific remarks attributed to Dr. Roessel were not made by him. Whatever he said in fact, from all accounts the effect of his, words was to create near euphoria. Dr. Roessel also spoke upon this occasion and on sub- sequent visits, to reservation leaders and at district meetings. Word of OEO spread quickly, and in many, if not all, areas of the reservation, expectations were high. On Dr. Roessel's recOmmendation, the Tribal Council formed an OEO committee, with representatives from the largest communities on the reservation. Individual communities organized themselves to devise plans to submit to Washington. The plan of Oglala Junior, a "full-blood" community, describes and budgets over twenty projects, including cattle and farming enterprises. adult education, on-the-job training, self-help housing, tourist development, and sanitation. The proposals written by Oglala Junior are similar to those written by the White River and Kyle communities. The people of Kyle reportedly desired: (1) equipment to irrigate home and communal garden plots, and equipment for a small community cannery, so that wild and garden products could be pre- served for domestic consumption; (2) equipment for a ~inall sawmill, so that tribal timber could be selectively used for homes for young families; and (3) sewing machines and instruction in dress-making. Oglala Junior submitted its proposals to OEO in Washington on 24 August 1964. They were rejected on the grounds that proposals must come through the CAP being set up under the sponsorship of the Tribal Council to cover the entire reservation. The other proposals were apparently given to the OEO committee. who in turn handed them over to the Community Workers when that component was funded. Apparently some were later forwarded to the Vermillion office of the Consortium, but reaetion~ from Vermillion, if any, are unknown. PAGENO="0253" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3905 On 16 November the Tribal Council approved Resolution 64-53: "The Ad Hoc Committee has directed the preparation of an application for funds under Title TB, known as the Program Outline and Budget for Work Training Programs. * * * The Council has carefully considered the CAP and the Program Outline and Budget for Work Training Programs and is aware of the obligations of the Tribe under each ~ * The Resolution goes on to adopt and approve CAP, and directs the attorneys to negotiate for programs. The same month, Mr. Schifter submitted a discussion draft of the initial component requests (subsequently CAP Grant 181) to OEO in Washington. CAP Grant 181 was approved on 19 January for a period ending 30 October 1965. Components approved were the Community Worker program and the Corn. munity Health Aide program. b. Development of CAP Components (1) Community Worker Conaponent.-The Community Worker component was funded on 16 January 1965, effective in early February, for a total of $34,282.85. The Executive Committee chose C. D. Allen to be the first Community Worker in March. With his help they selected the other two Community Workers and three Community Worker aides. One Community Worker, Gus Nemitz, was work- ing in the State Welfare Office in Pine Ridge at the time he was hired, and had had extensive experience in recreation activities. Everett Jordan, the third worker, was working off the reservation when hired, but had been an extension agent at Pine Ridge for many years, and had been involved with Mr. Allen in the mass meetings of 1957 and 1958. Intended pay-off of this component was high: The Evaluation section of the Pine Ridge CAP Application (attachment 7.2) suggests that "one should be able to observe projects and programs undertaken in the communities which had only been dreamed and talked about." The Scope and Content section of the application mentions as likely Community Worker projects organizing recreational programs for youngsters, adult and juvenile programs centering around community build- ings, adult education classes for men, homemaking classes for women, and helping to coordinate CAP programs and other OEO programs under Title I through V. It makes the point that "The scope of the service whiëh each Community Worker will be able to perform will be limited only by his time, ability, and imagination." To these a fourth might have been added: lack of funds to implement these diverse activities. The initial request for $7,000 for materials-including those for home demonstration activities, recreational equipment, and educational materials-was cut to $1,500. More important, as it developed, was the inability of the program to offer anything but advice to the adults who had been talking and dreaming about community projects and program for ye:ars. Messrs. Allen and Jordan and their aides began discussing community wants and needs with Sioux they had known as extension agents. They explained the existing OED programs, and according to interviews with Sioux with whom they talkel, they echoed Dr. Roessel in saying that OEO had to go by stages and would probably be able to hire more adults for community projects later. Mr. Nemits and his aide conducted a recreation interest poll, and began searching for ways to acquire recreation equipment. Mr. Nemitz was able to persuade a nearby Air Force base to donate $2,000 worth of excess recreation equipment to the Sioux, and s:ome manufacturers cooperated by donating balls and bats. Mr. Nemitz and `his aide organized a softball league with eight teams, and held sports workshops through the schools. According to their calculations, over one hundred children participated on an average day in recreational activities held at seven reservation day schools. In addition, Mr. Nemitz and two VISTA workers organized a "Teen Canteen" in Pine Ridge. The Sioux are traditionally fine athletes and programs are popular, both with the children who participate and with adults. Athletic excellence is not simply recreation at Pine Ridge, but a personal virtue, and everyone seems to respect Mr. Nemitz as a good coach. Interviews indicated that some adults felt OEO should have more programs like the recreation program, that gave people something and helped them enjoy themselves. At the same time, others noted that the children had been playing ball long before the OED lent a hand. It soon became apparent that Mr. Allen, as ex-officio Director, had very little time to work in the field. He had the responsibility to consult with the Tribal Council, help select CAP employees, write reports to OEO and, in consultation PAGENO="0254" 3906 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 with other people, design new programs and fill out CAP applications. These duties were complicated during the initial months by lack of an office. Mr. Jordan continued meeting with people in the districts, in his words "trying to sell the OEO," but this became increasingly difficult. "After a while we realized all that OEO talk was just campaign promises," one rural Sioux put it. This is a stronger statement than most would have made, but the sentiment behind it was widespread. "Report of Community Workers, September 1965" is a five-page mimeographed document prepared by personnel of the Community Worker component, explaining existing programs which were being conducted at that time by the Community Health aides, Community Development, the Nursery School, and the Neighbor- hood Youth Corps. After describing what these programs were doing and what they expected to do, the last page of text requests cooperation: "At the present time, our young people are realizing the benefits of the pro- gram, and our acceptance of the present programs, will eventually bring into reality, a workable adult program, and the other worthwhile benefits that will be forthcoming under the Anti-Poverty Program. The program has some very good basic points, and we should give the program a chance, and it may prove itself to be the makings of a long-range rehabilitation program. "We, the adults, should also take into full consideration that this program may be our last one, and for the benefit of our younger generation, we should cooper- ate with the sponsor and the entire working personnel of the Office of Economic Opportunity organization." Probably the greatest direct benefits of the initial field work phase of the CAP program were that many people were encouraged to apply for OED jobs, volun- teer supervisors for the Neighborhood Youth Corps were contacted, and sug- gestions were elicited from communities for local NYC work projects. Indirectly, the dissatisfaction the program aroused as a result of not being able to live up to the people's expectations may prove to have positive value. Political activity in the last tribal election was reportedly greater than during previous elections. with almost twice as many candidates as usual running for office, and a voter turnout, despite a blizzard, of approximately 50% of the eligible voters. The tribal representatives elected are generally hostile to the OED, and are trying to find ways to exert control over the OED. The OED lends a real issue to tribal politics, and the hope of real power. Although they could quite Possible use the power unwisely or selfishly, the situation carries a built-in corrective: people will watch the Council more closely as its activities become more important, and political sophistication and involvement is likely to continue to improve. An important factor in this trend is the presence of Community Workers and Worker aides in the districts. They are in a position to feed information about reservation affairs into their work areas, and this new information source is bound to in- crease the pressure communities are able and motivated to put on matters that affect them. Eight new Community Worker aides finished training and were in the field only a month before the end of the project research period. It was therefore im- possible to assess their impact with accuracy. The need for these additional aides is quite clear, however, and was recognized by the Community Workers not long after the program was initiated. It is a fact of Sioux life that strangers, including fellow Sioux from other parts of the reservation, are regarded with distrust. Therefore, even if it were possible for three Community Workers and three Community Worker aides to overcome logistic problems of covering a work area of nearly five thousand square miles, with poor or nonexistent roads, the human problems would be exceedingly diffi- cult. A number of Sioux interviewed in Wounded Knee, where Community Worker Everett Jordan makes his home, said Mr. Jordan used to work closely with them, but that now he was always off someplace and no one saw him much. They spoke with reproach, and seemed to take his frequent absence from the community as a sign that he had lost concern for their problems. Undoubtedly, this was also due in large part to his inability, through lack of resources, to do very much about their problems. The new complement of Community Worker aides, one in each reservation, seems already to be increasing the effectiveness of the Community Worker program. The Community Worker aides have been engaged, since their numbers were augmented, in contacting and establishing cordial relations with all the families in their districts, and in conducting an economic survey of the reservation. Since each district has an average population of close to one thousand, this is an PAGENO="0255" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3907 ambitious undertaking. At present, the program design calls for each aide to visit each family in his district at home at least once every three months. In addition, to economic survey forms they must fill out, they keep daily worksheets indicat- ing numbers of people contacted and project undertaken. The Community Worker aides seem able to keep in close touch with problems within their districts. They are aware of local wants and needs, and occasionally can be of help. For example, a Community Worker aide knew that a well travelled rural road required repair. People living on the road had complained about it to no avail. Because the Community Worker aide knew someone in the State Roads Depart- ment, he was able to have the road repaired, although in this particular instance, the Community Worker aide happened to have a contact in the Roads Department before entering upon CAP activities. It may be noted that the program Director is careful to see that aides get to know individuals in the Public Health Service, tribal offices, Bureau of Indian Affairs departments, and OEO components so that they can communicate local situations to the people whose influence could correct or improve the situation. Operating in the other direction, they try to inform their districts about policies and new opportunities that exist. This comes back to "selling OEO," which remains an important part of their activities. The drawbacks already mentioned still apply, however. The aides hear again and again that people need jobs, pumps for their houses, help in setting up garden and livestock projects, and other things impossible to implement with present resources and program designs. Most local grievances involve factors far beyond the scope of the personal influence of .any aide, and almost of ally single indi- vidual. One Community Worker aide said he was approached by some fifty people who wanted him to tell the people in charge that they didn't want the kind of "low-cost" housing that the Public Housing Authority was going to build in their community. Rents are $65 a month and up, more than most Sioux can afford, the houses are too close together to suit most rural Sioux, and they want to live on their own land, according to both the Community Worker `aide and Oglala resi- dents interviewed by project researchers. In this as in most cases, tile aide's knowledge of the problem will have no effect. The program stops short of sug- gesting to the people ways they can make their collective opinions matter. Since the new Community Worker aides started work in the field they have been handicapped by the need to fill in when problems developed in the NYC volun- teer supervisor system. During a Community Worker aide meeting, it was brought out that every aide had at times spent five hours a day supervising NYC workers. This situation will be discussed more completely under the NYC section. (2) Community health Aide Component-The Community Health Aide com- ponent was approved 16 January 1965, effective early February through 30 October 1965. Mr. Verrone, a PITS associ~te, arrived at Pine Ridge in February to train the Health Aides. His salary was paid by PITS and reimbursed by OEO. Health Aide trainees were selected by a committee composed of representatives from the PHS, BIA, OED, and the Tribe. (The OED representative was Mr. C. D. Allen, who at that time was a Community Worker. By virtue of his long ex- perience as a state agricultural extension worker at Pine Ridge, and by tacit agreement of the Tribal Executive Committee, Mr. Alien had been Acting Direc- tor of the CAP from the program's inception.) Three Health Aide team leaders were selected, together with nine Health Aides. They began training under Mr. Verrone in March and completed training in early July. Training sessions included occassional lectures by members of the Tribe, the BIA, and the OED. During training, one Aide dropped out, and one was asked to leave before graduation. The graduating Aides were introduced to the Tribal Council on 14 July 1965. The team leaders gave a brief report to the Council on their training and duties. A second group of one leader and ten Aides began training in July, and were graduated in September. When the training period ended, Mr. Verrone was transferred elsewhere. The Aides were left under the supervision of a PITS nurse, but it soon becam.e apparent that the young, inexperienced Aides needed a full-time, qualified supervisor. In early October, an extension of the program through November 1°65 was requested. The request was granted on 29 October. On 31 October 1965, the PHS assigned Miss Pacheco, who had previously been with the PITS in northern New Mexico, to Pine Ridge to take over super- vision of the Community Health Aides. PHS administrators had hoped that her salary would be reimbursed by OEO, as had Mr. Verrone's, but OEO refused to do this unless Miss Pacheco resigned from the PITS and became an OEO PAGENO="0256" 3908 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 employee, which she declined to do. She is, however, a member of the OED staff, so that there are no problems of coordination bet~veen the PHS and OED in managing the program. After graduation, one team of Aides began field work operating out of the community building at Kyle, covering the Kyle and Porcupine areas. A second team operated out of the Manderson school, covering Manderson and Wounded Knee. The third team, operating out of a formerly vacant day school near Og- lala, covered Oglala, Oglala Junior, Slim Buttes, and Payabaya. Initial con- tacts were primarily with patients referred to them by the PUS hospital fn Pine Ridge. The Aides talked to the people about sanitation and health prob- lems, stressing medicines and health practices necessary to prevent and cure disease. Under Miss Pacheco's direction, the Health Aides began making up and following monthly activity schedules. Each Aides is responsible for certain fam- ilies in her area. Interviews are conducted with families in their homes, and folders kept on the health problems of each family. Originally, each Aide was supposed to make nine home visits a week, but because of the time necessary to n-rite reports-and most of all, because of transportation difficulties-there is no longer a required number of visits. Interviews last from fifteen minutes to an hour-and-a-half. Miss Pacheco works closely with the Aides, and holds weekly training ses- sions w-ith each team on first aid, sanitation, and health education. In addition, she gives them pointers in good grooming and tries to install self-confidence. They are often reminded that they must set good examples in their communi- ties. On training trips, Miss Pacheco sometimes takes them to expensive res- taurants so that they will develop ease in varied social settings. Most of the Health Aides seem to retain strong family ties, however, and it is questionable w-hether many of them would leave the reservation in search of the nurses aides jobs their training might qualify them for if the CAP programs were to end. The Community Health Aides program is one of the most popular individual components, both with the Tribal Council and the reservation population. It is one of the components that grew directly out of suggestions brought up at the mass meetings of 1957-58. and though virtually no one interviewed except OED staff members made the connection between the present Community Health Aide program and the 1958 suggestion, the program seems to meet what has ap- parently been a long-felt need at Pnie Ridge, where Sioux have to wait in an uncomfortably alien environment for long hours to see doctors who often do not understand them. Many Sioux said they liked the Health Aides, who talked with them in their homes, in the Lakota language, except in a few communities where Lakota is not normally spoken, and who brought medicines (usually dis- infectant soap, bed bug spray, and antibiotic salve). Many were clearly flattered by the attention. One Tribal Council representative expressed pleasure that "they are finally sending people to our homes, so they will understand our needs." The implication seems to be that if "they" know how bad things really are, "they" will finally do something about it. Though the Health Aides grew up on the reservation and usually live in one-room log houses, like most of the houses they visit, they are in the minds of people part of the powerful but usually indifferent world of bureau officials, doctors, and "Washington." Other Sioux were less enthusiastic. One respected community leader said, "Sure, those girls came around and talked to me. They could talk all day and it wouldn't change anything. We still have to scratch for a living." Many people feel that the Health Aides are too young to know much. and certainly too young to be advising adults. (The same criticism is often leveled against the PHS doctors, about whom three older Sioux remarked that they come here fresh out of school to practice on the Sioux.) It may be noted that those people who were most critical of the Health Aides were often among those who were aware of the OEO when it was first being discussed, and were disappointed that it did not create mass jobs, or develop farms and ranching cooperatives. Public Health Service officials at Pine Ridge are enthusiastic about the Corn- munity Health Aide program. They feel that by direct health education, out- patient interviews, and the construction of garbage pits and fly-proof privies in selected hoilses by NYC enrolees supervised by Community Health Aides, health standards on the reservation are being raised. PAGENO="0257" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3909 (3) The Ranger Corps Compon ent.-The Ranger Corps component was re- quested in October 165 and approved December 1 effective through 30 June 1966 for a total of $45,050. James Brown, previously Assistant Head of South Dakota Fish and Wildlife Service, was hired to direct the program. Position for Ranger trainees were advertised in the post offices and reservation general stores. 127 men applied, and, Mr. Brown eliminated ninety~seven of these applicants. He gave the rest a psychological test ("mainly because they expected it") and a physical exami- nation. Their police record's were examined, with attention to recent drunken- ness or disorderly conduct. The first group of ten Ranger trainees w-as hired on 8 February. The trainees live in a dormitory set up in the building used by the OED. On Weekends they `frequently go on training trips. The three-month training period includes daily lectures on `such s1~bjects as game management, `first aid, tourism, and tracking. Trainees lead seminars themselves and are given pointers in public speaking. Much of the training is done in cooperation with the Consortium ot Vermillion, and cooperation has been excellent since good communication ha's been' established. (The first two letters requesting training aid reportedly went unanswered.) Yermillion has provided necessary books, an'd arranged and paid for many training trips and lectures by specialists. The original component ap- plication requested $3,000 for training, but OEO reduced this to $1,500. `This cut w-oul'd `have severely hampered the program, according to Mr. Brown, if Ver- million had not made up the `difference. The intensive training will equip the Rangers to qualify for many state, Federal, and private jobs. Mr. Brown asserts that the program has been hampered `by certain other unwise budget cuts, and that had OEO consulted an expert in conservation, the cuts would probably not have been made. For example, the plan to reduce tran's- portation costs by alloting each `Ranger $20 a month to keep a horse is imprac- tical in view of `distances to be covered and the impossibility of' keeping the necessary string of `horses on $20 a month per Ranger. The first `group of Rangers `wen't into the field in `May. During the remainder of the period of this `study they worked primarily at making a `wildlife inven- tory. This will allow the program, in `cooperation with the Tribal Council, to plan and implement the restocking of game animals `and fish. The Rangers also maintained a to'urist booth in `Pine Ridge town, and are r~building an a'bandoned camp ground at the Oglala reservoir. They sell hunting license's to non-tribal member's. State hunting licen~es were `sold haphazardly on the reservation be- fore the Rangers arrived, but the State ha's no jurisdi'ction and no one seems to know where the money from them went. Money f'rom the sale of licenses now goes into a special tribal fund, which the Rangers will use for conservation purposes. The Rangers have organized an Indian powwow singing group, which has re- ceived favorable publicity in some large off-reservation newspapers. Mr. Brown heard of a num~ber of jobs for Indians as extras in a motion picture production, and recruited Pine Ridge Indians to fill them. He persuaded US Forestry and local officials to modify signs on a major tourist route near the reservation so that they point directions to the Pine Ridge Reservation rather than to certain small towns. Two of the first ten Rangers who showed special interest and aptitude in par- ticular areas were able to receive additional training. One Ranger studied rep- tiles and reptile-handling at the largest "reptile garden" in South Dakota. An- other entered a two-month training program in pulpwood production given by a Black Hills firm. Following the training he will become a crew leader for the firm, and will hire and train ten Pine Ridge Sioux to work under him. The Ranger program has encountered no major problems so far. The Rangers like their work, which is mostly outdoors and carries the status of a uniform and a good deal of independence. More than two hundred men applied for the second group of ten jobs advertised in April. T'he Rangers have received good cooperation from the Tribal Council, the BIA, and other agencies and firms on and off the reservation. However, interviews indicated that few people understood what they were doing. Many expressed anger at the low number of people em- ployed, and allegations were made that most of the people were hired away from other jobs. One incumbent Tribal Council representative who attacked the OED during his campaign for reelection claimed that most of the first group of ten Rangers `had worked for Wright-McGill fishhook snelling plant, and that the peo- ple who really needed the jobs could not get them. 80-084-67-Pt. 5-17 PAGENO="0258" 3910 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67' Actually, only two of the first twenty Rangers had jobs with Wright-McGiII.~ The manager of Wright-McGill criticized the O'ED for stealing his employees, and when the second Wright-McGill employee was hired by the Rangers in the second group the criticism apparently went to the Tribal Council. During an OED staff report to the Tribal Council, Tribal President Johnson Holyrock cautioned Mr. Brown against hiring Wrig~ht-McGill employees without consulting the manager, and one outspoken tribal representative strongly attacked Mr. Brown, Saying that the Tribe owned a lot to Wright-McGill and did not want his firm to leave the reservation because of Mr. Brown and the OED.4 After a fairly heated exchange between a few tribal representatives and some of the OED staff involving the issues of OED project director autonomy over their components, and the legality and wisdom of the Council dictating to tribal mem- bers that they cannot move up to better jobs, one Councilman ended the con- frontation by explaining to everyone that the ex-Wrigh't-McGIIl Ranger in question had quit Wright-McGill because of a difference with the manager. The incident is important, however, because it involves the more general problems of need versus qualifications as the main criteria for OED employment, and the desire of many members of the Tribal Council to tighten control over QED activities. These issues will be discussed in Section d. (Problems in Implementation of CAP Components). (4) Nursery School Component-Funding of the Nursery School component was first requested on 14 May 1965 and approved 30 June for $157,765. Budget changes reduced the component director's salary from $15,000 to $8,640, and travel expenses from $27,546 to $19,015. Consumable supplies were reduced from $9,155 to $1,830 oi~ the advice of an OEO education specialist. Dr. Harold Abel (the child development specialist who helped with Day Care Center plans) had helped to design the component in the form in which it was submitted to OEO, and upon funding was officially retained as a consultant., The position of Director of the component was advertised, but there was diffi- culty finding a qualified person. Dr. Abel finally located Miss Marilyn Cole, who was approved by the screening board. She arrived in Pine Ridge on 29 August. Ten teacher aides had already been selected `by the staff of the NYC com- ponent, which at that time consisted of two VISTA workers. The aides had' already begun an eight-week session at the Indian Community Action Center' in Tempe, Arizona.5 Two aide trainees were dismissed there, but `the rest grad- uated successfully, according to Miss Cole. After the initial group was in training in Arizona, OEO established another- branch of the Three-University Consortium `at the University of South Dakota at Vermillion, and directed the OED to arrange for any further teacher-aide training to be done there. Another memorandum from OEO required that all' aides hired thereafter be over twenty-one years of age. (A request that' the minimum age requirement for aides be waived was refused on 27 August 1965.) `Difficulty in finding a qualified `director `and qualified teachers (who were also selected `by Dr. Abel and approved by the screening board) delayed opening' of the Nursery Schools. Another difficulty `that caused delay was the problem of `suitable `buildings. Th'e componen't application said that arrangements for' spa'ce for the Nursery Schools wou'ld `be m'ade in the community `buildings. The Tribal Council was willing that the buildings be used to house Nursery Schools, but there proved to be a resistance to this plan in the individual communities~ Furthermore, work, such as the installation of plumbing, was needed on many of the buildings before Nursery Schools could be operated in `them. `Some communities were reportedly reluctant to `surrender partial control of' their community buildings. The psychological value of the issue may be appre- ciated when one considers that the community buildings were virtually the only' things that most communities had contro'l over, that they were gathering places for community events, and that `from the point of view of most Sioux, everything' of value they ever had, individually or as a tribe, was taken from them by force or guile by whites. Some communities demanded rent for the buildings. Others agreed that the buildings `be used on condi'tion that the Nursery Schools pay all utilities and maintenance costs. 4 By way of background, the Wright-McGill fishhook snelling plant has been on the reservation for some five years, and continues to pay minimum wages despite promises of salary Increases when they first came. They have reportedly hinted a number of times that: the reservation needs them more than they need the reservation, and many tribal repre- sentatives have heeded this warning. ~ A branch of the Three-University Consortium located at Arizona State University. PAGENO="0259" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3911 HSR researchers observed two community meetings in Porcupine in early February 1906 where the issue of whether or not to let the community building be used as a nursery school was extensively debated. The Nursery School Di- rector explained the program, stressing the points that trained people would care for three- to five-year-old children for half a day, that the children could play with toys and do many interesting things, that they would get hot lunches, that attendance was voluntary, that the community could still use the building to hold meetings and social events, and that the Nursery School would pay all utilities and maintenance bills for the building. Arguments voiced in opposition to the plan were that the children would learn nothing useful, that three- to five-year-old children were too young to go to school, but rather should be with their mothers, and that the community building was for the community, not for outsiders. Arguments in favor of the Nursery School reiterated the points made by the Nursery School Director, and added that the community would lose nothing by letting the Nursery School start; parents who did not like it could withdraw their children, and the community could evict the Nursery School if the arrangement proved unsatisfactory. The meetings were well attended, esti- mated attendance at each was over fifty, with more people attending the second meeting than the first. The final vote ran approximately two to one in favor of letting the Nursery School use the community building. The basic problem of building space is by no means solved how-ever. Some communities seem to assert authority by making frequent complaints over de- tails of building maintenance to the Nursery School teachers, and a number of communities are exploring more profitable ways to use their buildings. The Wright-McGill fishhook snelling plant may rent some of them to expand its operations. In the face of this possibility, Dr. Abel and the OED staff are ex- ploring other buildings to house the Nursery Schools, but except for churches and trailers, there are few available. Nursery Schools opened on the Pine Ridge Reservation in the following order: Allen November 1965. Kyle December 1965. Wainblee I)o. Pine Ridge I Do. Red Shirt (Independent) January 1966. Manderson February 1966. Porcupine Do. Oglala Do. Pine Ridge II Do. Wounded Knee May 1966. Holy Rosary (summer) June 1966. Many schools had difficulty operating through the winter. Because children had to be transported to most of them over long stretches of seasonally bad roads, schools frequently had to shut down when snow was heavy. Very often parents were not notified when schools had to be shut down because of weather condi- tions. A number of times HSR observers saw families who had walked through the snow to be with their children, only to be confronted with a school which hail been closed for an indeterminate period. Such problems as burst water pipes, electrical failures, and furnace trouble have plagued the program. Some Sioux drivers hired to drive the children to and from school claim that, despite wages of $1.85 pr hour, they lost money, because of high automobile insurance costs and the rapid wear on their cars caused by high mileage over bad roads. Teacher-aide training at the Consortium in Vermillion, South Dakota (the Indian Community Action project) is unsatisfactory in the view of Dr. Abel and Miss Cole. There are no children for the teacher-aides to work with, and the classroom instruction alone is said to be of relatively little value. Also, Miss Cole reports that it is hard to find qualified teacher-aides over twenty-one because most Sioux women of that age have children to care for. Most children seem to enjoy the Nursery School. Play experiences are almost totally unstructured. Children can play with games and toys, watch guinea pigs, or work at any of a variety of puzzles graded in difficulty. There are rest periods, story telling, and outdoor play stressing muscular coordination. Verbal ability is encouraged by the teachers and teacher-aides. Many mothers, perhaps most, also like the schools because they take care of the children for half a day and give them hot lunches. Few parents know anything about the theoretical benefits of the Nursery Schools and not many parents seem deeply committed to them. PAGENO="0260" 3912 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 Dr. Abel and Miss Cole are of the opinion that very early training and learn- ing is non-conceptual, but involves all the senses, coordination of minor and major muscle systems, and early social experiences, involving both verbal and non- verbal interchange. Though learning at this stage may be non-conceptual, it is perhaps more important to the development of the child, and hence of the adult, than later learning, because the openness of the child to later experience, in- cluding learning experience, is in large part determined by the richness and variety of stimuli he receives before he is five. Dr. Abel states that the Nursery School component frankly aims at changing Sioux culture. Before establishment of the Nursery School component, Dr. Abel feels, young Sioux children bad a very limited range of experience, bounded by the rather drab confines of the backyard, a few farm animals, and cars. Sioux children are discouraged from developing verbal skills because they are expected to be quiet in the presence of adults, and do not acquire the habit of asking questions. Neither Dr. Abel nor i\iiss Cole ventures to predict exactly bow Sioux culture w-ill be altered (they frankly admit they are not experienced with Indians and do not claim to be experts on Sioux culture), but they feel that post-nursery-school children will do considerably better in school since the "wall of silence" described by many teachers of the Pine Ridge Reservation will probably never develop among them. Therefore they will be better equipped, both by education and by temperament, to find employment. It is of course impossible to predict the outcome of this experiment, at least without administering a carefully designed schedule *of personality tests to a large sample of Sioux children. However, a few issues should be mentioned tentatively. Erik Erikson, whose study of the Oglala Sioux in Childhood and ~oeiety incorporates both psychological and anthropological data, questions the theory (advanced by MacGregor) that the personality of the Dakota is conditioned by repressive forces set in m~otion early in the child's life. Erikson writes: "My conclusion would be, as before, that early childhood among the Dakota, within the limits of poverty and general listlessness, is a relatively rich and spon'taneous exiStence which permits the school child to merge from the family with relative integration-i.e., with much trust, a little autonomy, and some initiative (1963 :163)." Erikson sees the silent shutting-out of teachers in late grade school as the result of a value crisis where the pupil must choose between his family, where generosity and mutual suppoi~t are esteemed, and the school and other external influences which try to encourage individual achievement relative to one's peer group. Murray Wax, in a monograph entitled, Formal Education in an American Indian Community (1964), attacks the functional relevance of early cultural deprivation by pointing out tha4 there is indeed a rich variety of stimuli for Sioux children, but that they are not perceived `as such by most educa'tors. Furthermore, Wax states, Sioux children are very verbal when among their peers, `and `have a penchant for elaborate stories and oratory. Assuming the validity ~f the points made by Erikson `and Wax, a more fundamental cause than poverty of verbal experience for the withdrawal re- portedly characteristic of Sioux youths in the classroom would seem to be the incompatability of the value systems of white educators and Sioux families. Early childhood experience has a strong bearing on values, `hnd the Nursery School purveys values as well as sensory stimuli. The child learns something of respect for property, neatness and order, and `manners." He learns to talk to adults, to ask questions, to share his experiences with them, and to enjoy and seek their praise. All of these are either counter to or different in em- phasis from the way he is expected to behave at home. Whether this is likely to provoke the crisis of contradictory standards that some observers feel is largely responsible for the passivity and emotional instability of Sioux youths, at an earlier age than usu'al, is conjectural. The possibility that the Nursery Schools are aggravating a values crisis, rather than alleviating it, is `of course only one `among many, and `the purpose in exploring the matter here is not to devaluate the Nursery School idea, but to suggest that deliberate cross-cultural personality change ha's many pitfalls. The more powerful the techniques, and the more severe the psychological ills of the subject group, the greater `the need for full consideration of the dynamics of those ills and the probable emergent patterns-before cures are administered. (5) Central Offlee Component-On 21 October 1965 the Pine Ridge CAP re- PAGENO="0261" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 3913 quested a Central Office component to facilitate conduct of CAP business. The component was funded in the amount of $24,899. C. D. Allen and other Community Workers had wanted to run `their program without being tied to an office, especially because of the psychological connota- tions of an office in Pine Ridge town. They soon realized this was impossible, however, in view of the volume of administrative matters and the needs for storage space, secretaries and a good filing system. The Central Office com- ponent was the result. (6) Medicare Aiert.-The Medicare Alert component lasted six weeks and employed a staff of ten tribal members, all bitt two of whom were over sixty- five years old. The 1964-66 Tribal Council granted the OED Director authority to hire whomever he chose, in view of the need for haste. Upon completion of the program the OED sent a report to the Indian Desk in Washington. In June the Indian T)esk requested another copy of the report, and it was sent again. Ten days later the OED received `another request for the report, and it was sent by registered mail. A staff member of the Shannon County Welfare Board reported that some Indians were signed up both by Medicare Alert workers and Shannon County Welfare Board social workers. Until the mistake was discovered they were listed twice with Medicare. There was reportedly no cooperation between the efforts of the Welfare Board and Medicare Alert. (7) Homemaker Aide Component-The Homemaker Aide program was sub- mitted to representatives of the Consortium at Vermilion and rejected. It was resubmitted through the Tribal Attorney and approved in January 1966, through June 1966, with funding of $22,410. The OED staff screened 150 applicants for Homemaker Aide jobs and, with State Extension Agent Bessie Cornelius, selected five. The program design was largely the work of Mrs. Cornelius, and she functions as the project Director although she still, as of mid-July, was a State Extension Agent. The Aides were trained both at Vermillion and by Mrs. Cornelius at Pine Ridge, completing their training in early July 1966. Five additional Aides were expected to begin train- ing soon. The program intends to give advice to homemakers in wise use of clothing and commodities, furniture repair, money management, grocery buying, sewing and crafts, and family relationships. On 6 July 1966 an application was submitted for twenty-eight additional Aides. Though the program was not fully launched in the districts when I-TSR field research ended, the history of the C~mmunity Worker components sug- gest that this program has little chance of affecting many people unless con- siderably more than ten Aides are used, since impact depends significantly upon the cultivation of personal relationships between the persons giving and receiving advice. (8) Neighborhood Youth Corps (NYC).-The Neighborhood Youth Corps was funded 20 June 1965. OED Director 0. D. Allen had contacted people in Government agencies, tribal offices, and churches to act as volunteer supervisors for teams of NYC enrollees even before approval. When funds arrived, the pro- gram was already behind schedule since, as submitted on 15 December 1964, the proposal called for operation to commence in mid-January 1965. Every at- tempt was made to go into operation rapidly. One person contacted earlier re- ported to HSR researchers that Mr. Allen arrived one day to announce that funds were available, and to ask how many enrollees his organization could use and how soon they could be put to work. Other field informants indicated that there was a very sudden demand for tasks requiring assignment of teams of NYC enrollees. At the same time, large numbers of NYC enrollees had to be recruited. Announcements were made describing job qualifications, and reportedly all ap- plicants who fitted the formal requirements were hired. Volunteer supervisors were recruited from communities by the Community Workers with the advice of some Tribal Council members, and ideas for work projects were solicited from Tribal Council members and at community and district meetings. Sug- gested work projects were selected by Mr. Allen in consultation with two VISTA workers, Eileen Jennings and Beryl Akers, who managed the NYC until a director could be recruited. Reportedly, the first teams of enrollees began work at the end of July. There was considerable misunderstanding among the supervisors about their work. A few expected to be paid, and quit in a few weeks when they learned they were "vohmteers." Some felt that their communities, not the Tribal Council, PAGENO="0262" 3914 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 should get credit for their work. (Credit for their work counted as part of the Tribe's contribution of 10 percent of the cost of CAP, in goods and services, but the communities were initially expected to pay for any materials used to teams of NYC enrollees working on community projects. Actually, this requirement was soon dropped because no communities had the funds to buy materials. Paint and tools were donated or lent by the BIA or the Tribal Council.) In many cases supervision was not sufficiently close. One youth who had been an NYC enrollee in the summer of 1965 reported that he and his entire team spent most of their workday with no supervision, and played most of the time. (Their supervisor, a Government employee, had a heavy work load of his own.) Observ- ers reported that five or six enrollees were dropped off to paint one of a dozen or so school bus shelters, and that one enrollee would slowly paint the shelter while the rest lay around doing nothing. The NYC program secured a full-time director, a counselor, and a staff super- visor toward the end of July 1965. Enrollees began receiving psychological tests and occasional counseling sessions, aimed at directing them back to school, to the Job Corps, to relocation training, or to the Armed Services. The intention was to make the enrollees look realistically at their future prospects in the light of their school records, test results, and work experience. The NYC Director feels that the main benefit of the program is in making the enrollees aware of their future prospects, or in his words, "programming" them into the best alternatives realistically open to them. He realizes the program can give very little work *training at present, though he is working on plans to improve this situation. A~t present, the wages and the work are primarily a means to the counseling, in his view. Due to the large number of enrollees, individual enrollees can usually have only a few personal counseling sessions. Most of their non-work time is spent in small groups, attending lectures. An HSR reasearcher attended one, a lecture given by a staff member of the BIA Employment Assistance Branch. His theme was that the more education a per- son has, the more he is worth. During his twenty-minute talk, which was direct and well prepared, the fourteen enrollees sat impassively looking at their hands or out the window. In another session observed, twenty or so enrollees watched a movie that showed a well dressed suburban youth develop his passionate interest in small rockets, with proper education, into a career that culminated in his own aerospace company. The theme was that one's boyhood interests can lead to good adult careers, when pursued with dedication. Since the Sioux boys' main avocations are sports and "bronco busting," and their identification is with the life of the cowboy, one may speculate on what lesson they drew from the film. Though adult respondents in communities that had NYC work projects often criticized the inefficiency of the enrollees, the enrollee observably accomplishes many worthwhile tasks. Churches were painted, ball parks cleared, a large out- door dance ground was built in one community, and a community building re- paired and repainted in another. Women interviewed were a good deal more enthusiastic about these accomplishments than were men, who resented the lost opportunity to work. Application for refunding was made in September 1965 to the NYC area office in Kansas. The original schedule had called for the program to run through November 1965. However, some necessary information was omitted from the new- application, and it lay dormant in Kansas for months. By the time the local NYC staff realized what had happened, the US Department of Labor had run out of funds. The program managed to continue operating until the end of February 1966 on the funds that had accumulated due to the late start. More and more enrollees had to be laid off, however, and by the end of the first two w-eeks of March 1966, all 136 enrollees, and three staff members, were out of work. At that point the program was refunded. This locally unavoidable situation seems to have done much to hurt the reputation of all the OED pro- grams. Many families had to come to count on the NYC checks, and deeply re- sented their loss. To many people, it indicated that the OED could not be relied upon, and some of the people interviewed by HSR researchers spoke as if deliberate deceit had been involved. * One criticism often voiced about the NYC program was that by employing school drop-outs, the NYC encouraged pupils to drop Out of school. The original grant contained funds for in-school employment, but by the time these arrived in June 1965. school had recessed for the summer. The secOnd funding came in mid-March 1966 and many students were then hired on an in-school basis. PAGENO="0263" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3915 A related criticism was brought up in a Council meeting in June attended by members of the OED staff. The Tribal President said that a number of needy youths who had just graduated from high school bad been refused NYC jobs. He and other Council members thought this set a bad example to other students, since it seemed to punish them for graduating while rewarding their friends who had dropped out or failed. The NYC Director replied that the NYC phi- losophy was to help those fir.st who needed hel.p the most, and that they were aware of the problem and were working on it. As of July. the NYC staff included a director, a counselor, two supervisors, and a secretary, all full-time. and an accountant who also served as accountant for the CAP programs. A third supervisor was being sought. Most of the earlier problems still cause difficulty, `however. The need to find adequate work tasks ~for more than three hundred enrollees (as of July 1960) creates strain on the volunteer supervisors an often light workloads for the enrollees. A CAP Nursery `School teacher said that she agreed to supervise five enrollees assigned to keep her school `swept and clean. With that many working twenty hours a week, they reportedly "get underfoot." One BIA branch foreman said that `he would like very much to teach the fundamentals of his trade to the NYC workers that be had agreed to supervise, but that there were too many of `them and they usually did not stay on the job long enough. With a little training, the foreman thought they would be useful to him and to themselves; but as it is, he said, there is not much for them to do. Another BIA official said that a girl assigned to him as an office worker could become a good secretary if her bad spelling were corrected. He told members of the NYC staff that he would `be glad to assign the girl spelling lessons if they `would `provide a spelling book. They said program guidelines allowed no purchases of this sort. (A VISTA Volunteer who was present offered to try to borrow a spelling text for the purpose.) At a meeting fo'r volunteer supervisors, a number of them raised the issue of their inability to provide the enrollees with useful work skills. One man asked what `the enrollees were supposed to be learning. An NY'C staff mem'ber replied that learning to keep regular hours was very important training. He sai'd that the enrollees soon found that they would be docked for hours missed, and that if they were absent from work too many times without good rea'son, they could be dismissed. (The NYC Director stated that absen'teeism was a problem among the enrollees. He reported that they periodically go "psychologically beserk" and disappear from the job for days, letting off tensions that have built up. Absentee- ism was reportedly highest around Christmas time.) Some Sioux adults complain that NYC wages have increased the drinking problem among reservation youth. Though the complaint may be largely moti- vated `by.a desire for an adult work program to replace the NYC, it seems to have basis in fact. Of fifty-five people arrested on the reservation for being `drunk and disorderly over the Fourth of July weekend, forty were NYC enrolless. In June the NYC staff requested of the BIA Law and Order Branch that NYC enrollees who were arrested `be treated as special cases and that the NYC be allowed to mete out any punishment given. The C'hief of `the Tribal Police Force reported that petty theft had been cut in half since the NYC program started. Police officials feel that giving the youths something to do. coupled with enough money to reduce the likelihood of theft, has helped to keep them out of trouble. Another clear benefit of the program has been that some enrollees were encouraged to save enough from their wages to buy back-to-school clothing. (Many enrollees elect to let NYC set up savings accounts for them, with parental permission.) Of six enrollees the HSR researchers knew well enough to be as- sured of frank answers, two said they bought school clothes with their savings accounts. (The six enrollees made it clear, however, that they `thought the coun- seling and lectures were a minor annoyance.) Some fortunate enrollees are learn- ing skills that will make them employable. Reportedly, a few enrollees assigned to the PITS hospital in Pine Ridge town have been trained as laboratory technicians. It is too early to assess `how successful the NYC program will be in achieving its primary goal, steering youths into productive lives. Clearly, many youths resist being "programmed." One h'ad `agreed to go to Job `Corps camp in order to keep working on the NYC, then managed to miss necessary appointments', forget birth certificates, and fill `out forms incorrectly for over a month to `delay going. Many youths agree to go back to `school but fail to do so or manage to have them- selves suspended, meanwhile working in the NYC as long as they can "get away PAGENO="0264" 3916 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 with it." The NYC Director feels, however, that school statistics next year, when the in-school program is operating, will show that many enrollees have been steered back into school. Even if this proves true, the program must overcome many culture-based obstacles. For example, Indian youths beyond the seventh grade form stronger peer groups, which functionally counteract alien values or advice from non-peer group members, specifically teachers.6 Rejection of concepts of "self-improve- ment" derived from the outside white world is widespread. Resistance to moving off the reservation to find work also remains high. The BIA has been trying to implement a relocation program for Pine Ridge people since 1951, with notably little effect on the total number of Indians at Pine Ridge Reservation who remain below the poverty level. Reportedly, 40% of Pine Ridge Sioux selected by the BIA Employment Assistance Branch in 1965 for jobs off the reservation have already returned. At this time, how-ever, neither the NYC nor any other OEO program seems likely to create mass employment opportunities on the Pine Ridge Reser- vation for those enrollees now being urged to complete high school education. (9) Volunteers In Service To America (VISTA) .-The Pine Ridge Tribal Attorney, Richard Schifter, had learned of the VISTA program before the Eco- nomic Opportunity Act was passed, and the Tribal Council and C. D. Allen cooperated with him in requesting that VISTAs be assigned to the Pine Ridge Reservation. The VISTAs who initially came to Pine Ridge had been trained in Albuquerque, in a few specific skills such as first aid, and had been given some general instruction in community organization. However, they had not been told specifically what they were to do at Pine Ridge. The VISTAs had expected that housing arrangements w-ould have been made for them, and as it turned out, they arrived in the midst of discussion of two relevant issues. First, the Tribal Council wanted them to live in the districts, but members w-ere w-orried that they might be offended by the rough living conditions, the poverty, and drunkenness-and would form bad impressions of the Tribe. At the same time, they were worried about hostility that might be directed at the white outsiders by members of the communities. The second issue was housing. The President of the Tribal Council had ar- ranged, before the VISTAs arrived, for the Tribe to buy between fifteen and twenty-five second-hand trailers. Apparently this had been done on the under- standing that VISTAs, Nursery School teachers, and probably other outsiders, would soon be arriving and would need housing. It was felt that the trailers could be placed wherever they were needed, and it was intended either that the Tribe would collect rent for them or that the rental value of the trailers would count as part of the Tribe's required contribution toward CAP. However, the trailers arrived in Pine Ridge in bad condition, and for months after the VISTAs had arrived, problems arose involving repair of the trailers and hooking them to utilities. The VISTAs in the meantime stayed in vacant rooms in the reservation "Old Folks' Home." The Tribal Council was unsure of what might be done with the VISTAs, and asked the OE'D to assume responsibility for them. However, the ODD Director and all other staff members were busy running the CAP components, and the `~T]JSpAs received almost no instruction. VISTAs who were interviewed said that they did almost nothing for a month, and were completely unable to get advice on the situation from VISTA officials in Washington. Mimeographed replies saying, in effect, "we have received your letter; we will respond when we have time; good luck," constituted a standing joke among the VISTAs at Pine Ridge. Individual VISTAs gradually found tasks to perform. Two began working in the ODD office and proved of great assistance in helping start the NYC and Nursery School programs. Among other things, they helped to contact volunteer supervi'sors for the NYC, and interviewed and selected (with final approval of C. D. Allen and the screening board) the first ten Nursery School teacher-aide trainees. Another VISTA helped with office work for the tribal "Old Folks' Home," and became a good friend of many of the elderly Sioux there. Two more worked with BIA day schools in remote communities, on projects such as arts and crafts instruction. One VISTA moved into a deserted house in a remote community to try to institute community organization. However, though the Tribal Council and the ODD Director had given approval, some members of the community were On this point, see Wax, Murray, Rosalie Wax and Robert Dumont (1964). PAGENO="0265" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3917 suspicious of him. He could not explain to the satisfaction of its members what he was doing there and was asked to leave. VISTAs who were interviewed complained that they could get no support from. the Washington office of VISTA, and noone at Pine Ridge could give them advice on what to do. The ODD Director said that the VISTA program created more problems than any. other. A number -of VISTAs resigned before their terms were up. One created a controversy between the OED and the 1966-68 Tribal Council because the Tribal President seriously objected when she was not granted an extension by VISTA in-Washington. Though she was very popular with elderly Sioux at the "Old Folks' Home," and with members of the Tribal Council, the ODD Director recommended that she not be retained. She reportedly would not pay her rent, and created various other difficulties. When the 1966 Tribal Council assumed office, many of its members were con- cerned about ODD's refusal to permit the extension of this VISTA worker's tour of duty. They were particularly angry about the Tribal Councils powerlessness in the situation. They also objected to the OED using VISTAs for its own pur- poses. Some Council members, as well as rural Sioux, felt that VISTAs would not be respected as long as they had to be pampered with trailers, running w-ater and `electricity, and that they were ijeing paid for jobs that Indians could do just as well. Based on VISTA literature and a VISTA film, they felt that VISTAs were supposed to "work with the people," rather than with Government agencies that could afford to hire a staff. When a VISTA representative arrived to discuss arrangements necessary for more VISTAs to be assigned to Pine Ridge, the Tribal Council liaison representa- tive to the ODD said `that the Tribal Council wanted more control over the VISTAs. and specifically proposed a training program for VISTAs to be orga- nized and run under the auspices of the Tribal Council. The VISTA representa- tive made it clear that there were strong budgetary reasons for allowing the VISTAs to remain officially under the ODD, but he thought the training pro- gram was a good idea and could very likely be put into effect. All parties appar- ently accepted the compromise, but the issue of who would have final decision- making power in the case of a clear disagreement between the ODD `and the Tribal Council was left unresolved. c. Opinions and Attitudes Regarding CAP It is impossible to create a conceptual model of the social and attitudinal varia- tions within the Pine Ridge Reservation which does justice to their complexity. Roughly ten thousand people live over a five thousand square mile area, most of them in small communities. The concepts of sociological fullbloods and socio- logical mixed bloods, referring to relatively unaceulturated and traditional Indians, on the one hand, and to Indians relatively acculturated to white values, on. the other, are useful to denote cultural differences, and a number of commu- nities and factions think of themselves as being "fullbloods" or "mixed bloods." These are loose concepts, however, and though for some program administrators the participation or non-participation of Indians in their programs. may seem to divide the reservation into two rather clear groups, these groups do not exist as social entities. Attitudes toward the OEO and its programs seem to have less to do with the program than with general preexisting attitudes toward Government programs, ideal and actual. Theoretical future benefits from the OEO were generally not appreciated, except by relatively acculturated employed Indians. Both unaccul- turated and acculturated Indians tended to evaluate the worth of the OEO as a direct function of its success in satisfying their felt needs, and as an indirect function of their initial hopes regarding the likelihood that it would be truly helpful. The relatively unacculturated Indians were very pragmatic about what they needed, and therefore what Government programs should help them to get. The main felt need was for jobs. People interviewed in the White Clay and Wak- pamni Districts-in particular in Calico, Payabya and Oglala-tended to see a need for more industry. (The Wright-McGill snelling plant has employed men from those communities for a number of years.) In more isolated areas, there was general interest -in cattle cooperatives and community gardens. However, both industry and ranching were mentioned in all -areas, excluding Pine Ridge, where ranching was not suggested. Other felt needs mentioned frequently were self-help home improvement and -truly low-cost housing, well-drilling, and irriga- tion projects. PAGENO="0266" 3918 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 Employed and relatively acculturated Indians also stressed the need for jobs, but in discussing them they were more abstract. They spoke of the need for more and better education, and for civic virtues such as better cooperation between people, responsibility, and dependable work habits. They were hopeful that the OEO programs would help raise reservation standards. Since they themselves did not need jobs, they participated in the programs indirectly-by sending their young children to nursery school, for example. Some expressed the concern that the program would end, creating problems for other Government agencies, and some who worked in other agencies thought that their agencies should have control over some of the OEO programs. This was most true in the case of the Nursery School program, which was coveted by personnel of the BIA and state schools. With exception of employed acculturated Indians, the overwhelming majority of Sioux interviewed did not feel that the OEO programs were helping them to meet their most important needs. The strongest statements of dissatisfaction came from sociologically mixed bloods who lived in the districts, many of whom were or had at one time been Councilmen. Initially high expectations that the OEO programs were to be "what the people wanted" seem to have given way to anger. They sometimes stated that the War on Poverty had been "taken over" by a group of whites in Pine Ridge who were drawing immense salaries. Some objected that there were Indians com- petent to run the programs, and that outsiders need not have been brought in. One man stated that the program was a "racket." HSR field researchers dis- covered that in one district a campaigning Councilman, subsequently elected, was going from house to house with a copy of the OED newspaper (called at that time I'm Nameless, later renamed War Cry) pointing out articles that introduced dif- ferent component directors and stating the (alleged) salary of each. More traditional Sioux who were interviewed generally did not express strong resentment of existing programs, though the majority expressed indifference to or unawareness of the programs. There was a tendency to speak of "Government programs," and to fail to differentiate among them except to specify those con- sidered more or less beneficial. OEO programs were linked together in the minds of a minority of people. The programs were not seen as significantly helpful; that is, they provided few jobs and did not improve the general subsistence level by creating irrigation works, gardens, or other concrete benefits. Some Sioux offered the opinion that Government programs were getting worse. The WPA was generally regarded favorably because it put large numbers of adults to work and created roads and irrigation systems. There was some evidence that expressions of unawareness or indifference in fact covered resentment. HSR researchers noted that members of the corn- inunities covered intensively often shifted initial noncommittal responses to strong indictments. There seemed concern for the feelings of the researchers, whose personal allegiances were at first undetermined. There were indications that the growing circulation of the OED newspaper, War Cry, increased awarenesss of the OEO programs, as well as the tendency for Sioux to think of them as related. Respondents often referred to facts they had read in the newspapers; but significantly, material recounted had to do with numbers of people to be hired and dates of operation of particular components, and not with the intentions or theoretical benefits of the components. Specific criticisms of the programs, when they were made, focused on numbers and types of people employed. Many heads of families objected that the pro- grams hired mostly young people. (The NYC has hired more individuals than all the other components combined. The second and third largest in numbers em- ployed are the Nursery School and Health Aide components, which hire mainly girls in their twenties. Family heads raised many objections to this, on grounds that young people could not work as well as older people, that it made the young people wild, that they wasted the money, and that it encouraged young people to be disrespectful of their parents. A major factor behind these objections seems to be that parents strongly resented being made financially dependent on their children, and that this undermined their authority and self-respect. This issue is more important here than would be the case among whites since among the Sioux authority is more a function of age.) Other objections heard from the rural people were that the programs stayed in Pine Ridge town, and that people were hired who either had jobs or had close relatives who had jobs. Since the number of people hired from Pine Ridge town PAGENO="0267" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 3919 compared to the number hired outside the town is actually lower than the cor- responding population ratio, the first objection cannot be taken at face value. It is important, however, because it expresses the perception that the programs benefit other than the rural people. An implicit notion in both this and the second objection-that the program is hiring people with jobs or people whose family members are employed- is that the OED is not helping those who need help the most. The idea has also been voiced by at least two Tribal Council representatives, who publicly criticize the OED on the grounds that it is not employing the most needy. Investigation was not able to trace the idea that the OED should or would employ those who most need help to any statement made by or ascribed to the OED staff or any OEO representatives to the reservation. It seems likely that the idea grows out of the Sioux value placed on helping those who badly need help, reinforced perhaps by experience with welfare, which "rewards" the most helpless. Considering that the OEO program can employ only a small minority of the employable adults on the reservation, it is likely that the OED staff will continue to hire appli- cants felt to be the most reliable, as evidenced in part by past employment. The majority of the reservation adults will probably continue to find fault with the programs on this score. With few exceptions, cooperation between the OED staff and other Government agencies at Pine Ridge has been good. Though officials of other agencies may privately question the likelihood of OEO's success, they have seldom refused to provide services and facilities when requested. (1) The Bureau of Indian Affairs-William Nye of the Resources Develop- ment Branch of the BIA served as liaison to the OEO in Pine Ridge. He sat in on meetings with members of the Tribal Executive Committee, Tribal Attorney Richard Schifter or his representative, and Dr. Ogden, liaison man for the P1-IS, when project ideas were discussed. According to other persons who attended these meetings, BIA approval was needed and secured to use an office building to house the OED, as well as two buildings once used as day schools that now house Nursery Schools, and part of a teacherage which houses a Community Health Aide field office. The Ranger Corps requested and received permission to develop and reopen an abandoned campground that falls within BIA jurisdic- tion. Profits from the campground will go to the Tribal Council for further re- sources development under Ranger supervision. There have been two reported cases of friction involving BIA departments, one very minor, the other possibly significant. Both seem to involve personalities rather than organizational considerations. The "head" of the BIA Law and Order Branch felt that the Rangers should receive police training under his department and function in part as an auxiliary police force. The Director of the Ranger Corps resisted the implications of this, and though he did not reject the proposed training out of hand, he refused to allow a training period as long as the BIA man felt necessary. The matter was dropped. More serious were problems with principals of BIA day schools. The principals, as well as other BIA and PHS personnel, were asked to supervise small teams of NYC workers and had agreed to do so. As described in the earlier section on NYC, there were difficulties with this system of volunteer supervisors, but the school principals had more difficulties than any other group of profes- sionals in accommodating themselves to NYC procedures. A special briefing session for the principals in June 1966 cleared up many misunderstandings. but not long afterwards one principal ostensibly fired an NYC worker under his supervision, though it had been stressed that tl~is could not be done. According to two informants, the same principal aided a group of Sioux in his community in drafting a resolution asking C. D. Allen to resign as OED Director. The resolution was defeated when l)rought to district meeting vote. Though the rumor is unverifiable, it indicates at least that some Sioux in his community feel that the principal was actively hostile to the OEO and its personnel. The same principal at a public meeting of parents of Nursery Sehool children, attended by an IISR researcher, remarked how lavishly funded the Nursery School was compared to the kindergarten, and suggested the two be "put under the same roof." (Literally speaking, they already are.) Many reservation principals would like the Nursery Schools to be under their jurisclic- tion, and seem to feel that the Nursery Schools are overfunded. Some complain that children who have gone through nursery schools are too advanced for kindergarten, but no moves have been made to revise the kindergarten curriculum accordingly. PAGENO="0268" 3920 ECONOMIC OPPOHTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 BIX officials at Pine Ridge told HSR researchers that they stand ready to help the OEO in any way, but that will not act unless asked. Privately, some of them express doubts about the beneficial effects of the OEO, rumors of a new source of jobs may rule people back to the reservation who were managing to get along elsewhere. Hopes are more easily aroused than satisfied. If Congress cuts OEO funds, the BIA may be left to pick up the pieces. (2) Public Health Service-Like the BIA, PHS had a representative at the meetmgs that planned the Initial OED components. Dr. Ogden was especially active in planning and implementing the Health Aide component, earlier dis- cussed. This component was the main sphere of cooperation between the PHS and the OED. Initial cooperation was impeded by a letter to Dr. Ogden from the PHS Area Director's Office in Aberdeen, urging local PHS units not to cooperate with the OEO. The letter arrived before or during the period the Cornmunit.y Health program was being planned. It was apparently sent to the directors of PHS hospitals on Indian reservations with Aberdeen's jurisdiction. However, the letter was countermanded by higher PHS officials in Washington. The PHS has been involved w-ith the Nursery School component, since children of nursery school age require special medical attention. Emergency treatment is given to Indian Nursery School children brought to the hospital in Pine Ridge, but because of PHS regulations, no medical attention can be given to white Nursery School children. Also, because of insufficient funds, the PHS was unable to set up special clinics for Nursery School children to deal with ear ailments, w-hich are widespread among Pine Ridge children and often lead to permanent hearing defects. The Nursery School Director therefore requested funds to provide medical insurance for white children, and to set up, in cooperation with the PHS. special prevention clinics for all Nursery School children. A PHS pedia- trician wrote a letter explaining that the health services in question were very much needed by the nursery school age-group, and that at present the PHS was unable to provide them, though it stood ready to help if OEO granted the neces- sary funds. d. Problems in Implementation of CAP Components (1)Pavcity of OED Job Opportunties.-127 men applied for the first ten Ranger jobs available. Over two hundred applied for the second group of ten. One mem- ber of the OED staff estimated that for every person they w-ere able to hire, ten had to be turned down. OED staff directors seemed to agree that this was the fundamental cause of criticism of the OED, and they felt that if they could put truly large numbers of adults to work, participation in and enthusiasm for all of their programs would greatly increase. 111 addition to generating criticism, this mass discontent has other detrimental effects. When a man who has pinned his hopes on a program from Washington hears that a massively funded program is operating but learns that he himself can get nothing from the program, he tends to lose confidence in himself, feeling that whatever hopes he allow-ed himself had been betrayed, and resenting the people w-ho were hired. Patently, the harshest critics of the OED program were people who had had the highest hopes of employment through them. Respondents told HSR researchers that the program components w-ere being "hogged" by people w-ho did not need them. (2) OED Poens on Youth.-The Nursery School program care for children from three to five; the NYC hires school drop-outs and in-school students; the Coin- munity Health and Nursery School programs hire aides w-ho are usually between twenty-one and twenty-seven. Almost half of the Rangers and Community Worker Aides are men in their twenties, and only the Homemaker component hires women primarily of middle age. The practice of hiring young people for aide jobs seems to be based on the theory that they are less set in their ways and therefore easier to train. The enthusiasm for training shown by the older Rangers, Com- ~nunity Worker Aides, and the Homemaker aides seems to belie the importance of this principle, at least when applied to the Oglala Sioux. The practice has the further disadvantage that Sioux authority is closely linked to age, and emp1oying~ the children of parents who are unemployed creates much interpersonal tension. Some parents and grandparents refused to let their children participate in the NYC until they felt drievn by economic necessity. NYC supervisors were very concerned about the problem of parents getting drunk on the wages of their NYC-employed children. Drinking occurs, but has seldom been a problem, among adults employed by the OED program. PAGENO="0269" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3921 At least five different tribal and community leaders told project researchers that parents felt humiliated by being financially dependent upon their children. The many criticisms adults made of the rebelliousness and irresponsibility of the young people who suddenly find jobs suggests not only the bitterness of those ex- cluded from employment, but the OED hiring practices are aggravating pre- existing tensions between generations. It would be misleading to assume that these tensions are due to a struggle between reatcionary oldsters and their more modern progeny. Though there are cases when this may apply, there are as many where the issue is youthful lack of respect for unemployed parents or low-er sense of personal integrity. Sioux culture, nmch more than white, values age. Advice is given by older men who are the `true" opinion-makers within communities. At dances and community meetings, young people attend but are expected to keep respectfully silent when elders speak. There is, therefore, a certain incongruity in training young people as aides and giving them the responsibility for teaching sanitation methods, proper ways to care for children, and the need for community cooperation. (3) Engaging Comnuinity Leadership-During the four- or five-month period prior to the funding and operation of components, community discussion and interest in possible OEO programs was reportedly high in some of the Pine Ridge communities and resulted in many concrete proposals. These were either rejected, deemed infeasible by the Consortium at Vermillion, or incorporated into reservation-wide components. (According to members of the OED staff, members of the Consortium at Vermillion told them that the only programs that would be funded would be reservation-wide ones.) The initial enthusiasm abated. As one member of the Community Action Advisory Board remarked, "since these are not their own programs, they are not too much interested." The Comniunity Action Advisory Board became defunct after a few meetings because Sioux members appointed by the Tribal Council felt it had no function, and stopped attending. The fifth member of the Tribal Executive Council who is responsible for liaison with the OED has urged the formation of another such board and has submitted a list of suggested members. The staff of the NYC program in May 1960 considered the merits of setting up a NYC advisory hoard of respected n'iembers of the communities wherein NYC operates. The idea was deferred because the members of such a board w-ould (~uickly sense they were being used as a rubber stamp for approval of issues already decided-unless they were givemi true decision-making power. The N\TC Director was uuw-illing to risk such an arrangement. At the end of l)rOect field research, Tribal Council inemlmer~ were discussing plans to create an advisory board for the entire OED, with supervisory powers over OED activities. Many factors make formal or informal cooperation with informal leaders difficult. Most important, their viewpoints on the purposes of the programs generally diverge from those of the OED staff or of OEO administrators. They can lie expected to press for concrete l)eilefl.tS such as jobs, and be disinterested in theoretical long-term benefits. Individually, they are concerned with benefits to their communities and kin, and would feel, correctly, that their status in the eyes of their own people would depend on their success at delivering (or seeming to deliver) these. Therefore, they would probably try to put personal pressure on staff members to hire their relatives, just as members of the Tribal Council allegedy have. Most of them w-ould be unfamiliar with planning and action based on memoranda and official requirements. The two viewpoints involve two fundamentally different ways people relate to one another. One of these involves relationships that are highly personal and kin-based; the other involves the assunWtiOn of roles, not in relation to a group of friends and relatives, but based on written or unwritten patterns of behavior demanded by the particular job or social role involved. The former conceptual stance is that of the informal tribal leader, while the latter is that of the OED administrator. Faced with the need to "sell" the programs, to recruit and select applicants from the population, and to enlist the cooperation (or at least acquiescence) of the communities in many matters, OED staff members have tried to do their jobs without provoking unnecessary personal hostility, jealousy, and mis- understanding. Though they feel their primary responsibilities are to their programs, they usually go to district meetings when asked to do so. (Some tribal representatives and district committeemen maintain that OED staff mem- PAGENO="0270" 3922 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 hers avoid the meetings and try to keep their activities as secret as possible.) They occasionally go to meetings voluntarily to explain their programs, but in general feel that "public relations" is the responsibility of their aides and the Comniunity Workers. One component director said that he tried to be aware of factions and politics enough to avoid the charge of playing politics in his hiring. Generally speaking, component directors seem to try to avoid criticism by being as fair as possible and by hiring applicants with the best school and employment records. There is little social interaction between members of the OED staff and tribal members who are not OED employees. Tribal members were seldom observed visiting the OED offices, and OED professional staff seldom visit Sioux social events or homes. Without person-to-person contact with OED leaders, cemented by mutual favors and compromises, tribal members feel the programs "belong" to the staff, and not to them. (4) Eacessive Paperwor1~.-Another factor, as important as the cultural cliff- erences which prevent persoii-to-person contact between OED staff and tribal members, is the heavy workload on the OED staff. The staff must administer TOED programs, which involve such special problems as inadequate office space, bad roads and great distances, extreme weather conditions which can paralyze transportation for weeks, overlapping Government and tribal bureaucracies which slow down action, and inexeprienced employees who often need con- tinuing on-the-job training. Beyond this, OED requires frequent reports and official forms. The OED Director during the HSR field research period said that at least a quarter of his time was spent on paperwork, the function of which was to keep Washington informed. He estimated that another quarter was spent on internal recordkeeping. Initially, he spent much time developing his contacts with tribal members, but gave this up when he got behind on his reports to Washington. (5) Inadequate and Confused Connnunication.-Since there is no official policy statement on types of programs that are or are not acceptable, the only way a CAP staff can learn the current thinking of the Indian Desk is through submit- ting plans and awaiting acceptance or rejection. Rejections, however, carry in- sufficient information. Does "deferred" mean that the same program resubmitted in three months without change will be likely approved, or that changes are neces- sary, or that the program is wholly unacceptable? "Insufficient funds" may con- ceivably mean that funds allocated for the program in question have already l~een distributed to other reservations. However, if CAP directors are in a race for funds, they need to know the rules of competition. When should an application be submitted to have best chance of approval? When an application is rejected, precisely why was it rejected? The terms are confusing not only because of their imprecision but because of the possibility that they cover factors not mentioned. Not long after the OED received a letter from OEO/Washington stating that the Pine Ridge Nelson Amendment request had been deferred due to lack of funds, the head of the In- dian Desk, also from OEO/Washington, reportedly said in a speech before the Oglala Sioux Tribal Council that there were still funds available for Nelson pro- grams and that he did not why Pine Ridge did not have one. Members of the Consortium at the University of South Dakota at Vermillion reportedly told members of the OED staff that the real reason the OED w-as having trouble get- ting its proposals granted was that the tribal lawyer, through whom most pro- losals have been submitted, is in disfavor with the Indian Desk at OEO. A member of the Consortium at Vermilhion said in a speech before the Oglala Sioux Tribal Council that tribes who submit their programs with aid of the Tech- ilical Assistance people at Vermillion tend to he more successful in getting their programs funded, because the Technical Assistance staff knows the thinking of OEO/Washington, and can help design programs that will have the greatest likelihood of funding and will also argue in favor of the programs as designed. The hints of internal politics involved in program selection observably did much to undermine the morale of the OED staff, who came to the obvious conclus- ion that they were in official disfavor. The resignation of C. D. Allen as CAP Director in July 1966 was due in large part to this. The Tribal Council too is con- fused by the situation. Tribal Council President Johnson Holyrock told a member of the HSR field team in mid-July that, after listening to the OED staff, repre- sentatives from the Consortium at Vermilhion, and the Indian Desk at Washing- ton. he and the Council knew less about what was going on and what Washington really wanted than they did when they took office-w-hich was nothing. PAGENO="0271" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3923 (6) Unilateral Modification of Proposals-Directors of CAP components stated that modifications made in their proposals often created difficulties. In some cases they agreed with the cuts made, but in others the modifications were clearly made through ignorance of local conditions. Unwise cuts in travel allowances that failed to take into consideration the bad roads and extreme distances to be covered on the Pine Ridge Reservation were invariably mentioned. Similarly, `with telephone allowances, which do not take into account the fact that most of the area covered by these programs is beyond the local call zone of the OED office. Mr. William Cuny of the Consortium at Vermillion mentioned in a speech before the Oglala Sioux Tribal Council that members of the Consortium had been able to explain sections of the budget of a Turtle Mountain proposal to officials in Washington who were going to cut the sections in question, and thereby prevented the budget cuts. This kind of person-to-person dialogue is desirable, but obviously not always possible, either for the Consorthun or for tribal lawyers, who in the case of the Oglala Sioux have been performing a function similar to that provided by the Consortium. Mr. Cuny's remark indicates, however, that such clarification of considerations behind the details of program design is sometimes necessary. One member of the OED staff said that at first they had been scrupulously accurate in estimated costs of their programs, but that since they had come to expect a few constricting cuts in every proposal, they were seriously considering padding to absorb such cuts. One OED staff member said that sometimes they are consulted about budget cuts `before they are made, but that more often they are not. (7) Needs for Economic Development.-The difference in title between the Office of Economic Opportunity national agency and the Office of Economic Development local agency is revealing. Though nationally the need may be to prepare peoj~le to qualify for the opportunities open to them, local employment opportunities do not exist. The Pine Ridge Reservation has had no economic base other than Government money since buffalo hunting was outlawed in the 10th Century. The BI'A, through its Employment Assistance Branch, ha's been encouraging .Sioux to leave the reservation since 1951, with notably little success. (According to BIA statistics, `roughly 40% of those selected and traine'd for relo- cation return.) Various factors reduce the likelihood that OEO will he able to increase the practicability of relocation as an answer to poverty at Pine Ridge. The primary one is that ties of kinship and community are very strong; the reservation is home, and though individuals make forays outside for short-term jobs, they seldom stay. For OEO to alter this situation. it would have to' break strong community and family ties, which woul'd `be difficult even if desired. Also. even if all people employed by the OED `later moved off the reservation, `its programs still employ (as of July 1966) `only one-twentieth of the reservation population. At present, on'ly one OED program (the Ranger `component, which will hire eighty men to manage wildlife, resources and aims at developing income from tourists) is designed to directly improve the long-range economic base of the `reservation. Furthermore, there seems `to be very `little cooperation with the one agency that `is designed to develop local industries, the Economic Development Administration. During July 1965, a representative of the EDA paid a brief, unannounced call on `the OED. He said he was in `Pine Ridge for a few `hours, and `he ha'd `spent them `looking unsuccessfully for the Tribal President, who also knew nothing of his visit. He mentioned that the EDA was negotiating with a moccasin factory to locate `on the Pine Ridge Reservation, which the OED has been unaware of. The Director of the Community Worker `component, who are not present at the time. told us later that `he would try to secure EDA cooperation in a craft cooperative being organized by a VISTA volunteer. e. summary In 3anuary 1965, OEO began its effort to lift from poverty the Oglala Sioux, a group which has seen perhaps more Federal programs come and go than any other tribe. Some anthropologists have in fact tried to derive the characteristic world views of succeeding generations of Oglala Sioux from the programs in operation when they grew up. Each new policy change strengthens the Sioux's strong conviction that they are a people wronged, and, according to former BIA and state agricultural extension workers, makes the next program harder to "sell." Yet from reports, those Oglala Sioux who heard what OEO intended at PAGENO="0272" 3924 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Pine Ridge were jubilant, because finally Washington was going to start a pro- gram that was to be their program-funding their ideas and hiring them to carry them out. Enthusiasm and interest quickly changed to ~itterness and indifference when ideas submitted by the Sioux communities were passed over in favor of "pre- packaged" programs that created relatively few adult jobs and did little to meet felt needs for industry, for cattle and farming loans, for low-cost housing, improved roads, and wells. The new Tribal Council elected in 1966 was notably more hostile to OEO programs than the previous one, and the deposed Tribal President felt he had been defeated for reelection J~ecause people associated him with OEO. The local administrative agency for the OEO programs, the Office of Economic Development, has put together a staff of dedicated professionals, and as of July 1966, hired approximately five hundred members of the Oglala Sioux Tribe. (Of these, approximately 350 are NYC enrollees.) Those hired, excluding the NYC enrollees, are usually not the poorest, since the staff professionals try to select the most qualified personnel they can find. They are below the Federally set poverty income levels however, and nearly half of them are "sociologically fullblooded." Apparently most of them are keeping strong family and com- munity ties, so that, unlike most employees of other Government agencies, they are not necessarily being drawn into what amounts to a socially separate com- munity of whites and employed, acculturated Indians. At the same time, there seems tO be a good deal of resentment against them, and the reproach is often voiced that OEO is not hiring those who need help the most. The OEO program seems to ~e affecting the Pine Ridge Reservation in four ways. First, it is raising the subsistence levels of the families of those employed. Many of them have bought gas stoves, made home improvements, and eat better food than they did before. Second, at a time when "short-term" jobs are becom- ing harder to find, it is giving salable skills to approximately one quarter of the people it hires, and is giving decent wages and familiarity with )msic work re- quirements to most of the rest. Third, the programs are providing services to the reservation population as a whole, including individual health attention, manage- ment of game resources, tourist promotion, nursery schools, and home manage- ment advice. Some of these are generally appreciated by the people they serve, but most are seen as either minor conveniences, or else are not recognized as relevant to their lives and needs. Fourth, the OEO' programs have become a great popular and political issue on the reservation. The people whose hopes were raised by expectations of OEO help often feel they have been done out of some- thing, and though they generally felt the same way before OEO was created, the tangible existence of OEO has evoked much anger and frustration. In the latter respect, OEO is not unlike the BIA and PH'S, but there are differences. Many people are convinced that OEO is "supposed" to `be their own program, so the frustrations are more direct, and are in part channeled into political attempts to gain control of the ODD. Also, the OE'D programs are open- ing up lines of communication within the reservation, both `by their employees, especially the Community WTorke,rs and by the need to gain `community coopera- tion in `some matters. When the Director of the Nursery School program had to secure permission to use community `buildings `to o'perate her `school's, the spirited participation of comniunity members in two public debates witnessed by HSR observers was probably due in part to their pleasure at having a Government official ask for and need their approval for anything. In the final analysis. poverty `can be `significantly reduced on the Pine Ridge Reservation only `by either moving two-third's of the present population off the reservation (BIA estimates indicate that the land, used with maximum effici- ency, could only `support one-third of the population), or else by giving the reser- vation a lasting economic `base. The first alternative will `probably never `be more than a partial solution. It `ha's, a's already noted, been an official policy of the BIA at Pine Ridge `since 1951, but approximately 40% of `tho'se carefully selected. trained, and helped to establish themselves elsewhere return; the ties of family and community, a's a'gain'st the problems Of `com'peting for a limited `supply of job's in an unfamiliar environment, insure that `few people `will leave the reser- vation permanently. In many ways the OED programs are creating pressures both to leave and to stay. By attracting able, educated people, who have left the reservation, to return to take higher staff jobs in the OED, by putting money into the reserva- tion communities in the form of salaries, and by providing social services, the PAGENO="0273" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3925 OEO increases the holding (and pulling) power of the reservation. By equippthg Sioux who are presumably the most able members of their communities with skills they cannot use on the reservation when OEO leaves (unless industry or other Government programs replace it), by trying to instill the values of the larger society in its employees, by operating programs like the Nursery School and the NYC that try to prepare the younger generation of Sioux for lives they could not lead on the reservation with its present lack of an economic base, the OEO makes it more difficult for Sioux to remain where they are. Though local criticism and attempts to influence the programs in ways that may not be to be liking of OEO officials will probably continue and increase, to end the OEO on Pine Ridge would be one of the worst setbacks the reservation could receive. If OEO ends its effort there before an economic base has been developed, the hopes as well as the frustrations the program has aroused would be extinguished, leaving the reservation in a sense poorer than it was before. PINE RIDGE IIESERVATION, SOUTH DAKOTA 80-084-67--pt. 5-18 PAGENO="0274" LJ~:: ~IL gigs/h Loon b~i' 2 -- at&ton~ E(~. B R -. S I~K lAP SAOWIPIG TIlL - LEGEND - INDIAN RESERVATION AREAS OEC*R0000T OF TOE INTERIOR ` RESERVATIONS Allotted and opened * IN BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS c~ AREA OFFICE (5 AGENCY B SUBAGENCY S OUT H D A KOTA ennncn oc ie~usrrno~ ~~-6O U S HIGHWAYS -_?n.STATE HWAYS - AND - S 0 RAILROADS ---- ConnecDng ~oads RELATED FEATURES OF INTEREST ?~ ~ __________ -. 0 0 0 0 0 PAGENO="0275" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 3927 D. SANTA CLARA PUEBLO 1. Historical and Cultural Background a. Pueblo History (1) Early Times.-In examining the impact of the "War on Poverty" on the Santa Clara Pueblos7 and their response to CAP operations, historical conti- unities stand out as significant determinants of present-day realities. The high degree of intra-community cooperation engendered by centuries-long experience in an economy of scarcity and the closely guarded retention of religious and cultural values in the face of repeated attempts to replace these with various Western-world substitutes has given the Pueblos considerable unity and organ- izational strength in exploiting the opportunities afforded by CAP. Since this is not a usual circumstance in the Indian world today, a rather comprehensive survey of Pueblo history and culture is relevant to this study. For more than two millenia agriculture has formed the basis of Pueblo sub- sistence, and compact villages have been characteristic. The pueblos are usually adobe construction, and the houses are either connected to form one or more plazas or, as at Taos, are consolidated as a single multi-story apartment house. One or more kivas (secret ceremonial chambers) are found in each village. The people of the pueblos reside in the semi-arid regions of the Southwest, supporting themselves by subsistence agriculture based, most importantly, on cultivation of maize, but also on native foods such as beans and squash, and some plants introduced by the Spanish. Hunting has always been secondary to agriculture and no domesticated animals other than the dog were kept in early times. Rain has always been important for subsistence, particularly in the West (i.e., Arizona), and occupies an important place in ceremonial activities and religious beliefs. In the East (i.e., New Mexico), where agriculture was de- pendent upon irrigation, water is sacred, but of less ritual importance than in the West. The Pueblos have been the &iject of anthropological research for decades and a vast literature has been assembled. In this brief sketch only an outline of the most significant characteristics can be noted. Many of the recent social and cultural changes will be considered in the sections of this report dealing with social and political organization, particularly as Santa Clara is involved. It may be noted that Santa Clara, as one of the most progressive of the Rio Grande Pueblos, may indicate the path that more conservative villages will follow. The Pueblo way-of-life is highly distinctive and uniform throughout the territory occupied-the Colorado Plateau of northern Arizona and New Mexico- though varying in certain important aspects of social structure and in large part related to ecological differences. Similarity among Pueblo patterns is manifested not only in obvious and external characteristics, but in the manner in which the institutions are integrated and in the distinctive ethos or world view that has been in part described by Ruth Benedict in Patterns of Cultnre. The pueblo of Santa Clara is one of six Tewa-speaking pueblos in the Espanola Valley of the northern Rio Grande in northern New Mexico, the others being Narnbe, Pojoaque, San Ildefonso, San Juan. and Tesuque. The Tewa share the major cultural features of the Pueblos in general and the eastern Pueblos in particular, the latter manifesting differences in kinship, social structure, and religious emphasis that are related to the somewhat different ecological setting. The history of the Pueblos may, for present purposes, he considered a single history until recent times when specific incidents and situations become relevant to understanding of the existing social system. In the post-glacial period the region to which the term Greater Southwest Cuiture Area has been applied became the home of the people of the Desert Cul- ture, a culture adapted to the gathering of edible plants and small game animals of this arid and semi-arid environment. With domestication of plants and in- creasing command over the limited resources of their ecological niche, distinc- tive cultures began to emerge. The Pueblos, including the Tewa, belong to that tradition known as the Anasazi, divided into the Basket Maker and six stages of Pueblo culture. Wide- *spread and catastrophic droughts were common, the Great Drought of A.D. 1276-4299 being responsible for the evacuation of large areas and widespread madjustments of population. Pueblo (capitalized) refers to the people; pueblo refers to the community dwelling. PAGENO="0276" 3928 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 Archeological evidence indicates that the Tewa began moving from the Mesa Verde-McElmo area to the northern Rio Grande River about A.D. 1200-4300. The major area of settlement was the Espafiola Valley, and to both north `and south were villages of the related Tiwa and Tewa `dialects of the Tanoan stock. The new settlements were in the tradition of nucleated villages, with one or more plazas, kivas, and connected houses or apartment houses forming the boundaries of the plaza. Adjustments in agricultural techniques were made, with the devel- opment of community irrigation systems a fundamental characteristic. (2) First European Contact-European exploration of the Pueblo territory began with the expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado in 1540. The bru- tality and ruthlessness with which Coronado's party treated the Indians imme- diately gave the Spanish a reputation that later exploration and colonization did little to ameliorate. Subsequent exploration occurred in 1580 and 1582, and in 1598 Juan de Ofiate established a colony, with several hundred `Spanish settlers, in the Espailola Valley. In 1610 the provincial capital was established in Santa Fe, but La Canada, in the Espailola Valley, remained an important colonial center. In AD. 1627, the Spanish Crown granted a royal charter and land grant to Santa Clara that has since provided the legal basis for the reservation, the original Spanish grant having been confirmed by Mexico upon the achievement of independence in 1821-22, and by the United States through the Treaty of Guade- lupe-Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican War of 1846. Dozier. 1961: 94-186) divides the processes of history social and cultural change of the Rio Grande Pueblo's into four periods: (1) Spanish Exploration and Colonization, 1540-1700, (2) Stabilized Pluralism, 1700-1804, (3) Anglo- American Intrusion, 1804-1900, and (4) Anglo-American Dominance, 1900- present. The period of Spanish exploration and colonization was important for the introduction of new traits and for the establishment of a pattern by which the Pueblos' have handled the `successive alien influences. The relationships between the Pueblos and Spanish largely reflected `the forces of exploitation and repres- sion by the Spanish `through the instruments of the Church and State. The Franciscan Order was responsible for the mission to the Indians of New Mexico. Never present in large enough numbers to live in all of the villages, and with a policy of frequent personnel shifts that discouraged the learning of the indigenous languages, the Franciscans were largely unsuccessful in their attempts to destroy the traditional religion `and leadership. Mission buildings were con- structed, ostensibly as training centers for the Indians, but also as places where the friars could live in comfort. Indians were employed in crafts such as weaving and smithing, and as serv'ants and herdsmen for the mission animals, but no attempt to introduce literacy was made. The aim of the Franciscans' was elimina- tion of traditional religion and the imposition of `Catholcism. "Kivas were raided periodically and masks an'd prayer sticks burned. Pueblo religious leaders were whipped and hanged as witches if they persisted in carrying on native religious practices. Failure to attend Mass and other church services was dealt with promptly and severely" (Dozier 1961:126). As a result of missionary repression. the native religion went underground, concealed `behind a still persisting wall of secrecy. Christian ritual and belief were, to some degree, accepted. hut remained linguistically and conceptually distinct from the indigenous' patterns. This pattern of separation has been termed by anthropologists "compartmental- ization," and has persistently characterized Pueblo integration of alien traits. The secular authority of the Spanish Crown was vested in the Governor- General and Captain-General of New Mexico, subject only to the Viceroy of New Spain. The Governor's power rested upon the encomenderos, citizen-soldiers with rights to income from lands and stocks tended by Indians. The eneorniendas. quasi-feudal estates, and the forced labor of the Indians for the Governors and others, was normally unpaid, although there is no record of actual enslavement of the Indians. Aside from the encomiendas, Indians were required to work in weaving shops established in Santa Fe and the villages, to collect large quanti- ties of piflon nuts for sale in Mexico, to build wagons and carts. `and to be servants and muleteers on the caravans to Mexico. In addition to the "normal" exploita- tion of the Pueblos, the officials were "arbitrary in the conduct of government. openly immoral, crass, and entirely unscrupulous" (Scholes, quoted in Dozier 1961: 128). Shortly after the imposition of Spanish rule, the Spanish system of civil government was imposed upon the Tewa Pueblos. Unknown to the Spanish (and PAGENO="0277" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3929 later, American) authorities, the officials of this government were appointed by the priest of the native religion and owed their primary allegiance to the native tradition.; the officials functioned as executive officers of the priests while pub- licly carrying out the orders of the Spanish Government. In short, the overt government of the pueblo masked its operation (Dozier 1966: 172~-5). Spanish repression led eventually to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 and the expul- sion of the Government, soldiers, missionaries, and colonists. In 1693 the Spanish returned, and by 1696 bad pacified the Pueblos. The inability of the several com- munities of Pueblos to cooperate with each other was a major factor in reconquest. The period of "Stabilized Pluralism," from the return of the Spanish to the advent of Anglo-American influence, witnessed a change in Spanish attitudes toward the Pu~blos. The encoiuiendx~ system was not reinstated. The friars were concerned more with the welfare of the Spanish colonists than the repression of Pueblo religion, and the secular government was forced to concentrate its attention upon the raiding Apaches and Comanches. While the missionaries attempted to suppress native traditions sporadically during the early 18th Cen- tury, they were not persistent and did not receive cooperation from the secular government. Traditional ceremonies thus resumed and participation in church activities became minimal. Resentment toward the missionaries continued and in this period the Franciscans were relieved of mission responsibility for New Mexico, which became part of the diocese of Durango, resulting in still further decline in missionary activity. Spanish colonies established in the 18th Century over time assimilated Indians from a variety of Pueblo and other tribes. To Pueblos, to whom the repressive system of the pueblo was unacceptable, the Spanish town was a place of asylum. Relations between the Pueblos and the Spanish colonists tended toward peace- ful coexistence, but each retained its cultural characteristics. "Outwardly these relations were pleasant and amicable, but they never devel- oped into more intimate understandings. The Pueblos reserved the inner core of their culture to themselves and effectively warded off influences which might have disorganized and disrupted the tightly integrated Pueblo way of life. For later periods we have detailed information on the "boundary maintaining mechanisms" that were employed to preserve pueblo culture; it is clear, how- ever, that they were developed during the century in review here."-DozIER 1961: 147. There was some degree of intermarriage between Spanish and Pueblo, but this invariably involved the Pueblo moving to the Spanish town and becoming assimi- lated, and two distinct social systems coexisted. (3) Anglo-American Pcriod.-The period of Anglo-American contact (1804- 1900) was, at the beginning, characterized by the arms-length amicability that characterized the end of the 18th Century. The Spanish population was "little in- terested in changing or modifying the life of the Pueblo Indians, and the clergy, too, had withdrawan from intensive missionary work" (Dozier 1961: 153). With the advent of the Anglo-Americans there was little change; they identified themselves with the Spanish upper class with similar relationships to the Pueb- los. The independence of Mexico in 1821-22 wrought few other changes in re- lationships. Relations between the Spanish and Pueblos remained amicable, but some Spanish encroachments upon Pueblo lands were to become significant after the cession of the Territory of New Mexico to the United. States by the Treaty of Guadelupe-Hidalgo in 1848. The legal relation of the Pueblo Indians to their pueblo land holdings was un- clear until the Supreme Court in 1913 held that their lands could not be alienated. Population pressures of the Spanish and Anglo communities had, in the last half of the 19th Century. become significant and a source of conflict between the His- panic element and the Pueblos. The developing tension was further increased by the favored treatment given by the 11.8. Indian Bureau to the Indians-the rural Spanish people lived under conditions very similar to those of the Indians, and became resentful of the Pueblos receipt of educational facilities, health care, etc. With the increase in number of the Anglos, the perception of the class system also changed. The Spanish had been divided into two classes, the rieos and the poor. The people of the pueblos were ranked under the poor Spanish. Now the poor Spanish and the Pueblo Indians were ranked together, with the Indians receiving favored treatment. It may be noted that roots of contemporary New Mexican ethnic rivalry lie in this period. PAGENO="0278" 3930 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 Protestant missionaries entered the pueblos subsequent to the Mexican WarY producing rivalries with the limited number of Catholic priests. Schools were established in some cases, but the missionaries had little effect: The Pueblo Indians remained nominal Catholics and practiced the traditional religion in the secrecy that still enveloped it. Tourists began to come toward the end of the century. Many anecdotes from this period exist, such as the one regarding a woman of Pojoaque Pueblo who cx- claimed, "What curious people these Americans are; one has just bought the stone which covered my chimney. What could he want with it?" The most profound changes occurred in Pueblo culture in the period of Anglo-- American dominance (1900-present), more than in all the preceding three cen- tunes. Economically, two major innovations were introduced that seriously affected the farming subsistence economy of the Pueblos. A credit system was in- troduced at the end of the 19th Century with the establishment of numerous Anglo trading posts, and a later shift began to a cash economy with the arrival of tourists in cars, wage labor for the Indian Service Construction programs. military service and dependents, allotment cheques, and the availability of wage labor in the vicinity of the Pueblos. The Indian Bureau agents, until 1928, placed great pressure upon the Pueblos to become variants of the dominant American form of society. In addition to en- couraging education, there was also pressure for the Indians to surrender the native religion and other tradition that were "un-American." With the enact- ment by Congress of the Indian Reorganization Act and the appointment of John Collier as Indian Commissioner in 1934. a new policy of tolerance began. But as Dozier, himself a Tewa of Santa Clara, points out: "The new regime permitted traditional authorities to relax controls that safe- guard Pueblo ceremonial life. But the Pueblos have not abandoned these con- trols. The conservative communities are ever prepared to tighten social control mechanisms in the event of any threat to their indigenous way of life. When there are repeated violations of Pueblo patterns of behavior which endanger the cere- monial activities of the community, the War Captains and their assistants, the Pueblo gestapo. are alterted and an iron curtain descends over the pueblo. Within the village all but the rigid conformists are suspect and any deviant behavior is dealt with promptly and severely by a variety of social control measures."- DozIER 1961: 170-1. b. Pueblo Culture Among the Pueblos a distinct division of labor exists: agriculture and religioa are mainly the concern of men, as hunting and warfare once were. Women are concerned chiefly with household activities, including handicrafts such as pot- tery making. Each pueblo is politically autonomous, a closely knit group in which com- munity solidarity is of extreme importance and the individual subordinate to the group. As portrayed by Benedict, the growing child is so thoroughly indoc- trinated with the culture of the group that by the time he is an adult he is over- whelmingly concerned about community welfare and sees himself primarily as a part of the community. Others, including Dozier and D. Eggan, have pointed out the tensions involved in a society with such rigid controls, and the conse- quent escape of many Pueblo Indians to non-Pueblo communities. Governments of the pueblos are typically theocratic, with the heads of priest- hoods often constituting the councils, as at Zuni. Among the eastern pueblos, except for Santa Clara, the leaders of the religious groups, the caciques, appoint the governor, officers, and council. In all cases it is the governor who has pri- mary responsibility for dealing with "outsiders." Martilineal organization and clans, important in the Western Pueblos, are not present in the East, where the bilateral 8 extended family is the basic social building block. In the East, the great division of the pueblo is into moieties (from the Old French work for half), named, among the Tewa speakers, the Winter and Summer. The moiety organizations are responsible for ceremonial activities at appropriate times of the year, and are-or were-responsible for the government of the pueblo dur- ing half of the year. Though general kinship affiliations are bilateral. the moieties are primarily patrilineal, but membership can be chnnged and need not be hereci- itary, and each is headed by a cacique. `Various secret ceremonial and/or mcdi- 8 A "bilateral" kinship system recognizes relatives on the father's and mother's side equally. PAGENO="0279" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3931 cine societies are associated with the moieties-in the East (the irrigation area) the medicine curing societies being most important. Pueblo culture is integrated by the native religion and ceremonialism, which permeates all aspects of life. As Dutton (1965 :13) sums it up: "With the Pueblo Indians their religion transcends all else. It is the very core of their existence. All aspects of Pueblo life-the arts, crafts, and industries, social structure, and religion-are inextricably interwoven, thoroughly inte- grated. From the simple tenet that Man must live in harmony with nature, the Pueblo Indians developed a rich dramatic are-poetry, legendary, song, and dance-by means of which religion is given outward expression. They perform. sacred rites in their fields, prior to the planting, and conduct appropriate cere- monies throughout the season. . . . Their hunts are ceremonially ordered and conducted. Many of the designs on their pottery and other works of art are derived from motifs connected with their ceremonial life. And they build their dwellings and sanctuaries or kivas following religious traditions. Through reli- gion all else is given significance. There can be no understanding of Pueblo life apart from its religious beliefs and practices." Among the Eastern Pueblos, few of the major religious ceremonies are open to the public, in contrast to those of the Hope of the West. The numerous at- tempts to replace the native religion with a Western one, over a period of more than three centuries, by Spanish and Anglo-Americans, forced the traditional ceremonies underground. Only a few festivals, which in fact, are not part of the original religious system, but reflect the impact of Roman Catholicism, are celebrated openly. An example is the festival of the saint's day, which belongs to the Hispanic tradition. Pueblo religion places the strongest importance on the cooperation between man, nature, and the supernatural. The performance of proper rituals influences supernatural beings to cause nature to provide the necessary elements (parti- cularly water and sun) for the crops so that man may live. Interdependence of the three is always stressed. Symbolically, this religion also stresses the linpor- tance of the social cooperation upon which existence of the pueblo depends. The relationship of the Pueblo to his natural environment is of constant concern. Individuality is obviously, in this context, a potential source of discord and little leeway is permitted to the individual. Various forms of pressure, including charges of witchcraft and physical coercion, are applied to the deviant. The Pueblos conceive of the universe as an orderly, cooperative system and feel that social cooperation is necessary for its continuation. While intervillage cooperation does not exist in economic or political activities, it does in the area of religion, regarding the revival of certain ceremonies or the training of certain individuals for religious society membership. Also, Taos Pueblo is "custodian" of Blue Lake, residence of some of the supernatural beings, on behalf of not only the Pueblos but of all mankind. Similarly, Santa Clara is "custodian" of a sacred mountain residence of supernatural spirits, and other pueblos are responsible for other such places. Indeed, there are now pending cases before Congress and the Indian Claims Commission in which this element figures prominently. For three-and-a-half centuries, Roman Catholicism has been embraced, at least nominally, but in the post-World War II period, several Protestant denomi- nations have made their appearance. The introduced religions always kept, physically and conceptually, distinct from native tradition. Because of this: compartmentalization, the Pueblos see no inconsistency ill performance of Chris- tian rituals on Sunday and the native ceremonies at other times. In like manner,. they see no inconsistency between accepting grants for CAP components and at the same time maintaining extreme social and ideological distance from the out- side world. In 1964, the OEO programs were introduced, becoming active in 1965. The con- cept fostered by OEO of truly Indian-generated plans and projects, if carried through as originally intended, may in the course of time lead the Pueblos to relax their long-held stance of suspicion and secrecy toward the outsider, reduce their compartmentalization, and open up a new world for them. In the meantime,~ as noted earlier, the traditional cohesiveness and discipline within each of the' Pueblo communities has made it possible for these people to utilize the CAP components in their own interest to a degree not often found elsewhere. Further consideration of the changes of the present century are taken up in the following section on the social, economic and political organization of Santa Clara. PAGENO="0280" 3932 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 2. Recent Conditions and Present Con.te~xt a. Eastern Pueblos The following brief description of the socio-econoińic and political organization of the Eastern Pueblos pertains to the Tewa in general. Following the general description is a section indicating recent changes that have occurred in `Santa Clara. The Tewa kinship system has become bilateral: Except for the ceremonial patrilineal moieties, there is no other indication of a lineage principle in which the maternal or paternal descent line is emphasized. The kin group includes equally, or on the basis of preference, the relatives of the father and of the mother. The household is an extended household, the members of which reside in one house or in several adjoining smaller housé~. A male adult, preferably. of prestige and influence, is the head of the household, and the members tend to. display solidarity on most issues. Tewa Pueblos are marked by a dual division into Winter and Summer moieties. According to Dozier (1960:173) the moiety function originally included: (1) the maintenance of a ceremonial calendar, (2) organization of ceremonial activities, (3) the coordination of purificatory and cleansing rites conducted by the medi- cine societies, (4) the coordination of communal hunts, (5) the coordination of warfare ceremonials, (6) the organization and direction of planting and harvest- ing activities, (7) the cleaning and construction of irrigation ditches, (8) the repair and construction `of ceremonial l~~ivas and the cleaning of the plaza. (9) the nomination of secular officials for ordering the community and to be the officials of the civil government system. It is clear that religious, political, and economic activities are inextricably linked. The moieties consisted of a chief or priest, the eaeique, two assistants who were also the War Captains, and others. In the past, the moieties each bore responsi- bility for ceremonial activity and government for the appropriate half of the year. It remains true today, as noted earlier, that in all of the Tewa Pueblos, other than Santa Clara, that the caciques appoint the officers and council of the government. In the early 17th Century the Spanish system of civil government wa.s imposed, as noted earlier, requiring appointment of a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Sheriff, and other officers. The constitutions adopted by the Tewa Pueblos under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 continue this pattern, with some variation. In general, in the 20th Century as in the 17th, the officials and council members are overtly responsible for civil authority, but as appointive officials designated by the native priests they `may also continue to exact obedience to the native tradi- tions. As Dozier (1960 :174) puts it: "Although the Governor is considered by non-Indian neighbors. tourists, and representatives of the United States Indian Bureau to be the head of pueblo, in actual fact he and the other civil officials function as executive officers of the native priests, carrying out publicly the orders of the latter. The Spanish imposed system thus became a useful tool which masks the activities of the native priests and serves their interests rather than furthering the goals of outside administrators." b. santa Clara (1) Gemiercii Backgroend.-The reservation of Santa Clara Pueblo consists now of some 45,000 acres, indicating that another 45,000 acres have been expro- priated in some manner, since the original Spanish grant of 1627 assigned 90,000 acres. Other lands are claimed by Santa Clara, but it is expected that years w-ill elapse before disposition of the claims. The pueblo is located on a mesa. near the mountain bearing the name of the pueblo. As far as can be ascertained, the population lives entirely within the tow-n, there being no known individuals or families living in separate homesteads outside of the town. The current resident population is about 550, with an additional 150-200 enrolled tribal members living in other communities. The figure of 550 compares to an estimated 440 in 1934, 354 in 1926, and 187 in 1889. The rapid growth in population is shared by the other Tewa Pueblos, while local employment oppor- tunities remain small. The original Santa Clara Pueblo settlement pattern of linked or adjoining households surrounding a central plaza has changed since last century, due to the end of the raids by Apaches and Navajos and to the increase of population. The plaza remains, but with portions of the oldest buildings in disrepair. The PAGENO="0281" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3933 village now extends over a much wider area, and houses, each usually occupied by a nuclear family, are more widely spaced than formerly. An electric power line passes over reservation land, and telephone lines pass near the village. Many households possess telephones, and the village receives revenue froni the telephone and power companies for the use of the land on which the lines are constructed. The pattern of the extended family household as a territorial unit appears to be giving way to the nuclear household. The increase in population has meant that new houses had to be built. They had, for reasons of space, to be located where possible, not necessarily in close proximity to other relatives, although this is still preferred. The responsibilities and privileges of kinship are still, however, of great importance, and not restricted to members of the nuclear household. The houses are furnished in a modified white American fashion, distinguished particularly by the presence of Navajo rugs and Indian artifacts, some gathered as souvenirs of visits to other tribes. Relatively few products of local handicraft origin are to be seen. Even the black polished pottery for which Santa Clara is justifiably famed is comparatively rare. Television sets, radios, and other elec- trical appliances, such as stoves and refrigerators, are found in many homes. Couches, chairs, beds, and tables are of commercially available types. A few of the houses are now made from cinder blocks, rather than from traditional adobe. Within the last few years the Indian Health Services has provided a modern water supply, and the plumbing is modern. But while there have been many changes, the plaza receives its ceremonial cleansing, and the kivas are not only in good repair but are used with customary frequency. With the exception of two BIA ~choo1 teachers, who are not considered fully welcome, no Anglo-Ameri- cans reside in the village. (~) Economic Uonditions.-Irrigation agriculture, with maize, beans, and squash as major crops, is beginning to decrease in importance except for the older members of the community and as part of the symbolism of their religion. With the decline of the traditional dependence upon nature, important conse- quences are certain to occur in the religious sphere and, since all traditional life is interwoven with religion, in other spheres as well. In view of problems and land tenure, especially the customs of inheritance leading to fractionalization of lands, it is improbable that agriculture will again become important. Moreover, the increasing costs of mechanization and the relatively low profit are factors which may be considered to be working against agriculture as a viable base for the economy. Many families have cattle that graze reservation lands, but none of the herds have more than twenty animals. The cattle are maintained to provide meat for family use from time to time. The aridity of the region and the small size of the reservation preclude the possibility of large-scale development of signifi- cant reliance upon cattle. In sum, the traditional subsistence system has given way to participation in a cash economy and reliance upon wage labor. The handicraft products of the pueblo are now intended for the market rather than for home use. Hordes of tourists provide this market for them, and other markets have only begun to be explored. While, at Santa Clara, handicrafts are not a major source of income, nevertheless a fair portion of pueblo cash does come from such sales. The tourists are beginning to attend the ceremonials held near the sacred cliff dwellings at Puy'e every August, and they are also visiting the camping and fishing area in the beautiful canyon belonging to the pueblo. It is hoped that plans being made will bring a greater number of tourists to the ceremonials and to the camping sites. Even under these economically advantageous circumstances, `it is carefully arranged that activities for the tourists occur at some distance from the village itself, so that privacy and the secrecy of serious religious rites may be maintained. The major form of income is now wages. Santa Clara is only twenty miles from Los Alamos, and twenty-five miles from Santa Fe. The town of Espafiaola `is situated within the limits of the original Spanish land grant. However, less than three-quarters of the adult male population is employed. It is estimated that almost two-thirds of the employed population of Santa Clara works in Los Alamos for the Atomic Energy Commission, Los Alainos Scientific Labora- tories, the Zia Corporation, or supporting activities. Others are employed in `Santa Fe, including the Governor of Santa Clara who works for an electronics PAGENO="0282" 3934 ECONOMiC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 firm there. A few Santa Clarans are employed in Espaflola, but the small and relatively undeveloped status of that community does not provide, as yet, abundant opportunities. Almost all of the employed are in unskilled or semi- skilled work. Of the 150-200 enrolled members of the Santa Clara Tribe who do not live in the pueblo, most have left because of employment opportunities elsewhere, superior to those available locally. Many of these are the young adults, the loss of whom is particularly important. In a few cases, a high degree of education and specialization has prevented employment nearby (e.g., one Santa Clara tribesman is professor of anthropology at the university of an ad- joining state). Actual statistics are almost impossible to gather, but Ortiz' 1964 study of Tewa commuting works employed at Los Alamos provides information of the importance of that community to the area economy. As of 1 August 1963, fifty- Three residents of Santa Clara, representing forty-five households, were employed in Los Alamos; of these, thirty-one were male and twenty-two female~ The median age of those employed was forty, and almost all had been employed since the immediate post-u-ar period. There has not been significant expansion of this labor market. The women were employed as maids in private homes in Los Alamos. The men were employed as janitors, custodians, guards, building craftsmen, machinists, and the like. Very little opportunity for employment is present on the reservation proper. The number of persons employed gives only a slight indication of the total economic effect of that employment. Income at Santa Clara goes not only to the support of nuclear households, but to extended family households in many cases, as well as to the support of aged kinsmen and other close relatives in need. The pattern of generosity within the kin group does not appear to have significantly lessened in recent times. Other traditional attitudes affect economic activities. Ortiz (Tewa Commu- ters: A Study in Industrialized Effects, n.d., p. 13) writes in connection with employment attitudes: one final factor of importance regarding their place in Los Alamos remains. This is the fact that those Tewas who are in occupational slots which will permit them to advance rarely do so, by conscious choice. The examples presented were all from those employed by the LASL (Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory), since the AEC (Atomic Energy Commission) total is negligible, and the ZIA (a private corporation responsible for the `housekeeping,' i.e., main- tenance, engineering, etc., for the AEC and LASL) employees and maids are in rigid occupational roles which permit them little or no opportunity for advancement. The husband of one husband and wife unit, who has unusual artistic talent, was informed by the personnel office that he could advance to a position of greater responsibility if he would put forth the extra effort of w-hich he was certainly capable. He indicated he was happy to remain right where he was. Another young veteran who also performed his duties almost flawlessly, was confronted with the same choice and with the same results. Others who have shown unusual promise have been offered the opportunity to go away for advanced training, at the expense of the LASL. With no known exceptions, these offers have been rejected. One of them remarked to me: `I don't want to have to boss anyone.'" (3) Education-In connection with employability, it is pertinent to touch upon the contemporary education system and the Santa Clara Pueblo attitudes toward education-its goals and purposes. The BI Amaintains an elementary day school at the pueblo, of modern design and with modern facilities. Santa Clara children may attend the BIA school or the public school in Espaflola, less than two miles away. Secondary education is provided in the Espaflola school system. Advance training is available for those desiring it and capable of performing the required tasks. A BIA school in Santa Fe provides education in arts and crafts, and those who complete the two-year program successfully may be sent to appropriate colleges (e.g., one Santa Clara student may be sent to Paris). Collegiate education is available at the University of New Mexico and at the various state colleges. A number -of Santa Clara high school graduates have taken advantage of the vocational training schools also available. The attitude of the adults of Santa Clara toward education is positive, but tinged with regret. They believe that education is good and necessary to enable the children to live in the modern world, but are regretful that a high degree of education arid specialization almost requires that the successful individual leave PAGENO="0283" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 9 6 7 3935 the pueblo. They `would prefer to see all members of the pueblo live there and commute to their jobs, but on the whole understand that this is not possible. A few are aware that `a continuation and strengthening of current trends will lead to the end of traditional pueblo life, and regretfully accept this as inevitable. Most, however, do not seem aware of the long-range consequences. The positive attituu'de toward education of the Santa Clara Pueblo is in- dicated not only in their statements regarding it, but in the school enrollment figures. Nearly all eligible children have been enrolled in he Head Start program. In the age range sixteen-twenty-one there are a total of three high school drop- outs `compared to five high school graduates who are expected to enter college in September 19G6. The contrast with the northern reservations is striking: the long-term town dwelling pattern that provides the PuGilo Indian with a back- ground of discipline and cooperation, and the ability to see clearly the reward for the long, period of w-ork required, doubtless `being among the pertinent factors'. The reluctance of the individual to stand `out from his tribesmen, noted in con- nection with the rejection of potential opportunity to advance in in employ- ment, is also ~lear in the school system's. `The pueblos, chuldren~ and adults, are embarrassed if public attention is given them, whether for outstanding achieve- ment or failure. The `children w'ho is `criticized or praised in class withdraws emotionally. He may, with the understanding approval of his family, actually `drop out. Cooperation in the school is valued and considered appropriate. Co- operation on homework and tests in considered right; refusal to help someone in need is wrong, however this may be judged by the teacher. The Tewa have a linguistic problem in that most children do not learn English until they begin school. In fact, the first year in the BIA school is often devoted to learning sufficient English so that the child may begin the ordinary school pro- gram the following year. In the few families in which there has been intermar- riage with non-Tewa-speaking Indians, Spanish, or Anglos, the children speak English as their first language. At Santa Clara, however, such cases are still few. The spoken English of the older children and adults is a noticeably different dialect from standard American English. The linguistic experiences at home and in the pueblo are not helped by the `heavy Spanish accent of th'e majority of residents and teachers in the adjoining town of Espaflola where the `Santa Clara children attend high school, and where they may attend the elementary school. One factor in the enthusiastic adoption of the Head Start program is connected with the opportunity `of the children to `learn English before entering school. While the `positive attitude of the people of Santa `Clara toward education may `be gratifying to interested observers some `of the con'sequences are disadvantage- ous in terms of Pueblo welfare. The higher the degree of education and skill, `the less is the probability that the individual w-ill be able to' find `employment nearby and the greater the probability that he wril'l be forced to move elsewhere. The individuals most needed for leadership and guidance, and who have the most to contribute to a society undergoing rapid and drastic social change are those who generally leave. No specific statistics are available on the demography of Santa Clara, but there are reasonable grounds for believing that absentees are largely in the twenty-forty-five age category. Ortiz (in "Project I-lead Start `in an Indian Community," 1965) provides statistics `from neighboring San Juan `that indica'te still more `critical emigration of this age group and hen'ce a more clear cut `problem of leadership. The availability of communter employment in the Santa Clara area has prevented the emigration of many of the `better educated from becoming critical. Above all, the people of the pueblo want employment opportunities on the reservation itself, or within communting range. To that en'd they have initiated programs to `bring increasing numbers of tourists to the reservation, and are continuously considering other possibilities. New Federal programs that offer any prospect of utility are eagerly examined, to the extent that they can be understood. It is impossible to overstress the desire of the people of the pueblo to have employment opportunities `within cmmunting distance of the pueblo. (4) Political ~tructnre.-The present four-party organization of Santa Clara's `political structure owes its origin to events w-hich began in the latter part of the 19th Century. `Certain members of the Winter moiety advocated a separati'on of `religion from `secular activities. They `objected, in particular, to pueblo officials designating the `specific days for planting and harvesting, arguing that this' should `be a matter for family decision. Participation in the maintenance of the irrigation system should not `be mandatory upon all, but only upon those ow-ning lands PAGENO="0284" 3936 ECONOMiC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 irrigated by a canal. Participation in the traditional ceremonial, they believed,. should be voluntary. Limitations on movement from the village should not be subject to official approval nor should everyone-~men, women, and children, be required to work on communal projects. By 1894 these objections were shared by the majority of the Winter moiety. `This majority was considered progressive, while the Summer moiety con- tinued to be `conservative in religious and cultural conformity to custom. Tradi- tionally each moiety was responsible for the pueblo for half a year, but, in 1894, when the Summer (conservative) moiety took charge, it refused to give up office when its part of the annual cycle ended. Instead the moiety appealed successfully to the Indian Agency in Santa Fe to be recognized as the de facto government of the Pueblo. The Summer moiety held the pueblo offices until 1934, although the progressives of the Winter moiety refused to accept the legitimacy of the "new" government, cooperating in specific pnblic works, refusing to cooperate in others. The progressives were sufficiently strong in numbers to be able to resist the various strong pressures to conformity of the conservatives, but inter-moiety cooperation came to an end, and with the end of cooperation there came an en'd to many of the communal `activities and groups that depended upon both moieties. Such activities included the large plaza dances and ceremonies; the purging of the village from evil by the medicine curing ceremonies; the annual ceremony for ridding the village of witches, etc. Social control, formerly a village function, was placed in the hands of the extended family, who also became fully respon- sible for the cultural educa'tion of its children without the availability `of village solidarity to reinforce `desired patterns. In the early 1930's this `state of affairs' was aggravated by religious' disputes concerned with succession to the religious leaderships and the governship. The BIA was called in to mediate the di'spute and to help find `a solution to the prob- lem of a legitimate government. Eventually the progressives of the Winter moiety convinced the (now somewhat more progressive than they had been) members of Summer `moiety, to agre to a plan of `secularized government. This was fol- lowed in time by acquiescence `of the conservatives of the Summer and Winter moieties. A vote was taken, an'd the `secular government was approved `by a great majority. Later, a co'nstitution and bylaws were adopted and given Interior Department approval in December 1935. The Santa Clara constitution gives recognition to four "political parties." colloquially referred to as factions. The parties are, in their origin, based upon the Summer-Winter moiety division, with each moiety divided into progressive and conservative wings. With solution of the political problems by the adop- tion of the new constitution, the terms conservative and progressive have ap- parently lost their original meaning. It has not been possible to find any principles or attitudes that distinguish the four parties, although it is clear that they disagree with one another from time to time on specific issues or on choice of officers. (5) Economic Oulook.-Santa Clara's progressivism has been noted in con- nection with the adoption of secular government w-ith attendant decline in the direct and indirect authority of the religious leaders. It has been apparent, too. in the Santa Clara emphasis on education and in the relatively large number of residents who have obtained and retained employment within commuting range of the pueblo. It is also to be seen in the present attitudes toward the Christian religions and sects. While Santa Clara has been nominally Roman Catholic since early Spanish colonial times, no Protestant groups had been permitted entry. Since World War II a southern Baptist mission and church has been present, and a member of the pueblo is a Baptist missionary (now at the mi~sion at Taos Pueblo). Some members of Santa Clara have joined other Protestant churches, including at least one Mormon. The prayer that opens council meetings is usually one `that is acceptable to all Christian faiths, care- fully worked out by a number of councilmen, or the prayer is rotated among members of the different churches. There appears to be complete toleration of the Protestants, in contrast to the situation in other pueblos where they are not welcome. The people of Santa Clara appear to be adjusting to modern life more satis- factorily than many of the other pueblos. Although HSR research was of rela- tively short duration, it is possible to suggest that there is less drunkeness, illegitimacy, and early termination of education, than at many of the nearby pueblos. One example may be the following instance of putting a ceremnonial dance to economic use. PAGENO="0285" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3937 In 1957, at thO urging of the then Governor of Santa Clara (Juan Chavarria), ceremonial dances, open. to the public, began to be held at the ancient cliff dwellings of Puy'e, a few miles from the pueblo, but on reservation land. Ini- tially, the ceremonies attracted only a few tourists, who were charged ad- mission, but over several years there has been a great increase in attendance. Larger numbers of Indians participate, not oniy from Santa Clara but from adjoining villages. Work to restore the cliff dwellings, comparable to Bandolier National Monument, `was initiated and, currently, Neighborhood Youth Corps workers are repairing the trails and several old buildings. The buildings were abandoned after a fire in the 1930's, but can be renovated and used for the sale of refreshments and fOr sale of native handicrafts to tourists. The Puy'e ceremonial thus provides a source of income and an outlet for the "nativistic" movement and inter-tribal solidarity. Attendance at the 1965 ceremonial was over three thousand, and left a profit of more than $1,000, not including sale of native crafts by individuals. Since the Santa Clara council views tourism as economically of potential importance, attention has been given to development of Santa Clara Canyon, some distance beyond Puy'e. The Canyon descends rapidly from the moun- tains, cut by a beautiful stream in which rainbow trout abound. The Canyon has been popular with tourists, and the facilities have been slowly expanded in recent year. The stream is kept well stocked with trout, the road has been kept in good repair, and picnic areas that include shelters, fireplaces, fire pits, water pumps, and rest rooms have been, and are being, developed. Ad- vertising brochures have been printed for several years in succession, and additional advertising of the tourist attractiOl1s has been used with good results. `Santa Clara is one of the many reservations that places hope for economic de- velopment upon tourism, and, unlike many others, actually has excellent re- sources in an area where tourism is an important state business. The con- tinuation of many of the arts and crafts, together with development of the tourist attractions and facilities will be of increasing economic importance. Some consideration has been given to development of other resources as well, in connection with the BIA Ten Year Plan. Some of these items are spoken of as projects to be developed in the immediate future. Occupying attention is the possibility of the development, for business purposes, of areas on the main highways through Espaflola owned by the Pueblo. Involved is construction of buildings with stores and offices available for rent or leasing, and the po- tential for members of Santa Clara to go into business. One view is that increased business activity in Espaflola would increase employment opportuni- ties, regardless of ownership of the business. Also under discussion in connection with the Ten Year Plan is the p05- siNe development of a food cooperative and the establishment of stores in those of the Northern Pueblos that do not have them. It is possible, through coopera- tive buying, for supplies to be purchased at prices lower than in the stores of Espaflola, and the stores would employ local people. Santa Clara Reservation lands include a large area of tuff, a material of considerable value in the construction industry. Suggestions have been made for the establishment of a factory to process the tuff, making it available for commercial purposes. The profits of the factory would accrue to the Pueblo, and primarily members of the Pueblo would be employed. The opportunity would also exist for individuals to obtain training for supervisory, clerical, and man- agerial work, although the Pueblo antipathy to being a "boss" is likely to create problems. This proposal is, however, highly speculative at this point; the Pueblo has the resource, but the problem is for the Santa Clara Council to take the initiative in its development. For this it needs technical advice on funding, and organization. The Pueblo has been interested in the construction of a multi-purpose com- munity center for some time, as the present building is inadequate to Pueblo needs. Funds may now be available under the Economic Development Act to construct such a building, which would contain pre-school facilities, library, Council meeting room, and, also an area that could be used for manufacture of some as yet undecided product and for~ on-the-job training. The economic potential of the reservation is greater than for most nearby reservations. The present Governor is an aggressive and intelligent man who is attempting to provide the leadership necessary for the economic develop- PAGENO="0286" 3938 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ment of the Pueblo. He 15 supported by the people and political factionalism does not appear, directly, to hinder economic development. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program The history of the development of the Santa Clara Community Action Pro- grain is the history of two Community Action Agencies in chronological se- quence. What began as the program of the Santa Clara Pueblo became the com- bined program of the northern Pueblos of Nambe, Picuris, Pojoague, Santa Clara, Taos, and Tesuque. For purposes of this discussion, attention is first focussed on the Santa Clara CAP, and then upon the organizational problems of Northern Pueblos CAP which was just being established at the time of the HSR field research. a. ~Scquences of Events Initial concepts leading to the establishment of the Santa Clara CAP may be said to stem from the 1964 visit of Dr. Robert Roessel (then a member of the President's Task Force for the WTar on Poverty) to Santa Clara and other New Mexican pueblos. At that time when the Economic Opportunity Act (EDA) was in process of becoming law, detailed interpretations were not available, and neither policies nor regulations had been established. Roessel's purpose was to stir interest sufficient for the development of specific CAPs. From discussion between HSR researchers and various Indians, it is clear that he believed the EOA would provide for it. The CAPs were to be Indian-developed and were to provide for Indian needs as perceived by Indians, a welcome change from the imposed programs of the past. That subsequent developments were not as promised has not been held against Roessel, it seems clear that the history of plans abandoned and promises broken had led the Indians not to believe all that they heard. The beginnings of the OEO coincided with the development of the reserva- tion Ten Year Plans of the BIA, which meant that the attention of tribal officials was focussed on feasible economic projects. Advantage could be taken of the OEO programs in terms of the perceived needs and resources of the specific reservation. With respect to many of the reservations of New Mexico, it was alleged by field informants that there was no initial collaboration of OEO with BIA. and that various statements by OEO officials have kept the two agencies from cooperating in a manner advantageous to both. It was further alleged that officials of at least six of the New Mexico pueblos were told by the OEO repre- sentative that they were not to request cooperation of the BIA in preparation or administration of their proposals and that if they did, they could not expect financial help from OEO. Since many, if not most, tribes have ambivalent attitudes toward the BIA, problems arose. The Pueblos are concerned and apprehensive about possible termination of Federal responsibility, and the BIA, w-hatever other feelings they may have regarding it, is their link to the Federal Government. On the other hand, they did appreciate the lack of paternalism on the part of OEO. While there have been changes, in many cases the lack of coordination between OEO and the BIA is apparent in the lack of knowledge of and failure to encourage use of BIA information and facilities. Thus CAP and VISTA volunteers at one pueblo spent several months unknow- ingly repeating a survey that had been done recently by the BIA, which would have been pleased to release the information upon request. There are two histories of the inception of the Santa Clara CAP. One is that which the researchers found repeated by all of the Santa Clara residents with whom they discussed it. The other was from outsiders who had been involved in the program. The "official" version holds that it was entirely the product of the pueblo. The Tribal Council is said to have developed the ideas for the components after discussion with all interested members of the pueblo and discussions among themselves. The Council, `and particularly the Governor and other officers in consultation with the Council, then wrote up the proposals and submitted them to Washington for approval. The proposals were returned for resubmission as forms had, in the meantime, been developed for this purpose. Utilizing the new forms, the Governor and other officers, in consul- tation with the Council, did resubmit their proposals. The proposals were once aga'in returned this time for corrections, and again the pueblo officials rewrote them in satisfactory form. Some proposals were accepted, others rejected because of legal technicalities, funding problems, and other considerations of prac- PAGENO="0287" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3939 ticability. It was repeatedly asserted that no outside help was obtained in preparation of the proposals. According to other sources external to Santa Clara, the development of the GAP was somewhat different. The Tribal Council discussed the possible pro- grams, as the EOA bad been presented by Roessel, and began to develop a variety of components. In fact, all of the proposals eventually submitted derive from the Council discussions, but some were not submitted, e.g., a proposal to drain stagnant waters areas for insect control, and the installation of electric lights throughout the pueblo ("because the kids' . . . get into dark corners and breed.") The raw proposals developed in Santa Clara were refined by Corinne Locker, of the Association for American Indian Affairs of Santa Fe, W. A. Williams, Jr., later to be CAP Director, and with the assistance of the United Pueblos Agency of the BIA, then under the superintendency of Walter Olson. The refining process eliminated the proposals most likely to be unac- ceptable on legal and other grounds, and provided appropriate wording for the others. These proposals were submitted to Washington, then returned for rewriting on the newly developed OEO forms. They were again returned to Santa Clara, again rewritten and submitted, and approval was granted to certain of the proposed components: Administration, Police and Ranger Training, Pie- School (year-around Head Start), and NYC. The necessity for constant re- writing almost caused the Council to refuse to have anything further to do with OEO. The time consuming demands for writing and rewriting of proposals, sub- mission of reports and additional information constitutes a motif found not only at Santa Clara but at other reservations. Field information indicated that presentation of the OEO programs as a panacea for Indian problems and the stated position that no help was to be obtained from BIA were extremely detri- mental. It was felt that the CAP cannot solve, by itself, the primary problems of the Indian populations, and that the cooperation of many agencies would be necessary for long-term goals to be achieved. Several pointed out that Santa Clara does not have members who are capable of writing the proposals and reports demanded by OEO. The subterfuges necessary for the pueblo to have outsiders assist them caused unnecessary difficulty. The supporting documen- tation for the proposals was obtained through Locker and Williams from the local, state, and Federal agencies and institutions relevant. It was pointed out that it would have been impossible for the pueblo itself to have done this in a reasonable period of time. The application forming the basis for the accepted components was submitted to OEO 21 December 1965, with supporting documentation following. Upon approval of the application and funding of the approved components, W. A. Williams, Jr., was appointed Program Di'rector. Williams had worked with the pueblos intermittently for more than twenty years, and was well known to the Governor and other officers of Santa Clara. The CAP office was then situated in the community building of the pueblo. During the summer of 1965 the Pre-Employment program `in Police `and Game Warden Training was carried out at the pueblo. Ten men selected from the pueblo undenvent training in a variety of activities connected with law enforce- ment, conservation, game management, and tourist control under the tutelage of specialists from the BIA sections of Land Management and Law and Order, the State Department of Game and Fisheties, the Federal Park Service, and other officials of concerned agencies. After completion of the two-month program, the ten graduates were appointed, in effect, deputy sheriffs for the pueblo. One was later elected Sheriff of the pueblo, and later became CAP Community Director for Santa Clara. Two others were appointed Rangers for the pueblo, concerned with management of the cliff dwellings and the canyon area, together with supervising tourists and campers. The Pre-School or Head Start program was initiated in the summer of 1965 with Mrs. Margaret MeConnon as Teacher-Director. An addition to the community building was constructed by the NYC, providing space for the Pre-School Pro- gram and training in construction skills for the NYC enrollees. The Pre-School program bad begun with demonstrations for the parents of the eligible children by Mrs. McConnon, and reaction was intensely favorable. Since inception of the program, all eligible children have been enrolled and attendance has been con- sistently high, even though attendance is not compulsory. The approval given by Santa Clara to the Pre-School program was a major factor in interesting the other Northern Pueblos in having a similar program for themselves. PAGENO="0288" 3940 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Local approval for the Pre-School program was given for a number of reasons, as described by the pueblo officials and parents. The children of Santa Clara nor- mally spend their pre-school years with only their kinsmen and have no experi- ence with others, hence are very shy when they begin school and often do riot have success commensurate with their potential. For most of the children, Tewa is the language spoken in the home and English is not learned until they b~gin school. Under such conditions it is often necessary for the children to spend one or two semesters in a "pre-first grade" class to learn sufficient English to do the normal work. Moreover, they tend to speak English with a noticeable accent and their ability to think in English is sometimes limited. The officials and several parents have pointed out that the children in the Pre-School program learn to get along with others, overcome their shyness, learn English, and are otherwise better prepared to enter the regular school system. To repeat, approval of the Pre-School program was enthusiastic. It may be noted that in Santa Clara at the time this research began, approval of the Teacher-Director was strong. The Pre-School program, at the time of the study, included one Teacher-Direc- tor, four teacher's aides, one cook, and one assistant cook. The Teacher was a college graduate and had post-graduate work in pedagogy, including training in the Montessori method. The teacher's aides had received training of several weeks duration through the Consortium at the Arizona State University in Tempe. Problems arose in the re-funding of the Pre-School component, to be effective June 1966. The submitted proposal made reference to the use of the "Montessori Method" in the program, an expression that apparently was not favorably received by the OEO personnel who review the proposals. The latter refused to accept the proposals, as far as can be ascertained, on the basis that the Montessori technique does not fit well into the educational practices approved by modern educators. Indeed, an official at Washington OEO is alleged to have expressed the opinion that three-year old children are limited in their learning capacity- at a time when the US Office of Education is beginning to spend substantial sums for research and preparation of teaching materials for the three-five year age category. Aside from the question of how well the educational experts in OEO know the different Indian psyschological or personality types, the different societies and cultures, this way clearly a rejection of a program earnestly desired by the people. of the pueblo. OEO has maintained that programs should stem from the people of the community and not be imposed by the Government in terms of what is thought to be good. The attitude was expressed by several people connected with the Santa Clara CAP and Pueblo that "you can get anything you want from the OEO-as long as they think its good for you." OEO has thus, apparently, partially assumed the position which various officials have ascribed to the BIA. As a result of the rejection of the proposals embodying the term "Montessori Method," the proposals had to be written and were eventually approved. This was a time-consuming process, and as a result the hiring of teachers for the 1966-67 school year was difficult; recruiting was delayed until funds were com- mitted, and after most ~teachers had already signed contracts for the year elsewhere. The rejection of the proposal was interesting also from the pohit of view that the pre-school method used only aspects of the Montessori method; it was, in fact, a combination of methods adapted to the particular student group. The program had been investigated by a number of evaluation groups, and had been highly praised. It was deeply wanted by the parents of the pueblo, and yet almost rejected by OEO. A number of individuals and teams of varying competence visited the Santa Olara Pre-School program. The number of evaluators and the haphazard man- ner of the evaluation has made the people of Santa Clara suspicious of such activities. This suspicion, an HSR researcher was told, had for some weeks fallen on him. While the Neighborhood Youth Corps is not formally a part of the CAP, it is administered locally as a component, and hence must be considered in the con- text of the CAP. The CAP Director and staff are responsible for the preparation of the proposals, as well as the administration of the program. The NYC was initiated in the summer of 1965. Enrollees were placed in a variety of positions, including several working in offices and two in one of the Santa Fe museums. Several were placed in the school office in Espai'iola, and others in various firms in Los Alamos-several of the latter group secured per- PAGENO="0289" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 3941 manent employment through the placement. Larger numbers were engaged in the construction of an addition to the pueblo community center, for use as be Pre-School classroom, and others repaired the fences in the area being developed for tourism. The NYC program was suspended on 1 December 1965 because .o~ lack of funds, with the statement that it would be reinstated 1 January 1966. The promise was not kept. It became necessary to submit an application. The proposal was re- turned with the comment that it was to be forwarded through the appropriate state agency, which was done.The State eventually received the NYC allocation. and in turn allocated the funds to counties. Since Santa Clara. and the other members of the Northein Pueblos CAP are Federal reseu ations they recened no allocation from the State. An additional application had to be forwarded to the Dallas Area. Office and, eventually, Washington. On 18 April 1966 the Program Director received a telephone call from the Washington office of the NYC informing him that the application had been approved, and advising him to begin work. Since the CAP staff was prepared, NYC enrollees began work the following day. A day later, the Director was informed that the approval notice was wrong; the forms bad notbeen signed. Finally after one more day, through utilization of the influence of Senator Anderson, approval was obtained and made retroactive to the day when the enrollees began work, but even after this approval the actual funds were not available for distribution to the NYC employees until a week after they should have been paid. This constituted a series of embarassing moments for one Community Director who bad been lecturing to the NYC enrollees on the neces-, sity for paying debts on time and establishing credit. The matter was still not quite closed, however. The NYC approval was limited to the period 18 April to 30 June 1966, the end of the fiscal year. The CAP staff was immediately engaged in preparing an application for refunding for the next* fiscal year, with a deadline of 1 June for submission. During the period or the field research, 15 April to 31 May 1966, it was :clear that at Santa Clara virtually the entire working time of the major administrators of the CAP was devoted to paperwork. Three of the components initially requested by Santa Clara were rejected.. The, rejection of the Home Economics proposal was hardly mentioned in the pueblo, but rejection of others created anger and bitterness. One of those had proposed establishment of a pueblo electronics industry, the aim of which was to provide on-the-job vocational training as well as employment for the people of Santa Clara. The pueblo Governor had thoroughly investigated, with the assistance of his employers and others, the potential of such a program and had found it extremely promising. He had discussed it with the Council and others, and obtained their backing. The rejection was thus a disappointment in that a proposal with important long-range potential was lost, and the Governor. was publicly embarrassed. The other proposal whose rejection created animosity was for the development of an arts and crafts industry. As one pueblo official observed, the traditional handicrafts "are not hobbies," but economically significant in connection with * the New Mexico tourist industry. It is estimated that over one thousand tourists visit New Mexico every summer, and they eagerly buy the products of Indian crafts. As they are sold by individuals and through Indian traders, there is no record of pueblo income from this source, though it is substantial. The desired developments would permit more to be manufactured and `sold directly by the Indians, rather than the traders, who now receive the bulk of the profits. The rejected proposals are consideredby Santa Clara to be important in solving the major problem of the pueblo: increasing employment opportunity for adults within commuting range of the pueblo. The people note that there are programs for the children of pre-school age, remedial education for those in school, and the NYC for those aged sixteen to twenty-one, but there are no significant programs for adults. A major change in CAP organization became effective in mid-March 1966 when the Northern Pueblos Community Action Program (NPCAP) was instituted. The NPOAP had been proposed in the early autumn of 1965 as a result of the success of the program at Santa Clara. Other pueblos were interested in having programs at Santa Clara. Other pueblos were interested in having programs of their own, and all were impressed by the Santa Clara Pre-School program. Partly of their own volition, partly at the instigation of the Governor of Santa Clara, the decision was made to unite. Organization and financing were completed and the 80-084-67-pt. 5-19 PAGENO="0290" 3942 ECONOMiC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 NPCAP became operational in mid-March 1966. The' NPCAP was constituted by consolidating the CAPs of the seven other Northern Pueblos with that of Santa Clara. It was thought that `considerable advantage might lie in making use of Santa Clara's longer CAP experience, particularly emulation of Santa Clara's Pre-School program. The combining of administrative costs was also deemed advantageous since many of the pueblos were too small to support a CAP of their own. The NPCAP consists of the Tiwa-speaking pueblos of Taos and Picuris, and the Tewa-speaking pueblos of Nambe, Pojoaque, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, and Tesuque. Of these, only Taos, San Juan, and Santa Clara have sufficiently large populations in the eyes of many Santa Clara officials to support their own CAPs. The other pueblos of the group have populations ranging from slightly over one hundred to about 350-400. Geographically, they spread through the valley north of Santa Fe, a distance of sixty miles. The organization of the NPCAP is as follows: The highest authority is the Committee of the Whole, consisting of the Governors and councils of all eight pueblos. The Community Action Agency consists of the Governor and one delegate from each Of the pueblos, who make policy, direct, consult, hire and fire the CAP Director and Associate Director. The councils of each pueblo nominate the local community director and all other individuals who work exclusively in that pueblo. It is the CAP Director's obligation to interview, evaluate, hire, and fire, upon consultation with the pueblo officials. The CAA is responsible, through the CAP Director, for those individuals who will work with two or more of the pueblos. Each pueblo council is responsible for the program within the pueblo; it recommends and develops proposals, and may reject proposals considered de- sirable by and for other pueblos in the NPCAP. The NPCAP submitted proposals for four components: Administration, Pre- School, Remedial E'ducation, and NYC. A proposal for an adult work program under the Nelson Amendment for beautification and other improvements of communities was being worked on. Applications for multi-purpose community buildings were being submitted to the Economic Development Administration on behalf of seven of the pueblos, Santa Clara preferring to act alone on this project. Other projects to be initiated include the establishment of a cooperative for the purchase and distribution of food and related merchandise, and exploration of possible industrial and business development to provide employment for adults. At the time field research ended the NPCAP was in a `critical phase, as many of the officers of Santa Clara wanted to withdraw and reestablish their own CAP. The "crisis" was precipitated by an event of minor significance, but the resulting tensions have indicated some of the major structural problems that must be faced by each of the pueblos and the NPCAP. The NPCAP-CAA bad appointed the Program Director and Associate Director, and had endorsed a specific woman of Santa Clara for the position of Technical Assistant when the funds were available, to work particularly with the parents of children enrolled in the Pre-School Program at all the pueblos of the NPCAP. The OAP Director and Teacher-Director of the Pre-School Program, in the interim, had decided that the Santa Clara pre-school cook was qualified for the position by virtue of understanding of the program, ability to readily communi- cate in Tewa and English, widespread social contacts in the pueblos, and status and respect in the villages. The cook was offered the Technical Assistant position and eventually resigned as cook. There were, however, objections voiced by the Governor and other members of the Council. The objections were based upon the failure of the Director to have the approval of the NPCAP-CAA, since the latter had already endorsed a different person for the position and was not consulted about the change. There seems, on the other hand, to have been the possibility that two technical assistant positions existed--one new-and that the ex-cook theoretically could have been a'ssigned to the new and un-endorsed position, with approval of the NPCAP-CAA, if such is required under the NPCAP organizational agreement, the interpretation of which was in dispute. As a consequence of this seemingly minor dispute, the Santa Clara Council terminated all aide positions, elected a cook and assistant cook, and instructed the Community Director to obtain applications for the teachers' aides positions. All aide positions were henceforth to be for a one-year period, a decision rational- ized on the grounds that it w-ouldl distribute employment opportunities-"give everyone a chance"-and develop a reservoir of trained aides in event of sickness of one of the other employees. The CAP Administration was not consulted on this decision, but believes it to be a poor decision since the aide will be terminated PAGENO="0291" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3943 precisely at the time when she will have gained sufficient experience and training to be effective. The Council further decided that it no longer wanted the Teacher-Director to teach in Santa Clara, although it was reasonably clear that her duties as super- visor of all the NP'OAP Pre-Schools would not permit `her to teach. Laék of con- fidence in the Program Director was also expressed, and there was discussion, although no decision was reached, of the feasibility of reestablishing an inde- pendent Santa Clara CAP, on the basis of the following considerations: (1) Each pueblo is and has been politically and socially autonomous for centuries. (2) The internal political structure of the pueblo leads t'o a monolithic government by a council that insists upon being involved in and having authority over all matters pertaining to the pueblo. (3) The social sub~systems_kinship, marriage, religion, and the like, are still interwoven within the pueblo, so that the pueblo is perceived by the members as the primary world. Other pueblos, Tewa and non-Tewa, are known to be similar, but are still "outside." The Spanish-Americans, Mexican- Americans, and Anglo-Americans are, in effect, similar to elements of the geographic environment. (4) The economic system, considered in terms of "poverty," unemploy- ment, traditional handicrafts and occupations, varies from one pueblo to another. (5) Natural resources and potential for economic development vary (e.g., Santa Clara `has the canyon and cliff dwellings for tourist exploitation; tuff for industrial development: and land for business development at the inter- section of several routes well travelled by tourists). More than most American Indians, the governments `of the pueblos have had `the characteristics of real government. ~hlsewhere, the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 created governments without power or, in R. Thomas' phrase, "pow- erless politics." This often led to functionless government. The governments of the pueblos, secular or theocratic, have always had functions and powers, and a primary purpose has always been to keep the non-member at an appropriate distance. The actions of the non-member, such as CAP Director or Teacher- Director, involved in the internal affairs of the specific pueblo are consequently to `be viewed with great suspicion. In the case of the cook, the Director, an out- sider, acted without consultation with the full Council, `and `however good his intent, violated the principle of Council supremacy. Such a Director, n'ot respon- sible to the Santa Clara Council, but to the Northern Pueblos CAP, and yet involved in Santa Clara internal affairs, is deemed "dangerous." A member of another pueblo would be equally suspect for fear th'at he would use his office for the benefit ef his own community at the expense of the others. The NPOAP faces the problem that it is not a "Community" Action Program, but the program of eight separate and distinct communities, as their members perceive them. While the attitudes of the other pueblos are not known, Santa Clara clearly questions whether the advantages `of a combined CAP outweigh the disadvantages. Temporary alliances have occurred among th'ese pueblos only in the face of a clearly perceived and powerful threat. There is now no clearly per- ceived threat-except, conversely, that one pueblo may receive a larger share of the components than another. Santa Clara Council members argue that certain components are applicable to all pueblos of the united CAP, but that each pueblo has some advantsges, problems, and needs not shared by all. Because the CAP is not theirs alone, the CAP Administrative staff is not their employee; it does not work for them. The CAP staff must necessarily first do those things desired by all the Northern Pueblos. Components specifically for Santa Clara must wait until time permits the staff to develop proposals. Many of the Council officers are aware that the amount of paperwork or "redtape" required in connection with such matters as the funding of the original NPCAP and the refunding of vari'ous programs. Mak- lug routine reports to Washington (where, it is believed, they rest, unread), preparation of the payroll, and maintenance of financial and other records are well understood as `leaving the Director and Associate Director little time for development of new proposals. Aware of these problems, or not, the Council members understandably want new programs developed for Santa Clara to take advantage of its resources and to solve its problems. One attitude expressed has been that the Program Director should be responsible for development of new proposals an~ others should handle the routine work. Another attitude is that PAGENO="0292" 3944 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 Santa Clara should remove itself from the NPOAP so that its specific needs will be met through its own GAP. Dissatisfaction with the NPOAP was responsible for Santa Clara's recent decision that applications to EDA would be made directly, rather than through the CAP. The failure of the CAP to provide employment for adults under the Nelson Amendment is cause for dissatisfaction among the knowledgeable mem- bers of the community. Santa Clara's desire for business and industrial growth of the lOcal area is apparent, and what is seen as the lack of work by CAP toward this end is a source of dissatisfaction. The NPCAP staff is aawre of the need for the growth of employment pos- sibilities and further development of the potential economic possibilities of reservations such as Santa Clara. The staff is, however, faced with the necessity of securing funding and refunding of the new and continuing programs, under OEO or other agencies, and with routinework of immense proportions required by Washington, as well as training programs, hiring and review of personnel. The Associate Director, who, by all accounts, may become the next Director, is kept busy by the accounting work, for which he is trained, leaving only the Director and administrative assistant to handle everything else. It is thus in- evitable that eventually all of the associated pueblos will have cause for dissatisfaction. Santa Clara, having the oldest CAP, has reached this point first. b. Opinions, Attitudes, and Activities of Eaternal and Internal Community Elements The people of Santa Clara, through their chosen representatives, see a variety of major problems in the future of the reservation. The prospect of termination of Federal responsibility and the future relationship of the Pueblo to the State of New Mexico is, with ample justification, feared. The immediate problem, as clearly perceived and articulated, is to provide employment opportunities within commuting range of the reservation. As seen by the leaders, industrial and business development of the Espaflola Valley is necessary, but will be of highest value to the Tewa only if they have the necessary background for taking ad- vantage of particular opportunities that may develop. Awareness of the OEO programs was apparently widespread, although of course not complete. In view of the small resident population all adults were fairly closely related to someone directly involved in the CAP components, hence the degree of awareness. While few village meetings were held, this was gener- ally because of the lack of an adequate meeting place, and most information was made available through the meetings of the parties and by the members of the Council. It was asserted by the CAP Director and Governor that there were "a few" people who were not interested nor likely to be interested. They, and others, indicated that there was no pattern to the social background of the dis- interested parties, but since the number was small no generalization would be statistically valid. Meeting most complete approval was the Pre-School program, indicated both by the enrollment of nearly all eligible members of the pueblo and the com- ments made by Council members and others. In addition to providing the chil- dren with initial training in English, the Pre-School program helps those who do not know Tewa, or do not know it well, for improvement here is also noted. The interaction of children of different kin groups tends to increase ability to interact socially and to help overcome the "shyness" that characterizes them and is disadvantageous in school. In the long run, the Pre-School program is seen as providing better adjustment to the school system leading to successful completion of high school and, perhaps, advanced training, and to the best op- portunities for employment. The success of the program can be measured in the following year by a comparison of the success of the children in the first grade, as compared to the past, when none attended Pre-School classes. At the time of research, such an evaluation was impossible. No negative reactions to the Head Start program were heard, from any source. It can be expected that the Remedial Education component, to be initiated in September 1960, will similary meet with widespread approval, in view of the support found in Santa Clara for education in general. The program to provide training in police and warden activity was regarded as successful by the Council and several of the participants. It was so felt be- cause of the empolyment and utilization of several graduates and because people with this training were needed by the pueblo. As it was a ten-week program involving ten men, knowledge and evaluation of it are somewhat limited. The NYC component is separately funded, but administered as part of the CAP. It is viewed by the Council and the people as an integral part of GAP. PAGENO="0293" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3945 All eligible members of the pueblo-i.e., all residents between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one not otherwise employed-were enrolled. Statistically, twenty-five high school students (fifteen females) and eight non-students (five females) were enrolled, together with seven non-Indians from Espauiola. Of the Indian youths, only three (two girls and one boy) are drop-outs. Several of the NYC enrollees obtained private employment subsequent to the time the above figures were obtained, but employment opportunities were inadequate for the number of high school graduates. It is to be noted that approximately five high school graduates are expected to begin college in September. The NYC enrollees have been assigned a variety of activities beneficial to them and to the pueblo. Several have worked in Santa Fe, in the museum and in offices; others have been given assignments in the school office in Espafiola; several have been utilized for office activities of the CAP central office at Pojoaque Pueblo. Most, but not all, of the young men have worked on projects in the pueblo. These include such activities as construction of an addition to a community building, providing valuable experience while doing something of long-term value, improvement of the Puy'e dwellings, trail repair, renovation of an old building, improvement of the camping area in Santa Olara Canyon, and demolition of a dilapidated unused buikling. These activities are thought to be of value for a number of reasons: students have learned worthwhile skills, they have been occupied, they have earned money, and have contributed to the well being and the future of the pueblo. Current funds permitted high school students to work only eight hours per week, and non-students to work only twenty-eight hours per week, compared to higher figures otherwise permitted.. This has not, `however, `been cause for sig- nificant complaint. On the other `hand, the interruption, for lack of funds at the end of Novembei', and the delay and difficulty in obtaining re-funding have been a source of annoyance to the Council members at least The NYC program, per ~e, is regarded as good. It provokes criticism indirectly, however. A number of Council members and non-members as well have pointed to the existence of plans for pre-scliool age children, school children, `and youth's, but the lack of programs for adults.. It i's noted that employable head's of families are unemployed, but a child may, have an income from NYC, providing for pos- sible generational conflict `and lack of respect for the elders. The lack of oppor- tunity for adult employment and the seeming inability of CAP to become active in this area was one reason underlying dissatisfaction with the CAP Director. Considering the situation `as a whole, `and getting away from particulars, CAP is not living up to its claims to end poverty, as the people of Santa Clara per- ceive the situation Santa Clara is taking advantage of the available packaged components, but this harvest does not contain all the elements needed in the social diet. Santa Clara is anxious to take advantage of all ,programs from. whatever agency available. A common view is that the OEO and other program's may come to an end and they should be taken advantage of immethately Again this view underlies dissatisfaction with the CAP Director. The existence of political parties or factions at Santa Clara has not duectlv affected the CAP. All factions favor taking advantage of all opportunities, and there is no dissension over the programs The parties function more as watch dogs over the adminiStrative officers of the pueblo and the CAP. None of these partisan organizations were found to be detrimental to the OEO programs. The Santa Clara CAP began with a limited program and even more limited ad- ministrative staff. In mid-March 1966, the Santa Clara OAP was replaced by the NPCAP and a `slightly expanded administrative staff became responsible for the development of `similar' programs at other reservations and the development of new proposals under OEO, EDA, and other agencies. The administrative staff consisted of a Program Director, `Associate Director, and secretary (administra- tive assistant) ; a Teacher-Director was responsible `for the Pre-School component. On a different level, each pueblo ha'd `a Community Director chosen from and by the Pueblo and responsible for OEO programs on the specific reservation, and having `supervision of the `local NYC supervisor. The views of the Director and Associate Director provide an interesting con- trast to those of the pueblo Council. The Pueblo regard's OEO as `a temporary prenomenon, as so many Indian assistance programs of the past have been, to be taken advantage of for any benefit available, long- or short-range. Since unem- ployment of adults is of immediate and pressing concern, everything should be done to provide a solution, however temporary. Thus the Pueblo wants the beauti- fication program under t'he Nelson Amendment to employ adults, although this PAGENO="0294" 3946 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 is recognized as temporary and not a genuine solution to the major problem of ~unemployment. Santa Olarans believe CAP should be developing programs for `Santa Clara; the Nelson Amendment would provide employment in their pet ~projeets-development of the canyon camping sites and the Puy'e c~liff dwellings. The CAP Administration sees itself as responsible for eight reservations, and the development of the basic components as taking procedence over the specifice de- sires of any one reservation.. Time schedules, including deadlines for various applications-OEO, NYC, EDA, quarterly reports, monthly reports, fiscal reports and accounting, payroll, consultations and meetings with specific pueblos, limit the time and personnel available for development of new proposal's. The applica- tion for Nelson Amendment funds was worked on, but requests to the EDA for multiple purpose community buildings were given precedence. The CAP staff tends to be most concerned with programs that will, in the long run, help the pueblo rather than in proposals of limited shortrange value. If the CAPs were genuinely concerned with "community action" as the term has been used in the pertinent literature, the staff would follow the mandates of the community. In the present case, however, the pueblo Councils and CAP staff differ in their degree of sophistication, knowledge and evaluation of what is possible under existing legislation and the realties of Federal bureaucracies. Thus "the people" may criticize the staff for not providing what the latter believes cannot be provided. The ordinary people of the pueblo may see their problems and a solution; the staff may see the problem differently or the solution as not possible under existing OEO legislation. In sum, one may say that each pueblo sees the CAP from the point of view of its immediate problems and their solution. The needs of other pu~blos of the NPCAP are not, on the whole, considered, `as they are separate communities. The CAP staff is regarded by each pueblo as that pueblo's agency for obtaining what the Pubelo regards as the solution to the problem. On the other hand, the CAP staff sees the problem's' often-not always-from a longer perspective and from a `better background in legal possibilities. Its responsibility is to eight pueblos, not any one more than the others. The view is that the staff will obtain for the pueblos what the staff thinks is best for the `pueblos in terms of what is legally possible. The CAP staff regards widespread support `of `CAP as necessary to its success. The local Community Director of Santa Clara sits in on all `Council sessions to provide information concerning CAP programs, and, a's a member of the puebl'o, has frequent formal and informal contacts with the popul'ation. The Program Director attends meetings at Council request or when other opportunity or `need arises. The limitation's of time and personnel, `as well as local social structure, have so far prevetited large~scale educational or informational programs-or, as it is sometimes termed, "spreading the OEO gospel." The views of CAP staff and reservation Council vis-a-vis OEO Washington may also be `contrasted. Obviously, of the population of the pueblo the officers und Council will `have most direct contact and knowledge of the programs and their management. On this level, the Governor and others were disappointed in the rejection of several `proposed components considered of long-term value, par- ticularly in view `of the "OEO gospel" that CAP was to involve components wanted by `and for the community. In fact, they found the OEO programs to be limited to `certain types, `but the basis for these limitations were never made clear. The CAP staff, more sophisticated and knowledgeable a'bout government caine into the situation a't a later point, when it was clear that all things were not possible; yet the CAP staff has also `been hindered by not knowing the limita- tions of th'e possible, and being frequently inadequately informed as to the reasons for rejection, deferment, or inaction with respect to suggested programs. The CAP staff and pueblo Governor are aware that the involvement of a mem- ber of the New Mexico congressional delegation is useful in obtaining decisions from the Indian Affairs office of O'EO or the NYC; in the latter case, the inter- vention of Senator Anderson was apparently responsible for the eventual refund- ing of the program. The CAP staff is aware of the time-consuming nature of the bureaucratic process-indeed, the reachers were struck by the scant time available for the administrative to "be in touch" with the communities to which they were responsible-but the Councils and people have little occasion to be aware of this problem. The CAP is, hence, sometimes criticised for lack of ac- complishment when, in fact, neither personnel or time permits adequate atten- tion to th'e development of individual pueblo resources. The relative member of the university consortium for provision of. technical assistance to' the Indian CAPs (Indian Community Action Center (ICAC) at PAGENO="0295" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 9 6 7 3947 Arizona State University, Tempe) is known to the CAP staff, and to greater or lesser degree to the pueblo Council. The latter takes little note of it; the Gover- nor has said that Arizona State University has "some people who know about Indians and theIr problems," and some who recognize the differences of the tribes. In general, the Pueblo Indians are peripheral to the operations of the Consortium and do not discuss or evaluate it. Those people associated with CAP have mixed opinions. Several visits of evaluators to the Pre-School program have left them wary of evaluations, in general-HSR researchers found that part of the suspicion with which they were intially viewed resulted from light- ning fast visits of. earlier evaluators, one of who negatively discussed the Pre- School project without having seen. either the children or the operation of a class. Objections have also been made to the unannouceci visits of technical specialists, as questions could not be.. prepared for worthwhile consultation. Several indicated that Consortium staff were to be treated pleasantly, but not taken seriously. Those associated with the Pre-School program contributed nothing of value in the way of usable suggestions. The increasing complexity of the anti-poverty programs, particularly the pro- liferation of offices, departments, and bureaus involved with one aspect or an- other make some form of technical assistance inevitable. The CAP staffs must be able to find, without too much expenditure of time and effort, which agencies have responsibility for specific programs-and, of course, what relevant pro- grams exist. Even with a well educated and sophisticated staff, this would now be difficult; with a staff of limited background it is extremely difficult. Santa Clara has had no CAP Advisory Committee, other than the Council which declared :it'self to be both "governing body" and advisory council. Thi~ action was reasonable in view of the small population of the pueblo, the repre- sen.tation by intent of all factions, the presence of employed and unemployed persons, the social `and cultural homogeneity of the population,, and the demo- cratic process by which they were elected. Institutions external to the pueblo, often important at other. reservations, in- clude the BIA, PHS-IHD, PHA, and other Federal agencies, state departments of welfare and employment security, and local, law enforcement agencies. At Santa Clara, these have been of relatively little significance to the OEO program. The United Pueblos Agency (UPA) of the BIA is located in Albuquerque, as is the BIA area office, almost one hundred miles away. The only BIA personnel stationed at the pueblo are the BIA day-school teachers. Specific BIA officials visit the pueblo at the request of the Governor or for a particular reason. The BIA Area Director presented the agency position concerning the CAP: The BIA favors any programs that will help the Indians, and regard.s the CAP as extremely valuable. The projects so far undertaken have corresponded to attem'ps made ..by `the BIA in the past, that were not continued or widespread because of lack of funds, but which were, nonetheless, valuable. The BIA maintains the position that they are ready and willing to help any reservation in any way possible with respect to the development of CAPs, but considers each CAP to be the responsibilty of `the reservation. The Area Director implied that many tribal councils were informed that they could not have `the assistance of the BIA in `preparation of CA~P'proposals without jeopardizing their eligibility for Federal funds. He regrets `that the CAPs have not taken advantage of the information .and `technical assistance that' such agencies have available and stand ready to supply when requested. The view held by Santa `Clara o'f the BIA is less clear; the inquirer is referred by everyone to the Governor: The BIA is the link of `the Tribe to Washington.' Whatever the shortcomings of the BIA,. it stands between the Tribe `and the anticipated depredati'ons of the State and people of New Mexico. It is part of `the protective shield of the pueblo. It is recognized that the BIA has .not' done all that shOuld have been done. There is some awareness that responsibility rests in part upon lack of Congressional authorization, in part upon the cumbersome machinery' of bureaucracy. The position allegedly taken by `some :OEO officials, that the BIA is an enemy to he avoided, is not accepted by Santa Clara which views it `as a defense against termination of Federal responsibility that would lead to the destruction of pueblo society. The~ Indian Health' Division of the `PHS brought a `water system to Santa Clara, under the Indian Sani'tation Act, a few years `ago. Other water problems, particularly in connection with the tourist area developments, `do not fall under PHS jurisdiction. `The `P115 maintains `offices and' `an Indian hospital in Santa Fe, "about which there are numerous complaints by the Indians. The lack of confidence in the medical services probably results from a combination of factors, PAGENO="0296" 3948 iCONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 i~ariiciilarW lack of any kind of personal relationships with the staff, the apparent necessity for impersonal rules and regulations, and distance from the pueblo. The PHS does net appear to be directly relevant to the CAP. The people of the pueblo continue to construct their homes of abode, with some newer ones utilizing a new material-cinder block-in traditional style. There are no public housing projects, none are projected, and the PHA is, like the PHS, largely irrelevant to the reservation. The New Mexico Department of Public Welfare maintains offices in Santa Fe~ It provides categorical assistance programs-Aid to Dependent Children, Aid to the Blind, and Old Age Assistance to people of Santa Clara, but the records are so maintained that it is impossible to determine how many individuals or families are benefited by the programs. The Department of Public Welfare has not entered into agreement regarding'the'MDTA, and has no intention of doing so, on grounds that the program is, too complex to hO administratively feasible and for lack of sufficient personnel to administer such a complex program. The New Mexico Department of Employment SOcurity maintains an office in EspaflOla, at which the Lieutenant-Governor of San Juan Pueblo is an official. `Employment opportunities are limited, but treatment of the Indians is the same as `that accorded to the Spanish-Mexican, or Anglo-Americans. This' official does not believe that discriminatory practices O~ainst Indians exist, although many Indian opportunities are limited by lack of education or disinclination to leave *the local area. The staff of the local employment office includes speakers of all local languages, and the Tewa Pueblos do not show any reluctance to make use of the,facilities. It was suggested that field informants generally were of the opinion that there was less `anti-pueblo prejudice On the part of the Anglos than anti- SpaniSh- or anti-Mexican-American prejudice. Enforcement of, law within the limits of the reservation is under jurisdiction of the sheriff'of the pueblo, an elected officer of the Council, and other deputized officers (including all graduates of the Police-Warden training component of CAP) Under pueblo and BIA agreements county and state facilities i e jails "are utilized `when neéessary, with rOimbursement made to the state or `county. Such eases are few~ Certain major crimes, such as mui~der,' rape, `and arson are Federal crimes, but `of `ilegligible' occurrence~ The cOunty Sheriff indicates that there is little problem'with the Indians of Santa Clara, and a highly cooperative relationship exists between the important people of the county and the officials of the pueblo c ProbZems and Summary As perceived by the people and Council of Santa Clara, the major problem of the pueblo is to develop opportunities for employment for the adult population with- in commuting distance of the reservation. Attainment of full employment re- quires, as a' foundation, people prepared for the various occupations that now "exist or will exist. The Pre-School, Remedial Education, and NYC programs are oriented to preparing the young for the future, however uncertain that may be. The present progams do not appear to be leading toward a significant increase in employment for those who are already adults, now or in the future. OEO officials are responsible for some degree of resentment for having been evangel- ists of the gospel that CAP is the panacea for Indian problems; it is now seen that CAP, through the OEO, can only contribute to solution of these problems, but cannot, alone, `solve them. ` ` As some perceive, the solution will be through the developing CAP corn- `ponents in' combination with the development of the economic potential of the ~area through other Federal agencies. CAP should be the agency of the pueblo for utilizing the resources that may be available,, and must work in conjunction with whatever other agencies have applicable programs, including the BIA, PHS, and EDA. If, the problems are to be resolved successfully, certain obstacles to a genuine, community-involved Community Action Program must be reduced. These in- clude, but are not necessarily limited to, the following: 1. More flexible dates for submission of proposals. Community involvement requires time for the pueblo councils to thoroughly discuss proposals with the CAP staff and the people, and to develop a consensus. 2. Reduction and simplification of the requirements for forms, as well as annual, quarterly, and monthly reports, so that the CAP administrative staff will have time and opportunity'to develop new programs in collaboration with the PAGENO="0297" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3949 government and private institution involved, and so that consensus on the part of the members of the Council may be reached. 3. Greater `flexibility, through administrative directives or legislative changes,, permitting the Washington OEO staff to consider the dstinctive needs and poten- tial of the applicant tribe. Development of native handicrafts may be econom- ically, or socially valuable to one tribe, but not to another. 4. Greater recognition of the traditions of each tribe, which, may be, as in the case of Santa Clara, legally binding upon the pueblo by virtue of the constitution.' 5. Provision of technical consultants, thoroughly grounded in knowledge of programs available through other agencies, and capable of assisting local CAP officials in preparation of applications. 6. Maintenance of direct contact between Washington OEO'and the local CAP. The Consortium members have, in effect, become area offices without the legal background to provide accurate information. A `Community' Action Program cannot realistically provide for `community action' or community satisfaction unless the program is tied to a genuine com- munity. OEO has not come to grips with the question of "what is a community," but the issue has become clear in the NPCAP. The cooperative venture of' the associated eight Northern Rio Grande Pueblos in a CAP, Only six months old, is already in'difficulty, as described above. Santa Clara Pueblo recognized that it has resources and potential different from the other associated pueblos. It was, is, and intends to be an autonomous, politically viable community. To the extent that the CAP of the associated pueblos prevents desirable developments, the possible advantages of association will he lessened and in conflict with the genuine community which is the pueblo. The northern pueblos do not constitute a community. The CAP is providing a desirable background for the future, but it will be a success only if expanded employment opportunities develop in the local area. If the OEO programs are not instrumental in bringing this about the consequences will be tragic. The tendency now is for, many of the most highly educated and flexible individuals to leave the area for occupational reasons. Because some local employment has been available, a leadership vacuum has not been created. The current emphasis on education, by OEO and the Pueblo, will result in a contin- uing and increasing loss of the people most needed in the villages, unless employ- ment possibilities increase. PAGENO="0298" 3950 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ~ ~ ,~ :~ -~.. r~i N,LW-~JQ -S I / ~- (~ RS~ ~ ,.i ~ `A--~..:~.---'~.~ "5~*S S R E S1E RVA T. N `" - -~ ..*~., ~ 2 N ~ 1 `A `S I ~ c-; A t ) C.A5~ ThL~' i_S :-~- ~ - F - A S INDIAN RESER'ATIO5 AREAS As - NEW MEXiCO 0 ASGANCA GAsBGGEAAA L - E AS E ST - -~ R. j SANTA CLARA RESERVATION, NEW MEXICO PAGENO="0299" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3951. E. TTJIITLE MOUNTAIN RESERVATION The Turtle Mountain Reservation is located in central North Dakota near the Canadian border. Formally, the reservation is known as the `Turtle Moun- tam Band of Chippewa Indians," since the Pembina Band of Plains Ojibwa. (Ohippewa) formed the nucleus of the original group. A mixture with Oree,. Assiniboine, and Metis (mixtures of Indian and French-Canadian) has developed a group with distinct characteristics, however, and it is common to hear the statement that "we are not like other Indians." 1. Historical a4uf Cultural BackgrovAUl9 The Chippewas (or Ojibwa), a leading branch of the Algonquian linguistic family, during the three centuries immediately following the discovery of America, occupied an extensive territory extending indefintely back into the hinterland of the northern and eastern shore of Lakes Superior and Huron. They filtered through the Sault Ste. Marie into what are now Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota, and moved westward into the present Dakotas and Montana, pushing the Sioux southward in many fierce conflicts over the rich hunting grounds. For more than two centuries Superior was a Chippewa lake. As the Chippewas spread to the west and south, they tended to break up into loosely defined groups more or less independent of the wide-flung tribes; and just as in the East they bad beaten the Iroquois back to the shores of Lake Erie, their western groups came to grips with the Fox and the Sioux and forced them southward to established treaty boundaries. For a century or niore before the establishment of the U.S.-Canadian bound- ary, the Chippewas and closely related groups had occupied a wide belt on either side of its future location and across it the Chippewas mingled with a closely associated group, the Crees, down to the present. The Pembina Band was one of the Chippewa bands that moved into the Plains, where they adopted the horse, became buffalo hunters, and generally became culturally a Plains tribe. The Turtle Mountain Ohippewas, originally the Pembina Band, so called because the nucleus of the Band was settled in the Turtle Mountains (really hills) occupied an extensive area with necessarily indefinite boundaries, since the country was not surveyed. It was located in the extreme northeastern part of North Dakota and extended from the Canadian border south to Devils Lake and from the Peinbina Mountains on the east, Indefinitely westward. The southern boundary, and to some extent, the indefinite western range, bad been in undisputed possession until about 1880. In addition, their claims lapped far over into Canada. Their disregard for the border led to many complications later. The Ohippewas or Ojibwa were also at one time the most numerous tribe north of Mexico. However, they did not often enter the light of history, owing to their remoteness from the frontier during the period of colonial wars. Nevertheless, into their country came the great fur companies, the Hudson Bay and the Northwest, and into their territories pushed the French pioneer hunters, trap- pers and woodsmen. As hunting, trapping, and lumbering diminished and river and lake navigation changed, while agricultural enterprises came in, the Ohippewas were left stranded as they have been for three generations. Although the Government recognized the claims of the Turtle Mountain Chippewas, no reservation was set up for their use for many years and the Indians were left to shift for themselves, obtaining their living mostly from fish and game within the region. Game was scarce after the passing of the buffalo, and the Indians were often reduced to starvation conditions. On 3 March 1873, Congress appropriated $25,000 for the purchase of a town- ship on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota as a home for the Turtle Mountain Indians. An additional $10,000 was provided in the bill to enable the Indians to move to their new location. The majority of the Turtle Mountain Band refused to accept this proposition of Congress and these people continued to occupy their former home in the Turtle Mountains since they felt that their claim to the territory was valid and that they must continue occupancy of the lands to protect their interests. Those Pembina who did not move to White Earth are still known as the "Bronchos." 0 The substance of this section is freely adapted in part from materials obtained from the US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Turtle Mountain Agency, on the early history of the Chippewa. PAGENO="0300" 3952 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Pinal settlement of the claims of the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians was provided for in a treaty made 2 October 1892, which was amended and approved by Congress 21 April 1904. By the terms of this treaty the Turtle Mountain Band ceded claims to all territory except two townships within the Turtle Mountain area. The treaty further provided for `a cash payment of $1,000,000 to the Tribe for the land ceded (9,000,000 acres). Provisions were also made for the allotting of the reservation and the allotting of such other lands within the Public Domain as might `be necessary for the members of the Tribe unable to secure land within the designated reservation. 2. Recent Couditions and Present Context Turtle Mountain Reservation covers an area six by twelve miles, adjoining additional trust lands. The population estimate for the reservation proper as of March 1966 was 7,131. Total number of Indians in Rolette County is considerably in excess of this. The area in which the reservation is located is far from any commercial or indtistrial center, the Dakotas as a whole representing an indus- trially undeveloped area with little to encourage such development. The present complex `social system of the Turtle Mountain Reservation has not been analyzed hitherto, although such analysis might be considered urgent in ethnological terms. Forest and Plains Ojibwa have `been studied, but the Ojibwa are a minority of the reservation population. Of the 7,131 individuals on or near the reservation, it is estimated that only twenty to two hundred are full-blooded Indians. T'he majority as noted above are mixed bloods, or Metis-cornbinations of Ojibwa, Cree, Assiniboine, and French-Canadian plus some Scots, Irish, and English; if any one element is dominant, it is possibly the French-Canadian. The comments that follow must `be viewed as tentative, `based upon limited observations over `a limited period of time by individuals not primarily con- cerned with examination of social structure per se. The elements that went into the formation of the Turtle Mountain Band were combined under the following socio-economic conditions. The Plains Ojibwa, after moving from the forest areas, `adopted many of the characteristics of Plains Indian culture, `a's did the Cree. The Assiniboine underwent similar adjustment. The French-Canadian element, however, entered `as a consequence of the fur trade. Historical events of the 19th Century seriously attenuated the fur trade in areas `adjoining these Indian groups, impoverishing the French- Canadian trappers, while virtual extermination of the buffalo and expropriation of Indian lands put an end to the economic base of Plains Indian culture. No replacement of this base other `than the "hunting" of Government programs has s'o far evolved. The smallest unit of Turtle Mountain society is the nuclear family (father, mother and minor children) living in independent households. Among more indian-oriented members of the reservation, the nuclear family household is located in the vicinity of `other closely related households. The groupings probably represent kindreds (groups of nuclear families linked by `sibling ties). There is no evidence of the persistence of totemic groups or clans, nor of any organization beyond this level. The less Indian-oriented Metis are said to place emphasis upon kinship ties, but to `a still lesser degree. The present economic status of Band is poor. As estimated seventy house- holds depend upon agriculture for subsistence in whole or in part. Seasonal farm labor was, in the past, m'ore important than at present, as the increasing mechanization of farms tends to render unskilled labor superfluous. Seasonal con'struction work remains, but is limited. The low level of local or regional employment has been the cause of thousands leaving the reservation. An esti- mated six thousand enrolled members live away from the reservation. The only developed political institutions of the reservation are those established under the tribal constitution, pursiiant to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934. Under the present constitu'tion, adopted in 19~9, the tribal government consists of a Tribal Council (including a Chairman, elected `by the entire reservation, and eight Councilmen, two elected from each of the four districts established for this purpose), and `a Chief Judge and Chief of Police who are not members of the Council. In addition, each of the electoral districts has a three-member "sub-district council," the members `of which are elected from the `district. The function of the sub-district councils is to meet prior to the monthly Tribal Council meeting `and to convey local proposals to the Council. In the event `of the death or resignation of a Council member, the sub-district council concerned selects his successor. PAGENO="0301" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3953 Within the last few years, the Tribe attempted to join the United Nations as a sovereign government, claiming that it was legally independent. At another time it attempted to enter into an agreement with the Soviet Union. While these attempts were less than successful, they are indicative of the frustrations of life on this reservation and the tenor of tribal responses thereto. The spirit of tribal independence has sometimes worked against the group. The BIA tends to `be regarded as an enemy, and close contact with it is not maintained. This led to the loss of funds available for construction of a new tribal office several years ago, when the Council failed to act to obtain BIA funds then available for that purpose. The BIA established a committee, consisting of BIA, P115, tribal, and county and other interested parties, to consider the development of reservation resources, but little interest came from the reservation. Within the reservation population, it is said that there is a weak system of factionalism, tending to revolve around personalities `and largely based upon emotional appeal. It seems clear that the factions are based upon kin support of relatives, and support of "friends." The nunTher of factions varies, depending upon personalities and issues rather than upon principles. Only a small per- centage of the population is said to vote in tribal elections, making it possible for politicians to be `elected with the backing of limited numbers who actually vote. The replacement rate of Council members is said to be high as a conse- quence (and `symptom) of dissatisfaction with the general state of affairs, and the failure of new Council members to create new conditions. In the most recent election, one `candidate for Chairman was said to have campaigned solely on the basis of complaints about the incumbent Council members. The political situation obviously reflects the frustrations of reservation life: lack of jobs, inferior housing, and absence of development. It must `be acknowl- edged, however, the Turtle Mountain has extraordinarily limited developmental resources, and that the tribal government altogether lacks the capacity to deal with these constant problems. While Indians constitute the majority of Rolette County's population, the white minority effectively controls the politics of the county, and Indian representation in county `offices is extremely limited. The "Indians" of Turtle Mountain, while quite `thoroughly mixed with whites genetically, constitute a s'eparate and distinct social system from the `adjacent or even overlapping white population. The latter is entirely concerned with agriculture or supporting services. Of north European extraction, particularly Scandinavian and German, it is largely Protestant and unsympathetic to the French Catholicism `of the Turtle Mountain Band. Relation- ships `between the two groups are scarcely `cordial. Charges of police brutality and discrimination are common, although it is not known to what extent the charges reflect reality or symbolize the fears and frustration of the Turtle Moun- tain community. 3. Impact of the Community Action Program The Turtle Mountain CAP was established through the offices of the reserva- tion, bu't it has responsibility for a program that is supposed to cover the entire population of `the county, including its significant non-Indian minority. The estimated population of the county (Rolette) was 10,641 in 1960. of which well over half were Indians. Estimates of the Indian population vary from 5,352 to 7,131, largely with different definitions of Indian status. Poverty, as meas- ured by white urban standards, was characteristic of the Indian population, but also widespread among `the whites. Of 2,150 families on the reservation or adjoin- ing lands, only 864 had incomes in excess of $3,000. Although seasonal labor accounts fo'r variations in the number of persons employed, it is estimated gen- erally that at least 1,000 of the employables are unemployed, and that about 5,000 individuals are in whole or in part dependent upon public support. Employment oppo'rtunities on the reservation are limited. Auide from the CAP, which is in process `of becoming the largest employer, the major employment oppo'rtunities exist with `the BIA Agency. The Bulova Company plant in Rolla, at the edge of the reservation, employs 112 Indians, 70% of its working force. The tribally-owned Chippewa Authentics (manufactures non-authentic' Indian arti- facts) employes twelve. Some very limited employment is available in the private businesses of Rolla and Dunseith, which cater to the rural agricultural popula- tion. The entire State is predominantly agricultural, and the largest cities are commercial rather than industrial, offering only the most limited opportunities for either whites or Indians. The Dakotas are states that export population, and their population growth is extremely low. Building and road construction is PAGENO="0302" 3954 ECONOMiC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 limited, and, as noted above, seasonal employment in agriculture is giving way to mechanization. Tourism is insignificant, `although the reservation is near the International Peace Garden Park on the Canadian border. Major traffic arteries do not pass near the reservation, and local attractions are limited and must, in any case, com- pete with other not too distant vacation areas of Canada amid Minnesota. While great emphasis is placed, verbally, upon tourism development, it is clear that such developments will have only the most limited effect upon the economy. The limitations of opportunity on the reservation are well known, and an estimated. 50% of the enrolled membership of the Tribe is resident elsewhere. This exodus occurs because of opportunities elsewhere. Many do not want to leave, however, and will not do so under present circumstances. The foregoing indicates the socio-economic circumstances in which the Turtle Mountain CAP was instituted. A Community Action Development Committee was established in 1904. After discussions which took into consideration the Tribal Council. and the various public agencies related to the anti-poverty or develop- mental programs, a plan was submitted to OEO on 15 February 1965. Approval was granted effective April 1965, although the program did not become opera- tional until June. The Committee's proposals initially provided that the Program Director was to have a degree in social work. The Committee Director was, how-ever, anxious to have the job and influenced the Tribal Committee to alter the proposal so that no educational requirement remained. The Director pointed out the need for a ~`grass roots" program and expressed the belief that he, with a ninth-grade education. and background as a bricklayer, but with experience as Director of the Development Committee, ideally fitted the needs. Approval for the person nomi- nated for the directorship was obtained from OEO in late May, and the admin- istrative component began operation in early June. In connection with the directorship, several informants stated that it was expected that the Director would be approved only on a temporary basis, and the Council and others were extremely shocked when his appointment was recognized as permanent. The "legal governing body" of the CAP is the Tribal Council, which is democra- tically elected by reservation voters although there is question as to what percentage of the potential electorate is actually represented. The Development Committee existed until the inauguration of the CAP. It was to be replaced by an advisory committee. A special, requirement set by CEO was that the CAP Advisory Committee include representation of the white community of the county, w-hich was also to be served by the CAP. Legally, the Advisory Committee is to include representation of the major agencies, in- stitutions, or other groups involved in the anti-poverty program, as well as representatives of the poor. In fact, however, there is no evidence that an ad- visory committee is in existence. At the time of the field research. the CAP Director indicated that when he needed advice he went tO certain friends who w-ould be helpful on specific problems, and that he would tolerate no group or individual telling him "what to do." While the Tribal Council was the legal governing body of the CAP, it knew nothing of the operations of the program. Council members, apparently unaware of their legal position of strength, complained that they were not consulted. The Tribal Chairman complained that the Director brought him papers to sign, but never told him the contents of the papers. rn `actual practice, the Turtle Mountain CAP was an autonomous entity, the policies of which were established by the Director. Hiring and firing were done by the Director personally, without consultation with the Council or the non-existent Advisory Committee-a procedure that evoked an "aides rebellion," which was, however,immediately suppressed. The Director was assisted by a staff, including several assistant directors and an educational coordinator, whom lie had chosen. With the exception of those for which professional requirements were mandatory, few- had adequate background for the administrative work required or the qualifications for the salaries established. Of the professionals, minimal state requirements were met. Figures on the number of sub-professionals, or aides, were not available, hut these included a number of categories appropriate to the CAP components. Sal- aries began .at the minimum of $1.25 per hour ($20000 per year). and were to be increased to $3000 per year. It is interesting to compare these figures with the levels for North Dakota in general, and the local area specifically. Unskilled PAGENO="0303" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3955 labor is generally paid $1.00 per hour, bricklayers $2.00 per hour, heavy-duty truck drivers $1.40 per hour, and experienced clerk-typists $160-$190 per month. Teachers with degrees, certificates, and experience are fortunate to earn $4800 per year. Agreement is widespread on some of the major problems facing the reserva- tion. All sources-Council, Cap Director and BIA included-agree that lack of employment opportunities is the greatest problem. The drop-out rate from the schools is a matter of general concern. Housing is extremely poor, the dwellings being inadequate for the extreme weather conditions and lacking water and sanitation facilities. What is usually called "alcoholism," probably an inac- curate term, has been a major problem for years. Juvenile delinquency, involving fighting, vandalism, and illegitamacy, is common, although figures were not available. The CAP addressed itself to some of these major problems. Insofar as un- employment is concerned, the CAP has provided some jobs for the unskilled and is becoming the largest employer on the reservation. The number of such positions is totally inadequate for the population involved, however. While CAP is concerned with the problem of unemployment, it can itself do little. Any- thing of significance requires the cooperation of many agencies. Considering the limited resources of the reservation, much planning and effort will be required if large numbers are ever to have adequate employment at home. Even if jobs were available, the population is presently lacking in the necessary skills. CAP attention thus is focussed on educatiOn and training as preparation for opportu- nities, wherever they may exist. The Pre-School Program, Remedial Reading, Guidance Counseling, and Recreation components fit in this category. They also provide opportunities for the hiring of aides to assist the professionals-it is impossible to say whether the programs were justifications for the jobs, or vice versa. NYC applications were made, and this program can be seen as allied to the other educational programs. A multi-purpose community build- ing was requested from. EDA, for there is no adequate building of this kind in the main population center of the reservation. The success of these components in achieving their objectives could not be evaluated since they were still in their first year of operation. In connection with the Educational and Recreational programs, the CAP re- quested allowances for purchase of buses to transport students. While this is one of the small reservations, distance are normally too great for walking, particularly in view of the extreme weather conditions. Enrollment in such programs as Pre-Sehool and Recreation was severely limited ~y inadequate transportation facilities. It was reasonably expected that the success of the Educational and Recrea- tional programs would have a secondary effect in the reduction of juvenile delin- quency and aimlessness. Sufficient time has not elapsed to make any evolutions. The problem of inadequate housing is being treated by the CAP, through the Community Service component, and by plans of the Public Housing Ad- ministration (PHA). The Community Worker component, with ten aides, is responsible for making minor repairs to existing homes, which would make them more weatherproof. Funds for major repairs were lacking, and the number of workers inadequate to contend with the vast number of sub-standard houses. The PHA was planning the construction of low-cost housing, but it is not possi- ble to see any significant alleviation of the housing situation in the foreseeable future. A separate program for on-the-job training of adults was instituted under Title V of the EOA. The office of the Title V program is located in Roila, and there was little contact between the Title II and Title V programs, in large part because the two Directors were antagonistic leaders of different factions. The proposals for the second years include, in addition to continuation of the previous year's components, the following: 1. Youth Service Center 2. Credit Union 3. Home Economics 4. Manual Arts 5. Library-Study Hall 6. Legal Aid 7. Gardens and Small Fruit Production 8. Transportation PAGENO="0304" 3956 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Supplemental proposals were probably submitted, and the disposition by OEO was not known at the time the field study ended. In connection with the com- ponents noted above, one, that concerned with "gardens and small fruit produc- tion," is apparently the offspring of an earlier program that left thousands of jars of chokecherry jam unsold and unmarketed. Evaluation of the first components was, in general, difficult because of the limited time they had been in existence. Certain complaints are, however, worth recording. Teachers' aides complained that they were doing the work of the teachers, and that they had had no training of any kind. They felt inadequate and uncertain as to. their work. Attendance at training sessions in which they would `be given adequate instruction `would `be valuable, at least in giving them a sense of confidence. `The Community Worker aides were reported as doing very `little. T'he Dii'eëtor is quoted as telling them, when they asked for pay increases to 400 per month: "What do you want more money for? You don't do `anything `but sit in the boiler room and drink coffee !" Others sai'd of the `Community Workers that they were given little `supervision by the Director. The Commimity Workers, aides, in addition to making minor house repairs, were utilized for the distribution of questionnaires by the CAP Administration to the reservation population. The questionnaries asked for evaluation of the CAP `and suggestions for new components or activities. The Community Worker ai'de was, in short, used as a community `contact mechanism-or as some local skeptics put it, "to spread the OEO gospel." It: was indicated earlier that the Tribal Council was not consulted by the CAP Director in connection with proposals or operation of the CAP. There was no CAP Advisory Committee, and coordination with relevant agencies, such as the Title V office, the BIA,' and the PHS, was less than minimal. The use of impersonal questionnaires was apparently the only mechanism by which the community h'ad communication with the CAP. There was, in short, no provision made for `other community involvement. However, a program analyst for OEO in Washington told the Director he' had one of the three best Indian Community Action Programs in the United States. Field observation tends to `confirm that, while certain formal requirements of CAP organization (e.g., existence of a CAP committee) `appear to `be missing, the CAP Program at Turtle Mountain is being carried on with energy and considerable `efficiency. Nevertheless, the economic limitations of the area `present a real `challenge in terms of long-range `planning for Turtle Mountain's future viability. PAGENO="0305" 0 0 0 H ci H H t~j H CI) 0 © ccJ 9 © INDiAN RESERVATION AREAS BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS `IN NO RTH DAKOTA RELATED FEATURES OF INTEREST W A N I 8:o~l N A 1~N~ N PAGENO="0306" 3958 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF. 19 67 Rolla The Oji'bwa or Chippewa Indians `of Minnesota reside on seven reservutiOns in the northern half of the State. Six of these are `open" reservations (open to white settlement). One is "closed" (Indian settlement only). The six "open" reserva- tions, including White Earth, are organized as the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe under the Indian Re-Organization Act; the single "closed" reservation, Red Lake, constitutes a separate autonomous `band. White Earth Reservation is located in the northwestern portion of Minnesota, about 250 miles northwest of Minneapolis. It is on the southwestern edge of the great forest which extends far to the north into Canada but lies partly in the prairie bordering on the Valley of the Red River of the North. 1. Historical and Cultural Background'° Evidence of historical linguistics indicates that the northern and central Al- gonquians, the former including the Ojibwa, had spread through the northeastern United States and much of Ontario and Quebec about 1500 years ago. The Ojibwa and their closest `cultural relatives, the Ottawa and Cree, were then restricted to what `is now western Quebec and Ontario. They were hunters and gathers, with social organization adapted to `the exploitation `of game and other resources of `limited quantity. Density of population among the Ojibwa was low, and the size of the social group limited `by the natural resources. Linguistic evidence indicates `that the social group was small, with cross-cousin marriage providing for the alliance and cooperation of bands over generations. This form of orga- nization persists in northern Ontario and other areas, somewhat modified as a consequence of contact with Europeans, particularly through participation in the fur `trade. The 16th Century voyages of discovery led to the establishment of New France and the domain of the Hudson Bay Company, with a primary economic interest in fur obtained `by barter from the Indians. Items of European manufacture were desired by the latter for their efficiency, value, or interest, and included muskets, metal traps, iron pots, tea, sugar, beads and whiskey. To the demand for fur can be attributed, in part at least, the westward movement of the Ojibwa, the first 10 This section is intended to provide background for an understanding of historical factors which have continuing relevance in the present situation of the Ojibwa of White Earth Reservation. It does not purport to provide a comprehensive history. It highlights social and cultural changes that have characterized the Ojibwa, and notes the degree to which important soclo-cultural features pertinent to CAP operations have continued. John TURTLE MOUNTAIN RESERVATION, NORTH DAKOTA P. WHITE EARTH RESERVATION PAGENO="0307" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF. 1967 3959 losses of aboriginal culture, and the development of family hunting and trapping territories. While initial contact with Europeans was undoubtedly through inter- mediary tribes, direct relationships soon developed. In 1640 Jesuit missionaries reported a number of "Ojibwa" bands at, and to the north of, the Sault Ste. Marie, generally accepted as an indication of the extent of westward migration. The name of the bands reported, the Outchipoué, was eventually applied in corrupted form (i.e., Ojibwa or Chippewa). to the entire ~roup. In succeeding generations the Ojibwa moved west to Lakes Winnipeg and Winnipegosis, and southwest into the northern peninsula of Michigan. The latter migration is relevant to White Earth. The southwesterly migrants moved into an area more hOspitable in terms of exploitative potential where they were able to profit, as middle men, in the fur trade between the Europeans and the Sioux. The initial peace between the Ojibwa and Sioux soon turned to hostility that was not effectively ended until the reservation era, and not ended formally until many years later. The long period of Oji'bwa-Sioux warfare bad signficant consequences with respect to Ojlbwa demography and soeio-poiitical organization. The Ojibwa, mov- ing south and west into Wisconsin and Minnesota, invaded the Sioux lands. In a state of continuous warfare, every Ojibwa hunting party travelling into dis- puted territory was also a war party. The more abundant natural resources, com- bined with the defensive and offensive values of larger numbers, led to the growth of larger bands, prominence of war leaders, and the dev~lopment of village chiefs. Development of chieftainship had been affected by the fur trade and, later, by representatives of the American Government. Ftir traders and Indian agents alike preferred to negotiate with one chiefrather than a council of all. adults of the tribe, and a kind of leadership concerned with "external affairs" developed. The increasing numbers of;whites in the area led to demands for the expropria- tion of the recently and hard-won lands of the Ojibwa, and the~19th Oentury land cessions were substantially affected by economic developments. The Ojibwa had long had a symbiotic economic relationship with the whites in the fur trade which had developed into a credit system in which items were obtained by the Indians who paid the traders in fur at the end of the trapping season. In the 1830's an economic depression in the eastern United States ended this credit relationship, and with it came an end to `the demand for the beaver :hat, greatly diminishing the outlet for the only major exportable Ojibwa product. This sudden change in "balance of payments" created a dra.~tic problem for the Ojibwa, mag- nified because of the game shortage tesulting from increased population and exploitation for trade. Under these Conditions, great land cessiOns wOre made, conveying most of northern Minnesota to the whites hi return*~~ for what then appeared to be valuable annuity nayments. By 1867, the final cessions were made and the. White Earth Reservation was established by statute as the primary home for the Minnesota Ojibwa. Not all Ojibwa moved to White Earth and the holdings of those who refused removal and consolidation were eventually formalized into the other six Minnesota 1 eservations In 1869 Ojibwa movement to Wiute Earth began Population eventually grew to almost ten thousand with numerous bands represented primarily of Missis sippi and Pillager afllliation It was during the reservation period that the devel oping political and governmental institutions were abortively terminated The chiefs of v'irious typs the councils and other groups with political influence were no longer functional. They continued to exist with `form, with, much attached prestige, but with disappearance of meaningful roles, and government' gradually became a function of the Indian Agent The reservation era brought about the following major Changes in Ojibwa social organizetion at White Eaith 1 The end of bands as eutonomous political entities 2. The end of a viable indigenous economic base of Ojibwa society, and Of ielated aspects of culture 3. The end (with the introduction of schools) of exclusively Ojibwa familial socialization of the young. 4. The end of Ojibwa religious institutions and beliefs through the complemen- tary (and sometimes identical) inroads of Christianmissionaries and the schools. 5. The decline of the Ojibwa language, through insistence of school authorities that it not be used with the young, and because of the utility of English in relating to the non-Ojibwa population of the area. PAGENO="0308" 3960 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 6. A decline in the effectiveness of social control, resulting from inadequacy of traditional methods of social control in coping with problems posed by an expand- ing population, and due as well to the decline and demise of the control functions of the Midiwiwin (the Grand Medicine Society) and to usurpation of authority by "outsiders." The Dawes ("Allotment") Act of 1887 made possible the allocation of lands to individuals, and permitted the sale of individual lands by "civilized" Indians (i.e., those who could sign their names) or by those who claimed white ancestry. The presence of a railroad in proximity to the rich forest brought in timber spec- ulators in the 1890's. Most of the land of the reservation was soon in their hands,. and by the mid-1920's the forest hhd almost been denuded of valuable timber. With these events, deterioration of the economic base of the White Earth Ojibwa society was complete. Notwithstanding these significant changes in Ojibwa ecology over more than the past century, however, strong elements of traditional social structure remain, and there is ample evidence that what might be viewed as the Ojibwa modal person- ality type has not changed drastically. The 1920's and 1930's saw the removal of the Indian Agency to Bemidji, an end to the boarding school educational system that had been initiated in the 1890's with BIA operation of the school system, and the advent of BIA control of law enforcement. The educational, law enforcement, and welfare systems were transferred to the State, and in turn to counties too poor and disinterested to be effective. Following passage of the Indian Re-Organization Act of 1934, the six "open" reservations of Minnesota Ojibwa organized as the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, with reservation councils responsible for local government. In 1963 a new con- stitution was adopted. The long period of relative insignificance of tribal and reservation government, and in turn its transformation, are particularly per- tinent to understanding the problems which CAP has encountered at White Earth. 2. Recent Conditions and Present Content The following outline of the social structure of the White Earth Ojibwa is intended to provide further context for examination of the development of the White Earth Community Action Program. It covers not all aspects of the social system, but those identified as most relevant in the course of field research. In view of the persistence of certain characteristics of social organization from pre-reservation times and the redevelopment of some earlier characteristics in the new reservation context, a brief statement of the old social system is needed initially. a. Early Ecological Adaptation The social structure of the Ojibwa in the period of their westward and south- westward movement represented a social adjustment to the environment and its exploitation. The resources of the northern forests, with limited technology available, did not permit great density of population; indeed, except for recent white settlements, the area remains today one of the most sparsely inhabited regions of North America. The pattern of settlement was adapted to the ex- ploitative patterns of the seasons: largest groupings (the band) occurred during the spring and summer, when attention was directed to tapping sugar maples, fishing, and some hunting. Late summer and early autumn saw some dispersion for the harvesting of wild rice, followed *by hunting as the major activity. Winter, the season for trapping, saw the utmost dispersal. The nuclear family (husband, wife and children) remained together through- out the year, and was, as long as conditions permitted, in close proximity to several other such units, usually related through father-son or brother ties. A number of such groups, occasionally up to one hundred, constituted a named band. Kinship was bilateral (relatives of both mother or father were equally recognized). Parallel cousins (the children of one's father and his brothers, or of one's mother and her sisters) were classified as siblings, while cross-cousins (children of one's father's sister or mother's brother) were conceptually and terminologically distinct. Preferential bilateral cross-cousin marriage may be seen as an adaptation to low density of population, with small, local bands widely distributed, providing continuing sets of alliances among small family groups. The responsibilities and privileges of kinship were extended further through the totemic groups (known also as clans or gentes), membership in which PAGENO="0309" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3961 ~brought classification as sibling. The totemic groups were patrilineal (member- ship was inherited through the father) and exogamous (marriage with a clan sibling was not permitted). The basic cooperative group was the nuclear family, but there was always the possibilty of forming a larger group consisting of related families as con- ditions permitted. Wider cooperation, when needed or desired, was possible through the mechanism of kinship. The band was not itself an organization with a readily definable function, but, since almost all members were related, it was :the group the members of which might cooperate, and, aside from totemic values, intermarry. Social and political controls were not highly developed, nor were they neces- sary in such small bands `that were, for most of the year, divided into smaller ~kin groups. A man recognized as having stronger supernatural powers than m~st, often a shaman or medicine man, served as leader when necessary. Social control was maintained largely through fear of witchcraft, harm befalling those guilty of hostile acts or thoughts. Sickness was seen as a consequence of witchcraft, and often the cure involved, in effect, public, confession of possible "sins." In- ~terpersonal and intergroup hostility, to which fears of witchcraft relate, appears to be a marked characteristics of all Ojibwa groups. The fear and avoidance of individuals and groups not immediately related may have been functionally re- `lated to maintaining social and spatial distance under natural conditions in which interdependency had to be discouraged. It has, under other conditions, operated to prevent cooperation where such was desirable. Among the southwestern Ojibwa of Minnesota and Wisconsin, the 19th Cen- fury saw the rise of chieftainship. Ecological conditions had permitted, contin- `uous warfare the larger populations had demanded, and whites had insisted, that various types of chiefs be developed to deal with specific, recurring situ- `ations. Among the most important to develop were village, chiefs, war chiefs, medicine society chiefs, and those who, like medieval heralds, dealt with the representatives of white society. It is incorrect to regard the Ojibwa leader (ogema) as a king or president in the Western sense, since his authority was dependent upon his followers and their acceptance of his leadership. Lack of confidence was expressed in refusal `to follow and, in one case, a major chief (Hole-in-the-Day) was killed by his followers as they were dissatisfied with a treaty he had concluded on their behalf. As indicated above, the settlement on reservations under ,the jurisdiction of the Indian Agency brought an end to the power of. and need for the chiefs: the political superstructure collapsed with the decline of power and eventual death of the last of the pre-reservation leaders. The need for cooperation on a level above that of the kin group ended, except as it was organized and directed by the Indian Agency, and, to considerable degree, the system of social relations continues to resemble that prior to the development of chieftainship. Indeed, it is possible to see 19th Century developments as a superficial structure erected upon an unaltered base: the effect of the reservation was to bring about a return to the aboriginal base. b. Present-Day ~oeiaZ Adjustment That the present social structure .of the White Earth Ojibwa is a product of the foregoing hecomes clear from description of the present situation. Relevant demographic and economic statistics will be found at the beginning of the section pertaining to the OAF itself. The reservation is a social rather than a territorial community that exists as a social system separate and distinct from the white communities that now lie within or adjacent to the original limits of the reservation. It exists as a single community only with respect to outside threats to the entire Ojibwa population of the reservation or to take advantage of programs or opportunities of direct value to that population. The white population is `separate, and though there is some social interaction, most of it is economic or political, for the White Earth Ojibwa are neither economically nor politically autonomous. The Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, of which White Earth is a part, is made up of six "open" reservations `as noted, with a tribal government (the Tribal Execu- tive Committee, or TEC, and tribal manager and staff) having responsibility for matters pertaining to two or more reservations, as well as to those of general tribal concern. Much of its activities have been concerned with management of property owned and/or administered by tribal `authority and with responsi- bility for prosecution of claims. Each reservation has a governing council, or PAGENO="0310" 3962 E~CONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Reservation Business Committee (RBO), responsible for matters of local reser- vation concern. The Chairman and Secretary of each RBC are members of the TEC, which elects the President and other officers from its membership. Aside from mutual interest in tribal resources and successful prosecution of claims before the Indian Claims Commission, the six reservations or "bands' (as they were known until adoption of the new constitution in 19134) have little of enduring common concern. Each is suspicious of the possibility that one reservation may benefit more than others from tribal activities, though all i'eservations may share a suspicion that their own elected representatives and tribal officers are using their positions for individual gain. Each of the six reservations is "open" in the sense that at least some land is occupied by whites. This leads to terminological difficulties: To the whites the reservation is a tract of land that belonged to the Ojibwa, but one that has been largely alienated and is now largely occupied by whites. Thus, the whites make up part of the population of the reservation. To the Ojibwa themselves, on the other hand, the term reservation refers primarily to the Ojibwa population, and to either the land originally allocated to them or to their present holdings. In another sense it refers to the Ojibwa Band or bands situated around the Indian Agent's facilities provided in exchange for the cession of their ancestral lands under treaty. The Indian Agency has been replaced by the PHS Indian Health Division, separate school systems, the Indian Road Service, a BLA. Agency office at Bemidji, and now the CAP. In the usage that follows, "reservation" refers to Ojibwa residents within the old territorial limits, or to the land itself depending on context. The term is not used here to refer to the white population except as specifically noted. The Ojibwa population of White Earth is made up of descendants of the Mississippi and Pillager Bands recognized in 19th Century treaties, together with those of the Pembina Band that are not at Turtle Mountain or elsewhere. A century of intermarriage has blurred distinctions, which now exist primarily in terms of formal enrollment on tribal records for purposes of distribution of claims settlements. It is recognized, however, that one village (Pine Point) is primarily made up of descendants of Pillagers, and the descendants of the Pembina Plains Ojibwa are still occasionally distinguished as "Bronchos." A substantial number of enrolled members of the White Earth Ojibwa live elsewhere. It is estimated that the present White Earth Ojibwa population is about 2350, including some three hundred living in predominantly white com- munities immediately adjacent to the reservation. This compares to a population of more than 9300 indicated by the 1950 census. Most of the decline occurred in the early 1950's. Large Ojibwa populations are also found in many cities. White Earth Ojibwa are found in particular in Minneapolis, St. Paul, Kenosha, Waukegan, Peoria, and Los Angeles. The largest members are in Minneapolis-St. Paul, and there is some evidence that they form a social "reservation" within the Twin Cities. The change in the tribal constitution was almost defeated by the "city vote," and the same group challenged, in a Federal court, the validity of the referendum and its results. * The Ojibwa population of White Earth Reservation is divided among the three villages of White Earth, Naytahwaush, and Pine Point (each with somewhat more than five hundred residents in slightly more than one hundred households), the community of Rice Lake (with about two hundred residents scattered in the vicinity of the lake), a few small hamlets (such as Elbow Lake), and a number of families and individuals living in relative isolation at the numerous lakes. Each village has a village council, but these sometimes become inactive. The distribution of population in the villages is interesting, and White Earth village may be taken as representative. Here the village is spread out along one major and several subsidiary streets. From the northern edge (at the approx- imate location of the Episcopal mission) to the southwestern end of the main street the distance is approximately two miles-for a village of only some 5.~0 residents. The houses are widely spaced, exceptions being cases in which a house has been built near another by a close relativc or where a house was built in the center of the village when the population was much larger. It is also found that kinsmen tend to be located as closely as housing permits. Several villages in fact have sections known by the names of their predominant families. The White Earth. communities may also be described from another point of view, to which the `systems of social relat~nships is central.. PAGENO="0311" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3963 Individuals are rarely found living alone in separate households, and if this occurs and continues, it is normally because of the death of an elderly spouse. A young surviving spouse normally remarries. The normal household is that occupied by the nuclear family of husband, wife and children. This group sometimes includes unmarried adult children,. an elderly parent or the husband or wife, or other close relatives. Special cir- cumstances may lead. to two closely related nuclear families occupying the same house indefinitely, but visiting relatives seem always welcome, as are reservation residents visiting kinsmen in the cities. While the nuclear famly household is independent, it is normally located near the households of close relatives, paticularly those of the husband's parents or brothers. This larger group of kinsmen includes cousins (especially first. cousins) as well, and corresponds generally to what the. anthropologist terms. a kindred. The term kindred will hereinafter be used to refer to the bilateral kin group consisting of the nuclear families and households of elderly couples,. their siblings if living, and those of their children and grandchildren. Locally,. the term "clan" is sometimes used for the kindred. Politically, it may he a "faction." The primary cooperative group jS the nuclear family, and next the families of closest realtives or members of the kindred. Cooperation takes a variety of forms, aside from household routine. A man and `wife form the preferred team for harvesting wild rice, for example, since it is felt that "this keeps the money in the family." Cooperation is also extended to kinsmen in need, involving the `sharing of food' or drink when one has an adequate supply and another does not. To the extent that "Indian generosity" is present, it tends strongly to be between kinsmen. If a man has a business or occupation in which he can hire employees, it is usual' for him to give preference to close kin, then to more distant kinsmen, and then non-kin. People expect this and go to a fortunate kinsman when in need. It provokes bitter feelings and charges of nepotism, however, if public funds are utilized, despite general acknowledgement that first responsibilities are to kinsmen. The degree of cooperation or hostility between and within kindreds varies in accordance with external conditions. Generally, jealous and hostility prevail' within a given kindred until threatened from without. Then, the threatened kindred closes ranks and its members cooperate for the `duration of the threat. The outside threat may arise from a more distantly related kindred which will,~ in turn, cooperate with the first kindred if yet another challenge comes from a still more remotely related group. Cooperation and hostility beocme especially significant in discussion of economic and political relationships. Each kindred tends to act or react as a bloc vis-a-vis other hostile kindreds in the manner' described, but otherwise may have conflict within, and such kindreds tend to' separate into new kindreds as they increase in size. Inter-personal and inter-group hostility has long been `recognized as a cultural characteristic of the Ojibwa in Ontario, Manitoba, and Wisconsin, and it is also found at White Earth. Husband-wife conflict is not unknown, and `divorce or' separation is recognized by many as the solution to marital disharmony. Conflict with consanguineal kinsmen, usually under the influence of alcohol, sometimes occurs. Bitter gossip concerning individual's or groups is common, and the ten- dency is to believe the worst-unless it concern's one's own kin. Rorschach and Thematic Appercepti'on Tests of similar groups indicate a high, degree of sup- pressed hostility, which occasionally becomes manifest, particularly when ov'er drinking. Marriage relationships are not based on any explicit preferential rule, but some preferences are clear. Marriage with first cousins is normally prohibited, and' not fully approved with second cousins. It is also found that intermarriage' between certain kin groups is rare, but higher between others. Marriage with' whites is approved and not uncommon. If the man is Ojibwa, the usual residence is in the: Ojibwa community, a.lthough there are one or two exception's. Residence' after marriage tend's to be at the husband's parental home or in an independent household, but in any~ ~ca'se in proximity to the husband's family. Cross-cousin marriage, noted earlier as a northern Ojibwa characteristic, no longer occurs. Kinship terminologies taken from the oldest resident indicate' clearly the former existence of the system, but many of the schedules `show con- fusion concerning cousin terminology, and none remembers the time when cross- cousin or first-cousin marriages occurred. The totemic groups, which once were' PAGENO="0312" 3964 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 kinship extensions within which marriage was `prohibited, have virtually disap- peared, and most of the younger people do not even know their totemic affiliation. Within each village it is possiblO to see kindreds associated by intermarriage and' long-term cooperation that appear to `be the cohesive groups of descendants of aboriginal or pre-reservation bands. Indeed, if a sociogram were made, it would likely show two or `three major groups of this sort within each village, and little interaction between them. Frequent reference is made in the villages to "factiOns," usually as obstruc- tions to village cooperation. Members of the Ojibwa community often refer to the "fact" that much could be obtained for the village "if people would just cooperate." They, and the whites, refer often to the opposi'tion of factions to. some indivulual or to vicious gossip that attaches to some promin'tnt person It is said of the factions that they don t want people to get ahead or they want to keep people down." The factions~ are, on the whole, recognized as having a base in the kin groups, and are often referred `to by the name of the prominent family `of `the group. There are no "political pl~tfo'rms" or principles to separate the factions. Rather, they are concerned with personalities and the' fear that one faction will take advantage of its position for gain at the expense of others., The factions tend to be negative or opposition parties based upon kin interests and may be seen as~ giving voice to deep-seated interpersonal hostilities charac- teristic of the Ojibwa. The factions represent the local form of "persuasive factionism wherein composition changes with issues and peisonahties Certain cultural characteristics relate to `the kin-based organization of the Ojibwa community. of~ White Earth, and to the past and present' `subsistence actu ities-the latter discussed oe1o'a Not only are kin ties impoitint in ielationships among White Farth peonle but such rel'ttionships are highly peisonel The impersonal rehtionship~ of a large-scale organization or bureaucracy are alien, `and neither understood nor desired Laws regulations and i ules of government are not seen separately from the individuals administering them, and such rules are at best accepted, though rarely understood A PHS phvscitn is good for example if he has per~on~tl relationships with many people. lie is "bad" if he has few such relationships and is inflexible in enforcement ~of rules-irrespective of his possible legal free- dom of action. Government officials-such as welfare social workers, teachers, or CAP officials-are impersonal but important parts of the environment, and are not widely influential unless their inter-personal relationships are personal in character. The official who maintain's impersonal relationships is subject to accusations of self-seeking disinterest or hostility. c. Economic Pitterns ` ` . Subsistence patterns were formerly based upon exploitation Of "the natural environment and it's sea'sonal products. While moose' and elk are no lOnger present, and deer, beaver, mink, and other animals are of very limited value, white soci- ety-as seen by the White Earth Ojibwa-may be considered a present-day analogue of these resources. The game animals have largely disappeared, but deer hunting is marginally important, and a few still hunt and trap fur-bearing animals in season. The harvesting of wild rice `in the early autumn is important to all. In the white man's environment, seasonal work has been important: construc'tion, particularly of roads in the warm weather; planting and harvesting of potatoes and sugar beets in summer; cutting pulp wood, and the like. T'hese are mentioned ,here in connection with a cultural feature that is perhaps a by-product of a seasonal cycle and seasonally limited goals. This feature includes a time perspective dif- ferent fro'm that of the middle class whites, the relative absence of long-term goals, lack of expectation of accumulation of financial resources, and what has been termed a "feast or famine" approach to life. There is also a tendehcy not to grasp general or underlying principles-although it would be more accurate to say that they often fail to grasp principle~~ or to apply them in the manner in which they are perceived and considered in the white milieu.' The importance of personal social relationships, this seasonal timO pers~ecti've, and a feeling for discrete detail rather than general principles, have important bearing on the design or operation of programs among these people. Social class structure is not conspicuous within the Ojibwa communities of White Earth. In several villages there are individuals who are `permanently em- ployed, others who arO seasonally employed, and others who are completely dependent on welfare. The fully `employed represent one end, the unemployed the other, of a group without clear segmentation. The division between "full PAGENO="0313" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3965 blooded Indian" and "mixed blood," so prominent at some reservations, is not here articulated. Perhaps this has been due to the fact that many full blooded Ojibwa, at the turn of the century; signed statements (with an "X") that they were part white in order to sell allotments-and also to a long history of inter- marriages, beginning with the French fur traders. The terms "black Indian" and "white Indian" are sometimes heard in one village. They have no precise defini- tions of these terms and appear as much epithets as descriptions. There are some families which no one assigns to either category, and some members of a family may be termed one, some another. In general, the term "white Indian" refers to those who are employed, do not get into trouble, maintain clean and orderly homes, are better educated, and have a higher white "blood quantum." The term "black Indian" tends to refer `to those who are unemployed, frequently in trouble, less well educated, with more Indian blood, and who live in a particular section of the village. A few `also say that the latter is a term used by Roman Catholics to refer to EpisCopalians', but there are too many exceptions to make this acceptable. In no case is any one of the characteristics noted the determining characteristic, and the terms have considerable elasticity and ambiguity. They do reflect, how- ever, two major geographic divisiOns of the village concerned, and these geograph- ic divisions do tend to include populations which have some of the characteristics noted. d. Political Structure and Public Services Political organization at the village level is variable. In all villages, and in Rice Lake Community, there have been village councils, the one at Naytahwaush having been most effective. The Council at White Earth was inactive fOr several years, was reactivated in the winter of 1965-66, but is apparently again inactive. The pressing problem of village government is the lack of responsibility and authority without which there ~cannot be meaningful government. A volunteer fire department, having definite responsibility and public moral and financial support, has been extremely successful at one village. Village school boards exist at two villages. At another, the `board is' shared by the Ojibwa village and the adjacent white viflage. At `the two with independent school boards, the boards are made up of Ojibwa elected by popular vote, although only in rare instances and under special circumstances do more than a very small number vote. High school students a'ttend schools in Waubun, Mahnomen, Park Rapids and Detroit Lakes, where they participate with whites on a large scale for the first time, as the schools are located in white communities. This will be discussed at greater length in connection with the CAP. Inter-village contact has declined in recent years as a consequence of the conversion of the hospital at White Earth village to an out-patient clinic in 1961. Previously, visitors to patients'visited relatives and friends while in White Earth town~ and were often accompanied by others in an informal "public transporta- tion system." The hospital, then, was a ~covert center of a social network. With its closing, the number of inter-village contacts and the quantity of information disseminated decreased. Moreover, the closing of the hospital was viewed as a unilateral abrogation of Federal treaty, unjustified and further evidence of bureaucratic perfidy and disinterest in the people. Township boards exist as agencies of the `three Minnesota counties in which the reservation lies, and each has a representative from an Ojibwa village. One hears little of the functions or activities of these boards. The constitution approved by the Interior Department in 1964 established Reservation Business Committees to replace the former reservation Councils, and a Tribal Executive Committee to replace the previous tribal executive. The White Earth RBO consists of five members-a Chairman, a Secretary- Treasurer, and three Committeemen. Several of the present incumbents had been members of the earlier equivalents of the RBC and had been reelected to their new positions. The Chairman and `Secretary-Treasurer of the RBC are ex-officio members of the Tribal Executive Committee (TEG), and both White Earth members held office in the TEC. The TEC is concerned with matters pertaining to all the associated reservations, and with those of concern to more than one reservation. The activities and interests have, in the past, been concerned primarily with management of tribal-owned or operated lands, including permits for timber cutting and leasing land, and prosecution of the claims against the Indian Claims Oommission. Matters of concern to a single reservation are left to the jurisdiction of the local RBC. PAGENO="0314" 3966 ~CONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS. OF 1967 Government under the Indian Reorganization Act has been only nominal. The tribal, reservation, and village governmental units have been without the usual accouterments of government, lacking police, judicial, and taxing powers. The schools operate with curricula established by the State, with teachers hired according to state certification criteria, with funds collected by governments over which the Indian school boards, where they exist, have no control. The high schools are operated by systems in which the Indians have no more voice than ordinary citizens, and, in actual fact, less. The police and judiciary are under state and county control, with personnel drawn from the white communities, operating with laws based on middle class urban white behavior. Taxation is by Federal, state and county agencies, in which the Indian has little voice. Rules concerning hunting and harvesting of wild rice are made by the State Conservation Department. Complaints of prejudice and discrimination may be reported to the Governor's Commission on Human Rights, the State Commission Against Dis- crimination, or the Minnesota Advisory Commission to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, but without noticeable results. To the extent that the TE'C, RBC, or village councils have any authority, they can exercise it only with approval of other governmental agencies, principally the BIA. Even the CAP, which the Indians have been told is "their program." must conform to Federal requirements, and its components are limited to what the operational authorities of OEO authorize. It is not, then, without good cause that the people of the reservation assert that the PEG and the RBC do little or nothing for them, and have not contributed to establishment of a sound economic base for the population. TEC and RBC responsibility, authority, and resources are too limited for the tasks involved, though this is seldom recognized by many people. Criticisms of the RBC are on the order of accusations of inefficiency, incapa- bility, self-interest, and even dishonesty. The comment most frequently en- countered is that the RBC does little or nothing of value, but uses limited tribal income needlessly. Another common statement is that the RBC does not really represent the people, and judged by the number who make the statement, it is likely to be true, notwithstanding the fact that its members are elected and reelected. Never has a formal charge or evidence bed presented to indicate that Tthe RBC membership is dishonest. The significance of the charges is to be found in some of the information given :above: 1. Kinship is important, and one's first responsibility is to assist relatives. Hence it is accepted that an RBO member will give preference to aiding a kinsman rather than non-kin. A charge of nepotism, true or not, will be widely believed. 2. People elected to the RBC tend to be above average in economic status. Their economic positions become prima facie evidence that they have "lined their own pockets" with tribal or reservation funds, irrespective of any valid evidence. 3. Widespread inter-personal and inter-group hostility leads to suspicion of malfesance or subterfuge on the part of the successful, and to ready acceptance of any articulated charges against the individual, regardless of evidence. 4. The success of an individual is believed to be at the expense of those less successful. Gossip leads to statements by some that "they don't want anyone to get ahead." ~i. Negative comments made about most of the successful are widespread and lead to the refusal of some to "try to get ahead" or to participate in civic or political activity. The charges made against persons involved in political activity are thus symptomatic of the structural features and tensions of social life rather than statements of objective fact. Before offering summary comments on the political system, brief attention to demography is necessary. A distribution curve of White Earth population Will show that there are high numbers of children, adolescents and old peo- ple. The category of young adults shows an unusually low frequency, and an investigation indicates that many of these leave to find employment, few with ihigh school or college educations remaining on the reservation. Those with skills and abilities indicated by graduation from high school or attendance at college, who return to reservation villages, are almost invariably emplOyed in Government jobs (now including CAP) which prohibit political activity. The legal prohibition is, of course, reinforced by local attitudes and accusations PAGENO="0315" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3967 that such leaders are invariably dishonest. The consequence of extraordinarily limited employment opportunities is lack of the kind of leadership that would he an important factor in developing a viable reservation community. The charges of the non-representative nature of the RBC members may now be considered in context. The RBC is the major link between the Ojibwa of the reservation, the tribal government, and the various governments and agencies of the white man's world. The type of person elected to the RBC is, to some degree (more than most) knowledgeable about the white man's world and has demonstrated some aptitude for operating in it. He is socially the descendant of the pre-reservation ehief who dealt with the fur traders, the Army, the Indian Commissioners and Agents on behalf of his band. Not necessarily the best hunter, warrior or medicine man, he was best in his ability to talk and negotiate with the agents of the white man-and so the RBC is chosen now. The member is subject to ~riticism for being successful or different, as noted above, but is neverthe- less essential for those very qualities. Dissatisfaction may be increased by an implicit recogaition that there are few individuals who are interested in, or capable of, assuming the responsibilities of RBC membership. It seems reasonable to assert that the RBO members are chosen, in effect, as a "ministry for external affairs." An equivalent ministry of the interior exists ~but on an informal level as there is neither formal organization nor, at present, the basis for internal government. The CAP caine to White Earth with an RBO already in existence. Poli- ticians with only the trappings of government, they were suddenly given* re- sponsibility for administration of the largest Government program in White Earth history. A government without substance was given substance and the opportunity to be genuine. With this context we may turn to the advent of the CAP. 3. Impact of the Uommunity Action Program BLA. census figures indicate an Ojibwa population of 2050 living on the White Earth Reservation, and approximately three hundred living in predominately u-bite communities adjacent to the original reservation boundaries. This total of 2350 compares to a figure of 9300 in the 1950 census-a decline indicative of move- ment in search of employment, since few have moved by preference. The extent of Indian poverty at this reservation is indicated by a few of the :avallable statistics: 1. Of 512 Indian families, 371 (or 72%) had incomes of less than $3000. 2. The BIA estimates the average per capita Indian income is approxi- mately $700. 3. Of a labor force of 664, 125 were employed in full-time, permanent positions, 137 were seasonally employed, and .402 (60%) were unemployed. 4. 87% of houses were classified as sub-standard by the BIA. 5. 80% of students did not complete high school. Thousands of rural whites are nominally included in the White Earth CAP, but are marginal. In general economically better situated,, there are many rural poor among them. During the preceding years, visits by representative of the State Legisla- `ture and state commissions, the governors, and representatives of the Federal Government had been made periodically. The visits and studies were frequently followed by the preparation Of a plan for improvement of Indian welfare or the development of a viable economic base for the reservation, but in no case had anything of substance materialized. a. Formative Period Preceding CAP With this history, a representative of the President's , Task Force visited the reservation in the late summer of 1964. Forest Gerard, of the PHS, was accompanied and introduced by Robert Treuer of the BIA, whose assistance was utilized by Gerard elsewhere. The meeting at White Earth was' held at White Earth village and had been given some advance notice. Fewer than forty individuals `attended the meeting and the resident anthropologist noted that there were more white observers present than Indians. Gerard presented a straightforward account of the legislation about to be enacted. When ques- tioned, he answered honestly, often indicating that a question could not, at that time, be answered definitely. Discussion between the anthropologists and vai ions Indians indicated that little f'uth was placed in still another plan and that results would have to be seen PAGENO="0316" 3968 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 With a history of numerous unfulfilled plans, little enthusiasm was generated in the reservation for a Community Action Program. Robert Treuer, of the Minnesota Agency of the BIA at Bemidji, was detailed by the BIA to assist the reServations in developing CAPs. It is due largely to his efforts and work with the reservation committees that plans for CAPs were eventually com- pleted and Submitted to OEO in the fall of 1904. After the applications were submitted, OEO published appropriate forms, which were forwarded with the returned applications to the RBO in early February 1905. The applications were rewritten on these forms, in accord with new instructions and with help of an OEO official, and were again submitted to OEO in February. The period of January-February 1905 was apparently frantic, as the pro- posals were being rewritten in order that they might be, at OEO's request, approved for public announcement on Washington's birthday. Supporting letters had also to be obtained, relevant to the non-Federal share and support of the various social organizations of the area. On 17 February, while all members of the TEC were in Bemidji for a conference, they learned the Minnesota Ojibwa proposals "were in trouble." The TEC authorized an immediate trip to Wash- ington for the President and Treasurer of the Tribe, who were accompanied by the ETA liaison man. In Washington, visits were made to the offices of both Minnesota senatOrs and the Vice-President, as a result of which commitments for funding were obtained and formal announcement to this effect made in early March. Several points are clear from the evidence pertaining to the origin of the White Earth CAP: (1) great pressure was placed upon the reservations to apply for a CAP; (2) pressure was placed to ensure application at an early date; (3) target dates were sufficient to prevent "community involvement" in the inception of the CAP; (4) administrative features in Washington almost caused abandonment of several applications; (5) the CAP was locally identified with the RBC; and (0) the value of Congressional pressure in overcoming bureaucratic inertia became clear. The funding of the White Earth CAP became effective as of April 1965 but the CAP was not effectively operational until the beginning of June. The delay was due to the necessity of "getting organized"-hiring the initial minimal staff, particularly administrative, and making final arrangements for use of physical facilities. An instance of early confusion for which the CAP has been incorrectly blamed may be found in the onset of the Head Start component. The CAP Director assumed office in early June, at which time Head Start was already operational. The sequence of events was as follows: First, the Head Start component at White Earth village was applied for by the School Board, after members had learned of it and had seen a demonstration in Bemidji. By the time Head Start was approved, a "political revolution" *had changed the composition of the Board and the new members were largely ignorant of the nature of the intended program. In addition, the late date of actual funding made it difficult to secure the services of a teacher, although the Board did eventually obtain one. The inadequacy of the Head Start component can be blamed on the per- sonnel turnover of the Board, and the late date of financing. When Head Start began, the new CAP Administrative staff was assuming office and was largely concerned with learning its responsibilities and "getting organized." It was not until later that the CAP became aware that it was the sponsor of Head Start,. but the opportunity for control had passed. Before considering the initial organization and development of the CAP, it is worthwhile to consider the problems of the reservation, as viewed by different segments of the population, and the publicly stated aims of OEO and its local representatives relative to problems of "the poor" on the reservation. The overwhelming majority of articulate members of the Ojibwa communi- ties are virtually unanimous in pointing to the following aspects of White Earth problems: The most important problem is unemployment, and the lack of employment opportunities in the vicinity of the reservation. While this is also a problem for white communities on and near the reservation, that is of little concern, if known, to the Indians. The majority (00%) of the Indian labor force is unemployed, and large numbers have left the reservation to obtain jobs in the Twin Cities and elsewhere. It is felt that nearly all who have left would return. immediately if jobs were available, as they do return when unemployed, when sick, for vacations, and for many other reasons. Those who have left include many of the best educ~tted in terms of years of education or developed skills. One RBC member pOinted out that of the thirteen PAGENO="0317" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3969 Ojibwa members of her high school graduating class, she is the only one remaining within the territorial limits of the reservation, the others having left because of lack of opportunities at home. Of the better educated who remain, many are employed in Government positions which prohibit political activity. Others, successfully earning a living, profess no inclination to become involved in civic or political activity. The total number of such individuals is limited, although it is by no means true, as one Benedictine missionary put it several years ago, that "only the riff-raff remain." If the vast majority of the reservation population sees the need for bringing business and industry (i.e., employment opportunity) to the reservation, many recognize that employment opportunities can only exist for those with specialized skills and advanced education. Fewer recognize the "infrastructure" necessary `to the establishment of a modern industry, however. In this regard, each of the three major villages is connected to major highways by paved roads, and electric power and telephone lines reach them as well. One of the, major prob- lems is, surprisingly, in a land of lakes, lack of water for industrial purposes (as well as, in most communities, for household purposes). Fuel-gas, coal, or oil-must be brought in from considerable distances. The population of western Minnesota and the Dakotas is sparse; large populations as potential consumers of any product are some distance away. Some, including many of the CAP staff, see a problem in the lack of skills of the Indian population. There are some skills present, `and the manpower inventory undertaken by the CAP `is presumably measuring this aspect. Most often such skills as they exist are not used, as opportunity is not available. It is true, however, that very many are truly lacking in skills and education and almost all are lacking in motivation `to leave the reservation. Many whites believe that the answer to the economic problems of White Earth `lies in termination of Federal responsibillty and assimilation of the Indian popu- lation in the cities. This is not in fact an answer, as the skilled workers and many -others of the Indian reservation have lived elsewhere but prefer `the "poverty" of `the reservation to life in the white man's' -cities-after having experienced both. In spite of pressure's to leave, the population has remained constant for `the past ten years. Of those who have left, almost every one (the researchers could iden- tify no exceptions) would prefer to, and would, return to the reservation if' employment were available. It is not only that the White Earth Ojibwa say that they want to remain; they ~do so. Even thos'e who have left return at every possible occasion-vacations, sicknes's of a relative, baptism of a child, the wedding -or funeral of `a kinsman, hunting season, and so on. Many who live in the Twin Cities return home for the `weekends. The city is never "home"; it is a place to work for lack of opportunity at "home." Those residing away when in large numbers tend to forni a reservation community in the city, or, if in smaller num'bers, to associate with Oji'bwa regard- `less of reservation affiliation. Genuine assimilation is certainly not common. The -result of this pseudo-assimilation in'practice is the termination of Federal respon- sibilities. When the Indian moves to the city, he goes to an alien society and - culture; `the northern rural white moves into a part of his own culture and follows a long tradition of movement. Articulation of the reasons for desiring to remain -or return to the reservation is difficult to obtain, but the significance of kinship and the reservation as a `refuge from the pressures of white urban society appear to be important. Fre- quent reference to the clear air, the lakes, hunting, and fishing, when considered in terms of the derogatory remarks made about the cities-bad air, crowded ~condition-s, strict schedules, monotony of work and impersonality-indicate some of the differences in values between Indians `and whites. One might also point to personality differences between Ojibwa, on the one hand, and urban white Amen- - cans and non-Ojibwa Indians on the other, as registered in psychological projec- `tive and other tests. To ignore such differences in social relation's, values and psychology is to invite failure of any project. To say that the Ojibwa should adopt white urban American characteristics ignores `the questions of how and "why. A major problem -o'f the White Earth Ojibw'a communities is the need to over- come factionalism and to build community solidarity. It is customary to see kin -groups and/or factions as obstacles to unified community organization and action, `but there ha's `been no attempt to utilize them constructively. Community organ- ization is seen by many of the more sophisticated as a prerequisite to community advancement and successful projects, though a few see it as an end product in PAGENO="0318" 3970 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 itself. The former regard the community as capable of achieving much, but it must be recognized that the community has extraordinarily limited resources and that it is lacking in `the b'asic responsibility and authority of government. Desired results must be `obtained through the agency of the Federal Government, and for this a few knowledgeable people must negotiate. The community can do little more than provide moral support and participate in the results. T'he failure of tribal and reservation government to accomplish much, and the numerous but never implemented Federal and state plans and proposals, further reinforce an attitude of indifference that is characteristic of many White Earth Ojibwa. Many, particularly among the CAP staff, agree that apathy must be overcome and enthusiasm generated. Apathy and indifference are, however, to be expected when the social group has little control over its destiny. It is clear that the villages, the reservation, and the Tribe can do little to influence the future except as their leaders are able to utilize whatever Federal programs `become available. In a sense these leaders are still leaders of the hunt, bringing back game in the form of program benefits. Apathy or indifference are most likely to disappear when there is ample evidence that involvement `and activity will bring satisfac- tory rewards. The definition of community is a problem not fully recognized by local CAPs or by 01110. In the case of White Earth, the "Community" Action Program includes Ojibwa in three villages, one "community," a few hamlets, and isolated households. The villages in turn contain major divisions that within themselves have many correspondences to the pre-reservation `band. Moreover, the CAP also pertains to a number of whites living in White Earth Reservation, many of them poor, who have few relations'hips with the Ojibwa population and certainly no sense of identification. One may question whether this provides a social base for a viable CAP. One may further question whether the newly organized "white" CAP of the area surrounding the reservation has a chance of success as a "com- munity" program, since it involves a number of scattered, small population cen- ters with different economic bases in three different counties, interpenetrating parts of White Earth Reservation as well. The early statements of the senior officials of the Federal Administration, the OEO directorship, and the higher levels of the Federal bureaucracy indicated the necessity of community involvement to bring an end to the causes of poverty. Community involvement was seen to include maximum particdpation of the poor, and the Act itself required advisory committees with such participation for devel- opment of CAPs. It was clear that this was not designed as a WPA-type project merely to provide employment, but was intended to strike at the "roots" of' poverty by providing the motivation and mechanisms for people to rise to middle class standards. It is also clear that the program was aimed at combatting poverty in urban slums, near most of which jobs are available for those who become motivated and have sufficient skills to obtain them. It is not clear, however, that reservations or poor rural white areas were primary concerns, for in the latter, jobs are not present `and motivations and skills are thus largely irrelevant. b. Sequence of Events after Funding of CAP With the foregoing considerations in mind, the history and development of the White Earth CAP may be now more meaningfully discussed. Following funding in April 1965, arrangements were made by the RBC for initial hiring of administrative employees with the `aid of the BIA and state employment service. In June, the CAP Director took office. A native of Naytahwaush and a recent college graduate, the Director was widely known on the reservation and had far better understanding of local con- ditions than an outsider would have. The Director of the recreation program was also ~ college graduate `and a native of Naytahwaush, where he had taught school. The first social worker was white and professionally trained. He was joined in July by a second individual with advanced training in sociology and experience as a social worker and college instructor. As already noted, the Head Start pro- gram had been independently organized through appropriate school boards. A number of informants wi'th whom the researchers talked reported that the~ Director and Recreation Director were engaged by the RBC largely on the recom-~ niendation of a BIA official, but these statements lack confirmation. By the summer of 1965 initial staffing was almost completed. Hiring proce- dures had been organized by mid-summer. Notices were posted of vacancies and applications taken at the CAP office. These were reviewed and recommendations made by the CAP Advisory Committee (CAPC0m) sitting with the RBC. The~ RBC then made appointments. The then-resident anthropologist noted that at PAGENO="0319" ECONOMIC OPPORTuNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3971 these CAPCom meetings consideration was given to candidate's kinship affilia- tions, his personal habits and needs, and his ability to perform the job in question. Consideration of family need and qualifications for job performance were often in conflict, and only in some cases typists, for example, was it made clear that minimum qualifications had to be met. Criticisms of these RBC appointments became widespread immediately, but these are more appropriately interpreted after consideration of the CAP programs. Head Start was a summer program, initiated and initially administered by the school boards. While it will not be dealt with in detail here, it is noteworthy that a sociologist, evaluating the program in the summer of 19~30, interviewed a number of families who had not enrolled their eligible children. Some of these families believed that nine or ten months of school was sufficient, and that to add two months of "school" in the summer was "too much." Some thought the children should be free in summer but that a Head Start program during the regular academic year would be useful, since young children would then be in the company of their siblings. These comments reflect the attitude of some toward year-around monotonous activity, and again reveal the emphasis placed on kinship in all such matters. A further consideration is that many women want to have their children around them. Head Start activity for the summer of 1966 was planned and administered by the CAP. In the first year of operation Administration and Social Work were combined into one component, consisting of a Director, two Social Workers, an Adminis- trative Assistant, and eventually two clerk-typists. They were assisted until February 1960 `by two VISTA volunteers ("the VISTA girls"). Two other VISTAs were stati'oned :at Naytahwaush `and Rice Lake, with considerable independence from the central CAP. The Administrative and Social Work component is `best treated as a unit. It was responsible for the entire program, including routine procedures and reports, payroll, liaison with the RBC and OAPCom, and relations with BIA, PHS, welfare and employment departments, various other Federal `and state `agencies, educational systems, banks and businesses, etc. It was also responsi'ble for preparing new proposals, in collaboration with all relevant government, public, and private institutions, organizations, `and individuals. The VISTA girls were of particular `value, since, having no organizational "slot's," they were available to do what had to be done. Valuable services noted were publication of a CAP newsletter and making contacts throughout the community, in which th'ey were instrumental in disseminating information and obtaining feedback on community reactions and needs. It is clear that the CAP Administration must have mecha- nisms for knowing of the attitudes and wants of the inarticulate members of the reservation. The initial scope of the Social Work portion of the component had been two-fold. There was to be responsibility for young people, with particular attention to "drop-outs," as this is regarded as `a major problem. This was felt to be preferable to intensive casework, which would have `taken place in a vacuum since the entire social situation was working against their efforts. New values inculcated were irrelevant to Indian realities. They concluded that social work concerned with social organization was most likely to be fruitful, and that casework would only mean referral to appropriate welfare `agencies. One Social Work aide was employed from the poor of each community. The Recreation component was directed `by a young resident of Naytahwaush, with assistant directors for each of the major communities, and aides from the local communities. The activities included seasonal sports such as baseball and basketball, dances and movies, attempts to develop arts and crafts, etc. The reservation population regarded this component as desirable, since the high schools, with their recreational programs, were considerable distan'ces from the Indian communities, movie theaters were at least fifteen miles, `and other recreational opportunities were lacking. Delinquency and vandalism were attrib- uted to boredom of the young. The Study Hall component was directed by a woman-part Ojibwa-residing in a nearby white community. The component provided for `a schoolroom or library room at Pine Point, to be used for evening st'udy or reading by students or adults under the supervision of an aide. The aides were chosen from `among "the poor." This component was directed toward living conditions which made reading or `study difficult: lack `of electric lighting, overcrowded conditions, poor heating in winter, excessive noise, etc. PAGENO="0320" 3972 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY `ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 The Remedial Education program was in the hands of the school system, one teacher at each of three schools. `being hired for this purpose. One position was not filled. The component was established in `recognition of the fact that the average reading level of Ojibwa students entering the high school system was approximately three years `behind the white average. ,Since re'ading ability of course relates to `success in high school studies, it was `hoped that this component would be a factor in reducing drop-outs. These four components-Administration and Social Work, Recreation, Study Hall, and Remedial Education-were approved and became operational in the first year of `the CAP. It should be noted-as it was by many Ojibwa-that the CAP was oriented to the pre-school and school-age population. To the extent that adults `benefitted, it was through employment as aides. One component, Home, Management, had been rejected. Three `operational components utilized school space, and were programs which could have been easily administered through the school systems with less expense and equal efficiency. The initial CAP program was designed to provide operational components rather than an immediate plan for alleviation of all problems. It was "safe," oriented toward `the young, and involved support for education as i'ts principal feature. Its results were anticipated `as more children completed `school and went on to successful futures. It was not yet necessary to consider that to the extent the program might be successful, the greater would be the eventual exodus from the reservation and the smaller the number of `potential community leaders remaining `at White Earth-unless, of course, employment opportunities were simultaneously increased. If the first year the character of the program was an indication of what was believed to `be readily acceptable, proposals submitted for the second year may be indicative of felt needs of the community based upon more serious considera- tion of what is necessary and desirable after more realistically evaluating possibilities under the EOA. C'onsideration of proposals for the `second year began immediately after the CAP became fully operational. Intensive study, ending in December 1965, led to the writing of proposals that occupied the entire CAP Administrative staff during the month of January 1966. The following components were requested: 1. Administration.- Expanded to include an Assistant Director for Adminis- tration. 2. Social Work.-Made a separate component. Emphasis was to remain on community organization (but see below). 3. Recreation and Cultural Enrichment .-Program to be somewhat more varied. 4. Study Hall.-Each study hall was to be supervised by a certified teacher, assisted by aides locally employed. 5. Remedial Education.- Continued in the context of the local schools. 0. Credit Union.-To provide for savings and loan facilities. 7. Building Skills-To provide training in building construction trades and to provide badly needed housing. While approved by OEO, this component has not yet been acted upon by other agencies involved and is not expected to be operational until the summer 1967. 8. High School Equivalency-To provide instruction and facilities for adults to complete high school, or the equivalent as determined by standard tests. 9. Beautification~-Nelson Amendment.-To provide short-term employment on projects for the beautification of reservation lands and development of areas for recreation and tourism. 10. Home Management-To provide training and assistance in maintaining homes. This component has not become operational due to a scarcity of home economists in the area. 11. Legal Aid.-To provide legal assistance for the poor of the CAP area. Be- cause failure to fully understand the attitudes of the local legal associations, this component was deferred. The RBC then questioned its necessity. 12. Head Start.-A refunding of the previous summer's program, under CAP sponsorship. A continuing interest in the educational and recreational needs of the pre- and school-age residents is apparent in the proposals for the second year of operation. In addition a number of components pertinent to the adult population were proposed and accepted. Of these, several were oriented toward education, informal or formal, and several tow-ard increasing employment opportunities. The expanded program also provided additional jobs for the poor as aides. At PAGENO="0321" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3973 the end of field research in July 1966, 109 persons were employed by the OAP, including administrative staff and teachers as well as non-professionals employed from the reservation population. In terms of long-range benefits to the reservation in general, the projects planned under the Nelson Amendment would perhaps enhance possibilities for tourist development while providing short-term employment for adults. The Building Skills component could have the greatest impact if the several Federal agencies involved were sufficiently coordinated to make the component opera- tional. This component would provide training in locally scarce skills sought by employers within commuting range of the reservation, as well as providing badly needed housing. c. Attitudes and Opinions The reactions of the Ojibwa of White Earth to specific OAP components may be considered before analysis of the program as a whole is made. (1) Administrative and ASocial Work Uomponent.-Tbere was extremely wide- spread criticism of both aspects of this component. The Director was widely liked. It was generally believed that he was doing a good job within the limits of possibility, and the more sophisticated recognized that the program was limited by law and Washington policy. However, there was a very widespread belief, especially in White Earth village, that the CAP Administration was dominated by the RBC, or specific members of it, and that it was this factor which placed limitations upon plans and activities of the staff, and particulary upon the Direc- tor. There was little confidence in any quarter regarding the social work phase of the component. The original plan had been for one social worker to be con- cerned with the young people, particularly with respect to the drop-out problem, the other to be concerned with the problems of the elderly. The social workers had concluded that work on community organization was more urgently needed. Members of the RBC and the general population lacked understanding of the nature of this new form of social work, being familiar only with the limited public welfare and casework services which had previously been available. Common complaints were that the social workers were rarely seen and that nobody knew what they did. These complaints were beard from RBC members, the well educated, and the poor-in White Earth village, the center of administration, and in the other villages. The social workers were rarely seen in Pine Point or Rice Lake, and only occasionally among the people of White Earth or Naytab- waush. In White Earth, they were said to spend most of their time in the office or `on trips." Contacts between the needy and the service agencies were almost exclusively through the Social Work aides, drawn from the poor. The social workers were little known, and one was disliked. These criticisms of the social workers were valid within limits. The Director's activities were restricted by limitations of time. Since a new program was being instituted and organized, new proposals had to be prepared while the original program was being organized, relationships had to be established with local groups concerned in any way with the anti-poverty program, and working relationships among the RBC, OAPCom and CAP staff had to be developed. In view of the amount of paperwork required, the social workers frequently had to be utilized for administrative purposes, and during the period in which the new proposals were written the social workers devoted all their time to this activity. Attendance at meetings, conferences and training sessions also cut deeply into their time on a number of occasions. In practices, the social workers had little direct contact with the population and, as already noted, the form of social work which they advocated-social organization-was misunderstood and unappreci- ated, leading to numerous complaints that they were not doing their jobs (i.e., the traditional casework). Unfortunately, it must be admitted that in addition to not doing traditional social work, neither were they carrying on an effective pro- gram of community organization. Another very common complaint was that too great a percentage of OEO funds was devoted to the salaries of the non-poor administration-Director, component directors, social workers, remedial teachers, and secretaries, amid that not enough poor were hired. Several had calculated that about 40% of money for salaries-a reasonable approximation of the actual figure-went to the administrative and professional staff. Related was the allegation that the ad- ininistrative and professional staff were being paid salaries greatly in excess of area standards, without obtaining people of outstanding quality. The criticism may be partially valid. Salaries in this area are lower than in urban areas, the 80-084-67-pt. 5-21 PAGENO="0322" 3974 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF .1967 CAP salaries tend to be considerably higher than those for similar positions outside of CAP, and the people hired are sometimes of less than highest profes- sional quality. The term "OEO Gravy Train" is widely heard among the better educated Ojibwa and whites who have some knowledge of the situation. Questions of nepotism and favoritism in hiring practices are pertinent at White Earth and will `be `discussed in connection with the CAP as a whole. (2) Recreation Contponent.-The recreation staff consisted of a director for the reservation program, and four assistant directors each assisted by aides. Each village had a resident assistant director and aides, and provided a program of seasonal sports, `occasional movies, dances, and arts and crafts programs. Criticism of this component at White Earth village had to do with the limita- tions of the program: insufficient activities for all age categories other than adolescents; no activities for girls; participation of too `few of the possible par- ticipants; favortis.m in selection of teams to engage in off-reservation competi- tions, etc. It would be unfair to overly stress `shortcomings, however. Even the most critical individuals accepted the value `of the program, and in fact wanted a larger program rather than curtailment. The local justice of the peace publicly observed that since inauguration of the recreation program vandalism in the village had `been reduced to a minimum. Several individuals, including several former members of the School Board, indicated that the Recreation Director was inadequately prepared for his job, as he was an elementary school teacher with no training for large-scale recrea- tional programs. He was criticised by others for lack of aggressiveness and lack of supervision of training for the aides. At Pine Point, Rice Lake and Naytahmaush there were different criticisms. The settlement `patterii at Rice Lake l's such that few families are closely located and community centers are lacking. In this community the only obtainable build- ing is made available through the Episcopal church, but the `religious affiliation is sufficient for some to refuse to participate and few people live within walking distance, especially in bad weather. Elsewhere, there were criticisms that the component was inadequate in respect to' frequency or variety of program, that the local assistant directors and aides were inadequately trained for their jobs, that some of the local `staff were poor workers, and that in several instances aides had been publicly intoxicated. Several attempts were made to institute arts and crafts programs. Several seem to have had initial success, but interest in each case dropped and the pro- grains lapsed. Recently, `several dances were scheduled `by this component in con- junction with the newly established Job Corps camps nears the reservation. The Job Corps trainees are, however, predominantly Negro, toward whom there is considerable prejudice, and resulting conflicts have terminated this program. In `some limited areas `of the reservation there is only vague awareness that this component exists, b'ut, generally speaking, participation is wides'pread. The program is desired by `almost all who know about it. They wish to see it expanded. to provide a better coverage for both sexes and all age groups, greater variety of activities, and inclusion of more people. (3) Study Hall Component-This component was developed to provide situa- tion's in which school students and others could do homework, study or read. Two schools, a library, and a church `building provide the space. A vupervisor, without training in education, and aides, chosen from the poor, staff the program which is intended to provide an alternative to overcrowded, noisy. poorly lighted, homes. Criticism of the program was widespread. The aides on duty were chosen because they were p'oor. They lacked the educational qualifications necessary to help the studenta-who were often better educated than the aides. Quiet and discipline were said not to be maintained-a probably valid criticism, since the aides were not trained in educational techniques and undoubtedly have the per- missive Ojibwa attitudes toward the young. In addition, attendance was gener- ally low. These and similar criticisms were given recognition by the CAP `staff at an early date, and the new proposals included sufficient funds for staffing each study hall with a properly certified teacher. It is expected that the program will now be much better received, although quarters at two locations are relatively inade- quate. Given adequate space, quiet, and assistance, this program will probably provide a valuable support to other educational program's and develop at least some community support. Some attempts have been made to provide opportunity for study of Ojibwa and general Indian history. There has also been some interest in reviving, PAGENO="0323" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3975 through this component, the fast-disappearing language. It is too early to deter- iiiine whether interest is sufficient for successful programs: of this type, though they are i~e1iev'e'd to have value in in'stilling~ pride in Indian background. (4) Remedial Reading Component-This component was designed to cope with the inadequate reading skills of White Earth students, who averaged fifth-grade reading ability at the time they entered the predominantly white high schools. It seems beyond question that this inadequacy is a major factor in high drop-out rates in high school. The program is entirely in the hands of the schools: the teachers have state certificates in remedial education and work in the school system. The program is little known to the general public, however, since only the student and his family are aware that he is receiving this educational bonus. Results of first-year efforts in this remedial program were available `from two school's, indicating a considerable increase in reading ability on the part of participants-ranging from a one- to three-year improvement. One of the par- ticipating schools `was without a Remedial Reading program because' of a conflict over choice of a remedial teacher, but the `program will be operative there in the forthcoming academic year. In general, the program appears highly successful thus far, if not `widely publicized. (5) 7~Teqj, Components-Newly authorized components are too recent to `be given consideration. The Home Management component is not operative for lack of a qualified home economist to fill the profession'al position. The Building Skill's component, perhaps of the greates't in long-term importance, `has been approved by OEO, but not by the various other Federal agencies who must participate in this operation. The Legal `Aid component was not authorized `by O'EO because it had requirements unacceptable to the legal profession. The' RBC then con- cluded, for reasons unknown, that `the component was not needed. (1. CAP Pro blemn at White Earth (1) Fundamental Problems-As seen by the general population, the most important `local problem is unemployment in the vicinity o'f the reservation. While the CAP publicity, nationally and locally, has emphasized that CAP is ,a local community's program to `solve its problems, it is generally agreed that CAP `and the RBC are n'o't coming to grips with the key problem at White Earth-viz., development of business and industry to provide genera'l employment. There is widespread conviction that CAP efforts should be devoted to this problem. There is, moreover, conviction that the RBC, independently or through CAP, is not doing all that could be `done to solve it. With respect to the RBC, some question the good faith of members as well a's their competence to d~ai with suc'h problems.1' While the jobs made available to the poor are highly valued, it is universally held that the number o'f such jo'bs is inadequate to needs, since only a minor frac- ti'on of the unemployed are affected by `CAP `as f'ar as employment is concerned. Indeed, more attention is given to the number of jobs created than to the goals of the projects for `which the poor are hired. Many consider th'at CAP jobs are `the `make-work" `sort, less valuable than those' of the WPA in the 1930's because they show no tangible results. It is felt tha't CAP jobs will last o'nly as long as Federal financing and the specific `programs continue, and that they do not provide training or experience of particular value in the normal labor market. Experience as a recreation or social work aide, without s:pecialized~ training or education, is of `little lasting benefit, according to thoughtful people at White Earth. `That some jobs `have been bro'ught to `the community is favora'bly regarded by all, but the program "does not go `far enough !" `Criticism, is made of com- paratively high salaries paid to the professional and administrative staff, as indicated above, ,and many believe that these funds would be better spent in providing jobs for the poo'r. The professionals, they say, would be employed anyway. regardless of CAP. Many people are also convinced there is too much paperwork (which they term `Mickey Mouse work"), requiring too' much of the time of too many people. Observations by project researchers would tend to sup- port this view. Inquiry was made o'f the two stores in White Earth town to determine the im- pact `of CA'P presence on this as'pečt of local economy. The storekeepers agreed that there were some increases in sales, but not of great significance. While CAP salaries are earned in the reservation communities, they are mainly spent in U These statements reflect public opinion, which Is often ignorant of what can be done by which organization in terms of legal and financial limitations. It is clear, however, that OEO-CAP publicity oversold itself to many people. PAGENO="0324" 3976 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 adjacent white villages and cities. The local stores stock only `basic items, sold' at relatively high prices because they do not benefit from large-scale purchasing. Nearby stores `carry a wider selection of items, a greater variety of `brands, and teiid to have lower prices. The white towns of Detroit Lakes and Mahnomen have the lowest prices and the greatest variety, and as a bonus provide a visit to the "big city." In consequence, CAP salaries quickly leave the reservation communities, and the normal by-products `of increased employment do not long ad'here to `the `locality. If the major CAP objective is assimilation, as some, particularly whites, believe, it is far too e'arly to judge the effectiveness of the `CAP approach. If the objective is, as most Ojiihwa believe, a viable economic base `for the reservation, CAP has not really come to grips with it. If the objective "were simply to provide a WPA type of employment, then the GAP `has been inefficient. Some comments pertinent to the community's involvement in CAP are also `appropriate at this point. Initial national OEO and local CAP publicity, through `talks, meetings, newsletters, etc., emphasized to the `White Earth Ojibwa that `CAP was their program, to carry `out their wishes and plans, to solve `their prob- leins. In the summer of 1965 a considerable number of them knew- of the program and were interested. By the time the field research of this study began in Febru- ary 1966, interest had become more widespread but was highly critical. In the ensuing months it became apparent that alienation from the program had set in and that it was regarded as a tool of the RBC. This attitude w-as perhaps most widely held `among the poor. `The `change `correlated with the following developments: (1) w-it'hdrawal of two VISTA girls `who' had published a newsletter and had established wide `con- tacts within White Earth village; (2) increasing `organizational complexity o'f the CAP office; (3) decreasing contact `of the CAP Administrative staff, especially the social workers, with the `ordinary people; (4) routinization of CAP actiyi- ties; (5) increasing `belief by the people in the limitations on CAP poteutial; (6) decline of importance of, and decreasing attendance within, the CAPCom; (7) increasing importance of the RBC5. The OEO has emphasized the necessity of involvement of the poor. though with noticeably decreasing fervor. In this connection, it is of some relevance to in- dicate the attitudes of the "poor" Indians employed by CAP. The "poor" tend to regard themselves as fortunate to have "jobs," even though the programs in which they are employed may be temporary. Employment opportunities are limited, so that `with adequate dissemination of information pertaining to avail- a'ble jobs, more than enough applicants ente'r the competiti'on. But these jobs are regarded as fortui'tous, terminable either by the end of the program or at the whim of the RBC. Job `holders do no't think it wise to make their personal views of the program vocal, f'or fear `of consequen'ces, specifically loss o'f jobs. Several of the poor employees, who have nevertheless been somew-hat outspoken, live in fear that they will be dismissed. The poor, employed by CAP or not, along with other segments of the population, tend most strongly to regard the CAP as the property of the RBC. The poor particulary view the RBC as controlling both the CAP and the reservation-and they fear the RBC. Another problem somewhat related to jo'b insecurity is lack of job `descriptions or clear defini'tion of roles. OEO publicity in the past emphasized "participation of t'he poor." On the other hand, the RBC has made it clear that the staff is to avoid controversial issues, and was later suppo'rted in t'his by OEO Memorandum 23. At the same time, responsibilities `of many of the aide po'sitions are unclear. `Supervision is frequently inadequate, and su'pervisors are a'lso unclear `as to job specifications. As a consequence, aides fear that they can be fired with relative ease with no method of appeal. The aide positions regarding which this seems most significant are those concerned with Social Work, Recreation, and Study Hall-activities traditionally associated with instituti'ons in which the Indian w-as `treated as a passive recipient. It is not probable tha't positions available under he Nelson Amendment, the Bui'lding Skills component, and other activities with more clearly defined requirements will p'rovide for easier adjustment. It is generally , true that neither the Social `Work aides nor `the poor population `with w-homn the aide's work understands what the aides a're attempting to do. WhHe the `problem o'f job insecurity does not involve all aides, it is nevertheless surpris- ingly w-idespread. That one employee was `dismissed for so-called "immoral be- haviom" during off-hours is well known, and provides some substance fo'r existing fears. PAGENO="0325" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3977 `tJnderlying the insecurity of CAP employees and alienation of the population in general are traditional suspicion, hostility and fear of hostility. There is certainly no demonstrable evidence that RBC members are antagonistic to the poor, capricious in their behavior, or irresponsible. Rather, what is important is that fear, hostility, and suspicion are fundamental aspects of life in this com- munity, and must be taken into consideration if the CAP is to be meaningful.12 The preceding paragraphs indicate that little has been done in developing genuine "community action," and that forces within the Ojibwa will, largely unrecognized, pose great difficulties. Some question exists in fact as to the extent that the CAP staff was wholeheartedly attempting to develop community action. An HSR field researcher states: one of the ixiost obvious aspects (of local CAP activity) is the de-em- phasis on comunity action in favor of dealing with a pocket of poverty in an atomistic and atomizing way. Public relations talk concerns itself with selling the program to the "poor," but the technique of the sales pitch is to make contact with the individual, and then to deal with him as such. One hears staffers talk of saving even one individual from poverty, as though the job of the staff were to lay bait for persons already predisposed to bite and to dismiss the other fish as deficient in appetite." In concluding this portion of the report, it may be mentioned that the WPA is remembered as a "golden age." Everyone worked, problems were niinimal, and long-term tangible good was accomplished. To the extent that the CAP jobs cor- respond to this ideal, they are wholeheartedly approved. Work under the Nelson Amendment component is apparently rewarding in this sense. (2) The Problem of Nepotism and Favoritism-From the I)eginning of hiring for CAP administrative, professional and sub-professional positions. cia rges of nepotism and favoritism were rampant. It is advisable to restate several characteristics of White Earth Ojibwa social structure and culture because of their relevance to an understanding of this particular phenomenon. The social groups most important to the White Earth Ojibwa are kin-based. Kinship is highly important in Ojibwa human relations concepts. A man should help his relatives and share his good fortune with them. The statement that "blood is thicker than water" is extremely meaningful in this context. It is expected that a man will help a relative before helping strangers, and would be severely criticized for doing otherwise. A man "in business" is expected to give preference in hiring to kinsmen, and no criticism attaches to the practice. More- over, in a society this small that has been intermari-ying for generations, every individual has many kinsmen. Although the importance of kin ties decreases with relative distance, at White Earth first cousins, nephews and nieces, as well as more immediate family, are of great importance. Second cousins and their children are of less importance, hut not by any means disregarded. If, however, a man hires a kinsman while utilizing public funds, he is severely criticized, even though he may be acting in accord with the Ojibwa principles described. Since the web of kinship relations at White Earth is known to everyone there, any person hired by the School Board, the CAP, the RBC or the TEC is consid- ered by others from the point of view of relationship. If there is any degree of relationship between an employee and the nerson who hires him, if will be considered nepotism by an outsider, for the group is always ready to believe the worst of anyone not closely related. A relative of a degree too distant to he normally significant may be chosen for his qualifications, but this will not avoid the allegation. Contrariwise, a relative may be chosen because he is most com- petent for the job, but charges of nepotism will still be raised. On the other hand, relationships would also be utilized by the critics themselves, w-ere they in power, and all other things being equal, their own kinsmen would he given pref- erence. In short, it may be expected that anyone in position to do so will practice a little "honest nepotism." As indicated earlier, the members of the RBO and similar organizations are those who, within limits of the political system, are considered best able to negotiate with the world of the white man and his governments. Federal. state. and local. In general, RBC members are economically more successful than most, more socially adept and, hence, different. To be different is to invite criticism, 12 It may be noteworthy that Ojibwa Rorschach protocols from other reservations quite consistently show profiles that, interpreted by urban American standards, exhibit para- noid tendencies. PAGENO="0326" 3978 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 and a person who is different must be very careful to avoid the appearance of being different if suspicion is to be minimized. The RBC consists of five members, elected on a staggered basis. Most of the members (during the period of research) had been members of the Reservation Council under the prior constitution, and were reelected under the new con- stitution. Very few people vote in White Earth elections since, on the whole, the governments have traditionally been powerless to deal with major problems, and interest in elections is consequently difficult to generate. Since few vote, a major~ ity is not difficult to obtain. As each major kin group may form the `basis for a faction, perhaps in alliance with another kin group, each village and the reserva- tion as a whole are potentially divided into as many parties as there are kin groups, and the principle of "divide and conquer" is implicit in the `system. An individual from a large kin group, who may be allied by marriage or patronage to some other group, is in a favorable starting position. Of the five RBC members, *tw-o are related as aunt and niece. Three live in predominantly white communities adjacent to the reservation. Four are of higher than average economic status, and live in houses with all modern conveniences. Four are members o'f large kin groups. Three are women, two of whom are married to whites. Other characteristics could be listed, but these are sufficient to indicate the ways in which they are "different." It would be incorrect, how- ever, to assert that because they have adapted more successfully than most to the white man's society, they have lost their Ojibwa cultural identification. They decidely have not, but just as decidely they are atypical, in fundamental life style, and cannot be aid to fully "represent" the people. Tentative analysis has been made of kin relationships of the CAP staff and RBC, by one of the researchers and by OEO. The findings of the latter resulted in a request that two members of the RBC staff resign, or that certain close relatives resign from the CAP staff. One report indicates that almost 20% of the 109 CAP employees (as of mid-July 1966) were related to members of the RBC. The number is, of course, far smaller if one considers only individuals living in the same household. The number increases as one includes `those in other households-siblings, nephews, nieces, first cousins, etc. As the closeness of relationship decreases more RBC and CAP employed individuals are found to be related-as is to be expected in a relatively small intermarrying population. A `breakdown of relationships, and testing by statistical methods for significance, would be desirable to indicate the full significance of kinship on hiring practices. On the basis of a variety of specific cases and from statements by RBC members, however, it is clear that many were hired because of close relationship and the desire to help a relative. The most important consequence `of nepotism does not have to do with the a'bility of the individuals to perform specific jobs. The important consequence of actual nepotism is that credence is given to the suspicion of nepotism, con- fidence in the RBC and the CAP is undermined, and the CAP is seen as controlled by individuals who do not have the good of the reservation in mind. OEO-CAP Memorandum 23, dated 3 March 1966, prohibits employment by CAP of any mem'ber of the family of the legally constituted governing body, meaning in the case o'f White Earth, the RBC. The most recent interpretation of the term "family" indicates that the nuclear family residing in a single house- hold is meant. Biring practices of the CAP should also be briefly considered at this point. Initally the CAPComn made recommendations to the RBC for hiring. The CAPCom consisted of members from all communities, including representatives of the poor who knew the applicants from their communities and discussed them in terms of need, qualification and personal characteristics before making rec- omendations. This was one of their most important functions. In March 1966 the RBC established a sub-committee consisting of the CAPCom Chairman, the CAP Director and the RBC Chairman, as a screening board to make recom- mendations to the RBC for hiring. One of the most important functions of the CAPCom was, unwittingly, surrendered. At approximately the same time the RBC appointed two whites to sit with it as the "legal governing body" of the CAP, since OEO wanted the white population included in the CAP repre- sentation. Neither of the two appointed has been articulate on any questi'on, al- though they are "rural poor" and could potentially influence decisions. Through- out the existence of CAP, the RBC has clearly and repeatedly articulated that it is the legal governing body, that others can only give advice, and that only the RBC makes decisions. This position was publicly upheld by an OEO Indian CAP PAGENO="0327" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3979 analyst at a meeting in Bemidji in April 1966, effectively reducing the potential influence of the CAPComs and the CAP Staffs. (3) CommunicatiOn Problems.-The importance of effectively communicating with the "poor" Indian population was generally recognized among the CAP staff as a major problem if an effective CAP were to develop. Instruments for communication included the membership of the CAPC0m, a weekly newsletter, community meetings for particular occasions, and, presumably, dissemination of information through CAP employees. Notices were posted in stores, post of- fices, and other places. While almost everyone at White Earth village knew of CAP or some of its programs, the same was not true of the other villages. At Pine Point, for example, many did not know of the existence of CAP, a number did not know of the Recreational program, and very few know of the Study Hall or Remedial Read- ing as part of the CAP. The CAP Social Worker was rarely in Pine Point, ahd seldom for any length of time, the Social Work component was scarcely known. Visits of the CAP Administrative staff were few and ineffective. The situation at Rice Lake w-as slightly better. Naytahwaush and White Earth, especially the latter, as the center of the CAP Administration, were best informed about CAP and its activities. It can be argued that sufficient informtion was distributed so that anyone interested in the program could readily learn of any activity or job vacancy. However, this overlooks certain problems of communication, and the attempt to develop interest in the CAP. Many of the "poor" from the "west side" of White Earth, for example, do not frequently visit the center of the village when weather is bad. Many are mar- ginally literate and do not notice the posters, and, for this group, reading is not a habit. Association with people from other parts of the village, unless they are kinsmen, is limited, so that discussions in which the knowledge of many people is disseminated are rare. For the "poor" conversations are likely to be with others with similar characteristics. In a society in which personal relation- ships are the only important ones, impersonal communication naturally has limited results. What is required is personal contact with the poor. This contact must not be solely through aides selected from the poor, as in Community Worker com- ponents, but by responsible members of the CAP Administration. Indiscriminate contact with the poor is too time-consuming to be productive, but long-term re- peated contact with informal opinion leaders among the poor may be extremely significant. The contact must be on the "home ground" of these opinion leaders- CAP administrators must come to them. Summoning the poor to a meeting in the formal atmosphere of a school does not provide an environment in which the poor are comfortable; it can only be rationalized as administratively convenient for contacting the largest number of people, regardless of significance. Significant communication w-ith the elements in question cannot be accomplished without time and effort. Personal relationships must be established between the ad- ministrative staff and key members of the local communities. If the school auditorium provides an environment of unease to many Ojibwa, it is also important to recognize the implicit symbolism of many of the appur- tenances of official life. An interview or discussion with a man behind a desk, dressed in the expensive symbols of middle class, in a building symbolic of im- personal and unrepresentative government, present preliminary obstacles that make many of the "poor" exceedingly reluctant to make contact. In passing, it may be noted that the amount of communication of all forms betw-een CAP and the population has decreased, especially since the resignation of the VISTA girls. The newsletter w-as temporarily suspended, but eventually reinstituted, smaller and less informative. The social workers had, at the same time, virtually ceased to have contact with the people, except through aides and in public gatherings. It is duly noted that the increasing amount of paper- w-ork and other administrative routine left little time for the Director to mingle with -the poor in the communities, and the social workers were apparently needed to help in administration. With the increased administrative staff, which now includes three assistant directors, increased communication may he possible. (4) Inadequacy of the Staff-Complaints concerning inadequate training, lack of work, absenteeism, irresponsibility, and even drunkenness on the job were encountered. This combination of complaints was rarely focused on any one individual, of course; some complaints were widespread, but there was also rec- ognition that most people employed were attempting to do a good job. PAGENO="0328" 3980 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 A sample of these complaints may be considered. The former Director was highly regarded by almost everyone, and was considered to be doing a good job, though "limited by the RBC." It was considered that he was a recent college graduate without managerial experience, but a person who could learn rapidly. There were complaints that the professional staff was overpaid, but the com- plaint was directed to the Government rather than the individuals. The Recrea- tion Director was regarded as a good person, but lacking in training and ex- perience for leading a large-scale recreational program. There were complaints that he did not adequately supervise his staff, particularly at the outlying vil- lages. There appears some justification for this complaint, but weather condi- tions and distances are mitigating factors. There is also a great reluctance among many Ojibwa (and other Indians) to set themselves over others, to criticize, or to give orders, and sanctions are likely to be invoked against those who do. The Director of the Study Halls was unknown to most people, but the aides were often charged with not enforcing quiet and discipline. The complaints were undoubtedly justified, and have their base in lack of training and of clear- cut roles, as well as the prevalent attitude of permissiveness toward children. The complaints were apparently recognized by CAP, since in the second year of the program certified teachers will be in charge of the study halls. There were no complaints about the Remedial Reading staff, teachers assisted by aides operating within the various school systems. Several aides, particularly in the outlying villages, were said to devote little time to their jobs, and a few were said to have been drunk while on the job, providing a bad example to the children. Partly, such cases were due to inade- quate supervision, for reasons indicated earlier, and partly to the fact that many of the individuals employed as aides were known "risks" who were being given the opportunities to "improve themselves." Moreover, their job decscriptions were often extremely obscure. More widespread were complaints of inadequate training. It is true that aides were not the products of advanced educational institutions, and that their entire training was obtained on-the-job or in training programs under the aus- pices of the Consortium branch at the University of South Dakota. Lack of time, administrative responsibilities, and weather and distance, are factors preventing intensive training--to which can be added, in varying degrees. ques- tions of the ability of the staff to provide the necessary training to people with culturally different backgrounds. Training sessions under the auspices of the Consortium were of little, if any, value. No aides who had attended such sessions were able to say that they had learned anything of value. One researcher con- cluded that training was, in the understanding of the Vermillion branch. the same as attendance, and that no attempts had been made to evaluate the train- ing programs. It must be emphasized that the complaints came from people who were aware of CAP and the relation of the particular programs to the organization. There were many, especially in the outlying communities, who were unaware of the programs, and had no complaints. It must also be emphasized that although there were specific complaints, such as noted above, there was also recognition that many individuals performed effectively and honestly, and that steady employment was helping many families in a variety of ways-including develop- ment of self-respect, punctuality, responsibility, etc. The programs themselves were regarded as good, although in need of improvement iii varying degrees. e. Views of CAP by ~eleeted Observers (1) CAP as $een by the CAP $taff.-Since the CAP is staffed by individuals with differing backgrounds, it is natural that they see the role of CAP differently, especially in view of the apparently changing goals of OEO. Some general com- ments may be made, however, as of the time of field research, bearing in mind that in July 1966 the administrative staff had changed drastically with the ap- pointment of a new Director and three assistant directors. The original view of the senior professional staff corresponded to the publicly articulated program of OEO. The administrative staff members were concerned to involve the community in the planning and operation of the CAP, to dis- seminate information as widely as possible, and to have a program genuinely representative of community needs-within, of course, the limits of the law. This attitude continued, but the winter of 1965-66 saw a decline in enthusiasm. Gradually the CAP staff view began to shift to the position that OEO programs had definite limitations, and that the early promise of programs as needed and PAGENO="0329" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3981 wanted by the communities were to be restricted to a set of approved components considered by Washington as "good for the Indians." Increasing organization of office work was demanded if payrolls and reports were to be completed on time and if an expanded program were to be developed. This efficient organization of the CAP office occurred, but little time was left for the administrative staff to develop contacts necessary in the community for an effective current program. Increasingly, the administrative staff has become administration-minded. People are ceasing to be people, and instead they a:re becoming "personnel." The people are considered less as individuals or groups with which CAP works, and more as a population aggregate to which CAP pro- vides services that CAP has available for them. The process of dealing imperson- ally with a highly personal society has gone a long way, and without conscious recognition. The transformation of people into personnel was a consequence not only of the necessity for developing routines for accomplishment of official requirements, but also of changes in the context of the CAP aside from limitations imposed by Washington. Primarily this had to do with developing predominance of the RBC and the declining significance of the CAP'Com. Another factor may have been a natural decline in the "revolutionary fervor" that often is present in a new situation, but disappears as activities become routine. The sub-professional staff of the CAP tended, almost invariably, to think of themselves as paid employees rather than participants. A few aides became interested and articulate, but were regarded as "uppity" by the poor and at least one member of the RBC-the latter of sufficient power to develop a deep sense of job insecurity in the aides in question. On the whole, the sub-profes- sionals view themselves as employees, fortunate to have steady employment but scarcely believing the program will continue indefinitely, fearful of offending the powers of the reservation, and insecure because of the poorly defined roles associated with many of their jobs. The involvement that was once emphasized became a source of anxiety. Interestingly, too, first the RBC, and later OEO, indicated that political activity was not to be countenanced. Some of the aides represented potential leadership and force for change, in a community where both are lacking. Yet they were discouraged and even prohibited from playing the part that is (or was) the goal of the Economic Opportunity Act. (2) CAP as Seen by the CAP Advisory Comrnittee.-During the summer of 1965 the CAPCom met regularly and attendance and interest were high. Member- ship included representation of the major agencies and institutions locally con- cerned with the anti-poverty program, businessmen, farmers, and officials who could provide valuable advice, and representation of the poor-Indian and white. This desirable condition continued well into the winter of 1965-66, limited primarily by the exigencies of one of the coldest winters in White Earth history. Interest in the CAPCom was indicated by efforts to provide mileage payments to those, especially the poor, who had to travel substantial distances at their own expense. In the spring, the CAP Director bad supplied all members with the CAP auide and other documents valuable for understanding the program and helpful in stimulating advice and maintaining interest. During this period, a major complaint was that the poorest members of the CAPCom were least interested, as indicated by poor attendance at meetings. The CAPCom was informed at its periodic meetings of the progress of CAP and reports were given of monthly operation of the components. When job vacancies existed, the CAPCom acted as a screening committee, making recom- mendations to the RBC. The latter group made it clear that as the legal governing board, it had sole responsibility for making decisions, however, and that the CAPCom was purely advisory. In mid-winter a decision was made to have a special screening board make hiring recommendations, removing this responsi- bility from the CAPCom. It was not recognized, until too late, that a major function had been removed, and the removal led to a rapid decline in concern on the part of the CAPCom members. Attendance at meetings began to decline, and it is understood that all meetings ceased by the summer of 1966. (3) CAP as Seen by the RBC.-The initial proposals for the CAP were devel- oped by the RBC in cooperation with a representative of the Minnesota Agency of the BIA, and it was the RBC that was accepted as the legal Community Action Agency (CAA). It was constitutionally the responsibility of the RBC to work for the welfare of the reservation, and constitutionally it was responsible for reservation-wide programs. The RBC was responsible for hiring the aciministra- PAGENO="0330" 3982 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 tive staff, and later the aides, for the CAP. It was also ultimately responsible for the operation of the program. It is not surprising, then, that the RBC views it- self as the maker of final decisions, regarding which other groups and individuals can only provide advice. Although the R.BO and its predecessor organization had been in existence for more than a generation, it had few signiflcant responsibilities and less authority. The tribal and reservation councils were "powerless politicians." While the RBC had no actual experience in the management of major problems, it was the constitutional entity to which responsibility had to be entrusted. It was a government of some kind, even though lacking the functions and authority of government. With the passage of the EOA, establishment of OEO, and the development of Indian CAPs, the RBC was given both functions and authority. It is hardly expected that the RBC would be able to operate a large-scale and complex program with the efficiency of an experienced body. As a Government official said, they are being given the opportunity to learn by their own mistakes. Some reservation members and observers have commented upon the extent to which the RBC is concerned, almost obsessed, with the necessity of con- trolling the CAP. It has been noted that with reference to the OAPCom, the RBC repeatedly asserted that only the RBC had the pow-er to make decisions; to the CAP Administrative staff it was made clear that the RBC made decisions and that the staff was responsible to it. Some residents and observers believed that the CAP professionals had lost all autonomy and were manipulated and directed by the RBC, particularly by the Chairman, and the staff would do nothing to antagonize the RBC or arouse its hostility. The pow-er of peremptory dismissal without appeal was regarded as a potent weapon to ensure conformity. Much of the criticism of the RBC may be based upon attitudes of suspicion, fear, and distrust noted earlier. Certainly prior to inception of the CAP, as well as later, present and past members of the RBC and TEC were aware of unre- mitting criticism and suspicion. While this background may to some degree ac- count for the present situation, it is an insufficient explanation. The senior re- searcher at White Earth believes that while the RBC is genuinely concerned with the welfare of the reservation, it is caught in a conflict of values. The RBC Chairman, particularly, appears to working honestly and conscientiously, but he is now responsible for a major program that provides him with great anxiety, which in turn prevents delegation of authority. The conflict of values is exemplified in the problem of nepotism, the obligation to assist kinsmen as opposed to responsibility to the entire reservation popula- tion. Conflict of personal versus impersonal relationships is also present. It may be seen in the RBC suspicion of the professional staff, in the developing, im- personal bureaucracy of the CAP, and in the fear of the program "getting out of control." A concern about outside interference in the reservation CAP is also clear. When OEO insisted that whites be represented on the goveriiing body, the RBO appointed two individuals-one a white resident married to an Ojibwa woman, the other a county commissioner-who have yet to voice objections to anything proposed. In summary, one may say that the RBC members think of the CAP as "their program," rather than the reservation's; that it is their responsibility to dis- pense the benefits of the program, especially jobs; that some, perhaps all, are anxious about continuation of the CAP, and fearful of someone, "upsetting the apple cart"; and that they are suspicluos of someone attempting to assume con- trol over "their program." The concepts of community organization and com- munity action are not comprehended by them, nor are they interested in such developments-other than in the context of a possible fear that trouble-maker$ will be hired. (4) CAP as ~S'een by Local Whites.-The White Earth CAP has responsibility for a substantial white population residing within the original limits of the reservation. The RBC, when acting as CAA, added two whites~ to represent the poor of the white resident population, as noted above, and the CAPCom had many whites as members, including a number to represent the poor whites. In fact, the white population potentially to be served by the CAP is probably larger than the Ojibwa population. While the rural whites are, relative to the Ojibwa, of higher economic and educational levels, the proportion of "poor" is high in comparison to national standards. Little mention has been made of CAP vis-a-vis the w-hites-not because of oversight, but because they are rarely thought of by the Ojihwa. The CAP was established by the RBC for the Indian population, without essential thought of PAGENO="0331" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3983 white residents in the area. The Recreational programs, Study Halls, and Social Work projects were designed, proposed, and approved in terms of their value to the Ojibwa rather than to the poor rural whites. It is true, however, with Medicare Alert and new components, such as the beautification program under the Nelson Amendment, that a reasonable number of whites are being employed as aides. There is another CAP, embracing Mahnomen, Hubbard, and Becker coun- ties (the Mahubč OAP), however, surrounding and interpenetrating White Earth, which may give necessary consideration to programs for the poor rural whites. Insofar as whites within the reservation are concerned, it is noteworthy that they form a population, if not community, separate and distinct from the Ojibwa. With some exceptions, the overlap of these neighboring groups is extremely limited. While residing in the same territory, they form separate social systems. The white poor of the farms, small villages and towns, as well as those in- terested in their problems, were sometimes antagonistic to the Ojibwa as a con- sequence of the CAP. They expressed the belief that the Federal Government was discriminating against the whites, or expressing bias in favor of the Indians. Other whites protested that this was another Government "hand out" program that would continue to keep the Indians in a state of dependency, prevent their assimilation, discourage self-reliance, and otherwise be of no long-term value. Research among the whites indicated widespread ignorance of the Indian population, even among those relatively well educated, with various official re- sponsibilities for Indian affairs. An official of one school system, in which many Ojibwa attend high school, professed the belief that truancy was common because the children were needed to help with household and farm chores. Con- cerned as an educator with "educating the whole child," he was under the im- pression that the Ojibwa were farmers. The existence of a separate social system with a different set of values is almost completely unsuspected. Widespread prejudice against the Ojibwa, or Indians in general, was revealed by the research. Actual discrimination was much less common or was less overt, but exists. Information on prejudice and discrimination against the Minnesota Indian population has been accumulated over the years by the Governor's Human Rights Commission and other state agencies, and in more recent years by the Minnesota Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. It is sufficient here to note that it is widespread. It is also proper to note that while there is prejudice against Indians in general, Indians who behave in ap- proved middle class fashion find fairly easy acceptance. Anti-Indian prejudice is much less deep in this area than anti-Negro prejudice. What is important to the success of CAP in the long run, is not only the extent of actual prejudice and discrimination against Indians, but the beliefs of the Indians themselves about white attitudes. It is a common belief among the Minnesota Ojibwa that the whites discriminate against them in many areas. Complaints have been filed with appropriate state agencies: concerning dis- crimination in employment, hospitals, housing, law enforcement, and education. The belief is common that the Indian has little chance, and, whether the belief is based on fact or fancy, it poses a psychological and social block to attempted participation in white society. Each instance of discrimination encountered re- inforces the belief or fear. One example may suffice. When the White Earth children complete ele- mentary school in their own villages, they move to high schools in predominantly white communities, ten to twenty-five miles from home. Here most have their first long-term associations with whites. The Indian children enter with several cultural disadvantages. Because of their upbringing, they are less competitive; by virtue of different values learned at home, they place less emphasis on edu- cation; because of less than adequate reservation schools, they enter with academic backgrounds inferior to the average white student; thanks to genetics, they look different; because of poverty, most are poorly dressed. The consequent reactions of the white students are often humiliating to the Indian children and, when added to academic difficulties, result in a high drop-out rate. If a Head Start program is desirable here for those entering elementary school, a similar program would seem of unquestionable value as preparation for high school. (5) CAP as Been by the Behool Bystenv._RepreSentatives of the school systems attended by students graduating from the White Earth schools were interviewed by one of the researchers. In general, considerable ignorance of reservation life was revealed, but several of the principals and superintendents were reasonably PAGENO="0332" 3984 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 conversant with the problems posed in education and were sympathetic to the Ojibwa students. A general attitude expressed was that education was the means for "uplifting" the Indians and bringing about assimilation and the end of the reservation, although not all were equally certain that this would occur in the foreseeable future. Another common attitude held by several educators was that "there isn't much you can do with the Indians," or "it will take generations to change them." Some considered the Indians to be, with some exceptions, uneducable, and based this position on the fact that the educational system had succeeded with very few over a period of many generations. The senior researcher at White Earth suggests that this position is an apologia for "the system" and justification for failing to come to grips with the problem of providing necessary conditions and programs for the students in question. The educators holding this position were, not coincidentally, those who knew the Indian communities and families the least. If successful education at the elementary and secondary levels requires considering each student as an individual, these educators may themselves be a major reason for failure to adapt the system to the local needs. The CAP programs were, on the whole, viewed as desirable by the educators. There is common recognition that the Indian student is considerably behind his white peers when he enters high school-particularly in reacTing, writing, and arithmetic. The disadvantage is critical at this point and is probably a major factor in influencing the drop-out rate. Since the major effort of the CAP was directed to improvement of education through the Remedial Education, Study Hall, and Social Work components, and the Recreation component was designed to remedy a deficiency in extra-curricular ac'tivities, the approval of the edu- cators was to be expected. Some educators regarded the existing programs as inadequate, citing a need for improvement in the family and local situations from which the students came. This was sometimes combined with a view that contributing to solution of background problems would contribute to dependency. (6) CAP as ~S'een by the BIA.-The BIA (Minnesota Agency, Bemidji) was of great assistance in `developing the Minnesota Indian CAPs. An official was de- tailed to work with the RBCs in developing programs that would meet the needs of the population as expressed through the RBCs, groups, and individuals. Meetings were conducted in collaboration with the RBCs at various points on the reservations to obtain views on what was needed. At the end of this phase, the BIA representative assisted the RBCs in drawing up formal proposals for sub- mission to OEO. When these were returned with the newly developed forms, the BIA representative assisted the RBCs in their preparation. When action on the Minnesota Indian CAP proposals was stalemated in Washington, the BIA representative accompanied the tribal President and Treasurer to Washington to assist in the final steps needed for approval. After formal approval of the CAPs, the BIA assisted the various RBCs in locating potential CAP directors and staff. At this point the BIA withdrew as an active agent in the CAPs. The PTA position had been one of assisting in development to the point that the CAPs were operational, at which point they left the RBCs in complete charge. The BI[A believed in the necessity of Indian operation and responsibility, and did not choose to be accused of paternalism or interference. BIA officials, however, made it clear that they were ready and willing to provide any assistance possible at the request of the CAP staff or RBC. The BIA Minnesota Agency is located approximately one hundred miles from White Earth village, so that visits by BIA officials are `made only for specific purposes or on request from the RBC or other groups of officials. The BIA has supplied the CAP with census and other data, and is currently cooperating in the development of the Building Skills component and the proposed construction of housing. The relationship of BIA and CAP is cordial and cooperative, within the limits imposed by distance and policies. Several of the BIA officials believed that the CAP offers the best opportunity for the improvement of Indian conditions, and expressed hopes that the RBCs and CAPs would take advantage of all aspects possible. There is a tendency on the part of a number of individuals to maintain a social distance between the BIA and CAP, indicating hostility to the BIA, which is unfortunately blamed for many Indian problems for which it has had little or no responsibility. To the extent that CAP staffs do not utilize the available information and resources of the BIA they reduce the possibility for the better- ment of Indian conditions. PAGENO="0333" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3985 (7) CAP as Been by PHB.-The Indian Health Division (IHD) of the P115 maintains an out-patient clinic at White Earth village, and traveling clinics at Pine Point and Naytawaush,. staffed by~ a physician, dentist, administrator, aild other necessary staff members. The local officials are pleased with the CAP and its components, and have an easy cooperative relationship with the CAP staff, housed across the street. Members of each group meet with the other to explain programs and policies, and assistance is given wherever possible. The PUS provides medical and dental examinations for children in the GAP- sponsored Head Start program, and periodic examinations for all Ojibwa reservation school children. Medical and dental services are supplied through the clinic when possible, or the costs of hospitalization elsewhere are borne by the PUS. It might be noted in passing that some whites have resented the services given to the Indians as a privileged group, and several schools will not permit the PHS to provide examinations in the schools. The developing primary concern of the PHS is in preventive medicine, and educational programs are maintained in collaboration with the CAP. The PHS, under the Indian Sanitation Act, attempts within the limits of Federal ap- propriations for this purpose, to provide community water systems and sanitary equipment in conjunction with the community councils. So far, water systems have leen installed in the villages of Naytahwaush and Rice Lake, and will eventually be installed in White Earth and Pine Point. Water supplies are of great importance as the major health problems involve communicable diseases of the respiratory and intestinal tracts that would be greatly reduced by good sanitation systems in each household. Housing is a major factor in the health situation of the community, and the PHS will be involved in provision of water and sanitary systems when public housing projects are developed. The PHS regional office is one of the agencies that will be involved in the Building Skills component. In the view of the PHS Administrator, the major problem facing the com- munity is obtaining cooperation in the development and support of projects for the community. He pointed to the cooperation at Naytahwaush and Rice Lake, in which community councils obtained data and cooperation from the villagers in developing a workable plan for the village water and sanitation systems. White Earth village was slow in obtaining cooperation, and will be a year or two later than the others in obtaining a water system, although perhaps in greater need of such a system. iViany stories circulate in White Earth village concerning the priorities in the installation of water systems. Basically, the stories concern discrimination against the village, the cupidity or influence of various people, etc. (8) CAP as Been by Welfare Departments.-In view of the large Indian population receiving welfare assistance, it is to be expected that the wel- fare officials will have strong views on the Indian CAPs. Welfare costs have been a major problem in several counties responsible for the White Earth Ojibwa, since these are the very counties with the weakest tax base-little industry, marginal farming, and large areas of non-taxable land. Reimbursement for Indian welfare is provided by the State, and ultimately the Federal Govern- ment, but there are red-tape problems associated with it, and on several oc- casions in recent years there was a strong possibility that full reimbursement would not be forthcoming. If the Indians are a problem to the welfare department, the converse is equally true. There is a widespread belief that the counties provide smaller amounts for living expenses to Indians than to whites, and that Indians are poorly treated, often humiliated, when applying for financial assistance. Com- plaints have been made on several occasions to the Governor's Human Rights Commission, and to other agencies, resulting in investigations. The results of the investigations, if any, have not been made known. It is common for one of the RBC members or one of the informal community leaders to accompany an applicant to the welfare office. The escort is believed to be helpful, and, in any case, is more articulate and provides a feeling of security. The CAP program was, at the time of research, limited to four components. The response to it by welfare directors was varied. One expressed confidence in the achievement of the long-term goals of OEO, and was prepared to be coopera- tive if possible. Another expressed the view that the program would be rela- tively futile, and probably a further contribution to Indian dependency. A fear was expressed by one that involvement of the indians in CAP would have the consequence of arousing interest in other phases of public life, and that more people would become aware of possible welfare programs. This, it was PAGENO="0334" 3986 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 believed, would lead to higher welfare costs, The comment was made by one with little confidence in the Indians or in the CAP. (9) CAP as Seen by VISTA-The Volunteers In Service To America (VISTA) program was inaugurated in White Earth village a few months before CAP became operational. Two VISTA girls were stationed at White Earth, and later one each was located at Naytahwaush and Rice Lake. The VISTAs at White Earth promptly combined forces with the CAP, publishing a weekly newsletter pertaining to CAP and reservation affairs, assisting in surveys, maintaining communication with the population, etc. With the continuing de- velopment of the CAP, they saw their functions largely taken over by regular staff members and, unable to develop adequate roles in the new situation, resigned. It is the researchers' opinion that they performed a valuable func- tion through their independence from any organization and the flexibility in relationships with many elements of the population. A major problem facing this, and other, CAPs is the responsibility for routine operations and emergen- cies, leaving the administrative staff too little time to associate meaningfully with the "ordinary people," who are always those most easily forgotten. The VISTAs, with no defined roles or organizational associations, were in an excel- lent position to know the comunity and the individuals, to hear reactions, ex- pressions of dissatifaction, and words of approval. In this sense they could have been of great value to the CAP. The VISTAs at Naytahwaush and Rice Lake were nominally under the con- trol of the RBC and under supervision by the CAP. The Naytahwaush VISTA worked primarily as counsellor to Indian students in the Mahnomen high school, and engaged in a variety of activities with the local children and youth. The VISTA in the more isolated and far flung Rice Lake Community occupied herself with local people, greatly restricted by the weather, the distances be- tween homes, and the lack of a car. Both VISTAs were extremely negative to the VISTA program: training had been inadequate and concerned with survival in hot desert weather, Indians of the Southwest, etc. While VISTA girls were always to be in teams of two or more, the policy was ignored with them. Agree- ments to provide funds for housing were not forthcoming, causing very con- siderable embarrassment. Cara for transportation in an area where everything is at least twenty-five miles away were promised, but were never received. Advice for problems arising in the field were requested on numerous occasions, but no acknowledgement, other than an impersonal printed postcard, was forth- coming. Both resigned during the summer, in complete digust with the VISTA program. The dissatisfaction with VISTA field support was shared by the VISTAs who had been at White Earth village. Several of the VISTAs were interviewed in the course of research, and their evaluations of the CAP obtained. In general, they were favorable to the pro- gram, though occasionally critical of certain administrative staff members and the RBC. The educational programs of the CAP were regarded as useful, although the Study Hall was a conspicuous failure. The Remedial Reading program was regarded as excellent. The Recreational program was in extensive need of a greater range of activities, and closer supervision of personnel. The Social Work program relied too heavily on untrained aides, and was primarily a referral service of limited value. Considering the program as a whole, the CAP has not yet come to grips with the major problems of the reservation, and cannot do so. The major prob- lems have to do with employment opportunities that will give meaningful lives to the people, and provide stable families with self-respecting adults as models for the young. The development of a sense of community is also highly desirable or necessary for the future, to override the kin groups and factions that are major divisive forces. Housing is at various levels inadequacy, and some of it is unbelievably bad. There was general agreement that the CAP had failed to reach large num- bers of the White Earth Ojibwa, especially those who were poor and on the outskirts of the villages. Among those in these areas who knew of the program, the CAP was not regarded as their program, but as controlled by the RBC. More attention to communication with the population at large was strongly recommended. One former VISTA, returning after an absence of six months, said that little had changed-a few people were better dressed, but the community had not changed. PAGENO="0335" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3987 (10) CAP and the Consortium at TTermillion.-The branch of the Consortium at the IJniversity of South Dakota in Vermillion, generally referred to as ~`Vermi11ion," has numerous contacts with the Indian CAPs. The Consortium was established to provide technical assistance and training at the request of the CAPs. All evidence indicates, however, that it has assumed the role of an area office for the Indian CAPs, thus breaking the direct line between the CAPs and the OEO Indian Desk in Washington, generally considered one of the best aspects of OEO management. Moreover, as an area office, there is evidence to indicate that it discourages innovation on the part of CAPs, im- plying that only "canned components" are available. Consortium specialists occassionally visit the White Earth CAP and pro- vide training sessions for various categories of aides and other staff mem- bers at the University campus or at Minnesota State College in Bemidji. The extent to which some of these specialists have relevant qualifications is open to question, how-ever, and project researchers did not find abundant evidence of the high value of visits by Consortium staff members to the reservation CAP, except that such display of interest contributed to good morale. There was no indication that specific programs (e.g., Remedial Education) were given specialized help or notably pertinent recommendations. A number of training sessions were held in Vermillion and Bemidji. One such session, concerned with administrative records, was said to have had rather substantial value, The Social Work aides who visited Vermillion stated that the training sessions were valuable, though unable to say in what way. Recreation component aides who attended a training session at Bemidji could not say that they had learned a great deal or how their training was pertinent, though they did find the trip to Bemidji useful. Evidence from several reservations indicates that the Vermilion branch of the Consortium makes no attempt to evaluate the training, nor has awareness of the specific types of problems existing among the different tribes. ~Training" is apparently equated with "attendance" in some instances. Observation of the reservation situation leads to the conclusion that the Ver- million group is well regarded by some who have had training under its auspices, but at White Earth it has not been possible to fully establish the practical results of attendance at such training sessions. f. Summary The CAP and its evolution at White Earth may be briefly reviewed in terms of reservation problems, accomplishments, and organization. Three major problems may be seen as encompassing the variety of major and minor issues that face the Ojibwa of White Earth: 1. Jobs for adults on or near the reservation. Employment opportunities for the poorly educated and unskilled are very limited. This also applies to the white population, which also suffers from under-employment. 2. Preparation-i.e., education, training, motivation, and development of quali- fications for skilled employment. 3. The development of community organization or cooperation on the village and reservation levels. In connection with the foregoing problems, the components of the origional CAP were oriented toward the educational preparation of the young through ~ocial Work, Remedial Reading, Study Halls, Recreation, and the related Head Start program. The components originally proposed were conceived and developed under pressures to meet a predetermined deadline which limited consideration of all possibilities and prevented consultation and deliberation with all elements of the reservation population and other interested parties. The proposals for the second year benefitted from a somewhat longer period for consultation and (deliberation, as well as from a better knowledge of the limitations of law and `administration. The later proposals continued emphasis on the educational preparation of the yonug, but considered the needs and wishes of the adult Ojibwra, now given attention in such varied components as the High School Equivalency, Beautificaion (i.e., Nelson Amendment), Building Skills, and others. The operational components of the past year have Met with varying degrees of success. Evidence indicates that the Remedial Reading component was most successful, proof of which should untimately be seen in the successful comple- tion of high school by a greater number of Ojibwa children. The Recreational program was successful within limits, but needs diversification to provide more activities for different groups and both sexes, and also would benefit from im- proved training and supervision of `the aides. The Study Hall program was largely PAGENO="0336" 3988 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 unsuccessful, but the lesson learned indicates a high probability of success in the forthcoming year of operation. The Social Work program was also largely unsuccessful, if viewed as intensive and successful casework or as oriented to- ward community organization, exceedingly difficult at White Earth. Administra- tion was highly competent, with good organization of routine activities. The burden of administrative requirements, however, often of questionable value, left the administrative staff with too little time to be effectively involved in the community. It was noted that the most successful components were those that traditionally operate as a part of the educational system. Such components could readily be transferred to the jurisdiction of the school system, leading the CAP staff more time to deal with other essential problems. The various opportunities offered for employment of the unskilled or poor have been of limited value. People have been employed, and have therefore had more money, but most of the activities associated with the jobs have had poor role definition, with consequent confusion, and/or little relevance to earning a living in private or other public employment. They are, indeed, popularly and correctly considered "make-work jobs," of less long-term value than those provided by the WPA of depression days. The stimulation of interest in community activity has largely been inhibited by fears, only in part justified, or retaliatory measures that may be taken by the RBC, and now by OEO prohibitions upon undefined "political activity" by CAP employees. Moreover, the jobs are themselves con- sidered fortuitous and of short-term duration, as there is little expectation that the OEO program will be maintained indefinitely. The major problem of provision of "real" jobs within commuting range of the reservation communities cannot be met by CAP alone. The component of probable long-term value in this respect, the Building Skills component, involves the cooperation of a number of Federal agencies, but "problems of coordination" have prevented this component from becoming a reality, so far. The CAP is the only mechanism by which the Ojiwba of White Earth can obtain the coopera- tion of the agencies that can, in the long run, provide an economic base for a society that has had none since the expropriation of their lands. If the CAP staff continues to be inundated with paperwork, major tasks are not likely to be accomplished. If the programs directed toward the education of the young are successful, they will continue to stimulate the migration of the educated and the skilled from the reservation, unless employment opportunities can be brought there or nearby. If this major problem is not solved, a continuation of the relative leadership vacuum can be expected to continue, and the poverty of the reservation area will be. unrelieved. The solution of the major problem of lack of employment opportunities will require the cooperation of many Federal agencies, as noted above. The problem will be even closer to solution if the cooperation of private business and industry can be enlisted. To bring about this cooperation will require aggressive and in- telligent leadership, and highly competent technical assistance. The proliferation of Government agencies will require technical advisors with an unusual degree of competence and understanding of programs and legal limitations. An additional set of problems is posed by the lack of nearby employment pos- sibilities of known availability. The educational system to which many of the CAP programs are oriented depends upon the motivation of the student. If the rewards are not obvious, or involve conflicts in values when departure from the res- ervation is necessary, the motivation may be inadequate. One thinks of the analogy of the rabbit and carrot-if the carrot is too far away to be seen or smelled, it will not be chased. Without parental employment, the father may be an inadequate figure for purposes of identity. This problem is, however, different from that of the urban slum, for the values by w-hich a man is judged are different. If he is a good hunter or fisherman, for example, he may still be important in a positive sense, even though unemployed. To these problems may be added the peculiar form of "alcoholism," if that is even an appropriate term, that is a symp- tom of frustration, hostility, or withdrawal from harsh realities. The problem of developing community organization or cooperation is one that has many obstacles, particularly among the Ojibwa. The "atomistic" social structure, the associated kin groups Of various sizes, and the lack of established village governments are linked with attitudes of fear, suspiciomi, and hostility to individuals and groups, internal and external to the society. The hostility expressed about the successful and the different, and the consequent distaste for positions of authority limits the number who can and will "work for the corn- PAGENO="0337" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3989 munity." Since little in the past was within the capacity of the villages or reser- vations to accomplish, patterns of behavior pertinent to intra- and inter-village cooperation have not bad occasion to develop. One also questions whether com- munity organization is a prerequisite to, or a result of, action that accomplishes specific goals. The political system is obviously relevant to community organization or co- operation. The fragmentation of the villages into kin groups and factions tends, together with the attitudes noted above, to limit political interest and activity, and to permit the election of "representatives" with extremely small voting strength, especially as this combined with a general apathy to politics based upon the longstanding limitations of the reservation system. It can be alleged that the RBC is not representative of the population, and it can readily be argued that the allegation is at least partly correct. The number and types that stand for public office are limited, and tend strongly to be those who are articulate and capable of negotiating with the world beyond the reservation. RBC membership does not represent, on the whole, the internal values and social system of the reservation. The CAP was initiated by the RBC, and was later advised by the CAPCom. The CAPCom did not at any time have distinct functions delegated to it, and its informal role proved abortive. CAPCom has since withered away, and is probably beyond resuscitation. If CAPCom were viewed as part of a system of checks and balances, the other elements of which were the RBC and CAP staff, the system was broken with the loss of any effective CAPCom function. The CAP professional and sub-professional staff has continuously lost autonomy and has become in- creasingly subject to detailed control by the RBC, a system that may change as the increasing administrative complexity makes the CAP incomprehensible to the community and RBC. The CAP has failed to "involve the community," and the members of the community do not think of CAP as their program. Responsibility for this situation lies beyond the CAP. To involve the community requires the solution to many problems of community organization noted earlier. The conflict in values that led to extensive charges and a widespread belief in the practice of nepotism on the part of the RBC was a major source of alienation. The lack of involvement to a sufficient degree of enough members of the different kin groups and villages in the development of the old and new proposals reinforced this attitude. The lack of contact between senior members of the CAP (and the RBC), or impersonal meetings held in the impersonal buildings of the government system, led to similar results. The lack of power of the CAPCom, and its demise, lead the observer to suggest that a well chosen, representative CAPCom with definite responsibilities and authority could be an effective link with the public. A lyrical evaluation of the White Earth CAP (to the tune of "There is Nothing Like a Dame") was composed by an anonymous former CAP staff member. It is worth quoting in full as a peculiarly appropriate summation of this Summary on ~Thite Earth. There is nothing like a job, Nothing in the world. There's nothing like a job! No, there's nothing quite Like a job! We have components by the dozens, We have promises of more, We have consultants from Yermillion And Washington and more; We have meetings to confuse us and Ballgames by the score. What ain't we got? We ain't got jobs! We have Headstarts for our kiddies; We have Reading for the rest. We have Social Work for troubles; We have Study Halls to spare; We have meetings to refresh us, And promises of more. What ain't we got? We ain't got jobs! 80-084-67-pt. 5-22 PAGENO="0338" 3990 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 WISCONSIN INDIAN RESERVATION AREAS MINNESOTA RELATED FEATURED DF INTEREDT RESERVATIONS ThSAIRNAs RESERVATIONS AllAYS ANN 0901,4 AREA OFFICE ® AGENCY WI SC ONS IN PAGENO="0339" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3991 I Point WHITE EARTH RESERVATION, MINNESOTA IV. SYNTHESIS OF PROJECT FINDINGS A. INTRODUCTION The long conquest of American Indian nations and tribes, and the eventual confinement of Indian activities to reserved areas, have together produced a variety of ethnic group poverty that is unique in this country. Members of other ethnic groupings in America, including Negroes, are, for the most part, seeking their full participation in the American economy as individuals. However, Indian tribes have formed genuine culturally distinct groups with viable social systems, from the beginning, and still do so today. Despite the travails of the past three hundred years and modification from tribal to reservation cultures, recognizable social systems still exist. The reservations are now governed by elected tribal councils opera1~ing on the basis of constitutions that were written under the charter of the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act. The religions of these tribes have also been altered, through the partial acceptance of Christianity and the development of pan-Indian religious movements. The traditional religious practices were in many ihstances suppressed by force. Severe dislocations and major alterations in the economic base of Indian activities have been the general rule. Some of the massive changes in Indian political, religious, and economic life have occurred in the relatively recent past. Suppressions of Indian communities by force occurred in the last quarter of the 19th Century (e.g., the Battle of Wounded Knee at Pine Ridge, South Dakota). The Indian Reorganization Act PAGENO="0340" 3992 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 was in part designed to redress recent wrongs and give Indians a stronger hand in their own affairs. The repeated occurrence of major changes in the socio-economic condition of Indians, from early contacts with white society on into the 20th Century, coupled with the lack of consistent patterns in these changes-particularly those changes initiated by the Federal `Government-have worked to make Indian societies highly dependent upon the Federal Government for the satisfaction of their basic' needs. Indian poverty-the outcome of centuries of conquest and confinement- embraces the poverty of Indian individuals, and the corporate poverty of Indian reservations as political, social, and economic entities. In point of fact, the poverty of the Indian individual is rooted in the lack of economic viability of Indian reservations. It is the essence of Community Action Programs to try to deal concurrently with both individual and corporate poverty. The concept of Indian- generated community action is what distinguishes these programs from earlier ameliorative efforts. B. STRUCTURE OF COMMUNITY ACTION PROGRAMS 1. Integration of Components into Programs The attempt to deal concurrently with the poverty of Indian communities and with the poverty of Indian people is embodied in "Community Action Programs"-where "Community Action" refers to the concerted efforts (of individuals and groups), and "Program" refers to the mechanism whereby movement from an existing set of conditions to a more or less clearly defined set of goal conditions is undertaken through a specified series of actions. The application by a reservation community action agency (usually the tribal council) for a grant of funds from OEO to develop and implement a Community Action Program consists, among other things, of a statement of the extent of poverty in the locality, `and requests a set of "components"-each a different sort of action-which is focussed on alleviating specific aspects or outcomes of the poverty situation. In many cases the goal of the component is stated in the application for thus component. The statement, in the application, of the extent of poverty in the locale serves. two purposes: it provides, to OEO, certain criteria for evaluating the applica- tion and assigning funds to the applicant; and, in part, it defines-or ought to define-the parameters of the problems as seen by the applicant. An appli- cation for a particular component often states the goals of that component. A "program" consists, as noted above, of a series of actions designed to move from present conditions to a desired state. Such a program implies a need for' coordination of multiple activities at any one point in time, and ordered pro- gression, through those activities over a point in time, toward the stated goal. This degree of integration of activities `is generally absent from Community Action Programs currently operating on the. reservations studied. There are advantages, such as flexibility in component design, and disadvantages, such as flexibility in component design, and disadvantages, such as lack of goal orientation, to be found in this loose assemblage. 2. The CAP as a ~ystem On `all reservations there is a hypothetical structure for Community Action Programs, deriving from the provisions of the Economic Opportunity Act as interpreted and implemented `by OEO, which may be' diagrammed as follows:, PAGENO="0341" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3993 Tribal Council CEO/Washington `Consortium CAP Committee There is a high degree of uncertainty throughout the CAP system clearly ~manifest in the confusion in each member group concerning how to act in regard to the others. This uncertainty about proper, or appropriate, action is two-fold: how to act toward the others, and what action might properly be expected from the others. This type of problem could be considered one of "role definition," if this concept may be extended to include organizations as well as individuals. Role definition, within any human interaction system, is achieved by the establishment of the rights of each of the members, or member-groups, over the others-singularly and collectively-and the duties of each of the members toward the others. When the reciprocal rights `and duties of any members are formally defined, then the role of that member in the system has by definition also been defined. When the CAP system is looked at in this light, certain important relations emerge: a. Tribal Council Duties to OEO defined, but not its rights over OEO. Rights over CAP staff defined, but not its duties to CAP staff. Right over OAPCom defined, `but not its duties to CAPCom. Rights and duties to Consoritum not uniformly understood. Thus the tribal councils needs its rights vis-a-vis OEO defined (e.g., the right of appeal). It also needs to understand the rights of the CAP staff and `the CAPOom over it (i.e., duties of the tribal council toward these two parties). Without these two conditions, the tribal council is structurally subordinate to `OEO, while not itself being integrated into a working CAP system on the reservation. The tribal council may direct the reservation part of the CAP :system, but `it is not an integrated system that is being directed. b. CAP staff CAP staff duties to the tribal council are defined by the tribal council. Its *rights vis-a-vis the tribal council are a matter of concern and constant manipulation. Its duties to OEO are imperfectly understood. Its rights vis-a-vis OEO are formally non-existent. Neither its rights nor its duties vis~a-vis the Consortium are clear. Thus, the CAP staff is, structurally, under the domination of the tribal council-for good or for ill. By not having either its rights or its duties to the other parties spelled out (and thus without a well-defined role-relationship to these other parties), it its without allies. c. CAPCom Duties to tribal council are largely defined by the tribal council. Rights over the tribal council are advisory only. Rights and duties to CAP staff are ill-defined, and often mediated by the tribal council. CAP Staff PAGENO="0342" 3994 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Rights and duties to OEO and to the Consoritum are ill-defined and widely varying. Thus, the OAPCom is in the position of having the most poorly defined role in the CAP system. This seems to have worked to the detriment of its effective functioning. d. Consortium The Consortium's duties, which are volunteered by the Consortium, tend to be viewed by reservation-located elements in the system as rights of the Consortium rather than duties. The perception of the Consortium's role by the reservation elements, is often confused and ambiguous. Thus the Consortium is frequently asked to do things which it would rather not, and not asked to do what it would gladly do. The CAP structure, as a unit, does not appear to be directionally oriented- does not seem to have common goals, nor a shared understanding of how to proceed jointly. We find the roots of this in two areas: in the nature of the appli- cation-which does not require directional orientation, and in the present mode of operation, which seems not to permit it. Since OEO does not require mutual action by the diverse elements of the system on critical issues, the natural tend- ency is for those in ascendancy at any point to simply assert their unilateral dominance. In addition to this lack of integration in implementation, programs are not designed to be self-maintaining. Should OEO funds be withdrawn, the com- ponents would collapse immediately. An integrated program is not inherently self-maintaining, but only an integrated program can be made self-maintaining. The characteristics and the advantages of self-maintaining progrms will be dis- cussed in a subsequent section. 0. TENDENCIES IN INDIAN CAP DEVELOPMENT In late 1964 and early 1965, representatives from OEO visited the six reserva- tions studied, among others, bringing with them the promise of the possibility of alleviating the effects of poverty, and the proffered hope of eliminating poverty itself. Prior to these visits, members of an Indian Task Force had been working together in Washington to lay down guidelines for bringing Indians into the War on Poverty program. The crux of the matter lay, as they saw it, in whether Indians have the ability to identify their own problems and needs and to deter- mine for themselves what ought to be done. The assessment by the Task Force was that Indians, in fact, are capable of this. On this basis, Drs. Robert Roessel and Forest Gerard visited sixteen Indian reservations. They spoke to the tribal councils, to interest them in the possibility and potentialities of defining their own needs and setting up their own programs. The responses of the tribal councils varied more in the quickness of their replies than in expression of interest: All sixteen tribes developed and submitted proposals. These proposals, in many cases, were rejected or returned by OEO because they requested funding for programs that were not within the legal purview of OEO, or which were not practicable in the light of fiscal realities, or for some other undisclosed reason. The return of these proposals strained relations between Indian tribal councils and the Task Force, which had to return to the reservations and explain that tribal councils could have those programs they wanted, but within certain limits. A major problem involved the "realism" of proposals: asking for enough money, but not too much (e.g., Tesuque Pueblo put together a well-conceived million-dollar program package for about three hundred people). The aceeptan~, by the tribal councils, of the need for "realism" was, in fact, acceptance of OEO guidelines for definition `of the situation. The problems of poverty and potential programs were, thus, conceptually limited. Proposals for components for the first year of operation, submitted by the six reservations following this initial experience, were heavily oriented toward edu- cation and toward juveniles. The components funded by OEO increased this orien- tation by accepting a higher percentage of education than non-education com- ponent proposals. In the first year the chief issues raised by CAP components were: how big would the OEO program become, and who would control it. On each reservation PAGENO="0343" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3995 there were fluctuations in attitudes about how big the program would become, and on each reservation there was marked uncertainty over what the program would mean to the people and to the tribal council. This uncertainty was manifest in different ways on different reservations. Problems regarding the staffing of components, problems of generating and main- taining interest in particular components, and problems concerning the role of the Consortium and the CAPCom, were surface expressions of an underlying "battle"-basically between the professional CAP staff and the tribal councils- for control of the program. The issue was not one of control over a classroom or two of youngsters, and a series of ballgames: rather, it had to do with the hopes of the various parties in the struggle for future, large-scale, locally important anti-poverty endeavors. The importance of these hopes as an influence over action was manifest in two ways. First, the BIA was almost wholly ignored in the first year of operation-not because, in general, the BIA was unwilling to help, and not wholly because the Indians perceived the BIA as unable to help. Indians wanted this program for themselves, and they wanted this badly enough to turn their backs on their tradi- tional external sources of help. Second, the applications that flowed into OEO toward the end of the first year of component operations asked for a very much broader range of components, not just refunding on a bigger scale of what they had before. In the light of the treatment received by the very first applications from tihe tribes, submission of a broad range of component applications on the second round stands as a testi- mony both to the faith in OEO which remains on reservations and to practices OEO has developed during the first year of operation. However, the working relationships that have developed between tribal coun- cils, OEO, the CAP staffs, and the Consortium have tended to reward "smooth- ness" of operation and haste, preventing a confrontation with some of the funda- mental problems of Indian poverty. In particular, these working relationships have led to a diminution of participation, by Indian people, in the design and planning of programs, at the same time that they have been developing even more program components to be "presented" to the Indian people. A brief discussion of existing components in relation to their function and impact follows in the next section. D. ORIENTATIONS OF EXISTING CAP COMPONENTS The many complications attending submission, funding, resubmissio~ and refunding of components-specific instances of delays and staffing problems- are illustrated in the narrative accounts of Chapter III. Emerging from these vicissitudes, however, are some general considerations regarding components which are of interest in evaluating present CAP operations. With few exceptions, components are oriented to three ends (with some overlap) : (1) education, (2) jobs for CAP aides, and (3) correction of limited aspects of reservation poverty (e.g., home repair). 1. Editcation - Indian Community Action Programs on the reservations studied, especially in the first year of operation, are heavily oriented toward educational programs. These educational components are important in urban Community Action Pro- grams, where they prepare children from "disadvantaged" homes to compete with better-prepared classmates, and where such components are politically "safe" in the difficult context of urban political-machine conflict with local CAPs. Educa- tional programs are important in rural areas, from which so many people even- tually migrate to cities, ill-educated for an urban environment. Further, these programs take on special importance in the rural South as a mechanism for con- veying certain attitudes about race relations. On Indian reservations, however, the advantages of an educationally oriented CAP are not as clear-cut. In the short run, Indian CAP education programs benefit the young by attend- ing to their health and diet (the "hot meal" feature), and these programs may also benefit the mothers by freeing them for employment or other activities. In the long run, educational programs may contribute to the completion of, say, high school: the impact of counseling, guidance and study hall programs toward this end is more admissible than the pre-school programs (the long-run effect of which is as yet unknown). The potential benefit of educational programs is, how-~ ever, conditional upon the use to which the education gained in put: Education PAGENO="0344" 3996 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 without jobs in `sight after gra'duation is not necessarily a benefit in `and of itself. Education per se could be beneficial if it altered for the positive the value that Indians placed on being Indian. To do this-~which is an important educational problem regarding any minority group with a history of subjugation and a cur- rently, socially stigmatized, position-would require an `attention to' Indian his- tory and values in education programs that is not `currently `being paid. 2. Jobs for Aides One of the major direct benefits of the Indian CAPs is the jobs that are created for aides. These jobs give a certain amount of experience both in gaining com- petence in the specific job area and in the general perquisites of job-holdings. They may convey `a sen'se of purpose to people who have had "nothing to do"; and they provide a small cash income. As jo'bs, however, they are not without draw- backs. These drawbacks lie not so much in the potential long-run in utility of the skills gained through performing the job, a's in the characteristic structure of aides' jobs. There `appears to' be an operational conflict between the principle of giving poor people jobs, and the principle of getting work done. The outcome of this conflict has `been a poorly defined job-description-with neither the aides nor the professional staff being at all clear as to what the aides are supposed to be doing-what the "work" is, what is an appropriate amount of work, and what it is that distinguishes good from poor performance. This lack of definition has introduced into the situation the `stress of ambiguity, which not only inter- feres with job satisfaction's gained by the aides, but is poor preparation for future jobs in other, more rigorous contexts. 3. Components Oriented Toward Elimination of Poverty `The particular contributions made by non-education'al components to' the allevi- ation of various limited aspect's of reservation poverty (e.g., credit unions, recreation, `and building skill's) are important, but equally important is the ex- perience gained by the tribes in managing a program that is partly of their own choosing. Tribal councils have, in general, been limited in their operations-and thus `limited in that competence which comes from practice-by their lack of revenues. The Community Action Program has `brought Federal funds to Indian reservations without the usual Federal control. These funds are, thus, in one sense. a substitute for the tax `base that tribal councils have lacked. This is especially true in the light of the high percentage of Indians on any reservation who are "poor" by Government definitions of `poverty. OAP programs can poten- tially be applied to almost the entire population of a reservation. In t'hi's manner, the Community Action Program can fund a tribal council's development into a stronger local goveimment. The long-run impact of education, jobs, and "programs" i's unclear. Much of value exists in the present organization of CAPs, but a number of problems can be identified both in terms of current operations and further innovations. In the narrative setcions of Chapter III dealing with the full background of each reservation studied and the impact of CAPs upon it, a bewildering array of large and small problems `demand solution. For many of these, specific sub-con- clusions as to solution are apparent from the text. Careful examination, however, makes it possible to collect these scattered problem's into fourteen major cate- gories, each of which suggests a unified approach toward solution of the problem's within the category concerned. All categories but one deal with improving the operation and effect of `existing CAPs, the exception involving cooperation of other Federal agencies with OEO (BIA, EDA, PHS, and PHS) toward the goal of creating self-sustaining reservation economies. The following sec'tions will set forth these possibilities for enhancing and refining current CAP operations, and will consider the economically based ap- proach, toward eliminating Indian poverty, alluded to above. This will conclude with a brief discus'sion of alternative post-poverty worlds for the American Indian. V. RECOMME~nDATIONS A. INTRODUCTION Throughout the field data, and highlighted within the narrative accounts `of Chapter III of the full report dealing with the course of the War on Poverty on American Indian reservations, three levels of concern become evident. By far the easiest to i'den'tify involves the set of problems relating to the functioning of the OEO Community Action Program itself, as conceived and PAGENO="0345" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3997 implemented. These are problems arising from or involving initial misunder- standings between OEO/Washington and Indians on reservations, technical assistance, criteria for approval or disapproval of competent proposals, funding, inexperience of reservation management groups, staffing, housing, disinterest or disbelief in the value of components on the part of Indians, factionalism, nepot- ism, desire for approaches not within the legal competence of CAP, intra-reserva- tion communication, and coordination `between Government agencies whose joint action would have been relevant. The second level of concern relates to basic concepts pointing toward innova- tive actions not presently being attempted, but which might help cut the Gordian knot `of Indian poverty in such manner that self-sustaining drives toward eco- nomic viability might be stimulated among Indians to a far greater degree than appears to be the case at present. These considerations all center around ways and means of coordinating informal efforts to simultaneously motivate, train, and provide real job opportunities for Indians without requiring relocation, with- out offending unions, and without creating economic problems elsewhere. Thirdly, there are questions which arise regarding the acceptance of a plural- istic society in America should flourishing Indian reservations develop-after the War on Poverty has been won-along cultural lines which materially differ from general American culture-~and the impact of this upon other American ethnic and ideological minorities. Alternatively, what are the true barriers to American Indian assimilation into the "Great Society," either through the de- velopment of ordinary viable American communities or as individuals? Could steps be taken to make assimilation attractive rather than abhorrent, as it ap- pears to be to most American Indians today? Each of these levels will be discussed, in turn, in the following three sections. In Section B (Improvement of Existing Programs), cross-references are given to sections in Chapter III of the full report which present data relevant to the problem areas discussed. B. IMPROVEMENT OF ExIsTING PROGRAMS 1. Euternal Communications a. Prob'ems In all efforts to alter human behavior whether such efforts are looked upon as "influence processes" or as "cooperation in cbange"-whether arising from and affecting groups or individuals-two-way communication underlies the mutual feedback required to achieve re's.ponses approaching the outcomes `desired by the stimulating party. In such communication, the goals, values, capabilities, and expectations of both parties need to be made explicit in terms both parties can understand if meaningful action is to result. In the context of relations between OEO/Washington and Indian leadership on reservations, this kind of communi- cation has frequently been faulty or completely lacking. This problem may, in fact, be considered the ma'ster problem directly or indirectly underlying all those which follow. At the inception of the OEO Community Action Program many Indians were "oversold" on the degree of choice and control they were to have over future CAP components. Informality and felt needs were assumed to be appropriate bases for proposals. Only later, in such manner as to dampen enthusiasm for many, `did it become evident that prescri'bed forms and legal constraints definitely limited freedom of choice. This state of affairs undoubtedly arose quite innocently from a natural desire on the part of initial purveyors of the OEO message to arouse enthusia'stic interest in their audiences, to underscore the new departure from earlier paternalistic efforts to ameliorate Indian conditions. I-Iowever, in the light of subsequent events, it amounted to misrepresentation of actual Gov- ernmental capabilities and intentions, leading to a rapid drop in initially high hopes on the part of many Indians, with the result that traditionally high hopes on the `part of many Indians, with the result that traditional Indian leadership tended to look upon `the whole program as just one more d'ole to be exploited in customary fashion rather than as a true invitation toward revitalization for Indian communities and individuals. On the other hand, at least two Indian groups were unable to make clear to OEO/Washington the `time-consuming democratic processes they required before coining to any binding corporate decision on the nature and degree of involve- ment they wished to have with the program. Consequently, OEO demands for speed in drawing up proposals had to be met in ways considered superficial or PAGENO="0346" 3998 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 unorthodox by the Indians concerned, again leading to alienation from any concept that CAPS were fundamentally different from earlier Washington efforts to "help" Indians. This mutual lack of necessary and sufficient information to make reliable estimates of what the other party can and will do has led to continuing frustra- tions and implementation difficulties.1 b. Recommendations (1) Suggested Action-It would seem advisable that a Communications Office should be set up within OEO, the sole function of which would be to facilitate and ensure full exchange of information between American Indian community action agencies and OEO/Washington. Such an office would require personnel who, either themselves or through carefully chosen consultants, would bring together in one place knowledge bearing on the specific social, economic, cultural, and political conditions in each reservation concerned-on all legal, financial, and operational constraints involved in OEO decisions regarding each such reservation-and on the techniques necessary to create and maintain a rapid flow of full information on all relevant points between the appropriate personnel in OEO and on the reservations concerned. This know-ledge should be utilized to expedite all procedural and substantive matters arising between OEO and the reservation. (2) Suggested Research-A survey might be made covering all American Indian reservations having CAPs soliciting information regarding communica- tion problems. What information exchanges have been attempted or requested, between whom, and in what manner? Which have succeeded and which failed? What were the issues involved and the results? 2. Technical Assistance a. Problems The Three-University Consortium was set up to give technical assistance to Indians who found it difficult to design components w-hich would embody up-to- date techniques for improving economic and other reservation conditions, or who were unfamiliar with formal applications and other legal technicalities. While a certain amount of valuable assistance and training has been given, the staffs devoted to these efforts have been very small in relation to the number of reser- vations requiring aid of this kind. They have not addressed, in most instances, the primary requirement of teaching Indian leadership how to relate specific components to the specific needs of their communities.2 b. RecommendatiOns (1) Suggested Action-It is suggested that at least one nearby university for each five reservations with CAPs be designated as members of the Consor- tium, and that the staffs include persons of high competence having profound knowledge of both OEO realities and conditions on each of the reservations with their jurisdiction. (2) Suggested Research-A detailed study might be made of services offered and given by members of the present Consortium, methods and frequency of contact with all reservations having CAPs, and Indian reaction to these services and contacts. 3. Approval of CAP Components a. Problems A complaint frequently received from reservations studied was that OEO/ Washington approvals, deferments, requests for resubmission, and non-approvals of proposed CAP components were never explained to Indian leadership and were sufficiently inconsistent that predictability of OEO response to a given proposal was not possible. This had an inhibiting effect on proposal writing sO that imaginative components w-ere seldom requested, the tendency being to pro- pose so-called "packaged programs" known to have been funded elsewhere.3 1See III, pp. 59, 68, 71. 100-102, 110-111, 113, 116, 132, 144-146, 155-156 173-174, 1S2. 19g. 201, 211, 213-215, 244-246. 261-263. 267-268, 308-309, 325-326. See JTI, pp. 75, 77. 119. 155. 262-263. 335. 349-~5O. See III, pp. 78, 116, 129, 208, 210, 245-246, 248-249, 251, 256. 262, 267-268, 309. PAGENO="0347" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3999 b. Recommendations (1) Suggested Action.-A clear-cut policy for approval or non-approval (or intermediate position) regarding component proposals might be formulated, embracing financial, operational, and any other relevant criteria, subject to amendment as changing conditions and particular circumstances might warrant, and clearly enunciated to all Indian leaders concerned. Each action taken by OEO/Washingtofl on component proposals could be attributed to a specific pro- vision of this policy, and the interested parties on the reservation involved should be made cognizant of this relationship in minimal time. (2) Suggested Researclv.-A survey might be made of all decisions on compo- nent proposals rendered by OEO/WashingtOn prior to some specified date, in an effort to determine congruence or conflict between the rationales utilized in making such decisions, both for and against funding, from which data a con- sistent policy might be developed. 4. Fnnding of CAP Components a. Problems Once approved, components have frequently been prevented from beginning on schedule by delays attendant upon funds reaching the reservation concerned. This has involved Head Start, among others, and a particularly interesting case is found in connection with the NYC at Santa Clara, which though not a com- ponent, in the strict sense, was nevertheless administered by the CAP. A hiatus of funds occurred between December 1965 and late April 1966, not because of lack of authorization but because of incomplete information among all the parties concerned.4 b. Recommendations (1) Suggested Action.-It might be possible to withhold authorization to proceed in the implementation of a component, even though full approval had been granted, until such time as funds for that component were fully earmarked and available, reporting this to the reservations concerned. (2) Suggested Research.-Tbe effects of late or delayed funding on the morale and interest of participants in the components so affected might be studied. 5. Reaction of Indian Leader1ship and People a. Problems Because of the persistence of distrust and cynicism regarding Federal pro- grams, much of Indian leadership continues to consider CAP as one more tempor- ary source of funds and "make work" jobs, to be exploited as such, for relatives and friends. Little or no effort is made to extend the program to those groups on the reservation most out of touch with modern society at-large and in the greatest need. The thoroughgoing development of true community action, and the design of components directed toward revitalization of the whole community economically, socially, and culturally is rarely attempted. To be sure, the almost universal lack of viable economic bases on Indian reservations contributes to the sense of futility regarding such attempts, but leadership attitudes underwrite maintenance of the status quo. Cultural heritage also plays a part, at least in the Northern Plains area, in that planning far ahead is not part of customary behavior. Indeed, such plan- ning has never materially aided Indians in the past, either under earlier hunting and gathering conditions or in the long association with BIA policies since those times. Indians with this background are simply not accustomed to believing that they themselves can influence their distant future. Tradition and experience reinforce a fatalism which teaches that the immediate gain must be seized, since the future will be determined by external unpredictable forces.5 b. Recommendations (1) Suggested Action.-An office or agency such as the Consortium, w-hen increased in size and staff capabilities, should develop a training program specifically geared to awakening present and potential Indian leadership to the the power of self-sustaining processes in community development. No effort should be spared in presenting a clear-cut model to such leadership of what a viable community requires in the way of education, economic infrastructure, See III, pp. 63, 78, 116, 131, 175, 192. 212, 249-250, 259, 262, 310. See III, pp. 59, 65, 68-70, 79-82, 83, 177, 200, 208, 260, 276, 278, 326-328, 340. PAGENO="0348" 4000 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 and employment opportunities, and in convinving leadership that paths are open to fulfilling each of these needs for the specific reservations concerned in mini- mal time through Federal programs. The specific steps toward such fulfillment with attendant interim incentives both for leadership and the community-at- large should be spelled out with maximum clarity and detail. Above all, it should he made clear to Indian leadership that, beyond the initial steps backed by OEO in coordination with other Federal agencies, the sustaining and implementing mechanisms of government and the business community apply to the whole so- ciety, not specifically Indian society, that these forces are not ephemeral and will be available in future as they have been in the past to all economically viable communities in the United States. (2) Suggested Research-A study might be instituted to determine how- best to select and train personnel capable of communicating the above information to Indian leaders coining from widely differing Indian communities, wthile a complementary study might seek to determine the precise mechanisms neces- sary to implement the concepts being taught, so that prompt and visible results,. in consonance with the teachings, could become a living reality. 6. Staffing of CAP Components a. Problems Three factors present difficulties in the selection and employment of capable staffs for CAP components. Initially, at least, CAP directors were enjoined to employ the "poor" wherever possible. Insofar as this policy was followed, the training and experience of those employed fell somewhat below requirements in a great many cases. Secondly, the penchant for hiring relatives and friends. a more popular policy because of deep-seated culturally acquired precepts, led to equally unqualified personnel being hired, who were not necessarily poor by local standards. Finally, those who in part ignored the suggestion to hire the poor or withstood the temptation to hire relatives and friends in the interests of find- ing truly qualified personnel often found that qualified people were not willing to come to the reservation to work.° b. Recommendations (1) Suggested Action-It should be possible to design a double approach, pos- sibly implemented by the suggested augmented Consortium. The "poor" on reser- vations might be trained to understand the realities of the CAP jobs available. as a qualifying factor for appointment, and the recruitment of appropriate pro- fessional personnel might be undertaken to fill those posts which require more background than a relatively brief training course could impart. (2) Suggested Research-Again, selection and training of the teachers would be a prerequisite to training Indian "poor." A study of cross-cultural communi- cations and curricula, in the context of the reservations concerned and the per- sonnel needs indicated for particular components, might precede institution of the courses suggested, and another study regarding inducements and qualifica- tions for professional staff from outside the reservations should precede recruitment. 7. Housing Facilities for CAP Components a. Problems Many components are delayed in starting or are impaired in operation because of the lack of appropriate buildings on the reservation, or because of unavail- ability of existing buildings.7 b. Recommendations (1)Snggested Action-Prior to authorization of components a check might be made of existing reservation component housing facilities, in each case, and of present use of existing buildings, in coordination with all other Federal and local agencies concerned. In the light of findings, negotiations should follow- to en- able constructing or leasing of appropriate accommodations by the CAA con- cerned. (2) Suggested Research-An analysis of space requirements for the w-hole range of components now being implemented should be correlated with actual space availability on all reservations where such components are being contem- plated or are presently in difficulties on this score. Lead times for buildings, 6 See III, pp. 61, 78, 118. 128, 130, 185, 188, 210, 214, 246, 261, 282, 327, 334-335. See III, pp. 62, 118, 128, 186-187, 210, 257, 282, 322. PAGENO="0349" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4001 instruments for ultimate Indian acquisition of them, and negotiation formulas for leasing might also be developed in cooperation with relevant agencies. 8. Dissatisfaction with CAP Components a. Problems Indians find two chief problems in connection with presently implemented CAP components. Primarily, they are disturbed because there is so little orien- tation toward the employment of family heads. Most components deal with children or adolescents. The intent behind this approach, of preparing the next generation for the future, does not impress many Indians. They see it either as one more effort leading ultimately toward acculturation, relocation, and termination (which they oppose), or, if this connection is not made, it conflicts with the philosophy, described earlier, that the future is beyond control and what is needed is jobs and money now. The other objection rests upon the widely held feeling that many CAP jobs are "make work" operations and contribute nothing that the reservation can use except the wages of those employed, which funds immediately flow out of the reservation to the surrounding white communities where the stores and services patronized by Indians are largely to be found. This means that, should CAP operations cease, the reservation population would be just as poor as before. Many look back to WPA days as having been more fruitful in that people pro- *duced things of long-term use, such as roads and buildings.8 b. Recommendations (1) ~nggested Action-The solution to both these dissatisfactions lies pri- manly in the realm of the development of economic infrastructure on reserva- tions, which will be discussed in some detail in the following section (V.C., Toward Economic Viability of Reservations). Essentially, jobs for family heads (without relocation) will not be available until such time as methods are devel- oped to motivate and train Indians for modern business and industry, and at the same time induce modern business and industry to the reservations. A more immediate practicable modification of this approach may be to train Indians for, and help establish, service trades and small stores (perhaps cooperatives) on the reservations themselves. This would diminish the outflow of funds from CAP activities, welfare or whatever source, and possibly the well-known "multi- piler effect" (to be discussed below) would at long last catalyze the development of self-sustained economic viability on Indian reservations. (2) Snggested Researcli.-IfltenSive study of both successful and unsuccess- ful economic programs for disaster-stricken or underdeveloped areas and coun- *tries, from the Marshall Plan on down to such operations as the Cornell Vicos experiment, might suggest appropriate steps to take in developing infrastruc- ture and small businesses on Indian reservations. Due caution would have to be exercised in such studies to take into consideration the cultural differences from the American norm to be found in some Indian communities regarding individualism, aggressiveness in relation to one's fellow Indians, and the like. Many Indians subscribe to a concept similar to the "image of limited good" ascribed to certain peasant societies by George Foster (1965), whereby it is assumed that there is a finite amount of "good things," so that if some Indians profit, others must lose, a condition to which few Indians would knowingly (or, at least, overtly) contribute. This inhibits Indians generally from undertaking proprietorship in most forms. 9. Factionalism a. Problems The kinship orientation of most Indian groups leads to factionalism, some- what differently expressed among Northern Plains Indians as opposed to South- western Indians, as noted above. The atomistic tendencies of the former lead *to what has been termed, in other contexts, the "segmentary opposition of [kindredsJ," where the several segments of a kin-group are suspicious and wary of each other at each level of distance in relationship, but unite against common threats or in pursuit of proffered opportunities only available through cooperation. Each segment appears to fear that the other segments at the same level (say, several sets of brothers and their descendants, each set being cousin 8See III, pp. 76, 133-134, 149, 184, 194-195, 201-203, 206-207, 251, 256, 259-260, 266, 282, 310-311, 324-325, 350. PAGENO="0350" 4002 ECONOMiC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 to the other sets) may overstep the bounds of self-seeking, violating the prin- ciple of the "image of limited good" alluded to above, which they themselves profess never to violate. Thus, one has groups of people refusing to be "aggres- sive" in the modern industrial sense, on the one hand, but suspicious of and hostile toward each other, on the other, for fear that one of the "other" groups will take advantage of some situation which may arise. The factionalism bred of this kind of social relation militates against strong policies and incisive responses to development programs. Among Southwestern Indians, kin-based factions are also present, but per- haps because of the lesser degree of derangement of their original culture by whites, or the greater cohesion developed through facing an environment of scarcity where subsistence agriculture rather than buffalo and other hunting forced long-term cooperation, the divisive aspects found in the Northern Plains are not present in marked degree. The factions are held in balance by power- ful indigenous leadership-also standing, incidentally, behind the ostensible leadership which holds the offices created by whites and which deals directly with whites. In the Southwest, factions tend either to mirror each other in coopera- tion with (or rejection of) outside programs, or to perform complementary roles.° b. Recommendations (1) ~vggested Action-A very sophisticated training program may be called for, in this instance, for the Northern Plains Indians. Two approaches appear possible. The "image of limited good" concept might be attacked through an intensive, cross-culturally tailored, exposition of current economic realities in the United States, in their bearing on creating and maintaining economically viable Indian reservations, directed toward leaders of all factions as well as incumbent official tribal leaders. This approach would have to be tied to very concrete evidence of fairly immediate gains, in order to be effective, however. The second approach would involve an attempt to create among presently atomistic Indian groups the solidarity and cohesiveness of their southwestern~ counterparts. While culturally transmitted data, ultimately derived from differ- ences in the historic experiences of the tribes of these two areas, are largely responsible for their differences in internal cooperation and cohesiveness, it is possible that institutional inducements toward solidarity might be devised by social scientists in collaboration with interested Indians on the reservations concerned. (2) suggested Researdh.-Each of the suggested programs for mitigating the effects of factionalism in the Northern Plains area would require sound research into Indian value structures. The roots of both the atomism of the North and the cohesiveness of the South, need thoroughgoing analysis-historically, func- tionally, and structurally-before either approach to modifying factionalism into forms productive of economic strength rather than weakness could be transmuted into meaningful training courses. 10. Nepotism a. Problems Closely allied to factionalism on Indian reservations is nepotism, Indian style. Among Indians, this is nothing more nor less than the honorable fulfill- ment of primary duties. To achieve a position of eminence or the power to dispense patronage, and not distribute this good fortune among one's kin would be a major infraction of Indian cultural imperatives. Again, there is a difference, of marked importance, in the manner of imple- mentation of this cultural characteristic as between the Northern Plains and the Southwest. Because of the greater structural cohesiveness and historical continuity in the South, as noted earlier, the leaders of most if not all kin- groupings are able to dispense some degree of patronage, so that the existence of kin-groupings works as a mechanism for widespread distribution of benefits throughout a given reservation. In the North, on the other hand, the data indicates that those few kin-groups with more acculturated, aggressive mem- bers are the chief recipients of or participants in the benefits of programs, while most other kin-groups are practically untouc~ed. This is not to say that efforts are never made by Indian leaders in the North to involve non-kin, but they °See III, pp. 81, 94, 203, 243, 260, 277, 282, 313. PAGENO="0351" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1067 4003 appear to be somewhat feeble, are politically motivated when they occur, and the best jobs do often turn out to be held by members of one or a very few kin-groups. Many of the `outsiders," while admitting this to be a natural course, given Indian concepts of kin loyalty, nevertheless, resent the prevailing state of affairs and assist in the process by refusing to cooperate or learn about such opportunities as may in fact exist.1° b. Recommendations (1) ~nggested Action-The maintenance of kin-group loyalty in the Northern Plains area is so thoroughly a part of Indian belief and custom, even after a century or more of reservation existence, that efforts to "train it away" would almost certainly prove futile. If, on the contrary, ti were considered a potential source of community strength as it appears to be in the South, much might be done toward utilizing this element of the social structure in creating economically viable reservations. Programs might be administered in a given reservation, with specific knowledge of the kin-groupings borne in mind, so that an equitable distribution of jobs and opportunities could be effected through careful utilization of this feature. (2) suggested Research-Distribution practices, involving kin-groups, uti- lized in the Southwest under the guidance of the indigenous power structure might be studied so as to gain insight on how best to impart balance into the more atomistic kin structure of the Northern Plains. Independent study of the kin-groups in selected northern reservations might lead to a new concept of what constitutes a community in the CAP context. Many kin-groups live in geographical contiguity, forming small settlements. Research might be instituted to determine the feasibility of orienting compo- nents to such communities rather than to entire reservations. 11. Needs Beyond the scope of CAP Components a. Problems The chief effect of CAP components as presently constituted, if carried out in optimal fashion in terms of their stated ends and participated in by most Indian families, would be, under present reservation conditions, to markedly increase relocation possibilities and consequent acculturation processes. Indians generally appear to oppose such an eventuality and would prefer components leading ultimately to an economically viable reservation where Indians could maintain old associations and their own patterns of existence. None, or very few, of the components so far authorized point in this direction, chiefly because OEO, alone, is not geared toward the development of economic infrastructure, and the establishment of small businesses or toward attracting light industry (or any other kind) to a reservation. This sort of activity would pose problems of training and implementation only approachable through the joint action of a number of Government agencies. Cooperation and coordination of this kind is only beginning to develop, so that in most reservations Indians feel that their real needs are being overlooked.~ b. Recommendations Both action and research required to develop reservations economically to the point where employment opportunities would correspond to the number of employables (taking into account population growth statistics) are best treated in the next section which deals with an innovative approach toward the elimination of Indian poverty. Perfecting present CAP components would appear to lead to combining temporary amelioration of some of the conditions of poverty with the development of inducements and capabilities toward leav- ing the reservation. 12. Intra-Rescrva tion CommwnicatiOns a. Problems Partially caused by the atomistic kin-groupings, already amply alluded to in the Northern Plains area, but also arising from the heavy administrative and report-writing duties imposed upon present CAP staffs in both areas studied, many of the more outlying, isolated, small communities are hardly touched by OEO programs. Except for occasional and sporadic contacts made here 1tmSee III pp. 44, 102, 20S-209, 313, 328-331, 339. U See III, pp. 133, 212-213, 243, 253, 256, 266-268, 275, 278, 281, 284, 311, 324-326, 348. PAGENO="0352" 4004 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS' OF 1967 and there by VISTA workers, these communities are not involved with CAP. Some members of such communities have not even heard of its existence.12 b. Recommendations (1) Suggested Aetion.-Either CAP staffs should be relieved of some of their paperwork so that they will have more time to consider and implement publicity for the program throughout their reservations, or a special and ad- ditional group within CAP staff should be authorized on each reservation whose sole function would be to communicate with all members of the reservation no matter how isolated. Some components should be designed to specially attract and involve these isolated communities and individuals. (2) Suggested Researeh.-The values and needs of the more isloated, least acculturated Indians on designated reservations might be made objects of special study so that involvement of these Indians in CAP components might be en- couraged and made more likely, in complementation to attempts to ensure their knowledge of the existence of such components. A survey of the numbers of such isolated Indians on reservations having CAPs might be made to indicate where this particular problem may be most pressing. 13. Coordination of Government Activities a. Problems As indicated in the descriptions of a number of problems above, coordination between such Federal agencies as OEO, EDA, BIA, PHS, and PHA not to mention state and local agencies-school boards, law enforcement agencies and the like-would be of inestimable value in launching programs which could strike at the roots of Indian poverty. Economic development, housing and other construction, provision of CAP component space, and many other as- pects of the War on Poverty would be facilitated, were such cooperation tl~e rule rather than the exception. There is, additionally, another point to be gained by such cooperation. A number of instances have been reported of surveys being conducted under OEO auspices to gather information already collected by local BIA agencies. Considerable expense and time would have been saved had there been any merehanism in existence to acquaint either or both of these agencies with the other's activities.'3 b. Recommendations (1) Snggested Action-An office should be set up in each reservation or at the appropii ate branch of the consortimn (as augmented), the specific duty of which would be to determine the functions and capacities of each agency con- cerned with Indian affairs on each of the reservations in question, and to co- ordinate their activities. The administering body established for this purpose should not be one of the Government agencies involved, and, therefore, it is suggested that it be formed and directed under the auspices of the proposed enlarged consortium. (2) Snggested Researelb.-Studies of jointly administered Governmental projects leading to greater economic health in Indian communities might be undertaken, so that instances of successful combinations of effort would be re- corded for future use. Should all of the recommendations suggested in the foregoing section be undertaken and prove insightful, CAP programs might then be working as well as could be expected in terms of their present goals; and some innovative be- ginnings might then be under way toward tackling basic economic problems. These problems are intricate, however, and are difficult to disentangle from labor and employment. C. TOWARD ECONOMIC VL&BILITY OF RESERVATIONS One of the most important problems facing Community Action Programs on Indian reservations is their almost total dependence on continued external funding. The programs as currently conceived and operated depend on OEO not only for funds to initiate them, and to nurture their early development- which is the case with almost all community development projects anywhere See III, pp. 40, 68, 77-78, 82. 122-123, 139, 148, 153, 156, 176-179, 192, 209-210, 2~5-25O, 261, 280-281, 320-321, 323, 332-333, 349. `3See III, pp. 50, 54-59, 72-73, 73-74, 132, 136-137, 213, 245-246, 282, 326. PAGENO="0353" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4005 in the world-but these Indian CAPs are also dependent upon O,EO for their continued existence. Without external support, these programs would come to a complete halt. In the light of the past history of relations between the Federal Government and Indian tribes, this situation becomes especially grave. The Indians are very much aware of past inconsistencies in Governmental treatment of them. Whether well-intentioned or not, at any point, Indians have been hurt by these incon- sistencies and are well aware of this. It has been found, on all six reservations, that there is widespread unwillingness to take the objectives of OEO seriously. Rather, there is the established belief that CAPs will not last long, and that in- dividual Indians should just take what they can get while it lasts. This attitude blocks a full commitment by most Indians to the goals of community action. The continual dependence of reservation CAPs on external funding by OEO may be a major causal factor in the unwillingness of Indians to commit them- selves to reservation programs. As CAPs are now organized, one of the major direct beneficiary groups is that constituted by the CAP aides. These aides benefit most directly from the wages they are paid. What they do with this money is thus of critical im- portance in determining the character of the benefits Indians receive from CAPs. In brief, the money received by CAP aides is spent on themselves, their families, and their relatives; but., in spending the money, little or nothing is purchased from other Indians. At best, the Indian may make his purchases from a reserva- tion store, but these stores are almost wholly supplied from non-reservation sources. The implications of this merit examination in slightly more detail. Indian societies are generally kin-based. That is, networks of relatives are the more important of the social-organizational frameworks which condition the activities of individuals. With regard to economic goods, these kin-based frame- works operate in a distributive fashion, tending toward the equalization of the relative amount of goods possessed by individuals across the society at any one time, and for any individual over a period of time. A man who shares with his relatives when he has and they do not, and who is the later recipient of their sharings, is, in his eyes, acting in accordance with his values. To the observer, be is equalizing, over space and time, the distribution of goods. This process of sharing, while contributing to the equalization of the distribu- tion of goods, does not affect the total amount of goods in circulation. The total payroll of Indian CAPs benefits the reservation by no more than exactly what is put in. If, for example, $10,000 is paid in wages by OEO, then there is only $10,000 more on the reservation (minus what may be lost thereby from other sources, such as welfare). This is not the case when a payroll is brought in, say, to `a small non-reservation town. Money introduced into the average town from an external source adds to the amount in circulation by a fa'ctor of approximately three (if the town accords with the national average) ; `that is, every dollar brought in increases the dollars in circulation by approximately three. This oc- curs as the result of investment, credit, and purchases made reciprocally within the area-otherwise known `as the multiplier effect. The problem with Indian reservations in this `light is that there is almost no place or manner for an Indian who receives money to spend it in a way that will benefit other Indians on the reservation. Money that comes in'to `the reserva- tion-from OEO, from the occasional factory, or the like-can stop once at best on the way out of the reservation, in the local general store, perhaps, which is usually supplied from outside the reservation. The situation confronted is that OEO programs are not the sort that continue operating by their `own momentum after initial funding, an'd that money that is currently coming into the reservation from OE'O and other sources is not being dispensed through the reservation in an additive fashion. it is suggested that a method for dealing with both these problems concurrently be considered-a method which entails a program of diversification of economic activities `on reservations. In essence, such a program might consist of the establishment of Indian-owned and operated businesses that cater to the needs of the Indian market: both the production of goods for, and the offering of services to, Indians. This in no sense would "solve" the Indian poverty problem, nor should it be a replacement for programs current'ly offered. Rather, it might serve `to enhance the benefits from the other programs (particularly that aspect of the component programs w'hich entails the payment of wages) and it `would provide at least one OEO-indu'ced program that would be self-maintaining. 80-084-67-Pt. 5-23 PAGENO="0354" 4006 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 The initial orientation of an economic diversification program might be toward the establishment of various "services" on the reservation-welding, automobile repair, shoe, repair, and the like. The particular services on any reservation would be determined by an analysis of current expenditures for items considered "necessary," and an appraisal of which of these might he locally provided. This appraisal could also determine the `feasibility of producing goods for an Indian market (e.g., the establishment of sawmills, or the growing of produce for local sale). Personnel to operate these ventures are in part available from the pool of BIA- trained people `who have returned to the reservation from relocation areas, espe- cially in the light of the possibility that many of the returnees came back not because they were "failures" at `their jobs, `but because they valued the particular qualities of their reservations. Others would need to be trained, and all would need technical assistance in business management-a set of problems distinct from selling the goods or performing the services of the businesses themselves. Problems of training personnel to participate in a program of economic diver- sification are~ related to problems o'f `motivation. Granting adequate motivation, training is not difficult. Evidence now available supports the contention that the prime motivation to participate would be the conviction that benefits could be gained relatively quickly. Indeed, one problem with `CAP programs as they now exist is th'at the benefits to be gained appear to many Indians to be very distant when contrasted with the immediacy of the poverty pressures they face. The advantages of a program leading to economic `diversification can best be expressed by examining the relation of this sort of program to others which attempt to `bring in'dustries which cater to a national market to Indian reserva- tions. In the first place, there are economic and political difficulties involved in bring- ing in "outside" in'dustries. The Economic Development Administration (EDA), which can help finance such moves, is `legally entitled to aid only those plant ex- pansions which `may entail operations in a new area, and to assist in the estab- lishment of new business organizations in poverty areas. E'DA cannot enable a plant to move from one location to another on the grounds that such a move would simply shift unemployment from one area. Furthermore, industries that move from place to place are usually labor-intensive in their operations rather than `capital-intensive, and except for those cases where a firm may move to a more favorable tax `climate, a're usually seeking the cheapest labor they can get. An industry looking for the cheapest possible labor, is perhaps not the best ar- rangement for relieving Indiami poverty.'4 However, there are times when any job is better than none, so that the situation is somewhat `ambiguous. Secondary, the attractions of Indian reservations for these "outside" industries are limited. This is not only due to problems of the lack of basic economic infra- structure-water, electricity, sewage, transportation, and the like-but also to the relative unattractiveness of reservation social amenities-schools, housing, andmedical facilities-in the eyes of the management personmiel who would come into the area with industry. Thirdly, external industry does only a limited amount of good for the res~rva- tion in general. Other than t'he people on the payroll, and those in the distributive networks who share in `the payroll, `there is little benefit to the reservation. This might be solved by `having most of the available Indian labor force on some one payroll, but the unlikelihood under foreseeable conditions of bringing in industry on this scale is demonstrable. A program of economic diversification, however, would seem likely to multiply the benefits to be gaincd not only from OEO funds, but also from the payrolls of such industries as currently do operate on (or might in the near future come to) reservations. Toward `this end we suggest a program of research to further in- vestigate the feasibility of, and to develop models for, diversification of economic activities on Indian reservations, and to lay down guidelines for feasibility studies on selected reservations. Following the development of models embodying economic diversity on Indian reservations, it would `he suggested that efforts be made to explore the appropri- ateness of, and the willingness for, `eooperatiou from other Federal-and perhaps state-agencies. There are, furthermore, `branches o'f OEO that w-ould properly be `~ We may note that all industries operating on the six reservations studied, or in the vicinity of these reservations, but employing a high prol)ortion of Indian labor, paid on a piece-rate rather than hourly-wage basis. PAGENO="0355" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS *~ OF 1 9 6 7 4007 concerned in helping to implement this program (e.g., Title III, "Special Pro- grams to Combat Poverty in Rural Areas"). It seems obvious that the extent to which a program of economic diversification can be implemented depends upon the degree of cooperation from other relevant agencies, and the ability to coordinate these joint endeavors. D. THE POST-POVERTY WORLD OF AMERICAN INDIANS All agencies and interested individuals consulted by HSR staff members On the question of post-poverty models for American Indian life refused to speculate on this matter, replying; in effect, that Indians themselves will have to determine their futui~e. Without questioning the sincerity or essential propriety of this kind of reply, a problem does arise in this context since there are at least two very different roadC out of poverty for American Indians, one leading toward viable, ethnically and culturally separate conimunities, the other toward individual assimilation into American society. Designers of programs to eliminate poverty should take cognizance of which road is envisioned, in the interests of effective- ness. This is not by any means to suggest that one or the other of these two roads is the correct or feasible one. In fact, the main point of this epilogue is to call for the intentional provision of alternative paths to voluntary community pluralism or assimilation. However, it appears essential to recognize w-hich kinds of com- ponents lead in which direction if real prOgress toward either goal is to be achieved. Project Head Start, for example, when properly implemented and fully accepted by and for reservation children, is in reality a first step toward assimilation. The thrust of this project is in the direction of enhancing the likelihood that participating children will he able to function well within the standard American school system. Should thi~ prove to be true, more Indian children are likely to graduate froni high school, and thereby to have learned the techniques and behavior patterns associated with the non-reservation world. They will thus be more likely to find jobs "outside" and relocate. On the other hand, projects such as the T7h-T1~aw-iIvp-Ea-Ju (Coordinated Reservation Plan-See III p. 54ff) being undertaken at the Gila River Reserva- tion, which involves economic, social, and community development along with government and management considerations, leads mainly in the other direction. If successful, the reservation will provide a viable setting wherein Pima Indians can continue to live together and in accordance with their own behavior patterns, rooted in the past, modified by reservation experience, and different from the American norm. There would seem. to be no reason why both paths should not be entered, although flourishing enclaves with value structures differing from the norm have not been common in the American past. Other minorities, both ethnic and ideo- logical, might be intrigued by a successful evolution of Indian communities along these lines. The general impression derived from both the literature and the empirical data acquired in the course of this study is that Indians prefer this path-leading to viable cultural pluralism. They do not particularly, seemingly with rare exceptions, wish to leave the reservation and assume the white man's ways. There is some question as to the cause of this great affection for reservation life (entirely apart from the ordinary pull of birthplace and kin felt by many who are not Indians). One would surmise from some accounts that there is an innate compulsion among Indians to go back to the reservation in the manner of the salmon drawn to itspoint of origin. In reasonable terms, however, could it not be that the Indian returns to the reservation so faithfully because he is usually far less acquainted with the ways of the outside world than other men, and, furthermore, enters a world almost uniformly unfriendly and cold, indifferent to his wants and idiosyneracies? If a thoroughly successful effort to educate and acculturate could be envisione~l, combined with an equally successful effort to provide a ~\`i~lcoming and sustaining environment in the outside world, perhaps a fair number of Imidians would lose their reluctance toward taking the step of ieloc'~tion "nd "s'~mmmlation Perh'ips not At any rate pim ious efforts 1 i thm~ directiop have not been sufficiently coordinated or intensive to produce the conditions whereby this hypothesis niight be tested. Given existing conditions, Indians, on the reservations studied, frequently appear to be aware of the unstated bias toward assimilation of a number of CAP components, and under these conditions, to reject them as anything other PAGENO="0356" 4008 ECONOMIC. OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 than a temporary source of funds or diversion. It is conceivable that integrated programs avowedly pointed in each of the directions discussed above, and pre- sented to Indians, as such, for voluntary choice, might generate far more enthusiasm than the present offerings with no attendant clear conceptualization of ultimate outcomes. To achieve any success, with such a two-fold approach, description of these outcomes would have to be phrased in terms of immediately perceivable benefits, in order to meet the present tendency on the part of Indians to think in terms of immediate gains rather than long-term goals (at least in the Northern Plains). Programs geared toward assimilation would have to be made much more powerful than they are now in the directions noted above, while those intended to create economically viable reservation communities would require the coordination of many Government agencies. Before undertaking this double approach toward a truly voluntary, yet clearly directional set of ways out of poverty, a number of surveys and research projects would be in order. Those bearing upon the economic development of reservations have been touched upon earlier in this report (See `~T.C, Toward Economic Viability of Reservations). For the facilitation of assimilation for those who want it, comparative applications of studies of the role of voluntary associations in easing the path toward urbanization of tribal groups in other parts of the world (e.g., West Africa), studies of acculturational educational processes under- gone by immigrants and minorities elsewhere (e.g., Yemeni Jews in Israel), and studies of employment patterns bearing on the easy absorption of newly trained groups of people (e.g., practices of U.S. employers in relation to recent high school graduates) would all be of value in expediting the War on Poverty in relation to the American Indian. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ablon, Joan: 1964-Relocated American Indians in the San Francisco Bay area. 1-luinan Organization 24:296-304. Benedict, Ruth: 1934-Patterns of culture. New York, Houghton-Mifflin Co. Collier, John: 1947-Indians of the Americas: the long hop~. New York, New American Library. (Mentor edition.) Dozier, Edward: 1961-The Rio Grande Pueblos. In Perspectives in American Indian culture change, E. H. Spicer, ed. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. 1966-Factionalism at Santa Clara. Ethnology 5 :2. Dunning, R. W.: 1959-Social and economic organization of the Northern Ojibwa. Toronto, University of Toronto Press. Dutton, Bertha P.: 1965-Handbook of Southwestern Indians. Sante Fe. Museum of New Mexico. Eggan, Fred: 1950-Social organization of the western Pueblos. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. 1965-The American Indian. Chicago, Aldine Press. Eicher, Carl K.: 1961-Income improvement on the Rosebud Sioux Reservation. Human Organization special issue 20:191-195. Erikson, Erik H.: 1939-Observations OR Sioux education. Journal of Psychology VII :101- 156. 1963-Childhood and society (2nd ed.). New York, W. W. Norton & Co., Inc. Feraca, Stephen E.: 1966-The political status of the early bands and modern communities of the Oglala Dakota. in Museum News, val. 27, no's. 1-2, Vermil- lion, University of South Dakota Press. Foster, George M.: 1965-Peasant society and the image of limited good. Ameri- can Anthropologist 67 :293-~15. Freud, S.: 1922-Group psychology and the analysis of the ego. London, Interna- tional Psychoanalytic Library. Hackenberg, Robert H.: 1954-Pima field notes. Bureau of Ethnic Research, Uni- versity of Arizona, Tucson, Memeo. Hagan, William T.: 1961-American Indians. Chicago History of American Civi- lization Series, Daniel J. Boorstin (ed.). Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Hickerson, Harold.: 1962-The Southwestern Ohippewa: an ethnohistorical study. American Anthropological Association, Memoir 92. PAGENO="0357" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4009 Huger, Sister Inez Marie: 1939-A social study of one hundred fifty Chippewa families of the White Earth Reservation of Minnesota. Washington, D.C., Catholic University of America. Landes, Ruth: 1937-Ojibwa sociology, vol. 29. Columbia University Contribution to Anthro- pology. New York, Columbia University Press. 1937-The Ojibwa of Canada. In Cooperation and competition among primi- tive peoples. M. Mead (ed.). New York, McGraw-Hill. MacGregor, Gordon H.: 1961-Community development and social adaptation. Human Organization special issue 20:236-242. 1964-Warriors without weapons: a study of the Pine Ridge Sioux. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Malan, Vernon D. and Ernest L. Schusky: 1962-The Dakota Indian community: analysis of the non-ranching population of the Pine Ridge Reservation. South Dakota Agricultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 505. Brookings, South Dakota State College. McNickle, D'arcy: . 1961-Private intervention. Human Organization special issue 20:208-215. 1962-The Indian tribes of the United States: ethnic and cultural survival. Published for the Institute of Race Relations, London, by the Oxford Uni- versity Press, New York and London. Mekeel, H. Scudder: 1936-The economy of a modern Teton Dakota community. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No.. 6.. Meriam, Lewis, et. al.: 1923-The problem of Indian administration. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press. Ortiz, Alfonso: n.d.-Tewa commuters: a study in industrial effects. Unpublished manuscript. .. .. . Rogers, Edward; 1963-The round lake Ojibwa. Toronto, Roya1~ Ontario Museum. Southward, C. H.: 1919-History of irrigation on the Gila River. Hearings before the House Committee on Indian Affairs, 66th Congress. Spicer, E. H.: 1962-Cycles of conquest: the impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the.Indians of the Southwest 1533-1960. Tucson, University of ~Ari.zona Press. . . . . . . Steward, . Julian: 1936-~-The economic and social basis of primitive bands. In essays in anthropology presented to A. L. Kroeber, .R. H. Lowie, (ed.). Berke- ley, University of California Press. Thomas, Robert K.: 1964-Powerless politics. Paper delivered at American Anthropological Association, annual meeting 1964. U.S. Government, Council of Economic Advisors: 1966-Annual report of the Council of Economic Advisors. Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office. U.S. Government, Office of the Federal Register: 1966-1966-67 Government organization manual. Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office. Voget, Fred (ed.) : 1961-American Indians and their economic development. Human Organization special issue, Vol. 20, No. 4. Warren, William W.: 1885-History of the Ojibwa nation. St. Paul, Minnesota Historical Society. Wax, Murray L., Rosalie H. Wax, and Robert V. Dumont, Jr.: 1964-Formal education in an American Indian community. Supplement to Social Problems, Vol 11, No. 4. WTetzler, L.: 1949-History of the Pima. Ph. D. thesis. University of California at Berkeley. Wissler, Clark: 1912-Societies and ceremonial associations of the Oglal division of the Teton-Dakota. American Museum of Natural History Anthropological Paper, Vol. II, Part I. A DESCRIPTION AND EVALUATION OF NEIGHBORHOOD CENTErs A REPORT FOR THE OFFICE OF ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY CONTACT NO. OEO-1257, DECEMBER 1966 The conclusions and recommendations in this report are those of the contractor (Kirschner Associates) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Office of Economic Opportunity or any other agency of the United States Government. PAGENO="0358" * 4010 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 6.7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project was unclerstaken by the central staff of Kirschner Associates with the assistance of university professors who joined the firm to accomplish the field research. The persons who were principally involved with this project are listed below. Central Staff: Mr. Richard W. Kirschner Dr. David W. Varley / Dr. Bert Zippel Field Research Associates: Dr. Mark Abrahamson Dr. Joseph L. Albini Mr. Isaac B. Balbus Mr. Harold Bram Mr. James II. Cobb Dr. William E. Cole Dr. James H. Craig Dr. G. Franklin Edwards Mr. Donald R. Ewan Dr. Robert G. Foster Dr. lWary Ellen Goodman Dr. Edwin S. Harwood Dr. Hannah A. Levin Dr. Frank M. Loewenberg Mrs. Marion C. McPherson Mr. Marvin R. Munsell Mr. Milton J. Peterson Dr. William S. Pooler Most of the information in this report has been obtained as a result of over 500 interviews with private citizens, officials of community action agencies, neighborhood centers and public and private agencies. We gratefully acknowledge the kind and helpful cooperation of all those contacted. The Program Evaluation Division, Community Action Program, Office of Economic Opportunity provided the funds for this project. Mr. William C. Law- rence, Chief of this Division, and his staff were most helpful while encouraging us to exercise our own discretion and judgment. The judgments, as well as the errors of omission and commission, are solely the responsibility of Kirschner Associates. PAGENO="0359" CONTENTS I. Introduction: Page Purpose of Research Program 4012 The Time Setting 4012 Background 4012 II. Research Program 4013 Centers Researched 4013 Staffing 4013 Research Procedures 4014 The Research Environment 4014 III. Conceptual and Organizational Background 4015 Introduction 4015 Conceptual Background - - 4015 Organizational Arrangements 4016 IV. The Role of the Neighborhood Center 4017 Introduction 4017 The Service Role 4018 The Counnunity Action Role 4019 Perceptions of Center Roles 4021 Center Organization 4021 Summary -. 4023 V. Outreach and Participation 4023 Introduction 4023 Outreach Techniques 4024 Client Characteristics and Viewpoints - 4024 Resident Staff Members 4026 Organization For Outreach aiid~ Participation 4027 Summary 4028 VI. Activities of the Neighborhood Centers 4028 Introduction 4028 Service Activities 4028 Community Action Efforts - 4030 Costs of Neighborhood Centers 4031 VII Evaluation Criteria 4032 Outreach 4033 Integration 4034 Maximum Feasible Participation 4035 Significant Change 4036 Reasonable Cost 4038 Summary 4039 VIII. Recommendations 4039 The Role of the Center 4039 Training 4040 Organizational Arrangements 4041 Center Leadership 4042 Summary 4042 LIST OF APPENDIXES Appendix Page I. Selected Characteristics of Communities With Centers Surveyed--- 4043 II. Types of Services by Community Size 4043 III. Percentage Distribution of Clients' and Officials' Perceptions of Center Functions 4043 IV. Percentage Distribution of Characteristics of Clients and Residents Interviewed 4044 \T~ Percentage Distribution of Client and Resident Responses to Se- lected Questions 4044 VI. Percentage Distribution of Characteristics of Center Staff Members Interviewed 4046 VII. Center Training Programs 4047 `STIll. Distribution of Particular Services Among Neighborhood Centers Grouped by Size Class 4048 4011 PAGENO="0360" 4012 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 I. INTRODUCTION PURPOSE OF RESEARCH PROGRAM This report presents the results of a research project designed to describe and evaluate the neighborhood service center concept and program on a national basis. The purpose of this project is to provide data, analyses and recommenda- tions about neighborhood service centers for Office of Economic Opportunity officials who formulate and administer national policies concerning the Com- munity Action Program. The emphasis of this project is not to describe and evaluate particular neigh- borhood service center operations in terms of their efficiency, or effectiveness. By utilizing specific cases as examples, however, it is intended that the presenta- tion herein will reveal the facts,,relationships, attitudes, procedures and problems which bear significantly on the extent to which the goals of the neighborhood service center program are and indeed can be achieved. This project is considered to be an evaluation of neighborhood service centers and thus relies heavily on the perceptions, judgments and values of the con- tractor. An effort has been made, however, to provide in the text and appendices full documentation for statements and sufficient evidence so that independent evaluations can be reached. It is hoped that this presentation is useful to admin- istrators. who may utilize this report in ways not fully anticipated when the project was undertaken. THE TIME SETTING The Economic Opportunity Act was signed into law two years prior to the time the field research for this' project was completed. This Act, and especially Title Il-Urban and Rural Community Action Programs, was devised as an attack that is supposed to deal not only with the manifestations of poverty but with its causes. Fundamental changes in society and the relationships of the poor to their environment were suggested by this legislation. Emphasis was placed on education, on employment opportunities and on basic human aspira- tions and relationships. Further, a new and, in many respects, unique admin- istrative structure had to be devised de novo for the implementation of the goals of the Act. Community Action Programs and negihborhood service centers, both viewed as among the most innovative of the OEO concepts, are less than two years old. Many have been in existence for even shorter periods. It might therefore be said that it is presumptuous as well as unscientific to attempt an evaluation so early in the history of a program which is designed to make changes that can occur only in generations. It is, of course, obvious that an evaluation at this early date can not be completely authoritative and indeed it is possible that inaccurate estimates or trends will be made. Nevertheless, administrators are faced with decisions that must be made today. It is obvious that these decisions can be made more intelligently if they are based on accurate information as well as perceptive analysis. Thus, one can not avoid the necessity for making evalu'ations even with less than perfect knowledge and timing. It is emphasized, however that all of the conclusions and recommendations presented in this report must be viewed in the appropriate time focus. As indi- cated, the program is still very new and there is evidence that there are very marked changes taking place almost constantly and in almost all areas in basic relationships, attitudes, accomplishments and problems. Thus, this report is a picture at one point in time of `a fast-moving program in its early stages of development. This suggests that firm judgment's should be tempered by limita~ tions of perspective. BACKGROUND The community Action Program is conceived as a means of mobilizing available public and private resources for a coordinated attack on poverty at the local level. The key word of the designation is "community" for it distinguishes this program `from the somewhat standardized national program's authorized by sections other than Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act. Community Action Agencies (C'AA's) h'ave been forińed in counties, cities, `and towns throughout the country to im'plement the community action program. The CAA's differ from one to another in almost every significant respect but neighborhood service centers are a Conspicuous and generally impoi-tant feature of every local anti-poverty ~rogram. It is important to understand neighborhood centers because they are PAGENO="0361" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4013 vital elements of most anti-poverty efforts and Community Action Program activities. This report consequently considers centers in the context of their CAA relationships and strives to aescribe the essence of these relationships. The neighborhood service center concept is variously interpreted in different communities. Even though Washington GAP officials have demonstrated that they adhere to certain general views of the roles and activities of neighborhood service centers, they have attempted to encourage diversity on the theory that local requirements should shape the purposes, organization and operations of centers. Consequently, neighborhood centers differ in name, organization, goals and activities. In view of the variety and diversity associated with neighborhood service centers, it is appropriate to consider what common characteristics unite them into a group that is worthy and possible of special study. Neighborhood service centers, variously known as centers, outposts, boards and councils, all have a distinct though not necessarily uniform, relationship to the CAA. In almost all cases they are funded by the CAA, report to the CAA, and have some type of integral relationship with the CAA. OAA's are organized to deal with community- wide anti-poverty programs but centers tend to concentrate on a particular geographic area within the total community. The centers are conceived as organi- zations that relate directly to the people in a neighborhood, that have intimate ties with these people and that represent these people as well as serve them. It is the "grass roots" aspect of the anti-poverty program, and it is fundamental to the philosophy that the poor shall be better served and more effectively repre- sented. It is hazardous to attempt to describe in more detail the common elements of neighborhood service centers because exceptions become too prevalent. Because centers are the contact points with the poor in most communities and because the centers have been considered as the logical places for the maximum feasible participation of residents and members of groups served, centers have been targets for criticisms of all types. This report is viewed neither as a confir- mation nor refutation of the charges of critics. It is written to provide facts and informed judgments on a complex and delicate subject of very central im- portance to the war on poverty. II. RESEARCH PROGRAM CENTERS RESEARCHED Officials of Washington GAP selected twenty neighborhood service centers in seventeen communities to be considered in this research project. These centers were chosen to be a representative sample of the then approximately 175 centers in operation. The centers were chosen to represent each geographic region of the country and to illustrate also what were considered to be typical examples of the major different types of approaches, organizational arrangements and problems. As the contractor does not have knowledge about the entire "universe" of centers, no judgment can be offered as to the reliability of the sample. Two additional comments may be offered on this subject: first, those centers investi- gated do represent a great deal of variety in almost every sense; and second, some CAA directors indicated their feelings that the centers being studied in their communities were not typical. Generalizations about the neighborhood service center program are offered in this report. It must be remembered that these generalizations are based solely on the research carried on at twenty centers as well as less intensive observations of four other centers. Of the centers studied in depth four are located in rural areas, eleven are in metropolitan cities with populations in excess of a million people and five are in medium size communities. Attachment I describes the twenty centers studied and those with knowledge of other centers would be in a position to judge if these centers appear to be a reliable sample of a larger universe. To repeat, the analysis, conclusions and recommendations are based solely on investi- gations conducted at twenty centers. STAFFING This research project was designed and supervised by our central staff. The field work was conducted under central staff direction by eighteen university- associated professionals having intimate knowledge of the areas in which they worked. Most of the data in this report and many of the judgments are based PAGENO="0362" 4014 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 upon field reports submitted by our field research associates. Thus, this project has the benefit of utilizing persons having considerable insights into the com- munities where the research was being conducted. On the other hand, the person- nel biases of the researchers inescapably influenced the reports they prepared. The central staff has made every effort to sift out these biases but it would not be charge of this project visited centers in four different communities to obtain some point of view. RESEARCH PROCEDURES Before preparing a detailed research design the central staff members in charge of this project visited centers in four different communities to obtain some insights into the basic operations and problems likely to be encountered. Using these visits as background, preliminary research designs were prepared and were tested at four centers. The field tests of the design revealed the need for inodifi- cation of the initial instruments. The initial approaches were subsequently modi- fied and utilized throughout the project including the four test areas. Appendix I is a copy of the instructions and questionnaires utilized in the project. It is to be noted that different questionnaires were developed for each of the major categories of repondents and in addition the field research associate was respon- sible for completing a report containing factual materials as well as his judg- ments based on the research he had conducted. During the course of this project interviews were conducted with forty-six CAA board of directors members, forty-two CAA staff people, thirty-three center board members, twenty-one center directors, over one hundred other center staff mem- bers, eighty staff members and officials of other agencies relating to the center program and almost two hundred clients of the centers. In total, more than five hundred interviews were conducted with persons having some direct relationship with the center program. A definite pattern was provided for the interviews but it was not rigid. It was designed to provide respondents with the opportunity to express themselves fully on certain subjects rather than to have them choose their answers from alternatives offered to them. Thus, while the interviews were designed `to obtain responses that could be analyzed on comparative bases, indi- vidual expression was not precluded. All persons interviewed were encouraged to respond freely and they were assured that no statements made would be identified with them. It is for this reason that the names of none of the communities, centers or individuals are mentioned in this report., An average of over eighty hours was devoted to the field work for each center. Within this period the field research associates familiarized themselves with the project and pertinent background materials, arranged for interviews, traveled to various offices to conduct interviews, observed center activities and interview-ed appropriate persons and wrote necessary reports. In view of the range of activi- ties to be accomplished within a relatively `brief period, it must be understood that all areas of inquiry were not pursued with equal intensity. Effort was concen- trated on those areas which were judged to be most significant to the philosophy, operations, problems and achievements of the centers. As previously indicated, almost two hundred persons regarded as clients of centers were interviewed. These two hundred persons tended. to be those with knowledge of the center and already having some relationship to it. `They do not represent a sample of the total market for servicesin the neighborhood. Thus, when interpreting the results `of these interviews it is importan't to recognize the bias inherent in the sample. In addition to these interviews, there were less- structured meetings with neighborhood people selected at random. These infor- mal interviews took place to obtain at least some idea of the views of neighbor- hood residents who might have no relationship to the center. In addition to utilizing interview-s as a means of obtaining information, opinions and attitudes, the field research associates spent time attending meetings as well as collecting and analyzing written reports. The central staff has also reviewed and analyzed all `these data. These data have been coded, manipulted statistically and analyzed also on an impressionistic basis. Thus, it is felt that this final report represents a very careful review of the information made available to us and an honest attempt to present it completely, usefully and accurately. THE RESEARCH ENvIRoNMENT It was mentioned previously that this research project takes place at an early date in the history of neighborhood service centers. It was not surprising to find, therefore, that there were extensive and fundamental changes taking place while PAGENO="0363" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4015 we were pursuing our field inquiries. In addition, the field research took place during the summer when there were severe riots, demonstrations and other vio- lent mass actions in some of the areas where we were working. It is felt that in certain cases the unusual circumstances served to illuminate problems, relation- ships and other aspects of center operations. It is suspected that in other cases the tensions and suspicions of those interviewed resulted in answers that were somewhat less than candid. For the most part, however, our personnel received the full cooperation of all those contacted and it is believed that responses were truly revealing of facts, attitudes and viewpoints. Therefore, the information presented in this report is considered reliable and can be utilized confidently as a basis for judgments and plans concerning peighborhood service centers. III. CONCEPTUAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION To understand neighborhood service centers one must have some knowledge of the conceptual and organizational environment in which they exist. This section of the report is designed to provide the type of background information whic'h is well known to those intimately involved with OEO operations but which may not be known to all those who may be concerned with the content of this report. The focus of this section is only on those factors of the environment which appear to relate most directly to the goals, activities, problems and accomplishments of neighborhood centers. Neighborhood service centers are members of the OAF family and thus this section is focused on describing the aspects of CAP's that are relevant. The materials are arranged to present the basic conceptual framework for CAP's and neighborhood centers and then the organizational devices utilized to carry out these concepts. CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 broadly defines a community action program to mean a program which (1) mobilizes and utilizes public and private resources of an area in an attack on poverty; (2) provides services, assistance and agiivities of sufficient scope and size to give promise of progress toward elimination of poverty or a cause or causes of poverty through developing employment opportunities, improving human performance, motivation, and pro- ductivity, or bettering the conditions under which people live, learn and work; and (3) which.is developed, conducted and administered with the maximum feas- ible participation of residents of the areas and members of the groups served.1 This broad legislative mandate proposes significant changes in prevailing atti- tudes, institutions and mpdes of operation with respect to the past. The traditional concepts ~of dealing with poverty are regarded as inadequate and new ones have been proposed in administrative interpretations of the basic legislation. These concepts are reviewed below under separate headings hut they are all closely related under the broad goal of changing the basic relationships of poor people to the society in which they live. One clear legislative and administrative emphasis of the program is on involve- ment of all groups, including the poor and minorities, which are concerned with the elimination of poverty. Pre-existing efforts are believed to have been frac- tionated, narrow and inadequate to the magnitude and complexity of the problems confronted. Moreover, they have been conceived and executed with little or no active participation of the groups to be served. The CAP approach is to be coin- prehensive in scope and involvement at the local level. There are a number of corollary concepts to the one above. First, the capabili- ties of existing organizations are to be integrated into the program. Second, the overall program control is to be such that the traditional relationships of these organizations to the poor are modified by operation in the context of the CAP. Third, that the relationships among groups concerned with poverty will be reorganized and re-focused to provide a more comprehensive and en- lightened approach. Another clear emphasis of the legislation and its subsequent administration has been on the thought that the local community should develop its own solutions to its own problems. The emphasis is away from professional guidance Economic Opportunity Act of 1064, Title II, Part A, Sec. 202. PAGENO="0364" 4016 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS. OF 19 67 and direction from federal officials. Not only has the emphasis on local coin- munity initiative and operation been given lip service but, for the most part, the federal guidelines have been so general that local planning has been manda- tory. Without regard to the merits of the case for local autonomy within very broad constraints, it is clearly being emphasized in the CAP. Traditionally, the poor have been regarded as outcasts from society. Charita- ble impulses have governed the provision of services to those whose resources and capabilities were inadequate. The CAP is based on the concept that the poor, who may be disadvantaged through circumstances largely beyond their personal control, are to be considered a part of society and that they are en- titled to the benefits that our society can offer. Thus, they are to be en- couraged to participate in programs on a basis of equality with the persons and institutions that have heretofore largely controlled their destinies. An entirely new concept of the status and role of the poor is thus suggested and promoted by the CAP. Without exploring in detail the rationale for the concepts outlined above and without discussing fully their implications, it can nevertheless be seen that rather fundamental changes of outlook and operation are envisaged by the community action program. Novel institutional and organizational arrange- ments have been designed to implement these concepts and the eyistence of neighborhood service centers is one prominent feature of these arrangements. ORGANIZATIONAL ARRANGEMENTS Variety of organizational form is evident in the CAP's studied in this project. Nevertheless, there seem to he some general patterns that have been devised to carry out the basic concepts of the program. First to be considered are the community action agency aspects. The CAA is the organization that is supposed to represent broadly the com- munity in its dealings with the federal government on the one hand and with local groups or persons providing or receiving services on the other. The CAA is viewed as the pivotal organization in the program. The CAA operates some programs with its own staff, delegates programs to other local organizations and involves itself in a coordinating role with other programs not funded by OEO. Typically, neighborhood centers are grass roots extensions of the CAA and are operated with staff selected and paid by the CAA and within programs and concepts devised by the CAA. Policies are generally established for CAA's by a board of directors com- posed of a membership which is supposed to represent all elements of the com- munity including the poor and minority groups. Prominently represented on most CAA boards are municipal government, traditional private social service organizations, business, religious groups and spokesmen for minorities. In every few cases do the poor either in theory or in fact control the hoards. The boards not only represent different community interests but they tend to establish the patterns of relationships among these interests, in~d these patterns tend to he pervasive throughout all local CAP activities. Thus, if there: are to be close and effective relationships between a CAP activity and a city department, for instance, these relationships are generally arranged at the highest level, that is, the CAA board or executive committee. The hoard not only is responsible for policy; it generally selects the CAA director and the person selected is usually a reflection of the dominate interests on the board. There are cases where weak boards and strong directors co- exist and the latter are the dominant forces. However, the relationships be- tween the board and chief executive appear to be traditional in this type of organizational arrangement. The CAA director has been observed to be the most important figure in the operations of the CAP. He is generally responsible for program formulation end for management of the affairs of the CAA. He also is generally instru- mental in shaping the nature of the relationships with the neighborhood serv- ice centers and their programs and focus. As previously indicated, the role and activities of neighborhood centers are shaped most significantly by officials at the CAA level. In some cases, cen- ters are considered to be essential to the entire CAP effort and all CAP programs are funneled through centers to the neighborhoods. The centers play an important role of recruiting clients and workers for CAP programs in these cases. In other communities, CAP activities are operated independently of neigh- borhood centers, and centers are concerned with a limited number of programs PAGENO="0365" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4017 they administer directly. Thus, center activities, as previously indicated, are largely a function of administrative decisions made at another. level. At the neighborhood level there exist advisory councils composed of local people with an interest in anti-poverty work. These councils play a number of roles. First, they usually elect some of their members to represent the poor of the neighborhood `on the CAA board and this "inter-locking" of directorates provides a certain `~easure of communication and coordination between the two levels. Second, the councils are supposed to represent the views of the neigh- borhood people to those managing the centers so that the programs coincide with the desires of the local people. Third, the councilr often represent the cen- ter to the people. In some cases, the neighborhood councils actually control cen- ter policies, programs, budgets and personnel selection. More commonly, the councils are merely advisory, and control of center activities is largely lodged with the CAA. In certain rural areas there are no centers as physical entities but field work- ers from the CAA perform center functions of reaching the poor and assisting them. More typical to the urban setting is a center with a physical presence in a neighborhood. These centers generally have a director, some professional staff and some non-professional workers from the local neighborhood. Large centers with many employees-and some have as many as 200----are usually organized along functional lines traditional to established social agencies. Thus, there may be departments dealing with employment, welfare, health, education, children, etc. In smaller centers, the organization tends to be less formal and compartmentalized. The organizational innovation represented by the centers is the fact that they tend to decentralize services into neighborhoods where they are needed and they emphasize reaching out to the poor people of the area. Centers vary in their relationships with other organizations, the particular role they may emphasize, the degree of participation of the poor and other significant mat- ters. A. constant factor, however, is the focus on reaching the poor of the neighborhood. In achieving this goal, most centers employ people from the neighborhood known variously as community workers, organizers or representa- tives. The job of these people is to reach the poor, to advise them of the center's programs, to interest them in participating in center activities and to provide them with or direct them to the services and assistance they need and wan. The neighborhood centers are also important organizational features of the "community action" (as distinguished from service) role of the CAP. Corn- thunity action is considered in a subsequent section of this report which indicates the variety of activities considered to fall within this rubric. At this time it is sufficient to indicate that there is a concern with involving the poor people more actively with the institutions that shape their environment. The neighborhood centers are the focal point for the organizational efforts that result in the partici- pation `of the poor. The paragraph above are not to provide comeptual and organizational details since these are to follow in subsequent sections. Here, an effort has been made to sketch broadly the fundamental concepts and organizational arrangements within which all center activities take place. It is to be remembered that neigh- borhood centers are a significant feature common to almost every CAP. Thus, al- though the observations in this report are based on research at only twenty centers, to the extent that these twenty represent the entire "universe" of centers, the findings are believed to have a wide relevance to the conduct of the community action program. More detail on specific center operations is provided in the descriptive materials included in Attachment number 1. IV. THE ROLE OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD CENTER INTRODUCTION It hats `been said that all generalizations are `but partial truths. This discussion of the role of neighborhood centers is no exception. The diversity in setting,' form, and function exhibited by these local centers is spectacular. In part this can be attributed to the extremely general legislative mandate authorizing the com- munity action program phase of the war on poverty. The guidelines set forth in this Washington legislation are provocative but notably vague and unspecific. Areal resources are to `be mobilized in ways that will permit a variety of different attacks on poverty, including the development of employment opportunities, pro- PAGENO="0366" 4018 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 grams to improve performance skills and motivation, and efforts to promote "maximum feasible participation" of the poor. From such general cues as these we find the entire neighborhood center program developing. Although one would expect program and organizational variety to characterize community responses to this vague and general mandate, the picture becomes even more kaleidoscopic when the different kinds of environmental setting are contemplated.' For example, the twenty centers investigated in this study are scattered from east to west and north to south. They are found in the largest metropolitan areas as well `as in intermediate size cities, small towns and rural areas. Phi's means that the size range of their ta'rget populations is enormous- from a few thousand to over two hundred `thousand. In terms of population composition over two-thirds of the centers have substantial Negro majorities. A few centers also have large proportions of Spanish~speaking minority group people. Yet, important as they are, such differences are likely to mask another and perhaps more important, kind of `diversity-namely, the diversity found among the poor themselves in each locale. `The simple fact is that poor people are not a homogeneous group any more than are rich people or those with moderate means. There are great differences which can affect howT the centers relate to `this poverty "market." For simplicity's sake one might think of the poor as comprising three more or less distinguishable subgroups. First are what might be called the "respectable poor." These are the easy-to-reach poor. They have skills or genuine skill potential's and aremotivated to improve their lot. All they need are opportunities, and they will pull them- selves out of their dependent, poverty status. Second are `what might be called the "problematic poor." These are `the poor `who may or may not be motivated to improve their lot but who `suffer disabilities that keep them in a poverty status. Their disabilities may `be physical, psychological, intellectual, vocational, social or a combination of these. Whatever the situation, they require more serv- ice attention than `the "respectables." `Third are the "disreputable poor." These are the `so-called hard-to-reach poor-the "sociological basket cases." These are people suffering demoralization. They have few if any `skills and no motivation to try to `develop any. Without intensive treatment (the success of which cannot be assured) these people are probably unsalvagea'ble and will require service of a custodial character. Needless to say, neighborhood centers must mount dif- ferent programs to serve the clientele represented by these three ~, distinctive poverty subgroups. In spite of this picture of real and potential diversity sketched' above there are some common elements that serve to identify neighborhood centers as members of a distinctive class of phenomena. One of these is the simple fact of their ex- istence as a local neighborhood enterprise. Indeed, it has been said that the one really inno~ative feature of the whole war on poverty is the effort to' involve the poor in `a participative role through the neighborhood center kind of organiza- tion. Another element common to all centers is that they are of quite recent origin. None of them had been operating more than a year and a half at most when in- vestigated in this study. With such a brief `history behind them none of the centers can `be expected to exhibit `much `sign of `organizatio~a1 maturity. A third element common to all centers is that they are engaged in service and/or community action functions. Perhaps a few words to clarify these functions would be in order here. As used in this report service activity refers to client contact by a more or less specialized functionary who tries to meet some `need of the client. It suggests the idea of an individual with particular problems who need help. This concept of service is distinguished from that of community action which involve's efforts to mobilize people in the community (like the poor) to engage in collective action aimed at resolving some problem or issue. In short, service has an individualized focus: community action has a collective focus. It is, of course, realized that there are marginal cases where this distinction becomes a `bit hazy, as, for example, when a community action effort is mounted to force improvement of a service facility. However, most neighborhood center activities can be unambiguously classified in one or the other of these two categories. Let us now turn `directly to an examination of the general patterns of activities exhibited by these centers. THE 5EEVICE ROLE The first observation to be made about the twenty `centers examined in this `study is that they all are engaged in providing service type `help to the poor, `but a Appendix I for community data and Attachment 1. PAGENO="0367" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4019 the range of such service type help is extremely `broad. Some centers offer a very limited complement of services, specializing, for example, in employment counsel- ing or homemaker programs or headstart efforts for preschool children. Other centers offer a much "richer service fare" with perhaps a dozen or more specific, distinctive services available to their clientel&-truly multipurpose centers. In this regard, there seems to be a slight tendency for centers in the smaller com- munities and rural areas to offer the more diversified programs. One might expect this to be the case in view of the fact that `such locales do not normally have the number and variety `of special service agencies, both public and private, usually found in the larger community. It should be noted, however, that the great majority of centers offer several services to their clientele. The highly specialized center is unusual.' A second general observation about the twenty centers studied is that there are wide differences in the ways the services are provided. That is to say, in some locales the effort is almost exclusively a referral type Of service. In such situa- tions center `personnel function as information agents, advising `their poverty clients as to the services they are eligible for and the `best way to secure such help. This may also involve the counselors accompanying the clients to the service agency offices or in other ways following up `the referrals. In other situations the centers operate as outpost sites for the actual dispensing of services. In other words, clients go to the center where they receive right on the premises the services they require. In point of fact, most of the centers engage in both types of activity. Only one center was reported as exclusively referral in function, and only one center was reported as having no referral follow-up. Where the center is functioning as an outpost site it is common for outside agency personnel like employment counselors or public health hurses to dispense their `services at the center. This, of course, points up the need for the center personnel to be on work- ing terms with the various service agencies in the community. It should also be noted here that where `the center `has professional members on its staff, services are provided by them at the center. All but five of the centers in this study have recognized professional's as members of their employed staff. A third general observation about the twenty centers studied here is that the overwhelming bulk of their service functions involve what might be called traditional services. That is to say, very few of the services being provided by the centers are "new inventions." Rather, they have been around for quite a long time as a sort of pharmacopoeia of public and ~irivate responses to various prob- lemns and ills of the society. What `is innovative here is the "packaging" of these nostrums in neighborhood center programs. This may, of course, involve intro- clueing to poverty areas for the first time particular kinds of service which were in effect previously unavailable to some population groups needing them. In such cases the proffered services are "new" to the client and possibly the area. Perhaps we can summarize this point by saying that with respect to services for the poor, the neighborhood service center effort represents an organizational innovation rather than a substantive one. A fourth general observation about these twenty centers is that most of the employed personnel in most of the centers have picked up the rhetoric about "coordinating" services for the poor and helping to "organize the poor to help themselves." However, evidence of success in these two major endeavors is very skimpy. To do the first job requires considerable sophistication in organizational matters as well as highly trained counselors. Both of these requisites are in short supply everywhere. Furthermore, because of the deliberate effort in the poverty programs to use untrained neighborhood people wherever possible, the shortage of highly trained counselors here is particularly acute. The second job, of course, is a community action type of function which requires more extensive discussion. THE COMMIJNITY ACTION ROLE Perhaps the most general statement to be made about community action, which represents a fifth observation about the twenty centers viewed as a whole, is that clear evidence of effective work in this phase of center programming is simply not to be found. What does appear to the field investigator is a potpourri of rather fitful actions which are often ill-timed and unplanned. In an effort to provide some semblance of order to a discussion of the community action phase of the neighborhood center role the following categories of community action are examined separately: action to modify existing services, action to create new See Appendix II. PAGENO="0368" 4020 ECQNOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 services, action to change the face of the neighborhood environment, and action to change the political or power structure of the community. With respect to the first category listed, the kinds of actions engaged in tend to be focused on changing the rules governing the provision of services-espe- cially employment and welfare services. Technically speaking, not all of the efforts aimed at altering the rules represent community action. However, the potential of genuine community action can and does lie behind much of the rule changing effort. For example, in one community the standard service agencies initiated their own review and reappraisal of policies and regulations so as to preclude militant action by center personnel and their clientele. To illustrate the kinds of issues involving rules, we might consider employ- ment service. It is standard agency procedure to limit the employment possibili- ties for young men who have a police record. However, in many poverty areas the proportion of youth with police records is very high. Consequently, employ- ment counselling in accordance with traditional agency practice can have little effect in the area. In a few communities efforts have been made to alter the traditional practice either by erasing records of arrest for minors or by trying to persuade employers to hire youth who have had a brush with the law~ In these efforts center personnel have played important roles. Unfortunately, however, the cases of this are infrequent. The usual pattern is one in which center service policy is tradition bound. In regard to empolyment this means that the emphasis is almost exclusively on fitting the poor to the needs of the employer and his job rather than trying to modify the job situation so that the poor can qualify for it. With respect to action designed to create new services it should be recalled from earlier comments that very little specific service activity of the centers is new in the sense of being "newly invented." However, for particular areas and their populations the introduction of certain services well rooted in general tra- dition may represent a real innovation. Examples of this sort of thing would include tutoring programs, day care nurseries, thrift shops, recreation programs, etc. By and large the initiation of such proposals rests with center staff or board members after which efforts are launched to generate widespread resident sup- port. Not infrequently such efforts come to naught-the victims of budgetary vetoes at a higher level in the OEO organization. That is to say, most proposals for new services involve costs which frequently cannot be budgeted. Unless the mobilization of resident support for such new services carries some "clout," they are likely to receive only casual attention from personnel at the CAA level of organiaztion. The third category of community action listed earlier involves the idea of changing the face of the neighborhood environment. This kind of effort usually focuses on mobilizing residents to clean up and repair their neighborhoods. The thought behind this type of action seems to be that of trying to generate interest among the residents in improving the conditions of their daily life. Pleasant sur- roundings are presumed to make for spiritual uplift. Such programs were not very conspicuous among the twenty centers studied here. Nine centers had mounted such efforts and all of these were initiated by CAA officials. Our impres- sion is that this type of community action is not a spontaneous thing for poverty area residents. Rather it is a middle-class concern reflecting dismay primarily at the symptoms of the poverty "disease." The fourth and last category of community action refers to changes intended to alter the political power structure of the communty. This is far and away the most controversial aspect of community action. As might be expected, very few of our centers are involved in this type of community action, for in a sense it constitutes the act of biting the hand that feeds one. It also requires some sophis- tication in leadership which is not in long supply. What there is seems to linked up with protest groups in the civil rights movement. This also helps to account for why this type of community action tends to be a big city kind of phenomenon. One of the typical targets of such action is slum housing. It is a "natural" cause around which to rally the poverty area residents because it is a gi~awing irrita- tion that is very conspicuous. Furthermore, it involves "bad guy" symbols against whom the pent up frustrations of the poor can easily be directed. The question of whether such actions can provide the foundation for a viable organ- ization of the poor that must be reckoned with in terms of political power cannot be answered at the present time. PAGENO="0369" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4021 PERCEPTIONS OF CENTER ROLES The previous discussion represents the picture of the actual role of the neigh- borhood centers as they have appeared through our research investigations. At this point, however, it would be interesting and instructive to note how different participants in the war on poverty perceive these centers. The most dramatic difference appears between clients' perceptions and those of the administrators and board members.1 The clients' ideas about what the center is supposed to do are overwhelmingly service in orientation. In their view the purpose of the center is to help people by providing them with the services they need. The idea of organizing the poor to help themselves is not very promient in the clients' perceptions. This seems to be especially true in the larger cities. On the other hand, when the views of the administrators and board members are examined, the community action function of the center becomes considerably more conspicu- ous, and relatively speaking the service function idea declines in importance. This contrast between the perceptions of the client types and administrator types is perhaps to be expected. After all, from the point of view of a poverty client the problem of no job or a sick spouse or an alcoholic brother is hardly something to be resolved by "organizing the poor to help themselves." Yet, by the same token, the administrators' perspectives provide a picture of countless cases of unemployment, ill health, alcoholism, etc., all bound together in a reinforcing network sometimes called the "culture of poverty." To attack such a complex horror armed only with the we'apons of individualized service is hardly a tactic that inspires confidence and optimism. Of course, it should be noted here that the kind of community action generally envisioned `by the administrative types is not that which threatens the political establishment. In fact, to forestall any such development it is common for the political establishment to try to control the poverty program in the community. Wherever this has occurred and been successful, the neighborhood center programs are almost exclusively service in character with only the tamest kinds of community action in evidence, such as fix-up and paint-up projects. The perceptions of `one other category of OEO participants shoUld be noted before we leave this discussion. These are the public and private agency person- nel-the school people, the welfare people, the public health people, the family service people, etc. An examination of their responses to the question of what the functions of neighborhood centers are reveals a very strong service orientation.2 This is to be expected. They are, after all, presumably expert servicers. Com- munity action is not only far removed from their routines and interests; it is probably regarded as a bit of a threat, if it is contemplated at `all. In concluding this discussion one final observation might be made which dis- tinguishes welfare agency people from other agency people. There is in the large cities a clear tendency for welfare people to see the center as a place in which clients receive service. On the other hand, non-welfare agency people in large cities clearly see the center as a referral point with actual service being provided else- where. One might speculate that this differential perception simply reflects differ- ences in the experiences the several agencies have had in `dealing with a poverty clientele. CENTER ORANIZATION It will be recalled that at the beginning of this discussion on the role `of the neighborhood center the point was made that the legislative mandate underlying the whole community action program is extremely general and vague. This situa- tion has given rise to an interesting organizational problem involving the neigh- borhood centers and various established service agencies in the community. Es- sentially the problem is this: the neighborhood centers are usually highly un- strueted focal points for service agencies that are themselves highly structured. What this means is that a variety `of traditional agency routines regulations, and policies are being `brought to `bear on an enterprise that has no clearly established ways of dealing with them; In this kin'd of organizational vacuum it is not sur- prising to find different functionaries trying to hammer out a modus operandi and in the process, frequently creating great stresses and strains. Indeed, it is our belief that a good deal of the trouble attributed to personality factors can he traced to this unsettled organizational situation. Where structure is vague and ill-defined, personality factors have opportunities for free expression not normal- 1 See Appendix III. 2 Ibid. 80-084-67-Pt. 5-24 PAGENO="0370" 4022 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ly available. There are, however, a number of other observations on the organiza- tional arrangements surrounding the establishment of neighborhood centers that might be mentioned here. First, to elaborate a bit on the point just presented above, where the initial efforts to establish a CAP involve consultation with an cooperation from tradi- tional agencies, conflict between the neighborhood center operation and the tradi- tional service agencies is minimal. Although this is to be expected, it i's not an idle or casual observation. Most of our researchers report conflict and tension between center programs and personnel and such traditional service organiza- tions as welfare and education. It is apparent that these types of traditional service organization regard the CAP phase of the war on poverty as a threat to the status quo. After all, from one point of view the very existence of much of the CAP effort testifies to the failure of traditional methods of coping with poverty. Accordingly, it is not surprising to find suspicion at least and more often outright antagonism appearing in the ranks of the service "establishment" when CAA operation's like neighborhoo'd service centers loom on the horizon. In this regard, some perceptive `CAA boards have with some success tri'ed to alleviate the diffi- culties by using traditional service agencies as delegate agencies for CAP activities. A second observation reiterates a point alluded to in passing a bit earlier- namely, `that there is a natural tendency for the social and political establishment of a community to seek control `over the war-on-poverty effort. There is money and with it power involved in this effort. No astute political organization can permit such a resource to develop capriciously and without direction. Thus, we see efforts by the powers-that~be to bring the GAA and its programs under establishment control. Sometimes this is done by making the CAA a department of the municipal administrative structure `and thereby making all war-on-poverty employees in effect city employees. At other times the same effect is produ'ced by the establish- ment `exercising `control over .the composition of the governing board of the poverty organization, usually the CAA board of directors. In either case, control over `budget allocations and the hiring of personnel provides the kind of leverage needed to control and, if necess'ary, suppress di'sturbing innovations. As was noted earlier, where the community establishment has succeeded in exercising this kind of control, the neighborhood center program is almost exclusively service in character, with very little community action., This situation seems to obtain most noticeably in small communities and rural `areas. However, it also appears in one of the largest communities `studied, and signs of it a're `evident in other good size communities. A third observation relates to the general nature or character of the center organization. Where the centers are `tightly organized with `clear, precise func- tions and status levels specified, the clientele tend to `be unresponsive. These are people to whom formal, bureaucratic organization is intimidating. It `appears to them to be cold, impersonal, `detached, unsympathetic. `The `difficulty here is not entirely relieved by the interëession of neigh'borhood orga'nizers-tha't is, neigh- `borhood resi'dents employed `by the center to make contact with the clients. Al- though these local resident employees can do `a lot to "humanize" the large, bureau- cratically organized centers, they are not magicians. The fact is that the large centers are not very inviting, especially to the more serious poverty cases-those types labeled earlier `as "problematic" and "disreputable." All of this suggests, of course, that the points of articulation between the clientele and the poverty or- ganization should `be carefully considered and subtly contrived. This is par- ticulary difficult to achieve in neighborhood centers with staffs of from fifty to two hundred employees. `A fourth observation brings into focus the composition of the governing board of the CAA. This usually is' the board of directors, members of which are drawn from a'll relevant parts of the community. Thus we typically find representatives from public and private welfare organizations, religious groups, municipal agen- cies, business interests, educational institutions, and the poor themselves. The point here is that `of `all these representatives, the types most `knowledgeable about the problems being addressed, tend to be the poor themselves and the welfare agency people. Since the former have proven to be rather withdrawn and inartic- ulate representatives, it is the welfare agency people who tend to dominate the business `of the board. This means that their traditional service perspective is likely to be the one adopted by the board as policy and program guide. Is it sur- prising that service innovation is not very conspicuous in the program's of most PAGENO="0371" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4023 centers? Perhaps it should be noted here that in most of the communities studied effective control of the centers is exercised at the CAA level. The fourth observation presented above leads us rather directly to a fifth which deals with the center proper. In terms of organization most centers have a director, usually hired at the CAA level, a staff of professionals and non-pro- fessionals who work under him, and a neighborhood area advisory board. This last feature of center organization typically consists of local area residents, some of whom represent organizations in the area like churches, YMCA's, civil rights groups, etc., and others who represent the people at large. These advisory boards are intended to inform the center director and staff about the needs and wishes of the area residents. Parenthetically, these boards also usually send one or two representatives to sit on the GAA board of directors. This is one of the common procedures for getting representatives of the poor on the CAA governing board. Two problems frequently arise with respect to the neighborhood advisory board. One is the problem of how adequately the poor are represented on the board. It appears that quite often the representatives of the poor are "company men." That is to say, they are cooperative participants in center programs who can be relied on to support the status quo of the center and not "rock the boat." It might also be noted here that our field researchers report almost unanimously that the participation of the poor in policy and program decisions is very inef- fectual both at the local center level and at the OAA board level. This should not be surprising. If one is not very "verbal" in the first place, a formal board type meeting is hardly the setting for putting one's best foot forward. It takes experience to learn how to function in such a setting. The second problem involves the question of power. As noted in the second observation discussed earlier, control of the poverty program is not an idle task. Such control rests in the hands of those in charge of budget allocations and hiring. ~Needless to say, local neighborhood advisory boards have little to say about these matters. This means that unless center programs have the approval of CAA. personnel they won't be implemented regardless of local advisory board support. When this "fact of life" is finally realized by local advisory board members, it often stirs resentment, disillusionment or both. SUMMARY The previous paragraphs and the descriptive materials of Attachment 1 indicate the great variety of roles with which centers are involved. It must also be noted that there are incompatibilities among certain types of roles both within centers and in terms of center relationships with other organizations. The evidence indicates that it is extremely rare to find both aggressive coin- munity action and well executed service programs within the same center. The attitudes and organizational arrangements associated with aggressive com- munity action appear to preclude effective service programs most of which involve well-established agencies. It is not surprising that these agencies find it difficult to cooperate with organizations having the mission of radical change. On the othe.r hand, accommodations between centers and traditional agencies are noted in cases w-here the center goal is principally concerned with services. In these cases centers are concerned with improving services and act as a leavening influence on agencies. The most appropriate role for centers is not suggested .here. However, it is noted that there is a good deal of confusion on this subject which appears to result principally from attempting to combine the mutually incompatible roles of service and aggressive community action in one organization. Last, it is important to recognize that participation of the poor can be effectively asso- ciated with either role. One must guard against the romantic and inaccurate concept that the participation of the poor can take place only in an enlightened but drastic effort at rearrangement of the social order. `c,T OUTREACH AND PARTICIPATION INTRODUCTION The legislative mandate calling for maximum feasible participation of the poor in community action programs is the guideline for the outreach efforts of the neighborhood centers. In our examination of this outreach effort it soon became apparent that comprehensive, reliable data are not to be found for the centers studied. Accurate records are usually not kept and where there are PAGENO="0372" 4024' ECONOMIC OPPQ'RTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 some more or less respectable bookkeeping procedures, the results are rarely comparable between centers. The reasons for this are only partially attributable to the disorder, incompetence, and inefficiency that usually accompany the early development stages of new enterprises. Of equal or greater significance in explaining this lacuna is the sheer difficulty encountered in trying to set up a workable, useful scheme of record-keeping for neighborhood centers. So much of the client contact (and meaningful contact) is casual and tangential that trying to capture and preserve it for the record is an almost impossible task. This is not to suggest that no records of value can be kept. Rather, it means that certain important activities of the centers defy easy tabulation and classification. OUTREACH TECHNIQUES One feature of the outreach effort which we have been able to investigate relates to the question of techniques employed. In this regard, it is clear that the neighborhood survey involving door-to-door contacts is the most frequently listed technique for getting in touch with the clientele. All of the centers studied used it. However, the variable of community size seems to bear significantly on what supplementary techniques are used. For example, the small communities and rural areas seem to rely almost exclusively on the survey and on referrals from non-OEO agencies. The intermediate size communities use in addition to the survey a rather miscellaneous assortment of techniques including mail and leaflets, telephone, and center-sponsored activities like meetings, parties, elec- tions, etc. The large communities employ the greatest variety of techniques. In these communities the survey approach is followed in order of decreasing frequency by such techniques as mail and leaflets, billboards and newspapers, referrals from clients and area residents, television and radio, referrals from other agencies-both OEO and non-OEO, and center-sponsored activities like parties, meetings, and similar events. Keeping in mind the caveat expressed at the beginning of this chapter about the lack of comprehensive, reliable data on the outreach effort, one might still `have an interest in the kinds of figures that are available. In this regard we were able to secure for ten of our centers (just one-half of the total sample) figures that appear to `be roughly comparable. These indicate that the target area population of the ten centers is 361.500 persons. Although this averages out to about 36,000 persons per center, the actual population range is quite great-from 3,000 to 125,000. Projecting from data reporting client contacts in March, April, and May of 1966, it appears that 65,420 persons from the target area were involved in a recorded relationship with centers over a twelve- month period. This represents about 18 percent of the target population. CLIENT CHARACTERISTICS AND VIRWPOINT5 Unfortunately, we have no reliable descriptive data on what kinds of people these 18 percent really are. We do have, however, some information from inter- views with approximately 200 clients secured by our field researchers in con- nection with their investigation of our twenty neighborhood centers. Although this was not a systematic sample, the. interviews do give some picture of clientele characteristics and response to the center operation. For example, these clients were predominantly female. This was especially true in the small communities and rural areas. They also were concentrated in the young adult and mature adult age groups-i.e., between 20 and 65 years of age. The clientele in the small communities and rural areas seemed to be somewhat older than those from large and medium-size communities. With respect to race, Negroes clearly predominated in the large and medium-size places while whites were in the clear majority in the small communities and rural areas. In addition, the clients tended to be married, `have families of six or more members, and be unemployed.' With these descriptive facts in mind let us now examine rather systematically the responses of these clients to a series of questions about their experiences with the neighborhood center. First, Over 70 percent of the clients heard of the center through house-to-house surveys, referrals from other residents, or referrals from non-OEO agencies. The surveys were mentioned mo~t promi- nently in the small and medium-size communities while resident and agency referrals were most frequently mentioned in the large communities.2 `See Appendix IV. 2 See Appendix V, Table 1. PAGENO="0373" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY* ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4025 With respect to th~ir understanding of the purpose of the centers, the great majority of clients in all the community size classes reported that the centers were to provide services for the poor.' As we noted earlier in another section of this report, the idea of community action in which the poor organize to deal w~ith their problems themselves is not very prominent in their thoughts about the neighborhood centers. The poor, however, do understand the idea of services. In this regard our field workers make an interesting observation. They report that most of the clients know `about the centers in a very limited fashion. That is to say, their acquaintance with the center is likely to be for the purpose of securing a particular service. Accordingly, they associate the center with that function and nothing else. Thus, the center is known as the place where you can get help with your late AFDG check, or where Mr. X can get a job for eighteen- year-old Johnny, or where you can leave the pre-schoolers when you take on a job as `a cleaning woman Thursday mornings, etc. When asked what the center had done for them or their families between one-quarter and one-third of the clients reported "nothing." This is interesting because most of the clients were contacted dither at the center or through center records which indicated that they had received attention from center personnel. Approximately one-third of the clients indicated that they had received service other than employment help at the center. However, employment service was mentioned fairly often especially in the small communities and rural areas.2 When the question mentioned above was turned around, and the clients were asked what they had done for the center, the majority (57%) of the responses indicated "nothing."' This was particularly true in the small communities and rural areas where two-thirds of the clients reported they had done nothing for the center; Among those who indicated they had done something, volunteer work figured most prominently in their answers. In an effort to find out what sorts of "facts" about the center were in the minds of the clients, two questions were asked. One asked about who pays for the center. The other inquired about who runs the center and decides what is to be done. Approximately 40 percent of the clients answered the first question by indicating the Federal Government. However, nearly the same proportion replied to the question with a "Don't know" answer.4 As for the second question, 47 percent of the clients indicated that they did not know who runs the center. This proportion ran well over 50 percent in the medium and large-size communities and something less than 25 percent in the small communities and rural areas.6 Generally speaking, the center director was selected most frequently by those who believed they knew who runs the center. There was also a substantial response in the large communities indicating neighborhood people as the ones who run the center. Finally, a general evaluation question was asked of the clients-namely, did they feel they were any better off as a result of the center. About 90 percent of the total client group answered this question in the affirmative. However, the range of response was quite broad. For example, nearly all (98 percent) of the small town and rural area clients felt they were "much better off" as a result of the center. This percentage declined to 75 percent among the medium size community chests and dropped to 61 percent for the large community clients.6 One gets the distinct impression in reviewing these materials that succeess of the centers (as measured by expressions of client satisfaction) is rather more noticeable in the small communities and rural areas than elsewhere. These small community centers are almost purely service-oriented operations. Furthermore, their modest size and relatively simple organization make for a much less forbidding and more receptive atmosphere than one is likely to encounter in the large, bureaucratically organized centers in large cities. So far our treatment of outreach has focused almost exclusively on the client and client-related phenomena like outreach techniques. It should be recognized, however, that the poor can be involved with the center in other ways. For example, we have already noted that the popr are represented on policy-making hoards, advisory councils, and the employed staffs of the centers. Indeed, the I See Appendix V, Table 2. 2 See Appendix V. Table 3. 2 See Appendix V, Table 4. See Appendix V, Table 5. See Appendix IT, Table 6. 6 See Appendix IT, Table 7. PAGENO="0374" 4026 ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY AcT AMENDMENTS OF 19d7 number of poverty area residents on boards and councils are roughly equivalent to the number employed at the centers. In this regard, the probiems and in- adequacies surrounding the poverty residents' efforts to participate on the boards and councils have been discussed in the previous chapter on the role of the center. With respect to staff employment, however, little has been said. RESIDENT STAFF MEMBERS Nearly all of the centers have hired residents of the poverty area to work as outreach personnel for the centers. The number of such employees ranges from one per center to eighty or more. Something over two-thirds of the centers have assigned such personnel to full-time work on the outreach problem. The character- istics of these center staff members can be sketched in general terms.' First, most of them are female with the greatest preponderance of women workers in the small town and rural area centers (67 percent). Second, the bulk of the staff are concentrated in the age groups, 20 to 35 and 36 to 65. The latter are more heavily represented (59 percent) in the small tow-n and rural area centers while the younger age group predominates in the medium and large city centers. Third, Negroes are heavily represented (over 70 percent) on the staffs of medium and large city centers in our sample. In the small town and rural area centers it is the whites who are in the majority (over 85 percent). Fourth, well over one-half of the center staff are married with the percentages varying from a high of 07 percent in the small town-rural area centers to a low of 52 percent in the medium size community centers. Fifth, the families from which the center staff members come are by and large modest in size-averaging just a little over four people. There seems to be no noticeable variation here by community size. Sixth, the great majority of center staff employees report at least a tenth grade education with a substantial proportion (ca. 50 percent) indicating some college training. Although this sketch of center employee characteristics is a bit awkward to summarize, it can be pointed out that the picture which emerges resembles that of the clients in some respects but certainly not in all. In particular, the size of family and education characteristics show marked differences between center employees and center clientele. The former are associated with small families, and they also have more educational background. This indication that the center employees are not completely representative of the poverty area population is perhaps not a surprise if it is remembered that the poor do not constitute a homogeneous group. Indeed, there is good reason to believe that the outreach effort has so far made effective contact primarily with the "respectable" poor. These are, of course, the easy-to-reach group-the ones who merely need a "break," an opportunity to get out of their dependency situation. Contact with the "problematic" and especially the "disreputable" poor is not very conspicuous. Wrhen it does occur, it tends to arise out of some crisis or emergency. This observation about the selectivity of the outreach effort suggests the possibility that those involved with centers are already the most active element of the poverty area population. That is to say, they are the ones who were involved in what community affairs there were before centers were established. With the introduction of this new organizational unit called a neighborhood center, these people simply have shifted the locus of their activity. Indeed, this was explicitly acknowledged in one community where a poverty area resident identified the local personnel employed by the center as "neighborhood busy- bodies"-that is, people who have always been concerned about knowing their neighbors and interacting with them in the community. Now, as staff members of the center, they are simply being paid for doing what they have always been interested in doing. The point here is not to derogate the behavior of these people. Many if not most of them are probably sincere and contribute something of genuine value to their communities. Rather, the point is that the center has not changed these people in any significant way. It has merely given them a new (and perhaps more effective) outlet for their behavioral predispositions. In this discussion of center personnel it w-ould perhaps be appropriate to mention a problem involving organizational and policy matters. This relates to the OEO policy that says no employee of the poverty program nor member of his family may hold a position on a policy-making board. In effect this means that when a person is on the CAA board of directors or the center advisory board, See Appendix VI. PAGENO="0375" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4027 neither he nor a member of his family can be employed in the poverty program. The reasoning behind this regulation is understandable. It avoids conflict of interest situations. However, it also creates some problems, the most prominent of which is the way it undermines effective participation of the poor in directing the poverty effort. The difficulty is simply this: those members of the poor who possess qualities making for effective action on governing boards are also the ones who can be used effectively on the center staffs. Since there is no monetary compensation for holding a board position, the economic exigencies force these "poverty stars" to give up their board positions so that they can hold remunera- tive positions in the poverty program. This, of course, simply exacerbates the problem discussed earlier of ineffectual participation by the poor in policy and program decisions. After all, "boardsmanshiP" is not `something that comes naturally to people. The poor are particularly handicapped here, for most of them have had little experience in formal group gatherings outside of the church or school settings and possibly police courts. In view of this, it is not very realistic to ask untrained poverty area residents to assume positions and operate confidently in a war-on- poverty effort that at times seems to `be organized like the League of Women Voters. The remarks above have focused on the problem of adequate training for poverty area residents who are linked to the war-on-poverty program as employees or board members. There is, however, another aspect of the education or training picture. This relates to the professiOnals who are working in or out of the neighborhood centers. Our field workers report that there is little, if any, effort expended on training or guiding these people to perform effectively in their new settings. It is apparently assumed that professional welfare workers health personnel, or employment counselors just naturally know how to function in a neighborhood center. There is reason to believe that this is occasionally, and perhaps frequently, not the case. It appears that there are a good number of professionals who could use some advice on how' to relate to non-professional colleagues. More than a little "static" seem to be generated by abrasive relation- ships between professionals and non-professionals in the centers. ORGANIZATIO~ FOR OUTREACH A~D PARTICIPATION The previous sectiOns of this chapter have focused on rather specific features of the outi-each effort. However, one aspect of this effort has not been directly addressed-namely, how the center functions as an organizational mechanism for promoting outreach. In this regard several observations can be made. First, the very existence of the center as a visible, material feature of the local neighborhood environment makes for at least potential contact with the poor. This point should not be casually acknowledged as obvious but of minor impor- tance. Numei'ous studies have revealed that the horizons of life for the poor are severely restricted. This can mean quite literally that for large numbers of the poor the Outer limits for 90 percent or more of their daily activity lie just three or four blocks away. Effective contact with such people must be made within the neighborhood area. Second, the use of neighborhood residents as paid staff members who go out into the local area to make contacts is a direct and potentially effecti~ e w ay of linking people to the center. The potency of direct, face-to-face contact between people has been well documented. This is particularly evident among those who * know one another. Third, the casual, informal atmosphere of small neighborhood centers can be disarming and hence appealing to poor people who are uncomfortable in formally organized settings. This is why large, bureaucratically organized centers tend to be self-defeating in terms of outreach. The forbidding appearance of such centers makes them little dierent from the central offices of traditional service agencies. Fourth, although, as noted earlier, the establishment of advisory councils for neighborhood centers militates against effective participation by the poor, this organizational feature can influence outreach in a positive way. The reference here is to the fact that most councils of this kind have in their membership repre- sentatives of local organizations like churches, branches of YMCAs, schools, civil rights groups, fraternal organizations, special interest clubs, labor unions, etc. Each of these groups has its own membership among the neighborhood poor. Con- tact with these area residents can be established by the center through the in- tervening influence of the local organization's representatives on the center ad- visory council. PAGENO="0376" 4028 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Fifth, the same general process described in "four" above can operate with respect to other service agencies like welfare, health, employment, Salvation Army, etc. That is to say, if the center through its referral functions helps to create a new clientele for the traditional service agencies, these same agencies may well reciprocate in kind. In this way the center's outreach effort can be strengthened by `the recruiting efforts of the more traditional service agencies. SUMMARY Most center are well designed to engage in outreach efforts and there is evidence that the technique of utilizing local residents for this purpose is effective in reaching at least one segment of the poor. Resident participation as staff mem- bers, particularly in outreach roles, appears to work well but there is evidence that there is little effective resident participation on boards and councils. Train- ing programs, to the extent they exist, do not appear to be adequate to enhance substantially the capabilities of the persons, both resident and professional, iavolved with centers. VI. AcTIvITIEs OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS INTRODUCTION In the two preceding chapters dealing with the role of the centers and the outreach of the centers numerous references were made to the activities of the centers. However, except for examples cited for illustrative purposes, these refer- ances were rather general in nature. The purpose of this chapter is to flesh out the skeletal structure of center activities sketched earlier. This will be done by discussing the pattern of service activities, the community action effort, and the costs that seem to be involved in neighborhood center `operations. SERVICE ACTIVITIES The specific kinds of services offered through the neighborhood center programs vary widely. Generally speaking, three determinants seem to be operating here. One is the obvious factor of need. Particular problem's require particular service solutions. A second is the factor `of service personnel. Regardless' of need, where appropriate personnel are unavailable, the service in question cannot be provided. A third determinant (and one clearly related to the first) refers to the auspices under which the center programs were established. In several instances the neighborhood `service center organization was built upon previous programs in research and/or service. Understandably, the center programs have reflected this specialized interest. It might also be pointed out `here that the composition of the policy-making board which oversees the center operation (usually at the CAA level) influences the programs that are developed. For example, if public health professionals are prominent on the board, services in this area are likely to become a conspicuous part of the center program. Among the variety of services represented in our twenty centers,1 employment- counseling-and-placement clearly is the most prominently represented. Eighty~five percent of our centers have thi's listed by their `directors as a particular service offered. The next most frequently mentioned service is welfare of the AFDO type. Seventy percent of our centers offer this kind of aid, according to the center directors. Education and health services follow in frequency with just over one- half of the centers'offering them. Education here refers to basic education in the three "Rs", as u-eli as nursery school, grade school, and h'igh school tutoring, etc. Falling below the fifty percent mark in center representation (and in order of decreasing frequency) are such services as housing (finding housing, coping with eviction problems, etc.), recreation, information provider, consumer education, legal aid, and probation and parole assistance. These last two are not at all rep- resented in our small `communities and rural areas. However, they do appear in our irtermecliate size and large communities. Size of community also seems to be related to `the frequency of education services offered. More specifically, this service is much less frequently listed in the center programs of the large com- munities than it is in the small and intermediate size communities and rural areas. ~ See Appendix VIII PAGENO="0377" ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4029 When attention is turned to bow the particular services discussed above are patterned in the way they appear relative to one another, the most common group- ing of the two finds education and employment linked together. Sixty percent of our centers exhibit this pattern. The next most common pattern involves the linkage of employment and welfare or employment and health services. Just over one-half of our centers show one or the other of these patterns. If we turn to patterns involving three services, the most common arrangement finds education, employment, and welfare linked together closely followed by a linkage among education, welfare and health services. Forty-five percent of our centers show the first of these three-service patterns while forty percent show the second. With respect to groupings involving four services, only one seems noticeably frequent- namely, the linkage among education, employment, welfare, and health services. Forty percent of our twenty centers exhibit this pattern. Parenthetically, it might be mentioned that all of the centers in small communities and rural areas exhibit this four-service pattern, and two of the five intermediate size communities show it. It is in the large communities that we find the greatest diversity in service patterning. With respect to the service patterns described above, a cautionary note should perhaps be added lest one be misled by reading into the findings im- plications that are not properly there. For example, although the most com- mon pattern involving two services links together education and employment, there is no evidence that these represent a coordinated service package in most of the centers exhibiting this pattern. Quite to the contrary, the two services deal with different clientele. The overwhelming bulk of the educa- tion service focuses on children and adolescent youth. It is not education directly geared to developing occupational skills. Indeed, there is little evidence in any of the centers suggesting carefully planned efforts to present well coordinated service programs. This is something often talked about but rarely achieved. At present, with rare exceptions the most that can be said about the coordinating function of neighborhood centers is that they represent a single accessible point for the dissemination of information about services. This is a convenience for clients seeking information and represents a service whose values should not be underestimated. At the same time, however, it is a far cry from the idea that centers should function to coordinate services on "a case" basis. This is a much more difficult task requiring a high order of professional and technical skills. Where efforts have been made to set up integrated programs, the impetus seems to have come from planning at the CAA level. The categories used in the preceding discussion inventorying center services are admittedly broad. This was necessary in order to summarize materials for all of the centers studied. As a concluding statement to this section of the report, however, it might be enlightening to examine a more detailed listing of some of the services reported by our field researchers-that is, specific serv- ices that might not come to mind readily when contemplating the broad service categories used for statistical purposes. Tinder the rubric of recreation a great variety of activities can be listed. These include efforts to arrange team sports for young people by setting up quasi-leagues for different ages groups. Along the same lines, a number of centers are fostering teen clubs for boys and girls, day camps, teen-age dances, and classes in arts and crafts. Such activities are especially promoted in the summer when the close of school leaves great numbers of young people in a state that might be described as "not so much free as at large." One center has tried to promote family recreation nights at the center in an effort to deal with the poor as family units. This has not been notably successful ex- cept among thOse who already seem to have a healthy family life. One segment of the poverty population which has frequently been very much neglected is the elderly people. Center services catering to the needs of this clientele element include such things as a medicare alert effort, the establishment of senior citizens' clubs, and the Organization of volunteers to visit and lend assistance to those confined to their homes. One center which is located in an area with a high propottion of elderly residents has been quite successful *in promoting services of the kind described here. Another somewhat distinctive population element in need of special service attention is the ethnic minority and foreign-born element. Centers with sub- stantial numbers of such residents in the neighborhood have frequently set up English language classes and "Americanization" programs fOr these peo- Pie. A few centers have tried to help those residents who have run afoul of PAGENO="0378" 4030 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 the law by providing probation and parole counseling and by providing legal aid, bail money or other such assistance for those who have been arrested. Still other special services provided by or through the neighborhood centers include planned parenthood counseling, credit ufliOn opportunities, neighborhood youth corps, and the scheduling of meetings or forms for political candidates. One service in particular which attracted the special attention of one of our field researchers is the effort to train clients in how to apply for a job and how to take exams for a job. This is not occupational skill training. Rather, it is training in how to cope with some of the realities of bureaucratic life such as how to take civil service exams. It is a skill which is becoming more and more important in the moderii world. COMMUNITY ACTION EFFORTS In Chapter IV it was stated that community action is a very undeveloped feature of the neighborhood centers investigated in this study. In this regard it will be recalled that community action here refers to the mobilization of the pool' in a collective effort to resolve some problem or issue. Needless to say, efforts of this kind don't just happen. They must be deliberately initiated and managed. This requires leadership skills of an uncommon sort. As a case in point, Saul Alinsky is reported to have said that it takes three years to train an effective community organizer. It should. not be suprising therefore to find neighborhood centers, none of which have been in existence more than two years, exhibiting few signs of promising community action development. These remarks above should not be construed to mean that there are no signs of effective community action among the centers investigated here. In point of fact noticeable community action efforts have been mounted in several communities. None of these, however, are in small town or rural areas. Such locales appear to be ntterly devoid of anything resembling collective action by people living in poverty conditions. In some cases (especially in rural areas) this seems to be due at least in part to the lack of frequent contact among the people. It is very difficult to organize people whose settlement pat- tern places them in situations of relative isolation. In other cases, the com- mnunity "establishment" is so centrally involved in the whole CAP operation that community action aimed at fundamental change in any feature of the estab- lished order is simply unthinkable. This often seems to occur where officials in the education system play prominent roles in the organization and operation of the CAP. When we turn from the small town and rural area setting to the large city, community action efforts become, if not spectactular, at least visable on occasion. Where they have appeared most conspicuously one can usually find evidence of a leadership which has a background of experience in activist move- ments (usually civil rights). Such experience, however, provides no guarantee of success. There are still a number of factors that pose serious difficulties for community action enthusiasts. One of these is the heterogeneous character of time population in many poverty areas. Reference here is to racial and ethnic heterogeneity which frequently operates as a divisive force among the poor. Another factor is the high transiency rate of many poverty areas. A sense of solidarity with one's fellows is hard to develop if one's fellows keep changing. A third factor is the counter force exerted by the establishment, often in the form of CAP activities. That is to say, a neighborhood community action effort can be blunted by resolving at a higher level a grievance which is serving as a rallying point for collective protest. This is especially true if the grievance resolution is achieved before the community action is well launched. Of course, one might argue that such a development really represents the triumph of community action. However, such a judgment appears, after some reflection, to be a bit hasty. When the establishment moves to resolve a grivance which threatens to give rise to collective protest, it is the potentia~ of community action that is being reacted to. Although this may appear to be a capitulation on the part of the establishment, it can also mean that the establishment is attempting to fore- stall the development of something far more signficant than the particular point at issue-namely, the effective organization of poor people in a self- conscious effort to exercise their voice in affairs of consequence to them. It takes an astute community action leadership to cope with this problem be- PAGENO="0379" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4031 cause poor people tend to be rather forthright pragmatists. If the cause that is stirring theni up disappears, they rapidly become "unstirred." The reason for discussing this point is that it is illustrated in several of the communities under study. Center programs are being used in these communities to contain militant elements of the poverty population. Most of these communi- ties have had histories of violence and riot. Apparently it is believed that im- proved service programs linked to neighborhood centers can blunt the aggressive impulses of the poor who are being wooed by agitators. The strategy seems to be: "Give them a little so that they won't ask for a lot." It is a strategy that seems to work if the activist leadership is unsophisticated. Another technique used to achieve the same result is to coopt the activist leadership by hiring it to work in the CAP operation. Such employees can al- ways be dismissed if they turn out to be recalcitrant and uncooperative. Indeed, this is precisely what was done in oiie community. What is more, the dismissal of the agitators was accompanied by explicit efforts to resolve several grievances voiced by the poor through their leadership. This had the two-fold purpose of undermining the specific grounds for community action protest and also under- mining the basis of the protest leadership. Organizationally speaking, community action efforts tend to take the form of setting up neighborhood associations, block clubs, mothers' organizations, and other special interest groups. The constant problem here is how to stimulate and then sustain interest. Organizing for the sake of organization is not very appeal- ing to most people-particularly poor people. Concrete issues of -the bread-and- butter type are the effective stimuli for these people. Since such issues are an everpresent reality in the life of the poor, interest would seem to be easy to gen- erate if the community action leadership can dramatize how collective action can be effective in dealing with the issues. The problem of sustaining interest, however, is more complex. Unless there are relatively immediate rewards to serve as reinforcement stimuli, the rank-and-file participants are quick to lose interest in community action efforts. It is for this reason that effective community action organizers must possess unusual skills and be sophisticated in their use. It is also for this reason that measures taken by the establishment to obscure the suc- cesses of community action can blunt the impact and destroy the long range significance of such efforts. - As has been noted above in a couple of different contexts, leadership skills in the area of community action are not in long supply. Where they do make their infrequent appearances, they seem to be linked to background experiences in labor union and/or civil rights movements. Even here, however, many of the emergent leaders do not appear to be very sophisticated. What frequently enters the picture to sustain their efforts in the ineptitude of the establishment. In short, where there has been mounted some significant community action effort, it has almost invariably been associated with rather forthright expressions of opposition from the traditional social order. This has served to crystallize and dramatize the issues for the poor and provided them with beautifully tailored "bad guy" symbols against which they can enthusiastically unite. In only one city with a noticeable community action effort is the picture described above significantly altered. This is a community in which professional service personnel, dismayed by the ineffectiveness of their own agency efforts in dealing with poverty, initiated their own program of giving the poor a voice in determining events affecting their welfare. This was done prior to the establish- ment of the whole OEO and CAP venture. When the latter was introduced, it in effect took over with minor modifications an ongoing enterprise. The apparent success of this community action effort to date is conspicuous when set against the complete absence of such developments in most other communities and the rather marginal results appearing in those few communities which have seen some concerted attempt to amount an effective community action effort. It would appear that cooperation rather than opposition from the established order can do a lot toward implementing the idea of the poor organizing to help themselves. Unfortunately, such an enlighted viewpoint is not often found in establishment circles. COSTS OF NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS As previously indicated, neighborhood centers vary in size from a one-man rural operation to a two hundred person enterprise in a metropolitan city. Another significant variation is that in some CAP's almost all of the community's programs are operated through and by the neighborhood centers while in other PAGENO="0380" 4032 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 cas~s centers have no program involvement except reaching out into the corn- munity to obtain participants. These wide variations in size and mode of oper- ation are naturally reflected in the funding of the centers. Some centers have annual budgets in excess of $1 million while others spend less than $25,000 a year. Almost all of the center budgets are devoted to staff salaries and almost all of the staff are poor residents oflocal neighborhoods. Thus, it can be said that the funds utilized in center operations are resulting directly in the employment of poor people, most of whom were previously unemployed. It is almost impossible to compare cosin and achievements at different centers because no two centers operate in the same way. Further, the records of out- reach and services are fragmentary and incomparable. However, there are some comments that can be made regarding this subject. TWO functions occupy almost all the efforts of most centers and these are outreach and services. Community organization or Community action receives comparatively little attention at most centers except insofar as it is a method of getting people involvOd with center affairs. The outreach effort is costly because it involves personal door to door "selling" and there are no economies of scale in this activity. The economies that are realized are important and these are that the same outreach effort is generating a clientele for many organizations that would otherwise not be serving these people or would be involved with probably more costly and dupli- cative outreach efforts of their own. Thus, it is suggested that this work, al- though as yet not reaching a significant portion of the target populations, is a utilization of funds with a high return for the amount invested. * Funds are also spent for center staff and for staff of other agencies outposted to the centers who provide services. Most of the services provided are not new but are instead the traditional fare of established agencies are relatively minor modifications. Thus, the cost of providing the services and their quality is com- parable to experience in better established social agencies. What is new is that a new "market" is being reached and in a way that is somewhat more responsive to the demands of the service recipients. Most centers do not devote a lot of time and resources to community action although there are some notable exceptions. Where community action is em- phasized a great deal of effort has been expended for what appear to he rela- tively minor results in the way of residential participation. However, the lack of standards makes it difficult to measure achievement. It is suggested that both the propriety and efficacy of emphasizing community action continue to be moot points until there is considerably more evidence to evaluate. VII. EVALUATION CBITE~~A This section deals principally with the neighborhood center as a device for implementing the purposes of the Economic Opportunity Act. Any evaluation of these purposes is peripheral to the task at hand. About two years ago there were no such organizations as neighborhood centers. They are not required or suggested by law but are instead an outgrowth of administrative suggestions by the national level of OEO to the hundreds of com- munity action agencies established to carry out the mandate of Title II. At the first rather confused period of their development there was little in the way of clear exposition of their precise goals, functions and justification for existence. Apparently, some previous experiences prompted the concept; it seemed to have merit; and it. was incorporated into the CAP arsenal of programs and organiza- tional `devices. . The Community Action Program Guide1 briefly mentions "neighborhood cen- ters" and "multi-service centers" but the exposition is very limited. Since the first hectic days, there appears to have been a deliberate effort at .the national level to avoid detailed instructions with respect to centers. This is, a way of giving expression to the general philosophy that the local people should be encouraged to develop their own programs and organizations and that federal officials must be careful not to preempt this role. Recently, a pamphlet entitled "The Neigh- borhood Center" 2 was released. This document does not focus on the "service" 1 "Community Action Program Guide," Volume 1. Ins~rucfion~ for Applicants, October 1965. p. 28. ` * * The Neighborhood Center, Office of Economic Opportunity, July 1966. PAGENO="0381" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4033 aspect of centers; it is quite general; and its distribution is so current that it cannot have affected the centers studied. In view of these facts, precise criteria for the evaluation of neighborhood centers are not available from official sources. Instead, these criteria must be inferred from an analysis of events which actually occurred and from a review of the few written materials available. The criteria for evaluation suggested below are not mutually exclusive but each emphasizes a particular characteristic that can be considered on a reason- ably separate basis. Criterion 1. `Local Outreach Centers are considered to be mechanisms for reaching out in a neighborhood to contact the poor residents~ There is the belief that the poor do not have ade- quate contacts with the organizations representing the social, political and eco- nomic `structure and with each other. The center is conceived of as an important institution to overcome this deficiency. All con'cepts of the proper center role tend to binge on the ability of centers to create a clientele of poor people who have some kind of continuing relationship with the centers. The nature and ext~nt of the outreach of centers is clearly an important consideration in their evaluation. Criterion 2. Integration The CAA is supposed to be a device to integrate `a wide variety of interests so that they will deal constructively, efficiently and comprehensively with the problem of poverty in the community. The neighborhood center is to carry out this same `role at the neighborhood level-the level affording the most direct con- tact with the poor. Criterion 3. Macoinwm Feasible Participation Title II of the Economic Opportunity Act defines a community action program as one which, among other things, "is developed, conducted, and administered with the maximum feasible participation of residents' of the areas and members of the groups served." Although this mandate is interpreted in a wide variety of ways it is clear that centers should be organizations where the maximum feasible participation is taking place. Criterion 4. ~igniflcant Cibange One of the basic postulates underlying the entire OEO effort is that there should be changes in the ways `existing institutions relate to the poor and the ways in which the poor relate to these institutions and other aspects of their environment. Thus, it is clear that centers must be agents for change. Criterion 5. Reasonable Cost A criterion for considering any program or institution is that its costs `bear some reasonable relationship to the results it is achieving and that alternative approaches do not offer equivalent solutions a't considerably less cost. It is `believed that the inter-related criteria `set forth above provide useful broad categories for developing an evaluation framework. More precise and spe- cific criteria within these broad categories will `be utilized `when considering the available data. Thus, the following evaluation introduces and `develops additional specific criteria as necessary. OUTREACH Discussion The materials presented in previous sections of this report and in Attachment 1 describe both the strengths and weaknesses of neighborhood centers in terms of their outreach to the poor. To review, there is clear evidence that a very con- siderable effort, indeed the major effort at most centers, is being devoted to reaching the poor. The records maintained at centers are so inadequate that it is difficult to assess quantitatively the results of the outreach effort, but two con- clusions may be drawn: First, the work is having some success because a clientele for services and center participation has developed in every case; and second, the success is very small in terms of the total numbers of persons to be reached, the quality of these contacts, and the extent to which the "hard to reach" poor are being drawn to center programs. An attempt is being made to do a job never before accomplished, and the attempt is being made with brand new organiza- tions and staffs composed largely of people with only the most meagre work experience and an almost complete lack of prior training. In view of the short- comings and the problems, it is indeed remarkable that the program has accom- PAGENO="0382" 4034 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMEN~I'S OF 1967 pushed so much so fast. The accomplishments are even more remarkable when one realizes that many of the targets of the outreach effort have been either ignored, or at best casually handled, by most of the traditional service orgaili- zations. It is true that outreach efforts have concentrated on the upper levels of the poverty group (the respectable poor) because they are the easiest to reach, the most likely to respond favorably, and because the alternatives of attempting to reach the "problematic poor" can be extremely difficult and frustrating, espe- cially for the typical outreach worker who is generally a member of the "re- spectable poor." Even though the easier road may seem to have been chosen in most cases, it has not been an easy road, and the numbers and types of persons reached do constitute an encouraging beginning. The present organizational arrangements of the neighborhood centers present some problems as well as a generally favorable outlook. In some cities, extremely large centers have assumed an institutional quality w-hich is unattractive to the clientele. In some cases, local outreach workers have grow-n aw-ay from their own neighbors and can no longer perform effectively. In some cases the struggles between the centers and the traditional agencies have been so abrasive and de- inanding that little effort is left over for reaching the poor. In some cases, the newly-created clientele were not satisfied w-ith their relationship to the center and slipped away. This last factor is rather complex and has been discussed more fully in other sections. Needless to say, the outreach is of little avail if the per- sons contacted do not find some satisfactions in their subsequent encounters with the center. Evaluation Neighborhood centers that have close ties with other local groups, that involve local people in the organization and operation of programs, and that have an active outreach effort, appear to be making a significant beginning in reaching at least one~ strata of the poverty group. Although improvements are possible, it is clear that the concept, organization and operation of the centers are quite appropriate for an effective outreach program. Indeed, it is difficult to envision a basically different organizational and operating arrangement that is likely to be more successful. INTEGRATION Discussion Each community has a variety of public and private organizations c~oncerned with providing services or assistance of some type to a clientele. One of the pur- poses of the neighborhood center is to insure that the clientele of these organiza- tions is defined to include the poor. Another purpose is to act as a catalyst or focal point for the organizatiton of all resources for the poor. This latter role implies that pre-existing organizations will function in such a way as to con- tribute to a joint or collective effort in eliminating proverty and its causes. It implies that there must be substantial changes in previous niodes of operation because poverty has in the past been relatively unaffected by these organizations. This project was not designed to study the policies and programs of "tradi- tional" public agencies and private groups concerned with social services, but a few broad comments are appropriate at this time. These organizations, operated largely by professionals, have had great difficulty in coordinating their activities despite frequent efforts to do so. Differences in outlook, type of service, internal organization and professional background have often militated against effective joint efforts. The integrated efforts that appear to have been most successful have focused on "case" coordination and have involved a very considerable de- votion of time and effort to provide across-the-board but intensive help for fami- lies. Integrated efforts of large organizations dealing with particular neigh- borhoods, types of clientele or problems have been rare and not often successful. The neighborhood center introduced a number of new factors into the situa- tion. First, there was emphasis on reaching and serving the poor, a group inade- quately served by other organizations for a variety of reasons. Second. a new or- ganizations was created with its own values and its own internal problems, and this organization presumed to suggest and in some cases demand radical changes in the pre-existing agencies. Third, there was nioney available, very often in con- siderable amounts, to be utilized for services that might help the poor. It is now possible to determine in some measure the results of combining these factors. There is evidence that the activities and attitudes of many agencies, private and public, have changed significantly in the past two years. The evidence sug- PAGENO="0383" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4035 gests that a new clientele of poor ha~ been recognized and that efforts are being made to serve these people in new ways. Agencies post their own people in cen- ters to provide services; they take referrals from centers; and, although the re- lations are often acrimonious, in many cases agency-center accommodations have been worked out. Whether there are basic changes in the attitudes of these agencies toward their clientele is a moot point. It appears that although there may be some changes in traditional ways of doing things, there are not yet changes in the traditional ways of thinking. Observations of center operations indicate they are not generally efficient or well~organized, using the same criteria that would be applied to a welfare de- partment or employment service, for instance. To the extent that they are well organized in conventional terms, they seem to be ineffective in their outreach and community action roles. Nevertheless, highly structured traditional agencies are now interacting with loosely structured centers and, while each is influenced by the other, the result has not yet been an effective integration of effort to solve the problem of neighborhood poverty. For instance, there appears to be relatively little program coordination within the center, among agencies, and between the center and agencies. Clients continue to perceive the center and the agencies as places where `they may get help with a particular kind of problem. Indeed, most clients tend to identify the centers so closely with particular services that they often do not even know that it is a neighborhood service center as such. It is interesting to note that when centers have considerable autonomy and have a definite interest in community action there is the greatest difficulty of coordination between service agencies and centers. Agencies tend to operate on a community-wide basis and it is apparently disruptive to them to have to operate on a multitude of different neighborhood bases. It has been observed that in the cases where the centers are most closely associated with the structure of the municipal government there has been the most effective integration of services-most of which are also associated with this same level of government. Where centers are relatively independent and auton- omous and where there has been the fullest participation of poor residents, the integration of services has been least in evidence. Evaluation It appears that the present organizational arrangei~ents, staffing patterns and goals most common to centers and agencies do not encourage an integration of services of benefit to the poor. There is evidence of modification of individual services, but coordinated neighborhood approaches and programs continue to be rare. MAXIMUM FEASIBLE PARTICIPATION Discussion Previous sections of this report have discussed the variety of interpretations of the phrase `maximum feasible participation" and the ways in which the inter- pretations are implemented at neighborhood centers. In spite of the variety evident, it should `be clear that `centers are an appropriate locus for this participa- tion. Further, it is clear `that the view is generally held, at least by many center officials, that an appropriate goal of center programs is to decease the dependence of the poor on services and to cultivate their individual growth, independence and aspirations for achievement. In this discussion, participation of the poor is defined as including but not being synonomous \vitll aggressive community action. The research has revealed one common thread that appears evident through all forms of participation in all areas-it is the upper stratum of the poor which is involved and the "problematic" and "disreputable" poor are almost totally uninvolved with the center except on an emergency basis. Thus, the comments to follow deal only with this upper group and it must not be forgotten that most of the poor have no involvement whatsoever. In discussing this subject, it is appropriate to consider what is happening to the people involved and what is happening to their environment as a result of their involvement. The' focus in this section is on the former question and the latter subject is considered in the following section. Participation of the poor and other neighborhood residents occurs in the roles of neighborhood council members, paid centers employees and volunteer workers. Aggregate data for our sample indicate that, numerically, participation is ap- proximately equal in the council roles and the employee roles. A thorough in- vestigation of council members `was not possible in this study but a number of tentative generalizations appear to be possible. First, many of the poor mem- PAGENO="0384" 4036 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 bers of councils are inarticulate and ineffective in terms of influencing the courses of action chosen. They may well be learning how to participate in this type of group situation, but the overt evidence indicates that for the most part the learning has not yet been transferred into effective participaion. Second, those of the poor who are most active are those most `active and aspiring at the outset so their roles are changed generally only to the extent that they have a new organizaion in which to participate. Third, there seems to be a great deal of frus- tration associated with hoard membership, `especially as `compared with being a paid staff member. As `a matter of fact, `one `of the chief frustrations is that it is impossible to `be `both. In addition, council members feel that their views are not respected, that they have no control over the center an'd/or that they are in- adequate to cope with the complexity of affairs confronting them. There are exceptions to this generalization, but they are rare. The more common situation is one in which board membership has tended to be an unrewarding experience. In addition to other factors, this may be because few CAA officials seem to realize that board `membership requires skill's which can and should be taught and that hoard members should be `compensated for their time involved. Paid employment of local residents seems to be a much more satisfactory type of participation. Another project' concerned itself more fully with this subject. However, the findings of both research efforts indicate that the participation o'f the nonprofessional in center activities is a very favorable development and that the problems involved `are minor when compared with the `obvious benefits and achievements. Those involved wit'h this project believe `that the lack of ade- qu'ate training for these people is one of the most serious problems that needs attention. Volunteer `services are offered in a comparatively limited way by residents of poverty neighborhoods. Few efforts `have `been made to involve people on a voluntary basis an'd these have tended to concentrate `on attracting people with particular skills, such as teachers. Thus, few data are available to evaluate the volunteer problem~ accurately. There has been an impetus from Washington to involve the poor in positions having responsibility and authority. The approach has focused on involving people who are chosen through some sort of democratic process. This approach has been successful on a qu'antitative basis for the poor are indeed filling board positions. While this is, of course, a necessary first step, the quality `of the in- volvement should now be a matter of concern. The same may `be said for the poor involved as staff members, although in this case the problems do not appear as severe. One organizational feature that has tended to inhibit satisfying participation at the neighborhood level is the degree of control which the CAA often exerts over the center. The more aspiring poor members of neighborhood boards feel that their activities are circumscribed and futile as long as budget control, staff selection and program development `are largely confined to the CAA level. Since the CAA is the focal point in terms of control of the CAP, and since this control tends not to be delegated to the neighborhood level, the neighborhood center has not yet become the ideal locus for maximum feasible participation. Evaluation Participation of the poor as employees in the conduct of center programs seems to be well advanced and largely successful in terms of immediate aspira- tions. Participation of the poor as policymakers and administrators seems to have been achieved on a quantitative basis but there appears to `be little effective involvement due to a lack of training in some cases and a lack of authority in others. The "problematic" and "disreputable" poor appear to be almost com- pletely uninvolved as active participants in center programs. It is suspected that an examination of middle-class society might well reveal the same patterns, and it is important not to establish criteria for neighborhood centers that exceed those appropriate for other types of organizations. SIGNIFICANT CHANGE Discussion Significant changes involving the poor can take place in social, economic and political institutions, in the physical environment, and among the poor Daniel Yank-elovitch, Inc., 4. 1~tudy of the Nonprofessional in the CAP Prepared for the Office of Economic Opportunity, September 1966. PAGENO="0385" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4037 themselves. This section briefly summarizes the changes that appear to have occurred and some of the reasons for them. It is extremely difficult to dis- associate the neighborhood center from the entire OEO effort in this regard and to isolate causes and effects. For instance, it is believed that the per- vasiveness of the anti-poverty program has created a new awareness `of poverty as a problem, and this awareness is a significant change. The extent to which the change is attributable to any particular feature of the anti-poverty program is almost impossible to measure. This section, however, attempts to focus on those changes which appear to relate most directly to the neighborhood centers. As indicated before, it is believed that certain significant changes have taken place in many public and private social agencies. They are involved with extending their outreach to the poor; they have exhibited some flexibility in redesigning their services to suit the poor, and they evidenced at least some sympathy in some places for the concept that the poor are deserving of the respect appropriate for any human being. It is difficult to ascertain which of these changes are associated with particular causes. It does seem evident that the existence of centers as physical entities with some funds and some staff has involved social agencies with serving an extended and somewhat different clientele. Pressures of many types have probably resulted in changes in the nature of services offered and the way they are offered. The lack of integrated service programs does not generally seem to have been affected by the existence of the centers. Further, this research project was not designed to determine if particular services actually provided are appropriate to the problems being encountered by the poor and if they are assisting with the solution of these problems. The general impression conveyed by our field research associates' reports, however, is somewhat negative. Political organizations (including political parties and local government officials) appear to be concerned that neighborhood centers are being or can be used for grass roots organization that might be threatening to the established order. In certain cases this has resulted in efforts to suppress and/or control centers with community action interests, and in some cases it has resulted in greater sensitivity to the requirements of poor citizens. These large-city reac- tions appear to relate directly to the existence of the neighborhood centers that have direct contact with the poor. They also appear to relate to the fact that the centers and their clientele are not completely predictable `and thus the established official has to be alert to developments which may injure him. Economic institutions appear to be least affected by the existence of neigh- borhood centers. There have been minor instances where local business abuses in poverty neighborhoods have been discovered `and corrected but, for instance, the employment practices of businesses remain essentially unchanged and they still militate against the poor. The research reveals isolated instances in which there is a noticeable change in the environment, but for the most part the conditions in which poor people live remain unchanged. Poor housing, sanitation, transportation, education, etc. continue to be endemic. The most important possibilities for change are with the poor themselves, and the heart of the CAP concept is that opportunities for the poor to advance will be created `and that the desire and capability to advance will be encouraged. With respect to the opportunities, the neighborhood center has created paying and volunteer positions open to poor people, but other opportunities for develop- ment and advancement continue to appear very limited, especially for adults. `The extent of the opportunities for educational advancement for youngsters have not been studied here. Some evidence is available about the attitudes of the poor people contacted in their roles as council members, employees and clients of centers. It is clear that it is the employees who appear most changed. They appear to have the spirit, dedication and desire to succeed; they have the feeling they are already doing useful things; and they expect to continue to be able to operate with some degree of effectiveness. Some board members share the enthusiasm and optimism of the staff but others have not yet been reached or are already disillusioned. The clientele appears to be least affected although not unaffected. Most clients contacted continue to focus on the need for basic services to help get a job or solve some emergency problem such as a fire, injury or eviction. Most, however, do feel that the center has helped them and that someone does care about their plight although they continue to be skeptical that their situations will be really SO-084-67-Pt. 5-25 PAGENO="0386" 4038 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 improved. A smaller number of center clients appears to feel that they can influence the society in which they live and that the center can be a helpful agent in this activity. Apparently, a significant minority of those having some contact with the center have this view. Thus, one can say of the target popula- tion that most have not yet been reached in a meaningful way at all; that some have become clients for services and perceive the centers as givers of services and themselves as recipients of services; and that a still smaller number regard themselves as active members of society with the right and ability to influence it. To the extent that these feelings represent shifts from apathetic, helpless attitudes they are significant and appear to relate to some involvement with the center. Evaluation Neighborhood centers appear to be influencing the significant changes that are taking place in some social service agencies, some political and govern- mental bodies, and among some of the poor people. With regard to the poor, there is evidence that at least a significant minority of those in contact with the center have an enhanced view of their own possibilities and roles in society. There do not appear to be basic organizational or operational arrangements which preclude significant changes from occurring if the CAA and center concur on the need for and nature of the changes. REASONABLE COST Discussion To determine if the neighborhood center program is carried on at reason- able cost it is appropriate to review the nattire of the costs involved, the magni- tude of the expenditures, the purposes of the centers and the alternative ways of achieving similar goals. A previous section of this report has indicated almost all of the funds devoted to neighborhood centers are for the payment of staff salaries and that most of the staff employed are poor people from local poverty areas. These people generally have not been able to obtain other employment oppor- tunities and their association with the center, if nothing more, does provide decent work and incomes for them and their families. This research and other inquiries also reveal that these poor employees are developing positive attitudes about their own roles in society and are gaining some competence to cope successfully with their environment. Thus, the center experience is a training program for these workers and, as such, may not be more costly than other forms of training. Centers serve three different principal functions: outreach, service and com- munity action. The outreach function is difficult because it requires personal contact with potential clients-an expensive process. The experiences of well- established social service agencies indicate that they have not been able to perform this function at a lesser cost. Indeed, for the most part, such agencies have been able to perform it only in a very limited way. The centers' outreach to the poor has enabled them to extend their services substantially. Thus, it is suggested that this aspect is performed at reasonable cost and the marginal returns on the expenditures for outreach are great. In some of the larger centers, service programs are operated by center per- sonnel, but in most cases services are provided by the agencies that have tradi- tionally provided them. Thus, the reasonableness of the costs involved is a question of whether these agencies and their personnel are performing worthwhile func- tions in a responsible and efficient manner. This question cannot be answered with accuracy unless these agencies, their programs and the results are studied in detail. It must be presumed, however, that these agencies operate with at least a modicum of competence and that their cooperation with the CAP and center programs is a desirable feature. It is suggested that their association with centers is increasing their efficiency by putting them in touch with more clients and making them more responsive to client requirements. This increase of effectiveness is a benefit to society, and the cost of achieving this benefit appears to be relatively low. Most center personnel are involved with services principally as referral agents. They appear to perform this task with reasonable economy. When center staff members are engaged directly in providing services, their activities appear to be characterized by disorganization and inefficiency. On balance, however, it happens that the cost of providing services utilizing the neighborhood center is as reasonable as utilizing alternative traditional methods. PAGENO="0387" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4039 The most difficult cost question deals with the propriety and efficiency of utilizing federal funds in the community action-community organization aspect of neighborhood programs. The propriety of federally-supported community action is a philosophical issue integral to an evaluation of the entire CAP effort. The information in this report may be of value in deciding this issue but the focus of this report is really on a subsidiary issue; that is, are the neighborhood centers an effective and efficient organizational arrangement to achieve the goal of community action. In answering this second question it is to be remembered that the centers studied in this project devote a comparatively small part of their resources to community action but have instead concentrated on the outreach and service aspects. Community action is carried on quite differently in the various centers through- out the country. It is quite clear that few people agree on what is meant by this phrase or how it is to be accomplished. Further, there are few counterparts in other programs that can be compared with community action. In view of these factors, any determination of the reasonableness of the costs involved would be extremely nebulous. Evaluation It is belived that the outreach and service functions of the center are being handled at a reasonable cost. However, the internal disorganization and lack of adequately trained staff at most centers leaves some room for cost savings. It is not anticipated that centers ever will or ever should operate as efficiently as traditional agencies for the centers are training grounds for poor people without experience in similar jobs. No method exists to determine whether the community action aspect is reasonable in cost and this remains a moot point. SUMMARY The neighborhood center is an effective organizational device for reaching out to the poor, for engaging the participation of other neighborhood groups and local residents, and for changing existing institutions. For the most part these functions are being achieved at reasonable cost. There is little evidence that centers are acting in an integrative capacity and it appears that this role is incompatible with their other functions. Some centers concentrate on developing an informal atmosphere that is inviting to the poor people of the neighborhood. These centers are less concerned with service inte- gration or refinements. Other centers encourage attitudes and organizational arrangements associated with aggressive community action and these appear antithetical to close collaboration with traditional agencies. Thus, unless the center views its role solely as a service agency, and this is rare, service integra- tion cannot be expected to take place in the centers. The lack of emphasis on training local residents for the staff and loard posi- tions they occupy jeopardizes the extent to which any center programs may be carried forward successfully. This problem is pervasive and crucial. On balance, it is concluded that the neighborhood center is a worthwhile in- stitution to achieve most of the purposes for which it is designed. The trend of development of centers is encouraging and more effectiveness can be antici- pated if they are not expected to accomplish incompatible service and community action functions. With comparatively minor modifications of emphasis and structure, centers can be even more valuable features of the Community Action Program. VIII. RECOMMENDATIONS The recommendations to follow deal with ways to make neighborhood centers more effective. This, therefore, implies the first and most fundamental recom- mendation which is that centers should continue to be important features of the anti-poverty program. Subsequent recommendations are, of course, con- tingent upon implementation of the first. THE ROLE OF THE CENTER The evidence obtained in this project indicates that there is considerable confusion at all levels of the community action program as to the proper role of neighborhood centers. This confusion is reflected in organizational and operating difficulties. PAGENO="0388" 4040 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 It is suggested here that the role of the neighborhood center is to afford local residents a meaningful opportunity for participation and self development. It is to provide the poor person with the power that most other citizens have and through this means to alter the relationship of the poor person to his environment. It is to make legitimate and effective the claims of the poor on society. Either by design or by happenstance, neighborhood centers have not generally become organizations to enhance the status of the poor. In some cases the establishment has controlled CAA's and centers and, fearful that the poor might disturb the status quo, has manipulated the organization to preclude participa- tion by the poor. In other cases social or political activists have gained control of centers and, to protect the poor from making costly blunders, they too have not encouraged effective development and participation by the poor. In those few cases where there has been real concern with this goal, a lack of training for all involved, the difficulties of formal mechanisms, large size and the absence of attainable programs have all militated against effective participation. Previous discussions have focused on the service role and the community action role of centers. It is suggested that neither of these roles has any new meaning un- less the poor residents of the neighborhood have some legitimate power to change services or to act in concert. It must also be realized that the power of the poor may not be exercised at all or may be exercised imprudently. However, the mere fact of this power, whether latent or dynamic, has already proven to he effective in bringing changes in service arrangements of advantage to the poor. The confusions that attend neighborhood centers appear to result from pro- viding lip service to the idea of legitimizing the power of the poor and at the same time compromising this idea by efforts `to improve services and/or attain political goals. If the centers cannot be designed and operated to support the experimental notion of enabling the poor to participate in a meaningful way in solving their own problems, then there is little reason for such centers. Other less troublesome arrangements can also attack poverty effectively. This is not to say that improved service programs should not be promoted at centers. Quite the contrary. It is expected that in many cases they will result naturally from a new type of relationship between the poor and service agencies. It is recognized that there are differences from neighborhood to neighborhood in the ways that the poor can and will participate in center affairs. There are also differences in tactics appropriate at the different stages of development of centers. Both of these types of differences are important if one does not lose sight of the principal strategy which has been set forth above. The subsequent recommendations are means of making neighborhood centers work more effec- tively as organizations to enhance the power of the poor to help themselves. This is the unique role of the neighborhood center. All programs and organiza- tional arrangements should support this role. TRAINING If the poor are to function more effectively, they must be offered training pro- grams in a variety of fields. The power of the poor will be hollow if it is not ex- ercised with the knowledge, judgment and insight that training can provide. The notable lack of intensive training for the poor who are employees or hoard members is extremely damaging to the center activities in particular and the entire CAP in general. Training for nonprofessional neighborhood staff members should be intensive, and it should be continuing. It should be geared to provide the staff members with specific technical information needed in jobs as well as fundamental skills and attitudes necessary in most organizational efforts. It is recognized that little is known about training in general and training poor people in particular. Nevertheless, some important knowledge has resulted from training programs in business and government. More recently important innovative concepts have resulted from Peace Corps and VISTA programs. Unquestionably there is a need and basis for developing a wide variety of train- ing programs for center employees. It is suggested that a major investment in the development and use of such programs is essential to the success of all aspects of the neighborhood center concept. No other investment appears to offer such great possibilities for significant rei~-ards. I" addition to devising and utilizing staff training programs, it is necessary to devise training programs for the many residents who partcipate in center affairs as board or council members. These people are presently at a marked disadvantage in fulfilling their responsibilities `because they lack the experience, PAGENO="0389" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4041 knowledge, and background to contribute with full effectiveness. Their personal knowledge of life as poor people is not enough. They need to know more about parliamentary procedure, about their community and about programs and possibilities. It may also be appropriate to follow the practice of business and compensate board members for the time they devote to center affairs. This may help to make board positions more attractive than at present. Last, it appears appropriate to devote some attention to training the pro- fessional and agency personnel who become involved with center activities. To most Of these people the center represents a new work environment and the poor a new type of client and associate. Thus, they need to be retrained so that their attitudes and approaches are suitable for their new positions. To repeat, the need for intensive training of all persons associated with neigh- borhood centers cannot be overstressed. The potential benefits cannot be over estimated. ORGANIZATIONAL ARRANGEMENTS If the neighborhood centers are to afford local residents a meaningful oppor- tunity for participation and self development, there must be a redefinition of the relationship between the CAA's and the centers. At present, in most cases. the CAA dominates the center in every important respect-namely, program develop- ment, funding and personnel selection. Thus, only the most minor prerogatives exist at the center and efforts to expand their scope are generally vetoed at the CAA level. This situation does not strengthen the capabilities of the poor to help themselves. One way to make participation in center affairs more meaningful is to increase the autonomy of centers by establishing them in a status equivalent to delegate agencies rather than integral parts of CAA's. In this status, the centers can have real responsibilities for program development and management of their affairs. The role of the CAA can be modified so that it is no longer the nexus of all community anti-poverty authority but instead is a source of expert advice and counsel as well as a body to coordinate center and other delegate agency activities. At present most center-service agency relationships are negotiated between the CAA and the concerned agency and then imposed upon the center. If the center becomes the equivalent of a delegate agency, it is then in a position to negotiate with other agencies on a relatively equal status. This organizational expression of the legitimacy of the power of the neighborhood poor should result in relations which more fully reflect the desires of the local residents. It will clearly be more complex and difficult for traditional agencies to negotiate with many centers and to enter into a wide variety of operating arrangements. It must be remem- bered, however, that the goal of the centers is not to ease things for the agoncies but to benefit the poor neighborhood residents. Further, if particular center boards choose to have no relationships with certain agencies or to have only adversary relationships, this should be possible. In addition to being more autonomous, it is appropriate to organize centers rather informally and to limit their size. The formal structures necessary n large centers inhibit the effective participation of the poor who are not exper- ienced with such arrangements. Large boards, in particular, are a most inap- propriate vehicle for the development of the capabilities of the poor and the expression of their views. Small boards, and smaller committees and sub- committees organized and operated on informal lines are needed. Parliamentary procedures are neither required nor useful in these situations. Small centers, with staffs of from five to twenty persons, are also more hospit- able to clientele who tend to associate large institutions with the traditional agencies. Small centers are easier to manage; they permit more personal develop- ment; and they are a useful entry level to the world of public affairs. Small centers also permit programmatic flexibility not otherwise possible. Centers with only a very few employees are not recommended. It has been noted that centers of this size have little outreach, little to offer participants and not enough solidarity to support the local people through difficult periods. The cost of having many small centers is not much more than having fewer large centers. The largest cost by far of all operations is the cost of paying the staff salaries. Fixed overhead costs are relatively low. Thus, if large centers are divided into smaller ones and the same numbers of people are involved, costs should not be greatly increased. If CAA's are really concerned with making neighborhood centers operational, centers should have the opportunity of having the neighborhood representatives PAGENO="0390" 4042 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 of other programs in the CAP arsenal. Often CAA's run their programs such as Head Start and NYC independently of centers. As a result, the centers may be denied opportunities to reach the local residents with appealing programs. This is not to say that all CAP programs should be operated by centers. It does sug- gest, however, that centers should be given more opportunities to become actively involved with these programs if they choose. This is one way to offer centers a program content that can help to build resident support and involvement. The comments above reveal, by indirection, the conclusion that the CAA's are not organizations designed to encourage the participation of the poor. They tend to be large, formal, and complex. They represent an area of involvement of power- ful and experienced operators. The organizational directions suggested for neighborhood centers are designed to insure that at least one of the CAP spon- sored entities is congenial to the poor people. CENTER LEADERSHIP Extremely skillful leadership is needed at centers if they are to become focal points for developing the resourcefulness and capabilities of the poor in the neighborhoods. This is a difficult task and it should not be left to the three principal types of persons now most commonly involved with center direction: persons from public or private social service agencies; persons from activist civil rights organizations; and poor people with no special training or capa- bilities. These types of leaders generally have neither the desire nor the capa- bilities to sponsor the growth and independent self development of the neighborhood poor. Peace Corps community development workers probably most closely fit the centers' needs for leadership. The concept of the neighborhood center is new, and there is no reason to expect that ready-made leaders for such enterprises can be found. It is much more reasonable to expect that very special efforts will have to be made to select and train persons to fill these positions. This is perhaps the most delicate and central job of the CAP effort. The widespread lack of attention to this matter must be overcome if any optimistic expectations for centers are to be realized. SUMMARY The recommendations briefly set forth in this section include- 1. To continue neighborhood centers as prominent features of the anti- poverty program; 2. To clarify the principal role of neighborhood centers as enhancing the power of the poor to help themselves; 3. To emphasize intensive and continuing training programs for both professional and non-professional staff and for board members; 4. To modify exising oranizational arrangements so that centers are relatively autonomous and so that they are small and informal; and 5. To develop special programs to select and train persons for positions of leadership in centers. Last, it is recommended that those with a view to the grand strategy of the war against poverty must have the patience and determination to support the cause of the poor against all adversaries including the poor themselves. PAGENO="0391" ECONOMIC OPPORTTJNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4043 APPENDIXES APPENDIX I-SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF COMMUNITIES WITH CENTERS Population of Population of Families under Negroes Other Center code metropolitan area center target $3000 income in city minorities (thousands) (thousands) (percent) (percent) (percent) Negroes in target area (percent) A 1,243 25 36 20 6 B 750 40 30 29 14 50 75 C 405 100 19 34 34 168 110 D 170 170 15 1 26 80 E 1,000 33 29 55 13 F 3 3 37 (2) (2) G 64 10 32 33 21 (2) 10 H 340 7 17 8 6 19 8 I 70 70 53 3 (2) i-I 3, 550 200 34 24 24 i-Il 3,550 140 24 24 24 K 423 10 26 6 23 95 25 20 L-1 1,670 125 30 29 20 L-II 1,670 125 30 29 20 M 451 170 29 12 5 N 40 40 45 5 1 75 90 32 5 0-I 6,039 106 30 11 33 0-Il 6,039 16 43 11 33 P 1,648 85 28 29 31 Q 523 36 24 3 1 `60 `5 63 33 Estimated. Not available. APPENDIX 11.-TYPES OF SERVICES BY COMMUNITY SIZE Size class of community Small Medium Large Number of communities reporting 3 5. 0 Services provided: Education 3 4. 0 11. 0 4. 0 Employment 3 4. 0 Housing 1 2. 0 Consumer 1 1. 0 Welfare 3 3.0 Legal 0 1.0 Health 3 2. 0 Parole 0 1.0 Recreation 1 1. 0 9. 4. 0 2. 0 7.0 2.0 5. 0 1.0 5. 0 0 Information 0 2. 0 Average number of services per center 5 4. 2 3. I As reported by center directors. APPENDIX 111.-PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CLIENTS' AND OFFICIALS' PERCEPTIONS OF CENTER FUNCTIONS [In percenti Size class of community Small Medium Large Total `Clients:' 80 Service function 81 80 79 20 Community action function CAP personnel: Service function 19 63 20 57 21 67 62 38 Community action function Agency personnel: 3 Service function 37 60 43 93 33 81 81 19 Community action function 40 7 19 1 Includes clients and other neighborhood residents interviewed. 2 Includes CAA and Center directors, staff and board members. 3 Includes personnel of public and private agencies having some relationship to Center. PAGENO="0392" 4044 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 APPENDIX V-PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CHARACTERISTICS OF CLIENTS AND RESIDENTS INTERVIEWED I [In percentj Size class of community Small Medium Large Total Sex: Male 11 37 41 32 Female 89 63 59 68 Age: Less than 20 13 16 14 14 20-35 20 32 45 35 36-65 41 47 36 41 Over 65 26 5 5 10 Race: Negro White and other 18 82 67 33 81 19 60 40 Marital status: Married 71 56 64 64 Other 29 44 36 36 Family size: Lessthan6 58 50 55 54 6 or more 42 50 45 46 Employment status: Employed Unemployed 26 74 48 52 53 47 45 55 1189 clients and residents were interviewed. Not all respondents answered all questions. APPENDIX V.-PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CLIENT AND RESIDENT RESPONSES TO SELECTED QUESTIONS TABLE 1 Question: How did you learn of center? [In percent[ Response Size class of community Small Medium Large Total House-to-house survey Other resident referral 33 28 34 26 14 36 26 31 Non-OEO agency referral News media' 12 27 7 13 22 11 15 15 Other2 0 20 17 13 1 Includes TV, radio, newspapers, leaflets, mail, and billboards. 2 Includes OEO agency referral, center-sponsared activities, telephone and clients who "just wandered into center." TABLE 2 Question: What is the purpose of the center? [In percent[ Response Size class of community Small Medium Large Total Services 73 64 63 65 Community action Don't know 17 10 16 20 17 20 17 18 PAGENO="0393" ECONOMIC OPPORTuNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4045 TABLE 3 Question: What has the center done for you? [In percent] Size class of community Response Small Medium Large Total mployment services 27 15 15 Other services 43 30 37 18 36 Nothing 22 46 27 Other' 8 9 21 31 15 1 Includes recreation, community action, furnishing food and/or clothing in emergencies. APPENDIX V TABLE 4 Question: What have you done for the center? [In percent] Size class of community Response Small Medium Large - Total Volunteered time and/or money 19 21 22 Spread the word 10 22 7 Committee work 0 7 16 21 12 10 Nothing 71 50 55 57 TABLE 5 Question: Who pays for operation of center? [In percent] Size class of community Response Small Medium' Large - Total Federal Government 46 40 36 40 Don't know 43 40 28 35 Other' 11 20 36 25 `Includes State and municipal governments, neighborhood people, and private agencies. TABLE 6 Question: Who runs the center and decides what is to be done? [In percent] Size class of community Response Small Medium Large Total Neighborhood people 2 4 13 Center director 33 29 12 8 22 Center staff 16 9 4 9 Don't know 23 53 53 45 Other' 26 5 18 16 `Includes Federal, State, and local government; professional people such as social workers, non-OEO agencies and local politicians, CAA Director and staff. PAGENO="0394" 4046 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 TABLE 7 Question: Do you feel any better off as a result of the center? Size class of community Response Small Medium Large Total Much better off 95 60 57 68 Somewhat better off 3 14 21 14 Other' 2 26 22 18 1 Includes "no better off," "worse off" and "don't know." APPENDIX Vl.-PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CHARACTERISTICS OF CENTER STAFF MEMBERS INTERVIEWED 1 [In percentj Size class of community Response Small Medium Large Total Sex: Male 33 44 39 39 Female 67 56 61 61 Age: Less than 20 0 9 2 3 20 to 35 39 68 52 53 36 to 65 56 23 46 43 Over6S 5 0 0 1 Race: Negro 11 70 71 60 White and other 89 30 29 40 Marital status: Married 67 52 58 58 Other 33 48 42 42 Family size: Less than 6 75 76 79 79 6 or more 25 24 21 21 Employment background: Employed 33 96 98 Unemployed 67 4 2 87 13 1105 Center staff members were interviewed. Not all respondents answered all questions. PAGENO="0395" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4047 APPENDIX Vu-CENTER TRAINING PROGRAMS Professional and resident Professional Resident 0 do Aides in training p Professional Resident Q Professional and resident Secretary-aides City Type of employee Description of training A Professional (degree or some college) B Professional Resident C Professional Resident D - ~do E Professional Resident F Professional G .~do H ~do Resident I Professional and resident Professional Resident K - -- do I Professional Resident M N (1) Inservice training for 3 months under supervision of center staff members; (2) return-to-college program-employees may earn up to 6 hours each semester, attend class during working hours, etc. No training program. (1) 5 seminars, followed by (2) inservice training. No training program. (1) 2 weeks training by CAA, followed by (2) on-the-job training at center. 20-day training program at CAA. No training program. Inservice training conducted by department heads at center. No training program. Do. Do. (1) Center director gives orientation; (2) board of education spon- sors adult education programs; (3) YWCA, "middle class values"; (4) university, "social work," "child development," "poverty seminars." (1) Weeklong workshop conducted by established agencies; (2) staff seminars for discussion of OEO policies. No training program. (1) Applicants tested and trained by private firm of personnel psychologists; (2) this is followed by inservice informal training at center. Weekly staff meetings. Orientation of 12 to 20 weeks. Course deals with management techniques and OEO policies. (1) Course at center-how to apply for jobs: how to pass civil service examination; (2) civil service department of city sponsors extensive program-interviewing techniques group organization, "role playing." (1) Informal training under assistant center director; (2) outside agencies instruct in their procedures. No training program. (1) Enter program as homemaking students; (2) when skills develop, residents hired as homemaking instructors; (3) thus, residents trained before they are hired. (1) Orientation, 2 weeks; (2) feedback sessions held weekly at center; (3) 1 center supplemented with weeky conferences and inservice training, the other center did net offer these; (4) no training except 2-week orientation for resident supervisors. (1) 2-week orientation; (2) inservice training at established agency; (3) feedback sessions at center. No training program. (1) Part-time training consultant assists in orientation of workers at all centers; (2) informal, on-the-job training. "Brief" orientation by CAA, center, and outside agency officials. Education program includes basic English, typing, shorthand, office procedures. PAGENO="0396" 4048 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 APPENDIX VlII.-DISTRIBUTION OF PARTICULAR SERVICES AMONG NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS GROUPED BY SIZE CLASS Centers grouped by size class Educa- tion Employ- meet Hous- log Con- sumer Welfare services services Legal aid Health services Probate parole Recre- ation Infor- mation dispen- sion Small center: 1 2 3 4 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Subtotal 4 4 1 1 4 0 4 0 1 1 Medium center: 1 2 3 4 5 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Subtotal 4 4 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 2 Large center: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Subtotal 4 9 4 2 7 2 5 1 5 2 Grand total 12 17 7 4 14 3 11 2 7 5 ATTACHMENT No. 1 DESCRIPTION AND EVALUATION OF NEIGHBORHOOD CENTERS FOR THE OFFICE OF ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY CONTRACT No. OEO-1257, NOVEMBER 15, 1966 (The conclusions and recommendations in this report are those of the Contractor and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Office of Economic Opportunity or any other agency of the United States Government.) PIcEFACE This is an Attachment to a Report which describes and evaluates neighborhood centers as an organizational feature of community action programs. The Report is concerned principally with analysis and interpretation of aggregated data obtained from field investigations at individual centers. This Attachment is for the reader interested in the descriptions of the individual centers composing the sample included in the research project. It provides him with data not available in the analytic Report, and it enables him to form judgments independent of those offered by the authors. This Attachment contains a description of twenty neighborhood centers. These twenty centers are assumed to be a sample that is representative of the almost two hundred centers in operation. Included are center from every major geo- graphic region of the country; centers in rural areas and in cities of different sizes; and centers representing different types of control, organization and oper- nting philosophies. The descriptions in this Attachment have been developed utilizing information from over 500 field interviews with concerned officials, staff and clients as well as other materials and personal observations. The descriptions have been pre- sented in a fairly uniform format and concentrate on the factors considered to be most important to an understanding of neighborhood centers. Although these PAGENO="0397" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4049 descriptions, of necessity, condense and organize a vast mass of raw data, an attempt has been made to report these data `accurately and without bias. Centers are not identified by name or community for two principal reasons. First, to encourage respondents to our inquiries to speak frankly, they were assured that their replies would not be identified with them. Second, this project is concerned with the analysis of neighborhood centers as a common feature of community action programs and the particulars of individual centers in individ- ual communities are secondary. It is `assumed that normal administrative chan- nels will provide appropriate officials with the information necessary for normal administrative duties. Our field research associates provided excellent detailed and comprehensive reports describing, analyzing and evaluating the centers they investigated. The descriptions in this Attachment were written by our central staff and we assume complete responsibility for them. We acknowledge, however, the invaluable assistance given this entire project by our field research associates whose names are listed below: Dr. Mark Abrabamson Dr. Robert G. Foster Dr. Joseph L. Albini Dr. Mary Ellen Goodman Mr. Isaac B. Baibus Dr. Edwin S. Harwood Mr. Harold Bram Dr. Hannah A. Levin Mr. James H. Cobb Dr. Frank M. Loewenberg Dr. William E. Cole Mrs. Marion 0. McPherson Dr. James H. Craig Mr. Marvin R. Munsell Dr. G. Franklin Edwards Mr. Milton J. Peterson Mr. Donald R. Ewan Dr. William S. Pooler Last, but no means least, we acknowledge the patience and forbearance of the private citizens and officials of OAA's, centers, and public and private agencies who were kind enough to respond so fully and frankly to our inquiries. RICHARD W. KIRSOHNER. DAvm W. VAItLEY. BERT ZIPPEL. CENTER "A" 1. Origin and Early Development of Center In order to understand some peculiarities in the present organizational set-up of the Neighborhood Service Center here examined it is necessary to look briefly a some recent history. Early in the 1960 decade two major community organiza- tions co-sponsored a rather large juvenile delinquency research project. The oper- ation of this project soon became a bit "sticky" because `of what is now described as a power struggle between the project's co-directors. In an effort to resolve the problems the co-sponsoring organizations brought in a third person to serve as a coordinator. Within a short time this coordinator was granted executive powers over the warring co-directors and thereby became "boss" of the whole operation. After completion of the research project a decision was made to set up an action program to attack the problems of youth presumably revealed by the research effort. Accordingly, a non-profit corporation, which became the CAA, was established to plan programs and to seek out public and private funds for financing. With `the help of major financing from federal funds plus some local moneys this action effort got under way. Although the OAA developed out of a primary concern for problems of juvenile delinquency, the particular programs it fostered were much broader in scope with major emphasis on neighborhood self-help and local leadership development. Every effort was made to avoid activities or programs which were at all sugges- tive of welfare state "paternalism." The residents of the OAA demonstration areas were encouraged to help themselves, develop their own leadership, and take an active part in guiding OAA policy. It is readily apparent that with its broad approach to community problems CAA was in a good position to take advantage of federal War on Poverty funds when they became available. This~ it did at the first `opportunity. It should be noted that the city did not develop a community action program in response to the federal government's War on Poverty directives. Rather. it already had such a program. Funding from the OEO simply made it pos- sible to expand operations. The brief history sketched above helps to explain the current decentralization of this community's anti-poverty program. By staking out a substantial demon- PAGENO="0398" 4050 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 stration area (over 150,000 people) in the community, CAA was not about to be dislodged when the more comprehensive, community-wide OEO program was established in mid-1965. As a result, the CAA operation continues in a fashion that is, administratively speaking, quite independent of the rest of the community's OEO program. Indeed, there seems to be antagonism and conflict when the two organizations (i.e., OEO and the CAA) "brush up against" one another. CAA does not view calmly any effort to have non- CAA poverty workers "invade its turf !" In this regard, it should perhaps be mentioned here that CAA's executive director (the one who originally was the coordinator of the juvenile delinquency research project) is a per- son with apparently forceful and abrasive qualities which tend to aggravate what is, organizationally speaking, already an awkward situation. 2. Purposes of the Center The general purpose of the neighborhood center is to serve as a spatial and organizational focal point for grass-roots participation in self-help pro- grams by the area residents. Initiative rests with the local residents from whom leadership is expected to emerge. This native leadership is assisted by the paid staff members of CAA, but in no sense is the staff to "impose" a program on the area residents from above. It is evident, therefore, that de- pending on the desires of the local residents, the neighborhood center can function as a referral point for services dispensed elsewhere, as a local out- post site for the rendering of services both public and private, as a generator of new services, and as a central meeting place for area residents. Further- more, the center is intended to serve all the needy people in its area, not just the young, or the old, or the sick, etc. In short, the ideal here is the multi- purpose center catering to the felt and expressed needs of the local resident `population. It should perhaps he noted here that the idea of the residents organizing themselves to exercise more effective political power did not appear in the interviews with CAA personnel. 3. Organizational Arrangements The organizational arrangements surrounding the neighborhood centers are in some respects rather loose. Each of the half dozen centers operated under CAA auspices has a complement of affiliated organizations attached to it. These are organizations like churches, YWCA's, neighborhood advancement associations, etc., which are linked to the center usually in some service ca- pacity. Representatives from each of these affiliated organizations form an Advisory Committee which functions as a kind of overseer for the center. These Advisory Committees usually have about two dozen members. They meet regularly (usually weekly) to establish policies and make recommenda- tions about center programs and activities to the center staff who are per- sonnel paid by CAA. Typically the center staff numbers about five. This includes a center Director, a Programmer, a Counselor, a Clerk-Receptionist, and a Maintenance person. Depending on how active the center program is, the center staff may run larger than five. This is the case in the particular center investigated by our field workers. It has a staff of approximately eight, including two full-time programmers and two full-time neighborhood organizers. In addition there are seven unpaid volunteer aides at the cen- ter who help conduct sports activities, Boy Scouts, etc. The types of staff positions listed above are rather self explanatory except for perhaps the Programmer, the Counselor, and the neighborhood organizers. The first is a person who facilitates the establishment of programs which are responsive to the stated needs of the neighborhood residents. This may in- volve coordinating already existing services or setting up new services and training personnel to handle them. The Counselor is the person who meets in the Center with individuals and groups, counsels them about services available, refers special problems to appropriate resources, enrolls residents in desired activities, and supervises the Clerk-Receptionist who receives applicants ini- tially. The neighborhood organizers are the employed field contact people for the Center. They meet with the Neighborhood Advancement Association and other groups affiliated with the Center in an effort to promote the Center programs as well as determine the needs of the residents. The question of how the Advisory Committee can exercise any effective con- trol over the center staff when that staff is both hired and paid by the CAA is most simply answered by noting that each Advisory Committee is repre- sented on a Board of Directors which governs CAA. To be sure, they don't PAGENO="0399" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4051 constitute a majority of the Board, but they are represented and~ do have a voice and vote. The size of this Board of Directors varies between 40 and 50 mem- bers about 40 percent of whom are or were residents of the poverty area being served by CAA. This means that the Board is weighted in favor of the prominent civic business leadership of the community-the so-called "Estab- lishment." Needless to say, this also means that there will be no undue "rocking of the boat" when decisions are made. What is more, the procedures for re- cruiting Board members fairly well guarantee that "safe stability" will charac- terize the Board majority. Members of the Board of Directors are recruited in several ways. One in- volves having the Board's nominating committee nominate individuals recom- mended by other Board members. Another way is to have individuals recom- mended by the administrative staff of CAA for nomination. These may be, arid indeed have been, at times residents of the poverty area. Such people are of course likely to be tractable and cooperative from the point of view of those running the program-the so-called "tame" or "respectable" poor. A third way in w-hich Board members are recruited is through an organiza- tion called the General Area Council. This is a large representative body num- bering some 200 members who represent every club and neighborhood associa- tion in the entire CAA poverty area. Each club or association elects three members to this General Area Council. This council in turn elects six of its community resident members to the CAA Board of Directors. The fourth way in which Board members are selected has already been mentioned- namely, through representation of each neighborhood Advisory Committee. The above sketch of procedure for recruiting Board of Director membership suggests that while there is no guarantee that "rebel" types won't appear in the governance of CAA, it is certain that such disruptive people: ~ill not gain control over the operation. Furthermore, the presence of "tame" rep- resentatives of the poverty area on the Board tends to counter or soften the impact of any rebel effort to alter the status quo. Another aspect of the general "control" picture involving neighborhood cen- ter organization appears when the relationship between the center staff and the neighborhood Advisory Committee is examined more closely. There is evidence that local residents do in fact "run" the meetings of the ~Advisory Committee. Advice from the professional center staff is sought, but initiative is retained by the Advisory Committee "laymen." However, at all such meet- ings there is what might be called "a hidden ag~nda" item which seriously limits the extent to which the local residents really control the center pro- grams. This item is the simple fact that the Advisory Committee~ does not con- trol the budget and the allocation of funds. Whether or not a given activity or program will actually be established depends on whether funds are avaliable. Through its control of funds CAA's top-level administrative staff exercises considerable control over local neighborhood programs. Because of this or- ganizational arrangement the idea that CAA is a model for efforts to set up grassroots participation in self-help programs has a bit of a hollow ring. It does appear true that there is little if any effort; to impose programs on the area residents from above. However, the power of those "above" to ex- ercise budgetary vetos on ideas from below serves to limit severly the ef- fectiveness of the much heralded local initiative. As will be seen later, this limitation is frustrating to some of the residents and lower-level staff mem- bers involved in the activities at the Center. With respect to staff recruitment and training most of the neighborhood organizers have college degrees or at least some college training. The top level administrators of CAA encourage lower level staff to continue their education. Arrangements can be made so that staff workers can earn up to six credit hours of college work each semester while they are working for C:AA. There is also an in-service training program for the new staff members. This apparently runs about three months during which they work under the supervision of various staff people at the different neighborhood centers. The results of staff recruitment efforts have been partically interesting in that the preponder- ance of the staff is Negro even though "Anglos" and latin-Americans nre sub- stantially represented in the area served by the CAA. One explanation for this selectivity is that college trained Anglos and Latin-Americans can get higher salaries than th& CAA pays. Whether or not this reflects differential quality of college education as between Negroes and non-Negroes is an interesting question to contemplate. In any event, college-trained Negroes find CAA salaries (mini- PAGENO="0400" 4052 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 mum: $400 per month for college educated) to be better than what they can get elsewhere. 4. Relations/tip of Center to Clientele The area served by the CAA numbers over 150,000 people living in the central part of a major metropolitan community of over one million persons. More than one-half of the CAA area population is Negro and approximately one-sixth is Latin-American. A little more than one-third of the families have incomes under $3,000. About four of every ten residents of the area have less than eight years of formal schooling. In general the area is conspicuously depressed and has been rather neglected by traditional services and welfare type egencies. There is considerable concern expressed by center staff and by resident volun- teer workers about the outreach of the center program. Since there are no data on contracts with clientele tabulated by center, precise figures on outreach are not available for the Center. One rough estimate mentioned in interviews with our field people was 40 percent. However, there is some reason to believe that this is an inflated figure. We do have some data for May, 1966 which reveals that contracts were made with 776 different people, 650 of whom were contacted in a survey of resident needs. The estimated total population served by the Center is 25,276. There are several methods used by the Center to reach the clientele. One of these is a letter sent weekly apprising clients of activities and events organized by the Center. Another method is through a survey in which residents are sys- tematically contacted at their homes by field workers. A third method is personal contact by field workers following up a reference of some kind. A fourth method involves working through other organizations like churches, schools, sport groups, etc. Unfortunately, there are no really adequate data on which to base a very precise evaluation of the outreach effort of the Center. It does appear, however, that the clientele of the Center is selective of Negroes almost exclusively. This "fact" came out both in interviews and site observation by our field worker. In this regard it is interesting to note that the particular neighborhood served by the Center is about 25 percent Negro. Thus, it would seem that three-fourths of the neighborhood population is not being served by the Center. It will be remembered that Negroes predominate on the CAA staff. It has been suggested that this might be the reason for the failure of whites to gravitate to the Center. Another selective feature of the Center clientele is their age. Older people are apparently not very receptive to overtures made by Center personnel. Young adults, youth and children seem to constitute the major portion of the clientele. When we turn to the question of just what specifically goes on in the form of the Center program, it is well to keep in mind that the Center is a multi-purpose operation which responds to the expressed desires of the residents of the area. Accordingly, quite a variety of activitites are exhibited. Among the more promi- inent of these are: counseling youth and adults with respect to employment prospects; recreational programs for children and youth; counseling clients about available agency services; day care program for children probation and parole counseling (handled exclusively by the Director who works closely with the police, probation officials, juvenile court, etc.) ; adult education classes in subjects like nutrition, childcare and budgeting as well as reading, writing and arithmetic; sewing and arts and crafts classes; "fun night" recreational program for adults and family units; sponsor of forum for political candidates running for local office; special events like dinners, dances etc. Of course, the center also serves as a meeting place for various groups like the Advisory Committee, the Neighborhood Improvement Association, etc. Some of these activities like employ- ment counseling and day care are handled on a contractual basis by outside agencies. Unfortunately, we must again note that the absence of data precludes evaluat- ing the different degrees of prominence exhibited by these various services and activities enumerated above. However, interview cues prompt one to suspect that recreation is the most conspicuous service rendered. In this regard, some prob- lems are clearly evident. They involve the lack of material resources for the pro~ grams. This was especially evident with respect to recreation. Outside of a ping~pong table, some baseball equipment, a deflated volleyball, and some table games like checkers, there was nothing. In particular there was no readily acces- sible field or grounds for youth recreation. This poverty of material resources PAGENO="0401" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4053 posed a distinct handicap in attracting the "hard-to-reach" young people to the center. A perusal of budget allocation reveals the reason for this lack of equip- ment. In one budget, for example, over three-fourths of the total (which was nearly $1,000,000) was used for staff salaries while "activities supplies" amounted. to only $16,000. Clearly, the administrators who drew up and those who ap- proved this budget were sold on the vital role which human relations play in the success or failures of local poverty efforts. However, they appear blind to the role played by material incentives! Most of the remarks above have been concerned with those~aspects of center functions involving services. There is in addition to this feature of center activity a community action phase. Basically this `involves trying to organize the area residents to help themselve~. The Center's efforts to promote this sort of development have taken the form of setting up a Neighborhood Improvement Association and participating in the General Area Council discussed earlier. Regular meetings of these groups are held, and the officers are local area resi- dents. At meetings of these groups various problems are taken up such as try- ing to get access to a field for youth recreation purposes; how to cope with the anti-social, destructive behavior of a youth group in the area; petitioning the city to put in street lights in the area and to do something about an incinerator installation in the area (this is apparently some kind of area dump), etc. As was noted earlier in this report, there seems to be no explicit consideration of the idea that community action might `be used to organize the poor to exercise more effec- tive political power. This brings us to the general question of just how participa- tion of the poor is exhibited in this setting. We have already noted that the CAA Board of Directors numbers between forty and fifty members of whom about nineten are present or past residents of the pov- erty area being served. We have also noted that the recruitment procedures pretty well guarantee a Board composition controlled by the Establishment. To a con- siderable extent this picture of Board stahility and respectability is reflected in the lower levels-that is, at the center level. It is the "respectable poor" who participate in the Center programs and occupy leadership positions. They are poor people, but they are people with stable families and full-time jobs. What is more, they have adopted middle class values centering around standards of decency, good manners and the importance of education. Under their leadership activity at the Center is conducted in an atmosphre of middle class values. For example, our field worker witnessed an episode in which a youth wandered into the Center with his hat on. He was reprimanded for this and was permitted to go about his business only after he had removed his hat. On another occasion at a meeting of a Young Citizens Club two distinct groups were clearly visible; one was serious about the meeting and tried to shape the youths' behavior in accord- ance with that of the adult "respectables" while the other group grimaced and talked during the meeting. This latter group was lectured on the impropriety of gum-chewing and coke-drinking during meetings. One of the consequences Qf this situation is the problem of a rebellious youth element. There are teen-age boys who hang around and engage in various acts of a more or less destructive nature. The Center personnel have not been able to "reach" these young people at all. It may be suggested that part of the reason for this failure is that the Center does not provide a strong enough incentive in its programs for these "non-respectables" to endure what they regard as "chicken- shit" behavior. This is why the lack of adequate material resources is so frus- trating to some of the residents and staff members of the Center. It is also possible that the relationship of the Director (and by association perhaps his staff) with probation and parole "officialdom" serves to identify the Center with an alien, if not outright enemy, element from the point of view of the delinquent or rebellious youth. An episode involving our field researcher points this up. He attended an evening meeting of the neighborhood Advisory Committee at the Center. During the meeting which was called to discuss what to do about the delinquent youth of the neighborhood, these self-same youths pro- ceeded to strip the rneeting-gOers' cars of their radio antennae, hubcaps, wind- shield wipers, gas tank caps, etc. The automobiles which were most mistreated belonged to the members of the Center staff. Our field researcher suffered only the loss of a gas tank cap. When he inquired as to why he got off so lightly, one of the Center staff said, "Oh, they probably didn't know who you were." Another feature of this situation which may well aggravate the problem of try- ing to reach the "hard-to-reach" poor involves the administration of the CAA SO_0S4-67-Pt. 5-26 PAGENO="0402" 4054 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 operation. By and large it appears to be formal, authoritarian, and rather doc- trinaire. The workers appear to have little autonomy. Any innovation must be cleared upstairs, and very often such requests are denied. For example, the field workers are required to wear shirts with ties even during hot summer weather; efforts to secure some punch and a few cookies to take out to the neighborhoods floundered in an incredible snarl of bureaucratic red tape; our field researcher ran into this kind of senseless rigidity on several occasions, one of which was so hilarious that even an upper level administrator felt it necessary to apologize for the absurdity of it all. Needless to say, the kind of atmosphere created by this sort of administration is hardly conducive to bold, innovative, experimental efforts to deal with the "hard-to-reach" poor. This problem group is not being reached at all by the program. On the other hand, the "easy-to-reach" poor-the respectable poor-are being served by the Center, which is providing them with opportunities they would not otherwise have. This represents at least some accomplishment. CENTER "B" 1. Relationship of' Center to Other Organizations The Neighborhood Center with which our study is concerned was originally set up for the purpose of coordinating the activities of service agencies already existing in the community. It was felt by the CAA founders of the Center that these agencies were not reaching out to the population so that the services could be fully utilized. At this point a conflict arose over the implementation of the program. Some people thought the Centers should be run by the existing agencies while others wanted the CAA to operate the Centers. A compromise was reached whereby five centers would be run by existing agencies and seven others in the city would be run by the CAA. This compromise served to antagonize those agencies which were not chosen to operate a Center. The evidence available suggests strongly that the conflict exists to this date. The Center on which we have focused is operated by the CAA and has relation- ships with many other community organizations which offer services outside the physical location of the Center. The Legal Aid Society has an office in the same building. The Society is an independent agency, although financed by the CAA. These two groups work well together with the Center sending many clients to the Society. Relations with various city and state agencies appear to be strained. This is particularly true of the Welfare Department. The Center staff complains ~f bureaucracy and red tape from Welfare and Welfare complaints of the Center as an instigator of complaints among welfare recipients. There has been some effort on the part of the Center staff to organize welfare re- cipients in the area, and Welfare does not like this. Other city department relationships have also been stormy due to a militant approach of the Center staff and residents who are demanding action, particularly of the Parks and Building Departments. The least cordial relations are those between the Center and the schools. There is conflict over after-hours use of school buildings which the Center is encouraging but which the schools are resisting. There are a few contacts with private social agencies such as the Red Cross, Salvation Army, and religious service groups. These agencies are called upon in emergency cases and relationships appear to be quite friendly. Formally, there exists an inter-agency committee which meets monthly at the `Center. This committee has not been used effectively as yet. 2. Boards and Committees Board of' Directors ((fAA) The Board is made up primarily of community leaders. Five of its 16 mem- bers represent the poor. The Central Advisory Committee nominated ten can- didates from which the Mayor appoints `three and the county supervisor appoints the remaining two representatives. The Board is the official policy- making body of the Corporation. Central Advisory Committee This group is made up of `two representatives of the poor from each of twelve areas serviced by neighborhood centers. The main function of this Committee is to advise the Board. The `Committee is constantly con'tacted by the (fAA Director to gain their views on proposed programs. PAGENO="0403" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4055 Neighborhood Advisory Committee Each Center has: an NAC which elects representatives to the Central Ad- visory Committee and formally functions in an advisory and control capacity with regard to the Center. Members of this Committee are in turn elected from neighborhood Assemblies. Assemblies The area of the particular Center being studied is divided into 18 assembly districts. The Assemblies consist of all interested residents in their area. The Assemblies elect two representatives each to the `NA~C. The function of the Assemblies is to advise and control Center operations through the NAC. 3. Organization of Center Three formally organized departments exist at the Center: Neighborhood Development, Family Services, and Manpower. These departments each have a vertical relationship with corresponding departments at the CAA office. The Center Director acts merely as a liaison agent between *the departments. In addition to these departments, `there are additional personnal supervised di- rectly by the CAA, administering such programs as `the `NYC, Small Business Loans. Head Start, and Consumer Education. Temporary programs such as Summer Recreation are under the immediate supervision of the Center Director. The staff of this Center is large and includes a wide range of educational and experience levels. The staff under the Neighborhood Development Depart- ment is composed of some 30 to 55 part-time resident workers. The number is varial)le due to availability of funds and training time. At the time of this survey, there were `thirty workers who had already undergone `the training period which consists of attendance at five *seminars followed by on-the-job training with a veteran worker. These people work ten to twenty hours per month. Three full-time staff members, also area residents, are employed in this division. The Manpower Department consists of two employment counselors under CAA supervision and two counselors funded by the State Employment Service. These personnel are experienced in their field, well-educated, and not necessarily resi- dents of the target area. In the Family Services Department there are professional workers in the fields of Counseling and Health Service, with their efforts being complemented by the services of resident aides. Professionals on the staff who received training prior to the employment are interviewed and hired by the CAA Director. Neighborhood workers and aides who live in `the area are interviewed and screened by the Center Director who in turn refers them to the CAA Director for formal hiring. At this point it should be mentioned that conflict along two lines exists be- tween some of the professional members of the Center staff and the indigenous neighborhood workers. First, if the workers do not like a particular program they will not work efficienUy for the program. A second unique aspect of the work patterns of the neighborhood workers is the difficulty in separating out work from private time. Their Center activities usually involve munch more time than they are contracted for but the distribution of time between paid work, volunteer work, acting as resident in the community, and private time is almost impossible to untangle. They `themselves do not clearly divide their time into these categories. ~. TV/mo Actually Controls the Center? It is generally believed that, contrary to what is said to occur in many other cities, the Mayor of this city has not interfered with the operation of the CAA. This may be due to the varied political complexion of the Board. At the same time. the staff of the Center is not immune to pressure coming from City Hall; in fact, they appear to be sensitive to any indication of direction coming from that area. Policy specifies that residents, through the Neighborhood Advisory Com- mittee. must approve all Center programs and may initiate requests for new programs. This policy is most effective when the desires of the residents coin- cide with the idea's of the CAA Staff and the Center Staff. Let the residents make a decision that Staff thinks unwise and th'at decision will become lost. The residents who are actively involved are very much aware of this situation. Formal structure, policies, and practice indicate that the local CAA attempts PAGENO="0404" 4056 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 to keep a tight rein on the centers. The vertical organizational structure, with its several chains of command to the departments within the centers, would seem to accomplish control by the CAA. Center Directors also meet at CAA once a week to discuss problems and poli- cies and programs and in turn have staff meetings on the next day to pass on what was discussed. Thus, evidence may support a feeling expressed by some staff members that any amount of autonomy presently existing at the Center level may very well be lost in the growing complexity of organization controls, or "there's too much red. tape." 5. Budget The total budget for the current year for the neighborhood center projects in, the community was approximately $1,250,000, fairly equally divided anhong twelve centers. For the Center under study, approximately 85 percent of its $100,000 budget is for salaries. The funding for specific projects is done sepa-- rately. Thus, the CAA budget includes separate items for employment services,. health, etc. 6. Center Goals and Programs This particular Center is one which serves as a focal point for community- action to raise living standards of a poor population. The type of community action originating from the Center in its formative months was of a militant and. rebellious nature-a demonstration, a strike, a march on City Hall. The program was condoned and, in fact, generated by the Center Staff. After some months, the CAA staff intervened and instituted a change of* emphasis by "promoting" the original Center Director to its offices downtown.. New staff members were hired to head the present departments of Manpower,. Family Services, and Neighborhood Development. It was the view of the CAA that basic problems of poverty, unemployment, and substandard housing might be solved more systematically. Policy calls for continuing emphasis on achieve- ment of goals without the use of open pressure. 7. Outreach There is a great deal of emphasis placed on reaching clientele in the area in order that staff members may become more familiar with the locale, its people, and its problems, and so that Center services may become available to all who need them. The attitude of Center personnel is that maximum effort, whether militant or peaceful, is required for community improvement. When the Center' was initially organized, the workers enlisted were those with a history of' personal contacts through other organizations; e.g., political groups, civil rights, etc. The feeling continues to be that the indigenous worker can provide the liaison between the skilled counselor at the Center and the poor. He contacts clients through door-to-door campaigns and at club meetings and assemblies. The most effective contact is almost always a personal one; this is the contact that brings' most resident's to the Center. Fliers, loudspeakers, newspaper publicity have been employed with little result. A meeting advertised by one of these methods has been known to bring out only four residents but a multitude of civic leaders. The Center employs over thirty workers to effect this type of personal contact'. which seems to be necessary, but their number is inadequate to reach all of the 15,000 homes in the area. Budget limitations at this time will not allow the employment of any more such personnel. This problem is viewed as a most' important one by all levels of Center personnel. There has appeared another factor which represents a problem to the outreach program. The staff has been known to refuse to notify residents about programs with which they do not agree. It was noted that the block workers balked at' advertising the Head Start program because they did not agree with the qualifica- tions set up for participants. Additional block workers had to be hired; valuable time was lost; and many re~idents probably were not notified of the program. It was noted by our observer that perhaps existing organizations such as churches were not being utilized for outreach. This idea seemingly had not' occurred to Center workers. 8. Target Area The city in which this Center is located in an urban locale of about one million people. The 40,000 population served by the Center has shifted drastically in the last fifteen years from an area identified as Jewish to one clearly Negro (75. PAGENO="0405" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4057 percent). Though the entire area is one that is designated "poverty-stricken," -there exists a social and economic hierarchy. On one end of the scale is that 30 percent of the population whose families have been unemployed and raised in extreme poverty for several generations. These people are seldom involved with -the Center programs but may have a fleeting association with it-a request for a ipart-time job or a lost welfare check. It might be mentioned here that about 25 percent of the area population that is white has shown very little interest in the Center. Our observers saw nothing of this group in the Center itself. A small minority of them are members of the various boards. It is from the mid-section of this hierarchy that the Center draws its volun- -teers, staff, and most of its clients. This population group has an income of over -$3,000 per family; most have at least an eighth grade education; their housing is not substandard. They do not consider themselves "poor." However, they have -the problems of the poor: a high rate of juvenile delinquency, under-education, --and under-employment. Attempts by residents to solve their problems by forceful action have not been -successful. The Center will not be successful in solving these problems if it does not reach the people, according to policy. The following chart is an estimate of clients - contacted during March, April, and May of this year. March April May Contacted in Center Contacted outside Center Number of different individuals Provided service ~Participated in Center activities 1, 045 1,711 1,232 865 2, 141 1, 482 1, 589 1, 309 1, 142 3, 070 915 1, 383 1, 202 968 2, 576 Many clients were questioned by your interviewer regarding their relationship *to the Center. Again, the door-to-door contact program had been most effective in notifying those clients who had heard of the Center. Many of the residents in the area, however, were unaware of the Center or were unaware that it offered .a wide range of services. Many residents indicated being not~fled of the NYC or - Head Start programs, for example, but the block worker who contacted them had failed to mention that any other programs existed. The Center personnel -are all very much aware of this problem of communication with residents. They see no solution other than hiring more workers. 9. ~erviees of the Center Of the various services offered by the Center, the one most novel (and most -often described by our respondents) was its function as a place or address where -residents can turn for help. The staff of counselors makes referrals to many different agencies and attempts to aid the "whole person." Many referrals are made to the Legal Aid Society, Welfare Department, and other of the various agencies in the community. The counselor will follow up the case until the various problems are solved in the best possible way. In addition to making referrals to other agencies, the Center also offers a -variety of services under its own roof. The three departments of Manpower, Neighborhood Development, and Family Services administer these program. The Manpower Department operates essentially a-s an employment agency, -working in cooperation with and partially funded by the State Employment Service. There is emphasis on testing applicants for interests and abilities-to find the right job for the right person in accordance with his capabilities. Under the Family Services Department are: counseling services, health serv- ices, Consumer Education, and a Thrift -Shop where household and clothing items are sold at nominal prices or given away. One of the most recent offerings under the health program was an extensive measles innoculation campaign. A trained nurse (R.N.) administers this division. Social workers and counselors are em- -ployed by this department to counsel family members in regard to personal and financial problems. The Neighborhood Development Department supervises such services as Head - Start (although teachers employed in thi-s program are hired `by CAA), Day -Camp, Smmner Recreation, Girls -Teen Group, and the outreach program. Those residents who are aware of the Center and have availed themselves ~of its services feel that their problems are well understood by its staff. Many PAGENO="0406" 4058 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 196:7 clients interviewed were happy about a definite service performed for them-a job, a referral to LAS for free legal aid. Many clients interviewed explained that they also value the Center has a place to voice complaints and get action . . . as a place for the "little man to voice his opinion." Various agencies which ha've contact with the Center were invited to express opinions on the services offered there. As mentioned `before, relationships with most of these agencies have been difficult. With the exception of LAS most agencies were felt to: regard the `Center as a threat to th'eir status in the com- munity, a dupli'cation of service, or a method of creating more red tape. Also, there was some ill-feeling between traditional agency staff members and the Center Staff because of `higher salaries paid under the poverty program. These poor relationships are `being resolved in two ways: (1) by definite and continuing attempts `by the Center Staff and Neighborhood Advisory Committee to coo'perate with outside agencies (e.g., inter-agency meetings at the Center), an'd (2) by pressure. This latter method might `be illustrated by the incident of a visit to `the Welfare Department by one of the more aggressive neighborhood workers. The worker visited the Agency on behalf of a family evicted from its home. He threatened to move their furniture into th'e Welfare Office unless he received an emergency cheek for them. They wrote out the check. 10. Community Action The history of community action in this' area predates the formation of CAA by many years. Peaceful demonstration's and pro'test meetings to overcome social pr~blem:s were organized and carried out but positive effects of these efforts were limited to a few isolated problems. Though the leaders of these movements were dedicated and aggressive and a definite need for action existed, a large majority of the poor population was apathetic and did not turn out for the demonstrations. The formation of the Center gave to these leaders a focal space for organizing the community for action. These leaders became in fact the first staff of the Center and their atti'tudes were incorporated into its program. The threat of a demonstration to be organized to' march in front of an apart- ment `building in need of repairs brought timely CAA intervention. At this point the CAA held negotiations with building code inspectors and landlord's to set in motion the machinery for effecting the needed repairs. The march was called off before it began. Since this incident and other related incident's occurred, any advertised action meeting or demonstration of the poor is expected to bring out a host of city officials and other involved `persons for attempts to encourage the poor to arbitrate instead of march. Because of the history of community action in this area, city officials are on the `alert to any advance warnings of rebellious activity. An emphasis on containment of activist elements is exhibited by the afore- mentioned reorganization of the Center by the CAA and the change of Center personnel. Efforts are now channelled into other activities with an emphasis on service and achieving settlements without the use of open pressure. At this time, policy states that Center Staff may not participate openly in demonstrations. In practice, however, a member of the staff may very well be an instigator and organizer of such an activity and not make an actual appearance at t'he scene of the activity. Concretely, the changes evident to some extent in the neighborhood served by the Center include: additional street lighting in part of the area, improved housing due to slum landlord response to resident pressure and stricter code enforcement, and summer recreational programs. Officials are optimistic that neighborhood action will function creatively and be devoted more and more to recruiting clients for service to the community. It is possible that the "militant" phase of community action will be assumed by privately-financed organizations as these groups build up in the neighborhood. 11. Participation of the Poor Ł~AA Staff members were questioned regarding the manner and effectiveness of the participation of the poor as board members for "their" program. The consensus of opinion indicated that these communication channels are kept open to the poor but they are not often utilized except by a few aggressive individuals. The opportunity exists via membership on various' `boards and committees for representatives of the poor to form policy. However, only the more aggressive personalities speak out. Many of `the poor sit in meetings and vote but offer no~ ideas ;` they say nothing. PAGENO="0407" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4059 Membership on these boards, viewed from the vantage point of the poor, ap- pears to be a truly democratic place where "the little man can express his mind," make decisions about his own life and community. Center Staff ~embers are, for the most part, drawn from the area surrounding the Center. Though economically in need of the jobs, most personnel which we interviewed expressed an altruistic attitude, wanting to help others to help them- selves. They have a sincere desire to "help the poor." It was mentioned pre- viously that the majority of this group does not consider itself poor. To this date, participation and attendance at meetings is limited to a minority of the population. There are usually from five to fifty persons at most general meetings. As in any community, there are those who are more active in civic and political affairs than the general population. These are the people who participate actively in center programs, and contribute ideas at the board meetings. At this time, there still exists a great majority of the population in this area which is ignorant of the Center, uninterested in its programs, and apathetic about the conditions the Center is attempting to reform. CENTER "C" 1. Relationshi~p of Center to Other Organizations Relations with the city government and its political machines have been es- pecially stormy due to an early schism between CAA and city officials. At this early date there was a struggle for control of the new CAA organization ill which funds and jobs were soon to be available. The victorious OAA officials claimed that city officials had wanted to take over the program to exploit its patronage possibilities, while city officials claimed that the other groups wanted to utilize the program to build a new political machine. As a result of this power struggle, the city almost completely disassociated itself from the program, al- legedly worked (successfully) to reduce its federal appropriations and did not contribute its support toward the required ten percent local matching funds. Delegate agencies of the CAA corporation carry out many of the city's anti- poverty programs including remedial reading, preschool, Head Start, recreation, employment, Neighborhood Youth Corps, legal services, and small business de- velopment. These organizations generally have their own boards of directors and staffs. The neighborhood center works closely with these agencies and its pro- grams are interwoven into theirs and the Center is viewed by these CAP agencies as a locale for extension of their influence in the community. The three groups that appear to be a source of conflict with the Center are the members of the Democratic political ward machine, the militant civil rights activists, and the clergy of a particular religious group. 2. Boards and Committees As previously indicated, the Community Action Agency was established as a corporation. It was decided that this corporation should have a membership composed of all those wishing to join who live in, work in, or perform a direct service to the city. At this time over 7,000 members are carried on the rolls of membership, although actual participation is very considerably less. A board controls the corporation and membership on this board is composed of represent- atives of city government, traditional agencies, religious groups, civil rights organizations, and the poor. Members are elected to the board at the annual meeting of the corporation. The mayor of the city is Honorary President of the corporation and two members of the City Council are Honorary Vice Presidents. Each neighborhood center board elects three CAA board members. There are, in total, sixty-five OAA board members. The board elects its own officers. The full board meets monthly and an executive committee of the board (com- posed of corporation officers and standing committee chairmen) meets weekly. The standing committees are budget and finance, membership, nominating, personnel, and program. In addition to the CAA boards there are task forces for each unit of program concern-community action, education, employment, and special projects. Each task force is composed primarily of residents of the city who are members of the OAA. Their function is to evaluate proposals and recommend courses of action to the board of the corporation. In this manner they provide a link be- tween the board and the members of the corporation. Each task force has a membership of from 35 to 100 members which is supposed to insure that there is broad-based participation in the programing process. PAGENO="0408" 4060 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 3. The Neighborhood Boards All of the organizations so far described operate on a citywide basis. To de- velop a mechanism by which the poor could participate more directly in the affairs of the program, the city was divided into a number of neighborhoods and local people were brought together to form boards which perform the following purposes: "To organize and establish a concrete dialogue between the impoverished or unorganized community and the middle class or established institutions and provide a base for a truly democratic process at all levels." "To foster a variety of programs obtaining infinite participation, administra- tion and guidance to meet the most critical needs of the poor in the area." 1 Membership in the neighborhood board was officially open to all those in the area. This group was then to elect a governing body of 117 members with the ~following composition: Residents of housing projects 35 Tenants outside housing projects 15 Youth organizations 15 Homeowners Political organizations Church organizations 5 Union organizations Educational organizations Social organizations 5 Officers of this group 11 Chairmen of standing committees 11 Total 117 1LUhe membership at large also elects the officers of the above described board. 4. Organization of the Center In addition to the neighborhood board, a small staff established a center in the eommunity. The staff includes a Community Organizer, a Community Researcher, a Community Worker, and a clerk-typist to serve an area of 100,000 population. They operate from spacious quarters in the center of the area they are to serve. In theory, the staff is to carry out the desires of the board and to provide the board with technical assistance in program formulation and development. Policy indicates that Center personnel are to be hired by the CAA upon the recommen- dation of the Neighborhood Board. Although the staffs of the various neighborhod centers in this city are small, their efforts are supposed to be supplemented by services of aides assigned to them by the CAA. There is to be a formal program administered by the CAA which recruits and trains young people for community action work. Their train- ing is to consist of two weeks apprenticeship in the Community Action Division of the CAA followed by on-the-job training assisting in a neighborhood center. During this orientation period, daily supervision is to be given the recruit by the staff, suplemented my weekly conferences with the staff supervisor of the area Board. One of the most popular aspects of the Center is the opportunity for employ- ment of residents. 5. Who Controls the Center? The Neighborhood Board was established to fill an advisory role in relation to the Center. It can recommend to the CAA Director the staff it desires and the pro- grams it wishes to carry out. Final decisions regarding staff, programs, and policy remain with the CAA, however. CAA controls the budget. The original position of the CAA was that the Center staff should serve the Center boards but activities to support this position have not developed. Therefore, the Center staff remains clearly under the domination and control of the CAA official responsible for community organization. 6. Budget The budget for the staff of the neighborhood centers is allocated from the udministrative budget of the entire community action program. To give some 1 Constitution and By-Laws of Neighborhood Board, Article II. PAGENO="0409" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4061 idea of relative magnitudes, the total community action budget is over $5 million, central administration is $100,000, aiid each neighborhood center is about $25,000. 7. Goals and Programs of the Center The neighborhood centers were not established as multiple, service centers. but were designed as a mechanism for participation of the poor. The Center board is supposed to develop policies with respect to anti-poverty activities in the area and the Center staff is to carry out these policies. The program is intended to be one of outreach to the poor so that they may take advantage of the offerings of the poverty program. After a year of operation it is apparent that the board and staff did not know exactly what they were to do or how to go about it. Only one recommended pro- gram emerged from the board. The staff does not use its talents to organize the people in the community and does not appear to make serious efforts in this area. For the most part, the staff stays in the Center, leaving only for three hours on one night a week to organize. 8. Oatreaclv Formal communication to the community is limited to a weekly canvass and a newsletter that goes out monthly. However, most clients interviewed bad become aware of the Center through other organizations. It was mentioned above that relations with political organizations, some of the churches, and racial organizations have been unfriendly. Ironically, it is through organizations such as these that the outreach program of the Center might have its best results. These groups, long organized in the community and antedating the Center, include a majority of the residents served by the Center. The Center could conceivably provide a meeting place for these groups and in fact recent events have indicated that this is happening. Each of these groups has a contribution to make to the program there. Though events have indicated that it is becoming a meeting place for adversaries, community interest has been stimulated in this manner. The recent hotly-contested elections have also brought many participants to the Center. Various programs have generated some community spirit, but the Center has not been involved directly with them. For instance, many of the poor were in- volved in both the programing and staffing of the Pre-School Council and are now being involved in its evaluation. The job-training for adults program is an- other example of a successful program that was achieved only as the result of resident participation. Both are independent of the Center. According to the residents, many of the attempted programs do not reach the right people. Some of them cited instances of being informed of programs that were not in fact car- ried through, and being misinformed as to the time and place of the particular activity. All levels of CAA and Center personnel have agreed that greater effort should be exerted toward outreach. Attempts on the part of Center Staff to get people to meetings are indicated by the organization of car pools and the offering of door prizes. With the exception of those workers with political experience and orientation, most staff members would rather use any other method of outreach than go out and knock on doors. 9. Target Within an extremely depressed city, the most poverty stricken area is its central core which is the location of the Center herein described. This area is predominately populated by Negroes who have been in the community for many years. It is a concentration of dilapidated single family dwelling units, old rental properties and new "projects." ADO recipients amount to almost fifty percent of the area's population. Within this area are approximately 100,000 persons. In short, the target area has most of the characteristics associated with the typical urban Negro ghetto. One of the area's main problems was glaringly obvious to our researchers-dhat of housing and neighborhood cleanliness. Not only were some buildings dilapidated but others had been razed or burned to the ground with the resulting debris of broken glass and charred bricks left where they fell. Manifest social problems of dope addiction alcoholism, unemployment, and a high crime rate combine to make this area a perfect stereotype of a problem area. 10. services The Neighborhood Center functions as a referral agency for the various programs of the OAA. Referrals are made to a remedial reading program, PAGENO="0410" 4062 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Pre-School, Pre-High Head Start, Pre~School Head Start, Summer Recreation, Small Business Development, Lbgal `Services~ and various youth programs. Each of these program divisions of the CAA has its own organizational structure and personnel to administer its services. Some of these programs also require a great deal of participation on the part of neighborhood residents for success as in the case of the Pre-School Program. Events occurring on a typical weekly calendar of the Center might include an employment clinic, neuro-psychiatric clinic, Negro and Spanish History, cultural and social events, committee meetings, and karate lessons. Many of these pro- grams are funded and administered by Project ENABLE through its counselor at the Center. Emergency help is also provided to those seeking it at the Center. The Community Organizer employed by the Center acts in the capacity of refer- ring clients to proper agencies for help and attempts to encourage these clients to participate not only as a client in Center programs. He works with the CAA -agencies, churches, city government agencies and private groups in the neighbor- hood to funnel all their services down to the residents. A clothing drive was also initiated under his direction. A. community Researcher is employed to collect information on housing and other community conditions in need of repair and he feeds this information back *to the community. He works with the youth in certain of the programs offered at the Center. The efforts of the Community Organizer, Researcher, and the ENABLE Coun- * selor are supplemented by the services of a clerk-typist and a Community Worker. 11. Consequences of the Services No data were available at the Center to indicate the numbers of persons it serves. Client response in this study indicates that those few who have availed themselves of the Center's services are happy with the results, especially those who have found aid for a severe problem such as alcoholism, dope addiction or unemployment. They had been counseled at the Center and referred to the proper agency and were solving their problems in some fashion. The main results that have been experienced up to this point as a consequence of Center activities are the crystallization of forces in the community. Although very few residents have been reached, those who have been involved seem to have decided what style of organization they prefer. When the organization first started, the community leaders were elected. Now a new activist slate of officers has replaced them. 12. Community Action There has apparently been local and city-wide dissatisfaction with the way the anti-poverty program has been progressing. City officials feel that the program should not exist at all unless it is under city control. Activists feel that the pro- -gram has not done enough and that the centers should have more autonomy (staff selection and budget) and should indeed carry out their original mandate to or- ganize the poor of the community. Those in the latter group feel that the Center board and staff were trying to impose values on the people and that the leadership, staff, and programs were of the wrong type. In recent neighborhood board elections an activist was elected president over a more moderate person. The new president vowed that there will be community organization; there will be protest when appropriate; and that it is his view that the original design must now be implemented. In recent CAA board elections, the same view also was more loudly voiced than ever before. At this time there is -ferment; re-evaluation and new forces are becoming important. There is the view by many that the city and the neighborhoods have done enough ineffective discussing and it is time for action. Many observers in all levels of the CAA pro- gram and the center program have indicated that too much effort has been ex- tended toward organizing the various organizations and not enough effort has gone into organizing the poor. .13. Participation of the Poor The area boards are seen as the instruments of achieving full participation of `the poor on all levels of the process of meeting their needs in the best possible way. The boards are to focus attention on community action to meet both local and city-wide needs and hasten movement away from mere dependence on tracE- `tional social services. As the instrument of aiding the poor in full participation. the area boards are represented: (1) by each electing three members to the CAA Board, (2) 1y open PAGENO="0411" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4063 :membership of the CAA, (3) by voting at CAA meetings for five members of the Board from the floor, (4) by submitting proposals from the area boards, (5) by being members of Joards of corporations under CAA such as Pre-School Council, Legal, etc., (6) by being part of CAA Task Forces which make final recommenda- tions on programs to the Board of Trustees. Participation of the poor has taken place in three phases. First, at the inception of the Center, there was considerable resident enthusiasm and participation on the board. Subsequently, when the board and Center accomplished so little, par- ticipation gradually decreased and was concentrated in a few hands. Currently, activists have won an election by gaining some community support for the idea of revitalizing the Center. Even at this time, there is only a very limited partici- pation of residents in the neighborhood board, staff or activities. ~Iethods of work of these employees often hring them into conflict with profes- sional workers on the CAA staff. It is the feeling of the professionals that these workers have methods that are too forceful and militant to achieve lasting results in a systematic manner. It appears that militant action and demonstrations have an emotional appeal for these people that is not found in the more peaceful ap- proach. It is under the leadership of these groups that attention of the residents is drawn to the Center and other CAA programs. One way in which some poor residents of the neighborhood do participate is as employees of one of the CAA programs. The director of community action, who is responsible for all these employees working at centers, treats these people in an authoritarian way and there is resentment between him and the employees. CENTER "D" 1. History A private, non-profit corporation which originated at an organizational meeting in March 1905, was slated to become the CAA for a three-county "rururban" area. Subsequent meetings of the founders throughout the spring brought the formula- *tion of various programs (i.e., Head Start, NYC, NSC's) to be submitted to the OEO for funding. During the summer of 1965, seven Head Start programs became operational and were accepted in the area with great success. By August of 1965, incorporation was completed and verbal assurance had been received that grants approximating a quarter of a million dollars had been approved. In order to provide for greater outreach the Neighborhood Service Center pro- gram was opened in the fall of 1965. 2. Relationship of Center to Other Organizations In this rural, sparsely populated area there is no such thing as a service center in the physical sense. There. is one employee of the CAA who acts in this capacity. He is called the Area Representative. This worker does not have formal relation- ships with other organizations in the community except the Advisory Council. Relationships to CAA and other organizations in the community are, for the most part, informal rather than highly structured. The representative works directly with concerned individuals in the Fiend Start program. the Welfare and employ- ment offices rather than the senior officials of these groups. This seems to have resulted in at least enough harmony to keep some forward motion and coordina- tion among programs. Relationships with the school administration appear to be good. It is this group which has given this worker and his programs the greatest support in this highly conservative area. The interaction between the area representatives and the school group has been advantageous to both. School personnel feel that his work has brought a greater interest and emphasis on education to the com- munity. It has impressed the parents with the importance of education. The morale of the teachers has been raised because of this renewed interest in their field and their work. Due to the personality of this worker, who is in fact the Neighborhood Center, it may be said that informal relationships with other community organizations are excellent. This is an individual who is native to the community, whose family is respected, and who brought honor to the community prior to his em- ployment by the CAA. Thus, he brought to his position a rapport with the people in established organizations in the area. He works closely with the Welfare Department and has inspired that agency to assume a more active role instead ~of its traditionally passive one in its work with the poor. PAGENO="0412" 4054 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 3. Organizational ~S'tructvrc The Community Action Agency's governing body is a board composed of twenty-one members, seven from each of the three counties involved with the program. The board consists of elected officials, professional persons, repre- sentatives of public and private social service agencies, businessmen and rep- resentatives of the poor served by the program. The board meets monthly and decides questions of policy and of plans for anti-poverty programs in the area. In addition, the board has selected an executive director of the CAA who has, in turn, hired a staff. There are nine CAI~. employees working at the CAA level providing administrative services, project supervision, planning and develop- ment, and community relations functions. There are sixteen persons each w-orking individually in the field to locate and interview disadvantaged persons. These sixteen persons are, in effect, the neighborhood service centers. In addition to the CAA board, each community has an advisory committee which has been selected by the staff on a geographic and/or functional basis. These committees are supposed to be composed of the persons for whom pro- grams are designed and, in some cases, there is overlap between the advisory committees and the board of directors of the CAA. The stated purpose of the advisory committees is evaluation, i.e., to evaluate the need for programs, how best to organize and gain support for them and how well programs are working. The recommendations of this group are solely advisory. 4. &aff ~`election and Training All staff members are hired by the CAA Director. It is his view that the entire program should be run by well-trained professionals who provide the brains of the operation and direct others how to deal with the poor. As this man has considerable force, he has shaped the entire program so that both its virtues and its defects are a reflection of his own thoughts and personality. Sub-professional employees are hired from the area to fill positions of clerical workers and area representatives. There is the feeling at the upper levels of the CAA that the rural problems that they are dealing with are unique and that unique measures must be devised to cope with them successfully. One of these measures is a specialized training program of twenty days for all area representatives. This program is supposed to teach the representative how to relate himself successfully to the local community and how to encourage community action. There is no evidence to support the view that it does either. It must be noted here that the director of the CAA spends very little time in the field with delegate agencies and program recipients but devotes most of his attention to working in the office and preparing written communications, elaborate job descriptions and rules, and complex directives. 5. Control of the Center Though the organization in this area is small and the CAA might very well exert tight control over the Center (i.e., the area representative) it appears that the area representative is on his own and his actions are autonomous to a large degree. He is free to implement programs, reach his people, and accom- plish his goals in the best way he can. 6. Budget The approved budget for the entire Community Action Program is just short of $500,000 which includes approximately $100,000 for the service centers in the three counties and the balance for program development and all of the delegated programs. These delegated programs are principally Head Start. Neighborhood Youth Corps, and related educational efforts. 7. Programs The rural area in which the program operates is characterized by very con- servative views held by most residents, reticence and distrust of outsiders as well as the general feeling that it is sinful to be poor. In view of these charac- teristics, the area representative spends almost all of his time going from home to home attempting to identify families that can use existing programs and trying to convince these families that they should avail themselves of existing services. This is his primary program. The resistance to participation is generally strong. but the fact that most of the current programs are designed for children has helped to overcome some suspicions. Although many of these people have PAGENO="0413" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4065 given up hope for their own lives, they have a strong interest in anything which will help their children. An important observation to be made here is that people would rather not avail themselves of poverty programs because this entails admission of being poor. In this small community the whole town knows who takes part in these programs and these families feel the resulting social stigma. Therefore, another goal of the area representative is to change the image of the program from one of a "government give-away" for one group to that of community-wide partici- pation and self-help. 8. Oxtreaclt Due to the geographical layout of the target area a program of outreach is of great concern, with much of the effort of the representative being devoted -to communicating with and reaching the people. He must travel large distances to reach them. His method is physically to take his services to the people. His personal contact and rapport seem necessary to encourage these people to accept the new and old services available in the community. During the months of March, April, and May of this year, the representative is known to have con- tacted from 180 to 400 each month in this manner. His records show that services were provided to 30 people in March, 60 in April, and 70 in May, in- dicating that in that three-month period the area representative was indeed :gaining greater acceptance for his programs. :9. Thrget The operations described herein take place in a three-county rural region with a population of almost 170,000 persons spread over an area in excess of 1,300 square miles. This sparsely settled area is almost exclusively white and native American although there are some small concentrations of Negroes and foreign born. Approximately 18 percent of the families of these counties are listed as ~having annual incomes of less than $3,000. However, there are very few families with incomes over $10,000 and the median income is very low. The rate of un- employment in all three counties is very low. Most employed persons travel considerable distances to work. The area of most concern in this report is a small community with a population -of less than 4,500 persons and a surrounding area with very low population density. The poor are not concentrated in geographical pockets but are mdi- vidually scattered throughout the area. The population is considered to be impoverished in ways other than economic. There are no entertainment oppor- tunities for anyone; the educational system is limited and inadequate; there are few organizations in the community and those that exist do little. The political and social structure is dominated by those who feel that the less gov- ernment the better and that those who are poor deserve to be. The outlook of -the community is inward and conservative instead of outward toward the rest -of the world. There is hostility to innovation of almost every type. 10. ~1ervices The services that the area representative provich~s are many and varied. Head Start, NYC, and other educational programs are offered in the community and -the representative performs the service of educating the people about them and encouraging them to participate. He also advises residents on the services avail- ~able to them under the Welfare and Employment Agencies. He has been known to perform his services in any way he can think of in order to accomplish these goals and satisfy the need of the moment. He spends a great amount of time traveling to families and a great amount of time visiting with them and explaining the programs. He spends time encouraging representatives of other agencies to explain their programs to various groups. He provides trans- portation to those who need to visit one of the other agencies or participate in one of the CAA programs. Because of the suspicions and background of the local people the success or failure of the program is in large part dependent upon the personalities of the persons carrying it out. In the community where our investigations were under- taken, it was clearly evident that the area representative was energetic and de- voted and that the people with whom he had contact were responding to him. PAGENO="0414" 4066 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 11. Community Action Because of the nature of this area and its people the concept of community action is almost inconceivable. Any innovations whatsoever in the direction of community action may be considered as progress. Due to the efforts of the present area representative some interest in commu- nity activity may be in its early stages. There is no Center in the community around which activities may be focused. The Community Council which meets in homes of residents is an informal group which has proposed a Community Recreation Facility. In order to be built this proposal has to be submitted to the voters along with a proposal for improve- ments to the schools. The school improvements portion of the package has been voted down by the people in past elections so if the proposals are accepted dur- ing this next election, it may be considered an important sign of progress. The smallest innovation that is proposed by a member of this community is usually considered extremely radical. During one meeting our observers noted that the area representative suggested that they begin to work on some new ideas for summer programs. Suggestions from the floor brought out proposals for a youth cultural program and fixing up the baseball diamond. A community businessman turned to the observer and asked if she "thought they were crazy for making all these plans." 12. Participation of the Poor The policies and activities of the CAA and its neighborhoood representative are all designed to provide a limited number of services to the poor, and they are not concerned with the participation of the poor in policy making or adminis- trative roles. Thus, there are some arrangements for participation by the poor but the facts are clear that this does not take place in any meaningful way ex- cept in the role of employees. On the other band, it must be recognized that the program is reaching people who have never been served before. In the community under consideration, it is not reaching a large number of people but it is indeed reaching families and particularly their children. In addition, because of the existence of the programs there are certain rather modest changes in established institutions. The school system is attempting to improve itself for the first time in many years, and the Welfare Department is assuming a more active role. There are signs that the members of the advisory councils are becoming restive in their roles and desire to exert a larger influence on the character and extent of the anti-poverty program in their community. It may therefore be said that there are the first faint stirrings of hope, of participation, and of community action to deal with some of the problems of poverty. It is believed in the com- munity that this will occur only when programs are directed for the entire corn- munity, not only for the poor, and so recent attention has been devoted to unify- ing community opinion and action behind one program (the new community building) that will benefit everyone. Should this program succeed, it is likely to be the first of more successes. CENTER "E" 1. History and Origins In 1962 a Corporation was established in response to a long-time community interest in the formation of an overall planning and coordinating agency for social services, and in association with a demonstration project for delinquency control. Fundamental to the planning objective was the attempt to bring to bear upon the problems of delinquency the coordinated and integrated influences of existing agencies. A geographically-based unit for the coordination of services became a central concept for implementation. The area in which the present Center is located was selected as the target for the demonstration. The Corpora- tion that had been formed in 1962 became the agency to carry out the demonstra- tion and in 1964 it was delegated to serve as the CAA for the entire city. The Corporation adopted the concept that existing agencies had failed to meet the needs of the target population in the area and a more aggressive approach to the problems experienced by the area was necessary. This became the under- lying philosophy of the Center when it opened. The departure from traditional views of services and a patent distrust of existing agencies meant that the CAA rather than a traditional agency operated the Center. Prior to the opening of the Center there existed private social welfare agencies which were concerned about the conditions of the poor. The settlement houses and the service projects operated by ministers in the area are cases in point. A most significant conflict occurred between these private agencies and the CAA PAGENO="0415" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4067 before the formation of the Center. The private welfare organization felt that it was the logical one to act as the CAA for the entire community. When, instead, a completely new corporation was formed, a deep fissue was created between the old and new groups. This conflict, coupled with the philosophical differences between the two groups, has served to create misunderstandings which still have not been completely resolved. The subcontracting of some Center operations to delegate agencies, many of which are constituents of the private coordinating service group, has served to reduce some differences between the CAA and private welfare organizations. It does not appear that these private agencies have changed their views or pro- grams to any significant extent; however, in some instances they have expanded their operations through indirect participation in Center programs. 2. Relations With Other Organizations The Center works closely with local government agencies such as Welfare and Labor Service; personnel from these agencies are located in the Center. These ties appear to be mildly cooperative but conflicts sometimes arise over policy. For example, the Center has argued with Welfare and taken a position against the "man in the house rule" which cuts the family off relief if a male is present in the home. The Center has also had some conflict with the local Labor Department over criteria for job eligibility. In the area served by the Center, 75 percent of the youths have arrest records and must have police clearance before they can be placed in jobs. The Center feels that, in many instances, the police records should have been overlooked, thus making more of these residents eligible for employment. A frequent criticism of the Center's relationship with other agencies is that their communication with the Center is not good. They feel that they are not kept informed of the Center's activities. Another impression received from discussions with outside organizations is that Center staff does not follow up their referrals to their agencies so that agencies like Child and Family Services take a dim view of the social services provided by the Center. 3. Organizational Arrangements The Board of Directors of the Corporation is made up of over forty persons. Two-thirds of the members are community leaders in government, business and social services, and one-third are representatives of the poor appointed from among the membership of a Community Advisory Council. The Commvnity Advisory Council was established to advise the Board and is made up of five representatives elected from each neighborhood advisory council. Neighborhood Advisory Councils work in cooperation with the Centers to for- mulate policy and approve of Center programs. Any resident of the target area is considered to be a member of the Council in his neighborhood. He may attend all meetings and participate in policy-making and program creation. The chain of command from the CAA Director to the Center Director goes through an assistant CAA Director, an Operations Director, and a Director of Community Organization. 4. Operation of the Center The Center has a staff of sixty persons, twelve professional and forty-eight non-professional. Social service, a newcomers' service, and community organiza- tion staff are housed at the central location of the Center. Also located within the Center are Welfare Department personnel and people from the Employment Service, who are funded and directed by their respective organizations. Separate housing is maintained for the Legal Aid, Consumer Action, employment, and Credit Union `branches of the Center. The services of all these rather autonomous branches are to be coordinated by the Center Director, his assistant and their administrative staff. All personnel of the Center with exception of those em- ployed directly by other agencies are hired by the Center Director. Professional employees are interviewed by the Center Director but they must be approved by the CAA Personnel Office. All staff members must qualify under guidelines set up by this department. Block workers and aides undergo a short informal training period conducted by their repective department heads. It has been indicated that the Center Director who was relatively new to his job at the time of our study may be lacking staff support. Complaints by some of the staff members indicate that he should put forth more effort to coordinate the various departments. It is their feeling that some departments are allowed PAGENO="0416" 4068 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 to take over jobs or services that they are not qualified to perform. For exam- ple, the Housing Department has complained that another department has been known to take over its duties of locating housing for clients. It appears that, in some instances, the department that initially receives the client tries to perform any and all services that he may require. Resolutions of organizational problems are attempted through staff meetings of the heads of the various departments. However, a CAA staff member has voiced the opinion that the department heads are not meeting often enough and then only on an irregular basis. Observation and client interviews verify the lack of service coordination. The Center Director has employed forty-eight area residents to fill various jobs as block workers and aides. Policy is based on the expectation that the people of the community will respond to block workers from their own area and that these workers should play an important role in organizing the com- munity. In practice, many of the workers have shifted their attitudes since their employment and they have lost their identity with the poor and unemployed with whom they are hired to associate. The upward mobility tendency of these workers and their competitive nature for better paying jobs within the Center decreases their effectiveness as contacts with the poor. 5. Control of' the Center Policies of the Center are chiefly those of its parent organizations, the OEO and CAA. Where the policies and guidelines are clear, the Center Director is con- strained to operate within boundaries set by them. It is true, however, that in some instances the policies are not clear and the Center Director has some discre- tionary power. In the matters of the general staffing of the Center, positions available, pay scales, and approach to services, rules may be strictly followed. It is intended that within these boundaries set up for the Center, control is to be extended to the poor via the Neighborhood Advisory Council with its open membership. Yet attendance is small at these meetings-75 at a most important meeting-arid it is the complaint of many residents that they cannot accomplish anything by going. Problems that have been voiced at the meetings have not yet been effectively handled and thus participation in the Council is small. 6. Bndget The present budget of all CAA operations in the city is about $28 million. The budget for this Center is about $400,000. About 90 percent of the Center budget is for salaries. About 15 percent of the total CAA budget is for the Centers. 7. Center Programs The Center is expected to serve as a unit to accomplish several things: (1) supply a limited range of integrated services on a neighborhood basis; (2) through discussion make people aware of the problems they experience; and (3) through organization and discussion have them seek solutions to these problems. Basic to the operation is the idea that the poor, through organization and col- lective action, should bring pressure upon existing institutions to effect change. This would result in some relief, if not solution, to their problems. Community action was to be the dominant component of the Center's program, but some services were to be operated for immediate assistance. Interviews conducted indicate a consistency between the Center's stress on community action and the organizational structure. CAA has indicated its con- ception of the importance of this role by setting up a directorship of Community Organization. On the staff at the Center are two organization specialists and 19 neighborhood workers. This is, by far, the largest department at the Center. In general, both the views of the Center's leadership and those of the CAA may be characterized as being opposed to having the Center function as a traditional service agency. 8. Ontreaeh One of the greatest emphases of this Center is that of outreach. Under the auspices of the Community Organization Department an extensive and systematic program has been set up to deal with the problem. Nineteen resident block work- ers, under the direction of two professionals, have been attempting to reach the population through the systematic organization of block clubs. The extent and effectiveness of this program is difficult to evaluate. Statistics are available on the numbers of people who are contacted through the block club program and through the services at the Center. Our observers discovered that PAGENO="0417" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4069 in May, 1966, 558 individuals were contacted and services were provided to 114, Thus, about 80 percent of the contacts were for community organization. Given the fact that approximately 33,000 persons reside in the area, the reported num- ber of contacts and persons served in any one month appears small. An independ- cut survey conducted in late 1965 questioned a large sample of residents regard- ing their knowledge of the Center. The results show that 31 percent of the individuals questioned had heard of the Center but only four percent had ac- tually visited it or participated in its activities. Less than two percent of the population had actually met the neighborhood worker. A general observation is that at no time during our visits to the Center was there any considerable num- ber of persons requesting service. The busiest areas of Center operations were the Employment Department and Credit Union. The 1965 Survey mentioned above found that 50 percent of the people reported housing as a problem; 36 percent were concerned about prices and quality of goods in stores; 32 percent named crime as the greatest problem; 31 percent named money for essentials; and 25 percent--job availability. Thus, it would appear that the Center is weakest in areas in which people report the greatest problems. 9. Target The area of the Center under study has a population of about 33,000. It is located close to the core area of a city of over 1,000,000 population. Over 80 percent `of area residents are non-white with the largest group being Negro. The unemployment rate among adults is approximately 6.5 perceiit and about 40 per- cent of its families have incomes of less than $3,000. For the non-white segment of the community, over 90 percent of the family units have incomes of less than $3,000. Resulting social problems are numerous and complex. They include poor hous- ing conditions, unemployment, and high living expenses. The crime and juvenile delinquency rates are among the highest in the country. 10. ~$erviees The Center Director expressed the view that the main functions of the Center are to demonstrate how needed services can be supplied more effectively through organized pressure groups and to provide some services on an individual basis. To demonstrate the comparative emphasis on the two goals we can cite Center statistics indicating that individual services accounted for 52 percent of total Center contacts for March and only 20 percent of its total contacts for May, 1966. A further example-during May of this year, 444 people were involved in Com- munity Organization while only twenty received Consumer Education. Despite the emphasis on community action throughout the various depart- ments of the Center, variations from this aim are found. The most notable ex- amples of such variation may be seen in the Legal Services, Social `Services, and Employment Departments. The Legal `Service is concerned `precisely with the individual client and the testing o'f legal con'cepts through case law. The pro- fessional code of ethics `does not allow attorneys to go out and recruit clients an'd thus they are precluded from engaging in community organization. The Social Service and Employment Departments are not engaged in recruiting or reaching more clients in the community; like the Legal Department, their em- phasis is one `o'f service to the individual. The traditional attitude may be a reflection o'f influence of Welfare Department and Employment Service personnel who are situated in the Center. The Welfare Department workers are primarily interested in servicing `their clients in the area and have very little interaction with the rest of the Center. For the above reasons, these departments are not always understood by other divisions of t'he Cen'ter. The Director of the Legal Service stated that lie was not fully informed of what the Center was doing and there w-as no provision for his attendance at staff meetings. Employment Service personnel work closely with their corresponding depart- ments in the Center but have demonstrated a rather patronizing attitude toward the Center staff. They regard themselves as better trained than the Center staff and feel that they must `go over Center-staff work. A team approach is operational in this department, with the Center staff members doing the evaiuntive work for `the client amid the Employment Service personnel actually placing the client in his job. The physical layout of the Center includes a central building which contains Social Service, a Housing Advisor, Newcombers' Service, State Employment Personnel, and the Community Organization staffs. Separate housing throughout SO-084--67-pt. 5-27 PAGENO="0418" 4070 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 the neighborhood is maintained for the Legal Services, Consumer Action, the Credit Union, and Employment Departments. Policy calls for services to be offered to the client with the respective departments `acting as a team, but these services are often uncoordinated and overlapping. There are many clients wbo receive all services from one department. Lack of coordination between these departments may be due in part to their physical separation. The `Center has been most helpful to people who' represent emergency cases- those in need of food, shelter, and material things. Although it has no resources of its own for meeting these needs, it has contact with other agencies who do. As reflected in the interviews with clients, the Center represents a friend in time of need and has earned the gratitude of those served. The greatest contribution of the Center is in the area `of educating people regarding the methods by which available services may `be obtained, with the result that many residents now have a greater understanding and appreciation of agen'cies whi'ch dispense services. 11. Uornrnv~nity Action It is basic policy at this Center that every available resource he utilized toward organizing the poor to recognize their problems and take collective action to solve them. This emphasis may be shown in three ways: (1) by personnel selec- tion, (2) emphasis on the organization of block clubs, and (3) the make up of the Council membership. Many personnel involved with this `Center, including the Center Director and Deputy Director, have backgrounds of participation in activist movements. Many other policy-making personnel of the Center and CAA expressed philosophies of community action. It is true that niany of the CAA personnel were not as mili- tant in their views as were the Center Director and his Assistant, but all were opposed to the idea of the Center as a service organization only. The importance of the organization of the block clubs was voiced by Center personnel on every level. The large staff employed to accomplish this objective is dedicated and systematic in its approach but t'he program is beset with problems. The classic complaint of not having enough workers to accomplish the job (only 19 workers to reach 33,000 people) is voiced the loudest. The Center Di-rector is awaiting funds to hire more neighborhood workers for this department. Another problem in implementing this program is the `high mobility rate of the people. About 25 percent of the area residents are new to the neighborhood since last year. A't one time the Neighborhood Council was limited to two representatives from each of the forty `block `clubs, but the community concern with a new site for one of the junior high schools in the area points to the need of a more broadly-based Council. It was then determined that all residents of the geographic area served by the Council `were eligible for Council membership. A by-law provision granting membership eligible to all area residents was approved this summer. 12. Participation of the Poor The poor are represented on the Center Staff as aides and neighborhood workers. They constitute the majority of the non-professional workers and greatly outnumber the professi'on'a'ls. They appear dedicated an'd from all indica- tions perform effectively. It was learned, however, that the Center Directo'r has dismissed those neighborhood workers who were not cooperative enough to perform jobs above and beyond `their specified duties, such as helping in another department when necessary of running an errand. It is has been noted `also that some neighborhood workers disassociate themselves from their peers in the area after they have worked at the Center for a time. In the words of one of the staff professionals, "They want to become junior social workers." It is the intent of the Center organization that the poor participate in com- munity activities through their block clubs. The problems that must be sur- mounted to organize these groups have been dis'cussed. Because of these diffi- culties many of the `blocks in the area remain untouched. But it takes time for the block workers to visit these people and it takes more time and several more visits `to encourage the residents to participate in any programs. Some of the block clubs that have been formed are being advised on how to deal best with housing codes and see that they are enforced. Clean-up details have been stimu- lated into action in some areas to clean u'p yards, streets, and homes. However, progress in this direction is slow and evidence of this work in the area is minimal. PAGENO="0419" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4071 Participation of the poor is also encouraged through the Council meetings with membership open to all residents of the area. Thus, the broad-based mem- bership would consist of about 33,000 people. At the meeting which our observers attended, 75 residents could be counted. The subject of the meeting was con- sidered one of great interest and the observer was told that most Council meet- ings were not so well attended. There has been some conflict among the resideiits who do attend and participate in Council meetings. Some persons referred to the fact that poor people did not like the fact that middle class residents of the neighborhood assumed active roles in the meetings. The result was that many middle class persons who could make a contribution to the Council decided to lessen their active participation. This is given as one reason for the relative ineffectiveness o'f the present Council. Some support is given this positioli from the manner in which the Council handled its by-laws. The document was poorly prepared because persons capable of making a contribution did not particiliate. The charge is made by the middle class residents that the poor are disorderly at meetings and their behavior prohibits orderly procedure. It appears that the poor are vying with the middle class residents for control of the Center and this conflict is of itself an indication of progress and involve- ment of the poor. However, when they have control it appears that they are not yet effective in managing a complex operation. CENTER "F" 1. History Upon learning of the formation of the OEO in Washington a private service club in this small community realized that through these channels is a method existed for the improvement and rejuvenation of the town. The local club worked to procure funding for a local CAA organization and in fact became the CAA. The Neighborhood Service Center under examination here is the only one that has become operational under the auspicies of the CAA in this community. 2. Relationships With Other Organizations The center is located in a small community which has been left devastated by a number of situations far beyond its control. It suffers from problems so acute that any attempts to solve them are accepted with gratitude by its citizens. The few private organizations which still exist here look upon the NSC programs as the only hope in salvaging the town. Churches in the community have donated their facilities for Head Start and Day Care programs for children and encour- aged their memberships to participate as volunteers. Fraternal organizations have donated meeting space for various activities under Center direction. Traditional government agencies which have served the community are on cordial terms with the Center. They view the Center as a method of increasing their services to those who need them and as a means of being more effective in solving the drastic problems of the area. Most of the public agencies interact well the Center. County Health Department personnel. have been most coopera- tive with the Center's attempts to combat sanitation and health problems. County Child Welfare officials have indicated a respect for Center programs and men- tioned a cooperative relationship betw-een the two groups in serving clients. The State Employment Service works with an employment counselor at the Center. No conflicts were evident in this relationship; their aims are identiral-to find employment for as many as possible. The only public agency which does not work closely with the Center is the County Welfare Department which is located in another town in the county. It does not appear that an open conflict exists between the agency and the Center, but they do not work together and there have been isolated instances of Center intervention in Welfare activities that have produced a bad rela- tionship. One case was cited where a young expectant mother was greatly in need of medical care and the Welfare Department refused to send her to the doc- tor at the Public Health Service until they could provide funds for her medical care. The patient could not provide the necessary papers; they had either become lost or she had never had them. A member of the Center staff was able to help at this point. He took the client to the Public Health Department to see a doctor who said that be would treat her whether her paperwork w-as in order or not. Relationships with the schools are excellent. School administration officials were active in setting up the Center and procuring funds for its operation. School policy provides for free use of school buildings and libraries by the PAGENO="0420" 4072 ECONOMIC OPPORT1JNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 people of the community outside of classroom hours and officials have gener- ously provided space for many Center activities. Center personnel have been able to get cooperation from. almost every segment of the community. Many private business interests and town government personnel have extended aid in every possible way. They view the Center as one of the most promising methods of reviving the town's economy and solving its monumental problems. 3. organizational Arrangements CAA Board The local service organization that worked to procure the funds for the Center is still serving in the capacity of CAA Board to formulate policy, develop pro- grams, and hire all Center employees. No intricate organizational structure exists; the CAA, i.e., the club, operates the one center in the community and all CAA. programs are in effect Center programs. The service club is not selective or invitational in its membership but is open to all men who wish to join. There does exist, in addition t.o the CAA in this community, a broad-based committee which functions as a CAA for the rest of the county. The Center Director and some residents of the community where the Center is located are also active in this group. Their programs are complementary to those of the subject center. Center Administration The Center staff is a relatively small group which includes the Center Di- rector, an Assistant Director, accountant, and secretary. The remaining six employees at the Center administer the following programs: Social Services, Health Services, Housing and Public Services, and Economic and Employment Development. The Neighborhood Service Center is comprised of the offices of these staff members which are located in an area above the community post office. There is no provision or program for staff training. Funds and personnel are not available to train the poor for the few paid positions at the Center. One of the complaints voiced most often by the poor was that the Cen.ter hired people who did not really need jobs. However, criteria for employment were based on quali- fication, not on need, and most of the Center personnel are people with at least some college education. Those residents in the area who are most in need of the jobs seem to be the ones who are not considered qualified for them. Basic to complaints by these people and a few more affluent members of the community was a misunderstanding of skills needed for the jobs and the salaries paid to Center employees. Many of them were under the impression that Center employees were being paid $50.00 per day for "A real soft job." 4. Control of the Center It may be stated clearly that there is no conflict over control of the Center. Control rests with the Center Director and the organization that founded the CAA. Control exerted by the service club is defined by policy but not by actual practice. The Center Director is most often the one who is instrumental in formulating new policies and programs. He is given a great amount of free- dom to do so and he usually wins CAA approval for his actions and ideas. Mem- bership in the CAA club is open to all, and men from all income levels are encouraged to join. Thus, the poor can and do participate directly in CAA and Center policy-making. * The club has experienced no resistance on the part of other organizations in the town; there are no others. At one time many similar organizations were active in the community but economic conditions gradually forced many of the population to move away and the other service clubs disbanded. The organiza- tion which remained intact assumed the philanthropic duties of the others. It should be noted that conflicts with townspeople over control of any part of the CAA program are nonexistent in the community. Residents appear to harbor so much concern over the town's plight that those who have remained in the community are interested only in solutions to the problems. Common in- terest in saving the town from complete decay appears to have formed a bond between the residents who are still active and interested. A receptive attitude was exhibited by Staff and Board members alike toward any program or parti- cipation by any member of the community. Budget data available at the Center indicate that it has received about $75,000 for its operation this year. Local sources produced almost $15,000 in the form of PAGENO="0421" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4073 office space, meeting space, public improvement equipment, and classroom equip- ment. Center staff salaries account for about one-third of the total allocation with the remainder of the money available for Head Start, NYC, and other CAA. pro- grams. Staff salaries range from $1.25 ier hour for part-time employees to the Director's salary of $7,800 `annually. 6. Center Programs A variety of programs has originated from the Center which are designed to overcome some of the community problems as well as the individual problems of the poor. One of the most immediate goals involves a program of beautification and clean-up activities. The Neighborhood Youth Corps and a group of women volunteers have been instrumental in helping carry out these projects. Also, some adults have received part-time employment on the projects. It is depressing to' see this community with its run-down buildings, the landscape hideously scarred by hills of chat and discolored, stagnant mill ponds, residuals of a mining operation long since gone. In view of this, the beautification efforts are rather pathetic except as make-work projects. The town is desperately in need of a completely new sewage system. The sani- tation facilities that do exist here are old and substandard and there are many places in the community where the system has broken down entirely, leaving no facilities whatever. Center personnel have been working with city officials to get funding for a proposed new sewage and water system. They have encountered many bureaucratic obstacles in their efforts to get these funds from federal sources and at the time of this study they were looking into possibilities of float- ing `a bond issue for the money. Due to the lack of recreation facilities, a summer recreational program for grade school children was set up where crafts and games were supervised by three girls from a nearby college. A Day Care Center and Head Start program are operational now due to the cooperative efforts of the Center `staff, the schools, and the churches. The only playground facilities in the community are located at the grade school and one of the churches, and they have `been made available for Center programs. A swimming pool and public playgrounds for children are included in projected goals for the future. A Community Center for activities and services for all age groups is a much- discussed goal of the residents. At `this time, no such facility exists nor are there funds available for building and operating such a Center. The NSC Director and city officials have been searching for methods of funding an operation of this type. A number of programs, both recreational and service-oriented, have been set up for senior citizens. A social organization has been formed under Center auspices whereby these people may meet regularly to discuss their personal problems and participate in community activities as a group. This program appeared to our researchers `to be a very popular one. Facilities for the meetings have been donated by one of the local fraternal organizations. A Medicare Alert program was carried out by Center staff members to contact all senior citizens and encourage them to participate in the Medicare program. The Center has organized a group of volunteers to visit `the elderly who are ill or confined to their homes to provide companionship, housekeeping services, inn errands, or furnish `transportation to them. These services are very popular with the many elderly people of the community and they would like to see the program extended to include more frequent visits and a counseling service. Nursing services for all age groups and physical examinations for children are offered now by the County Health Nurse who works with Center on a re- ferral basis. Her program also includes health information to families, and a Planned Parenthood Program is presently under consideration. Her services are supplemented by those of a sanitary engineer from a nearby county com- munity who advises residents regarding physical conditions in the area w-hich may cause health problems. An Employment Department in the Center cooperates w-ith the State Em- ployment Service to find jobs for the unemployed in the area. Employers are contacted and encouraged to notify the `Center of any job openings they may have. The `Center `Director and other community leaders are involved in a constant economic development program for the area, attempting to attra~t new- busi- ness and industry for the area, attempting `to attract new business and indus- try to `the area which would provide a new employment base for residents. Cooperation with city officials has resulted in a plan for a new- housing proj- ect. At the time of our study construction of 38 low-cost housing units was sched- uled to begin immediately. PAGENO="0422" 4074 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 The emplmsis of the Center programs and service efforts is on the elderly and the very young. Not much is provided for those in between these age ex- tremes. The Center staff members seem to be at a loss as to how to serve the middle-aged poor. By and large, they have given up on them. 7. On treacli It appears that the Center Director and his staff have been diligent in at- tempts to extend their services and programs to the community. It is their convic- tion that maximum community action and participation is necessary to revital- ize the area. They have employed every method known to them to accomplish this goal. Their efforts seem to have been very successful. Our researcher in the area found few residents who were not aware of the Center or one of its pro- grams. The community is small, however, with a population of less than 3,000 and the paid staff members have been greatly aided by the efforts of volunteers. Members of the CAA remain enthusiastic in spreading new-s of the programs. The few other private groups and the churches in town appear to have been cooperative in informing their memberships about Center activities. Many of the initial programs were of the type which necessitated door-to- door contact by staff members and volul1teers; e.g., Medicare Alert and recruit- ing children for Head Start. This type of contact is employed continually by the staff. A weekly newspaper is published in the community with prominent space devoted to Center activities. Posters are often exhibited throughout the busi- ness section of town to announce special meetings and acivities. It was noted by our researcher that in a town of this size problems of out- reach and informing the citizenry do not exist and that the most effective method of outreach was built into the system long before the invention of the tele- phone-the "grapevine" could handle the situation very nicely. We might add that this grapevine works both ways. Center personnel are constantly alerted by this informal system to the needs of the conimunity. 8. Target The area served by the Center is a small community of fewer than 3,000 persons. Ten years ago this was a city of 30,000 population and the hub of an active mining operation. At that time the mines employed over 6,000 people. In 1957, the decision of the mining company to discontinue its operations there left the community in chaos, both physically and economically. The mines and equipment were located in the center of the city, and in their departure, the company left much of the equipment and debris in the main street of the town. That part of the city is still owned by the mining company and attempts by Center staff to have the area cleared by the company or even to get their approval for such a program have been futile. Due to the collapse of the city's economic base, many of its most influential citizens and community leaders suffered drastic financial reverses or w-ere forced to move from the city. Almost total depression of the community resulted; mnny businesses had to close their doors or move. Most buildings in the main business district are empty and boarded up. Unemployment became a chronic problem. Many of those who were skilled, young, and well-educated moved out of the community. Those who remained felt that they were too old to move to another home and start their lives over again or that they had no skills or education to offer industry and thus no prospects for employment if they did move. Many of these people are Welfare recipients. Traditional public assistance agencies such as the Welfare Department and County Health Department exist in the county where this community is located but their activities during the last ten years have not even partially solved the problems of the area. Their services seem to have included only the distribu- tion of Welfare payments and dispensing of services to take care of immediate needs. No outreach method was employed to take the services to the people or inform them of the services that were available. These agencies evidently were not concerned with the community but only in distributing a few handouts. This community has almost no resources. There existed no city welfare agencies for aid to the poor prior to the Center. The small city budget of $12,000 per year allowed no monies for such an agency. The town has no recreation facilities; there are no longer any movie theatres or community centers; there is no swimming pool; and there are no public playground facilities for children. Many of the buildings are unoccupied and in an extreme state of disrepair. Those buildings that are presently occupied are badly in need of repairs for w-hich there are no funds. PAGENO="0423" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4075 The sewer and water system in the community is so antiquated and broken down that its condition is a source of concern to residents and public health officials alike. The problems of the area served by this Center are not the problems of a small, poverty-stricken segment of the population but are problems of the community as a whole. ~l. ~ervioes of the Center The Center has innovated a great variety of services to the people of the community and they are delivered by a variety of methods. It was the original intent of the founding organization that many services already offered by county agencies could be more effectively utilized if a head- quarters could be set up to coordinate all of them. Many of the personnel of these agencies were located in another city about ten miles away and their visits to the community were sporadic. Sometimes it was impossible for a resident of the community to get help when it was needed because of the location of these agencies, and the resident was often unable to travel to the county seat to get assistance if it was needed between visits of agency per- sonnel. In short, the resident was often isolated from help. The inception of the Center brought to the community a method for the resident to learn about and to avail himself of the services to which he was entitled. The "government office up over the post office" now serves as a referral agency to the Public Health Nurse. Sanitation Engineer, and Child Welfare personnel who visit the community to serve their clients. The Center Staff has been known to provide transportation as well as information, when it was needed. In addition to the referrals the CAA and the Center have innovated many of their own programs for direct service to clients. The Employment Depart- ment, Social Service Department, and Housing Department administer such service programs. The Employment Counselor works with the unemployed in the area in an attempt to find jobs for residents. Activities for senior citizens also fall under her direction, and include the Medicare Alert, Senior Citizens Club, and recruitment of volunteers to visit the elderly who are confined to their homes. The Social Services Department has arranged for classes to pro- vide knowledge for low-income people on basic needs such as housekeeping, personal cleanliness, and budgeting of money. The Assistant Director works w-ith the youth of the community and administers such programs as the NYC and the summer recreation program. The Housing Department has helped to develop the program for low-cost housing for the community and a program for the teaching of health practices and home cleanliness. An integral part of the Center organizational structure is the Health Service. The Public Health Nurse administers such services as physical examinations for children, instructions to parents in health practices and diet, and visits to the bedridden. The distinct impression was relayed to us through our observers that among the middle-aged and elderly population there was a considerable amount of ill-health and injury due to the hazards of mining occu- pations. The nurse's care is in great demand by members of these groups. The feeling is almost universal throughout the community that the Center is serving the community effectively. The only criticisms of Center programs offered by our respondents were the lack of programs for teenagers and young adults and the failure of the hard-to-reach poor to take advantage of employ- ment opportunities lest their Welfare allotments be cut down. A large propor- tion of the hard-to-reach, unemployed poor are former miners. With no more mining jobs available they seem to have given up; they have no desire to work at any other type of job. This serves to frustrate and irritate the Center workers. According to statistics recorded at the Center its popularity increases monthly. Data were collected on the contacts, services, and activities of the Center through MarcIa, April, and May of this year. March April ~ May Number of contacts in center 93 92 409 71 693 Number of contacts ostside center 594 501 764 Number of different parsons contacted Number of persons contacted in surveys of resident needs Number of persons provided services Number of persons involved in activities 566 334 129 278 378 104 529 422 455 PAGENO="0424" 4076 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 10. Uomnwnity Aetiom The primary role of the Center is to provide service to the community through resident participation in various projects. Programs operated by the Center have been instrumental in accomplishing these goals and our researcher noted that many changes became evident during the few months he was there. The cooperation of other organized groups in the community has aided the type of group action that is needed. Churches and fraternal organizations have re- cruited volunteers to assist the staff in beautification projects, clean-up details, and outreach programs. Many other citizens have given their time to long-range planning for programs and attempting to procure funds for community projects such as sewer system, water system, swimming pool, and playground facilities. One of the groups most enthusiastic about service to the community is the Senior Citizens Club. The group was formed by the Center personnel for the purpose of providing a service to that age group and to combat their loneliness. It was noted by our observer that discussions during their meetings were becom- ing more and more community-directed instead of inner-directed. They have realized that their group might also provide service to the town. Physical reasons would prevent a great deal of participation by this group. Most of them have no cars and since there are no sidewalks in the town, traiis- portation is a problem for them. Nevertheless, the interest is there and this fact in itself is important. These people form a well-established, highly-respected community element and their sanction of any project lends it an important degree of good will. Also, most of them are retired and are unencumbered by family resonsibilities so that they have a great deal of time to devote to comniunity activities. The most active participation in community projects has been exhibited l)y the group that is considered middle class. It has not been apparent that members of the chronically poor element have organized for group actioii or even to ken pa rt in activities as individuals. 11. Participation of the Poor Due to the economic conditions in the area, almost every citizen of this coin- munity is now poor. Many of them were not always poor and it cannot l)e 501(1 that all of them are culturally deprived or educationally deprived. rJi11e\~ are middle class in orientation, and they feel that presently (and temporarily) their community is merely economically deprived. These people feel tim through collective action they may be able to pull themselves out of these straits. Members of this group are the ones who participate and volunteer their services on board meetings, committees, beautification projects, and clean-up deta~Is. There exists another strata of the poor in the community-the ha 1(1-I o-reach poor who apparently have been living on public welfare since the closing of the mines. It does not appear that many of these people have been affecte(1 by any Center program. They have been known to refuse employment oppori unities, educational programs for children, and information progra nis for ad ii s. One respondent was questioned about the Head Start program. When asked why 1mev child was not entered she replied that the child had no transporl:al:ion amid that she did not want her to ride the bus provided by the Center. Other 1esl)oll(ieIlts in this group have offered varied excuses regarding their duties at home for not participating in community activities or going to the Center for classes. The CAA Board, i.e., the service club, has intended to provide for ma ximnum participation of residents in policy-making and program formnulal ion by opening its membership to all. However, the membership of the organization is a small one, numbering only about twenty, and it appears that many men of this poverty group have not availed themselves of the opportunity to participate. These hard-to-reach poor are marked by their complacency and apathy toward their situation. It is curious that even though the mining companies took more than a billion dollars of mineral wealth out of this area and left it looking like an abandoned dump. there does not seem to be any deep resentment felt by the surviving residents toward the exploiters of the area. CENTER "G" 1. History and Origins Early in 1964 there were a number of demonstrations by the Negro community protesting de facto segregation. These events made clear to community leaders who were concerned with the general decay in the city that the city needed to PAGENO="0425" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4077 organize its resources to improve conditions in the area. Thus, a private, non- profit agency was formed in the spring of 1964. The aims of the Corporation were to bind up the wounds of the community, improve the local economy, attempt to present realistic goals to the poor and help them attain these goals. The Board of the Corporation was set up to have low-income representation, civic and na- tionality group representation, civil rights group representation, public officials, and a few other interested groups. The representation as planned was to include those groups that were most vocal and active in protesting conditions in the community. The Center was founded in the winter of 1964-65 but did not have a Director appointed until the spring of 1965. The Director is a white male who had just re- turned from the Peace Corps. His initial problem was to win the support of both the Negro and white portions of the area and to gain active participants for the Resident Council. Establishing himself proved to be a problem but the community did come to accept him. In the fall of 1965 elections were held for the Council and out of the fourteen persons elected three people, one Negro, one white, and one Puerto Rican, became quite active and helped in establishing the Center in the community. There has been a constant battle to maintain interest among the members of the Council as most residents feel that no significant change in the affairs of the area will come from the program because of the perceived entrenchment of the local political machine in the area. 2. Relationship With Other Organizations An unsatisfactory relationship with the city CAA has had a demoralizing effect on the personnel of this Center and those of the poor who work closely with it. It is their feeling that tight CAA controls over funds and programs are serving to relegate the Center to an obscure and ineffectual position. The difficulty here con- cerns primarily the CAA. Steering Committee which most of the poor feel does not adequately represent them and is not responsive to their needs. Center staff members have complained of a lack of communication between the CAA offices and the Center. The programs which have been submitted to the Committee for approval have either met with no response or with disapproval on the part of the Committee. We were informed that Center personnel were often not notified of CAA programs in time for the Center staff to prepare its residents for them. Relationships with the Welfare Department have not been of a friendly nature. There is the typical concern on the part of the Welfare Department over the possibility that the Center will work to usurp its powers over its clients and inter- cede with them to project a bad image on the agency. The feeling has been voiced by Center staff members that the Welfare Department is in- effectual in solving the problems of the people of the area and that their tradi- tional methods of handing out assistance will merely serve to prolong the prob- lems. Center staff feels that solutions to problems in the area call for community organization and the Welfare Department is thought to be afraid of such organi- zation of their clients. Relations with the Board of Education are considered the poorest, in regard to implementation of all the various educational programs with which the CAA and Center are involved. CAA and center officials concur that lack of cooperation here was a hindrance in getting their programs started. The Center Director has established satisfactory lines of communication with the Community Nursing Service, Housing Authority, Scouting organizations, and a local college which provides tutoring services to Center clients. 3. Organizational Arrangements Board of Directors The Board of the CAA. officially decides all significant policy matters and selects and approves of all key staff. The representatives of the poor on the Board are the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of each of four Resident Advisory Councils. These persons were elected from among the Council members who in turn were elected by the residents of their areas. One representative from each of four civic and nationality groups was elected by their respective groups. One representative from each of two civil rights groups was appointed by those groups. The political establishment has a total of nine members including the mayor and six of his appointees, a county commissioner, and a member of the state legislature. Eight other members of the Board come from various agencies and PAGENO="0426" 4078 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 groups in the community such as Health and Welfare and the AFL-CIO. Thus, it can be seen that the municipal government has direct and strong representation on the Board. Resident Advisory Council The Council in the Center area is composed of twelve resident women who were elected by the other residents of the area. They function in coordination with the Center Director to propose programs to the Board and to approve and direct the programs at the Center. A number of the women on the Council also have become active in other anti-poverty and community groups as a result of their activities on the Council and the encouragement of the Center Director. Council members are also active in publicizing the Center among other residents of the community. 4. Center Operation The Center Staff consists of a Director, a young man recently returned from service in the Peace Corps, who has about three and one-half years of college: a Neighborhood Worker, a young Negro man with some college experience; and the secretary, a recent high school graduate. The three staff members seem to work well with each other and have earned the respect of the community. Working in close association with the Center Staff are members of the Advisory Council. The Center Director has devoted a great deal of time to the Council members-advising them and helping them to develop programs and the capacity for leadership in the community. The Director and Worker spend a majority of their time with individual problems, acquainting people with CAA projects and referring residents to other social agencies when appropriate. The Worker spends most of his time out in the neighborhood talking with residents about their needs, trying to locate those who can use the assistance of the Center, and developing community interest in solving the problems of the area. Directors for the various service centers in the city were selected by the CAA Board. Notices are posted `by CAA regarding the opening of other positions in the Centers and respondents to the notices are referred to the Center Director for his approval. Thus, formal hiring is shared by the CAA and the Center Director. No training program for employees exists at this time. 5. Control of the Center When one considers actual control of policy it is evident that policies of the Center and Council are directly subject to the decision of the CAA Board and CAA Director. The Council of the Center seems to be given maximum opportunity by the Center Director to formulate policy but these opportunities are limited by the control imposed by the CAA Board. The relationship between the Center Director and Advisory Council appears to be excellent, given the limitations im- posed from above. However, there are indications that the tight control by the CAA over the programs is acting to frustrate these persons who are closer to the Center and the poor. They are beginning to feel that getting one of their programs approved is almost an impossibility. 6. Budget The total CAA budget for the calendar year of 1966 is approximately $840,000. The Center budget for this period is approximately $15,000 of which over 90 per- cent is for salaries. Projecting for the three operational Centers (exact figures were not obtained), the proportion of the CAA budget devoted to neighborhood centers is only about five percent of the total. Specific programs such as NYC are funded separately from the Center budget. 7. Center Programs The Center has been most effective in its referral service program and by offer- ing individual services. These services were developed partly through the sugges- tion and initiative of the CAA and partly as a result of requests by the residents. It does not seem that the CAA has made the primary functions and goals of the Center clear to its personnel. It is the thinking of the Center staff that the Center was not only to be used as a service referral agency but to provide the impetus for community organization, greater participation, and policy formula- tion on the part of the poor. Actual practice of the CAA seems to negate this as the CAA has not approved a single program initiated by the Center. Specifically, the Council has proposed a detailed plan for the establishment of a community PAGENO="0427" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4079 center, a program of improving vacant housing by volunteers and landlords in the area, and a child care center so that mothers with young children could seek either part-time or full-time employment. The Center Staff and Advisory Corn- inittee has not had any communication from the CAA regarding its approval of these programs. Since the Center has not been allowed to carry out any of its own programs it has had to concern itself primarily with public relations among the residents, and the referring of clients to other agencies which can help them. It also acts as a field representative for the programs planned and sponsored by the Corporation, 8. Outreach The Director and Neighborhood Worker each spend a great deal of time making personal contacts and getting acquainted with area residents. It is estimated by the Director that the Center is known by about 2,000 of the 10,000 residents. A small number of these persons are on record as having availed themselves of the Center's services but the Director feels that the innovation of new programs will bring about participation of greater numbers of the people. In May, 1966 the total number of persons served both in and outside of the Center was 138. Including volunteers, the number of persons involved in Center activities was 347 during that month. The Director was not optimistic about their outreach program; he did not feel that the Center had yet been able to reach the majority of those individuals in the area who were in desperate need of them. Those clients who had received services, however, were complimentary of the Center and grateful for help that they had received. Our respondents continually noted that the Center personnel did not look down on them as "second class citizens" but actually understood their problems. 9. Target The area in which the Center is located is part of a very old city that has been in a period of decay for some time. The city has lost population; community spirit is poor; and there has been a recent history of civil rights protests. The Negro and Puerto Rican populations are growing and white residents are moving out to the suburbs and away from the area. The Center area has a population of about 10,000 with about 30 to 35 percent of its families earning less than $3.000 per year. The majority of its adults have less than eight years of schooling and about 45 percent of the housing is substandard. The political structure is conservative and long established and does not ap- pear to be open to innovative social changes. The public social welfare agencies that have been established in the community also appear to be reluctant to welcome changes in their traditional programs. 10. Services of the Center No direct services are available at the Center with the exception of one employ- inent counselor from the state employment bureau w-ho comes to the Center for about one-half day a week. The Center Staff and Advisory Board are optimistic that they may be able to offer more services to their clients after the CAA has given approval to some of the programs that have been submitted. Referrals are made by the Center Director on an informal basis and lie attempts to solve individual problems by referrals to private agencies, public welfare units, and CAA agencies. The Director has been known to provide immediate service by going over the heads of the agencies and side-stepping the various formal chan- nels. When the need for a fence to surround a playground became apparent, the Director went straight to the Mayor of the city and the results were almost immediate. Other services of the Center include aiding the residents with their housing proi)lems. The Director may talk w-ith a landlord on behalf of a tenant who is about to become evicted or whose dwelling is in drastic need of repair. A few work committees of resident volunteers have been formed to clean up areas of the community. Tutoring services are offered to almost 100 school children in the Center with assistance of volunteers from a nearby college. English classes of about 40 Span- ish-speaking people of the neighborbods are also taught by these volunteers. Children's organizations have been established to meet at the Center and to provide activities for the various age groups. A Girl Scout Troop has been formed, and a boys' club and teenage girls group also meet at the Center. These activities are supervised by the Center staff and volunteers from the area and the activities PAGENO="0428" 4080 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 appear to be popular and well-attended according to our data. The Girl Scout Troop numbers ten, the teen girls group almost fifty, and the boys' club about thirty. Despite the depressing picture painted about program conflicts, the Center has had its accomplishments since its inception. (1) It is there. The Center is well- established in the community and many residents refer to the popular Director as the "Mayor of East End." It is an institution now. (2) The Center has shown that it is available to people in need. This service is acknowledged by both the area residents and social agency personnel as a unique and needed service. (3) Im- proved service from existing agencies has been accomplished. Many agency per- sonnel stated that the presence of the Center has extended their contact to persons they did not reach before. (4) There has been some mobilization of area concern through membership on the Councils and through the prodding of the Center Director in other community groups, (5) Through the efforts of the Center Director a fence was obtained for a children's play area. 11. Coinmvsity Action Early in 1964 there were a number of demonstrations by the Negro community protesting de facto segregation. These events made clear to community leaders who were concerned with the general decay in the city that the city needed to organize its resources to improve conditions in the area. The formation of the CAA and the neighborhood centers was the outgrowth. It was thought that corn- inunity action and organization were to be the roles of the Center. The Director had the image of functioning as a community organizer and had not been clearly instructed by CAA officials to follow any other direction. Due to lack of approval by the CAA. Board for their proposals, the Center has had to concern itself with providing services and functioning as a referral agency. At the present time it is felt that there is little or no possibility of organizing any area-w-ide participation on the part of the residents since the only operative programs associated with the Center are those which are administered and planned by the CAA staff. The availability of individual services can help to familiarize the area residents w-ith the Center and promote some good feeling toward the personnel of the Center, but the Center Director feels that these are not the types of activities through which it is possible to organize effective com- munity action. It is felt by the Center staff that more personnel are essential to any further community development. Two people have their difficulties in contacting 10,000 residents. Another constant complaint is that the Center would like to have at least some monies in its budget that it can control directly. A further problem with regard to community organization is that there are no effective political or civil rights groups in the city at this time. The Center Direc- tor is trying to enlarge the scope of his contacts with existing agencies but claims that the personnel associated with these agencies prefer to deal directly with the administrative staff of the CAA. Thus, he is in a position of contacting agencies for services but receives little support for planning from them. A number of residents have mentioned that the proposed community center would greatly aid the Center Staff in organizing the community. A new facility would have great resident appeal both for the activities it proposes to offer and for the fact that the surroundings would be pleasant. If th OAA Board does approve this proposal, it is possible that an effective community-based organiza- tion may become a reality. If the possibility does not materialize soon, it may l)e very difficult to restimulate these people and gain their renewed support for the Center. 12. Participatio'n of the' Poor CAA organizational policy states clearly that the Poverty Program is to include the poor in its planning, policy making, and the implementation of programs. In theory, the poor are to be represented on the boards and they are to participate in planning Center programs. Residents of the area, clients, board members and center staff are in agreement that actual practice does not fully conform with this policy. The clearest problems in the operation of the anti-poverty effort in this com- munity are three: (1) the CAA Board is felt to be unresponsive to the poor; (2) the Board is all-powerful and local initiative is restricted and discouraged; and (3) the role of the Center in the total effort is not clearly defined. It appears that a "conspiracy theory" is developing on the part of the residents to account for the rejection of their proposals. They are unwilling to believe PAGENO="0429" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4081. that monies cannot be allocated for the programs that they believe are absolutely necessary. Their interpretation of these rejections is that the non-poverty mem- bers of the Board are afraid that if the Centers are given greater autonomy to plan and implement their own programs that they will become an effective agent in the community for organizing community dissatisfaction with the present power structure of the city. Though the poor are represented on the CAA Board by fourteen members, they are slightly outnumbered by representatives of the established order. It was noted by nonpoverty board members as well as our observer that the "poor" board members are not active in the meetings. They tend to have good attendance records `but remain silent during discussions. When our observer questioned a board member who had sat silently through a meeting, he replied that he did not know how to voice his opinions and that he felt at a disadvantage since most of his peers were not with him. He loses confidence when he feels that he will not be able to get an idea accepted by vote and he does not know how to articulate his ideas and get them across to majority members of the board. The "poor" board member appears to function more effectively on time neighbor- hood board. The Advisory Committee of the Center under study, composed solely of the poor, has been able to formulate a number of concrete proposals during its meetings. There are no provisions or funds for employing area residents at the Center. The Center may refer an applicant to another program under CAA direction, such as NYC, for such employment. The Center staff has been instrumental in recruiting residents to work as volunteers on various clean-up details throughout the area. A.t the time of our study this type of work seemed to be the only effective participation of the poor that this Center has experienced. It is the opinion of the Center personnel and Advisory Council members that if a progra~n they originate is actually imple- mented, more interest will be stimulated throughout the community and the poor will feel that participation will be worthwhile. CENTER "H" 1. History and Origins In the fall of 1964 an application for program development was submitted to OEO by a committee representing established community leaders, and OEO requested representation by the poor before they would act on the proposal. A more broadly-based committee was formed and in the spring of 1965 a revised proposal was approved. The broadly-based committee, together with a task force of community leaders, set out to establish a program. Progress was slow and many conflicts developed. A profile study of the com- munity, important to the development of a program, was late in being completed; there were clashes between two contenders for the job of administering the program; there was political maneuvering, with the city government attempting to maintain control over the program while others wanted the program to be independent of city control; and lastly, certain other groups involved with the program wanted to use it as a source of patronage. The program was funded in the summer of 1965 and some of the difficulties were resolved then. The clash between the two applicants for the directorship was resolved when both were given major positions. Continued maneuvering over control of the program brought about further changes; representatives of a civil rights group and some members of the broad-based committee finally forced the reorganization of the program as a corporation independent of city control. The reorganized program took effect early in the summer of 1966. Due to these struggles, the development of policy and programs has been slow. 2. RelationshiPs With Other Organizations The Center has been in operation since the fall of 1965 and its development has been relatively placid in comparison with that of the CAA. The original director maintains his position to this date; his rapport with residents of the area is excellent; and he has established many ties with other organizations in the community. The most important difficulties experienced by the Director in establishing his programs involved the Board of Education and the Welfare Department, and their lack of acceptance of CAA and Center programs may be traced to the clashes in the early development of the CAA. PAGENO="0430" 4082 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ~Ailegations were made by a school board member that the superintendent of uchools had been involved in some of the early power plays to gain control of the CAA. However, since his attempts at empire-building were foiled, he has been unwilling to grant the cooperation of the schools for Center programs. This has been an unfortunate obstacle for the Center Director to overcome as many Cen- ter programs are youth-oriented. The first activity requested was a tutoring service for high school students and dropouts who wished to return to school. Despite resistance on the part of the school system, the Director managed to recruit the services of volunteer instructors and get the program into operation. Contacts with the Welfare Department were stormy from the beginning. This is probably a direct result of the personality of the Center Director who is a blus- tery, articulate individual with a penchant for getting immediate results. The Welfare Department resents the fact that the Director acts as a spokesman for the Welfare client in his relations with that agency. The Director invariably aligns himself with the client in a dispute with the agency and has created a dichotomy in the minds of the residents which consists of the Center, the poor, and "a few other good guys" versus "the city, the Welfare Department, and the politicians." The Center personnel seem to be making some attempts at creating a more vooperative climate in which to work with this department. Their attitude is not compromising but rather cooperative and educational. They are working toward changing the attitude of the Welfare Department or at least the attitudes of some of its personnel, by apprising them of rules and regulations of their agency. The Center Director has been seen researching through voluminous stacks of Welfare Department regulations for methods in which to get the most benefit for clients. It cannot be said that the Welfare Department has improved the quality of its services as a result of Center activities but their quantity has increased. The Red Cross, State Employment Service, and an active church parish group have lent their unqualified sanction and assistance to the Center. The Employment Service provides a counselor to work in the Center. The church group has encouraged many of its members to participate as volunteers in Center programs. The Red Cross has received Center referrals and assisted the Center with emergency services. With the exception of the employment services, all relationships are informal, unstructured, and largely based on cooperation to alleviate problems of poverty. 3. Organizational Arrangements Board of Directors (UAA) The Board of Directors of the present corporation consists of a minimum of 31 members. Eleven are representatives of the poor elected by resident coun- cils; ten are representatives appointed from established community agencies such as the Board of Education, the City government, etc., and ten others are appointed from civic organizations such as the G. I. Forum, N.A.A.C.P., League of Women Voters, etc. There are three standing committees: Executive, Pro- gram Review, and Budget and Finance. The Board employs the Executive Di- rector of CAA who is to recomend to them the appointment of other CAA staff members. The CAA Director and his staff administer programs which are approved by the Board and its executive committee. CAA Administration Under the Executive Director of the CAA are three units: a Program Sup- port Unit, an Operations Unit, and an Administrative Support Unit. The Program Support Unit is composed of personnel who develop programs and carry out educational and training activities. The Operations Unit consists of an Operations Director who has formal direct contact with the directors of six neighborhood centers in the city. The Administrative Support Unit consists of secretaries and typists to aid the other two units. Resident Advisory Councils Each of the centers has an Advisory Council elected from residents in the community. The Center under study has a Council of 18 members, two of whom were elected to be members of the CAA Board. The members of the Council are both Negro and white, and eight of its eighteen members are women. The Council works closely with the Center Director who apparently sets up the agenda and calls Council meetings. The Council has formed a number of committees which are centered around particular problems in the area and has made contact with various city au- PAGENO="0431" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4083 thorities in regard to specific issues. Their primary function is to work with the Director to formulate policies and programs for submission to the CAA Board. 4. Organization of the Center The Center Director is a young white man with a college background who has been a resident of the area since birth. He* suppervises a staff of three young women. The Assistant Director is a young woman recently graduated from college who is not native to the area. Her duties involve the supervision of two aides who spend most of their time in the field making contact with the residents. There is an employment counselor contracted to the Center from the State Employment Bureau. This young woman is a professional counselor with a college degree. Finally, there is one secretary who is a young high school and business school graduate from the area. Besides the paid staff of the Center there are five full-time volunteers, two part-time aides, and forty tutorial volunteers. The last category of volunteers consists mainly of non-resident professionals working with remedial reading and tutoring drop- outs. Within the Center, there is little evidence of a strict formal structure of authority to be followed; duties and spheres of authority overlap. There appears to be complete freedom of communication among the Center workers and the Center Director. In the absence of the Director any member of the staff may speak for him or communicate with authorities. This relaxed atmos- phere may be due to the fact that the Director has confidence in his staff. Staff mnenibers who in the past were found to be incompetent were dismissed. Center staff members were hired by the Center Director with the approval of the CAA Director. Qualifications were set up by the Center Director and the staff was selected on the basis of professional competence and ability to relate to the residents. For example, the secretary was a business college graduate as well as an area resident who knew the problems of the people. Another criterion, that of financial need, was employed in the selection of resi- dent aides. Staff training, is considered important and is a continual process. Aides are given orientation assistance and some extension training by the Director. The Board of Education sponsors adult education programs for aides and resident advisory council members, including an analysis of "middle class cultural values." The training programs for staff members also include YWCA programs, university courses in social work, child development, and seminars on "poverty". 5. Control of the Center Time CAA Director is powerful and politically sophisticated. Although various departments have been set up under his leadership, there is general agreement that he does not delegate much of his authority to them. The Operations Department that was formed to supervise the centers is in effect not function- ing. The CAA Director still operates personally with the center directors. He would like the resident councils and center directors to express problems to him so that he personally could mediate between the poor and the existing agencies of the community. The CAA. Board recently has emphasized the development of projects by residents and subsequent board action to "direct" the CAA Director to im- plement the programs. Thus, there appears to be a continuing struggle for primary authority in the program with the Board attempting to gain some initiative powers. The Center Staff has expressed the opinion of the poor that true con- trol of programs and policies rests with the CAA Staff and Board mem- 1)erS who have little knowledge and even less concern over the problems of poverty. Most programs that are presently funded are those which have been imposed on Centers from above; therefore, most policy comes down from above also. The Director of this Center, however, has taken the initiative to act somewhat autonomously at times. He claims to have always acted on sug- gestions from the Resident Council and on needs defined by individual crisis situations. The people and the Resident Council are his major concerns. The policies that come down from above are followed only when they do not con- filet with the needs of the community. PAGENO="0432" 4084 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 6. Budget Information The total CAA budget through the spring of 1967 is for slightly less than $400,000. Of this total, approximately 20 percent is for the administrative units, 50 percent is for all neighborhood service centers in the city, and the remaining funds are distributed through other projects. The Center being studied has a budget of approximately $30,000. There is also employment counseling at the Center which is not funded through the Center budget. 7. Center Programs In a sense, the CAA program for the entire city has not yet been entirely formulated; the early conflicts and recent reorganization of the CAA have kept the program in a constant state of flux. Thus, the role of the Center has not yet been clearly defined. At this time, the functions of the Center are perceived to be: (1) to determine resident needs, (2) to coordinate available services and make people aware of them, and (3) to create demonstration programs to meet needs of the people that are not met by existing agencies. It appears that there is some inconsistency in the implementation of these goals. Need determination does not seem to be matched by resulting pro- grams and policies. The only needs that have actually resulted in programs seem to be the needs of the youth. Juvenile problems are highly visible in the area and it is appropriate that they should receive attention, but the Center seems to be oriented toward this age group to the exclusion of the needs of the rest of the population. Other age groups also have pressing needs and to date the Center has innovated no programs to take care of them. Problems of the aged and ADC mothers are significant in this area, although they are less evident and less directly disruptive to the community. Health and housing prob- lems in the area have also not been treated with a definite solution by the Center. Individual crises regarding housing, health, the aged, and the ADC mothers, have been dealt with as they occur but no all-inclusive programs have been formulated to arrest such problems. 8. Outreac1~ In the short time that the Center has been in operation it has managed to reach about one-third of the population of its area. Center policy and methods of operation devote a great deal of emphasis to the outreach program. Deterniina- tion of resident need requires that the Director and most of his aides spend a majority of their time in the field going door to door, meeting the people face to face, communicating by word of mouth to tell people about the Center and neW methods of meeting their problems. The staff emphasizes frequent short visits to people in the surrounding area. An indirect method of outreach noted by our observer developed as a result of the informality of the Center, which in fact attracts a great many people per day for social visits. Although the Center is generally full of residents they are not necessarily there "on business." Most Center contacts appear to be merely social in nature and neighborhood residents "drop in to find out what's happening." When residents do not come to the Center, the Center goes out to the residents. This fact was illuminated during the Council elections when Center workers and volunteers took the ballot boxes into the homes so that every resideiit could vote. It is difficult to determine from our data exactly how many contacts the Center makes in any given month. Records of services to clients are kept on file at the Center. For instance, we would be able to find out that the employment counselor saw 185 people in June or 56 people in March and that 38 people were referred to the Welfare Department in March, but these figures would be misleading in trying to determine the total number of Center contacts. It is estimated by the Director that almost 1,000 people have some sort of contact with the Center each month. 9. Target The area served by the Center under study has a population of about 7.000 people living in a small crowded section of a large industrialized city. About 53 percent of the area's people are 19 or younger; aXout three percent of the people are sixty or over. About ten percent of the residents are Negro and these people live in a concentrated section of the area of the Center. The area is typified by a high birth rate, substandard and overcrowded housing, juvenile arrests, and unemployment. PAGENO="0433" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4085 The Center area was developed during World War II and included a large amount of temporary war housing which is now dilapidated. About 17 percent of the families in the area have incomes of less than $3,000 per year and the male unemployment rate is about 6.5 percent. A~bout eleven percent of persons under 21 receive ADO. Female unemployment is among the highest in the community. 10. Services Since its inception, the Center has had a youth orientation due to the unique interests of its Director. Early in its history a group of high school boys seeking academic help came to the Center and the Director recruited volunteers to help them. This was the beginning of the tutoring program which has been greatly expanded. The Director inquired further into the problems of the juveniles. He came into contact with the juvenile probation office and has developed a probation program for youth. The parole program is clearly the one with which time Director is satisfied. He cited instances of praise from various juvenile authorities and brought to our attention a letter from the chief probation officer stating that the noticeable decline in juvenile delinquency in the area was due in large part to his efforts. This summer, the continuing youth emphasis led to a program of summer recreation. Citizens were encouraged by the Director to volunteer their services to supervise the recreation, and transportation was arranged for the children. The Center Staff also works with CAA to furnish persons for Head Start, Upward Bound, NYC, and Job Corps programs. There is some contact, which appears to be functioning well, with the Prtblic Health Service. The Center Staff has made arrangements for children's physical examinations and worked to gain parental permission for the service. Referrals are made to the Welfare Department, Red Cross, Salvation Army, various religious social services, and the YWCA. To the people of the neighbor- hood who have received these services, Center personnel function as the "people who know how to pull the right strings" to serve the client. A most helpful service of the Center is that of transportation of the client to the agency which can help him. In this way, many existing services as well as the knowledge of those services are brought within the reach of the people. The services of the Center and the staff seem to be available to the residents at almost any time of the day or night, whenever a crisis occurs. More than once the Director has been awakened in the early morning hours by a call from the police when one of the young area residents has been arrested. The Director has even provided a temporary home for a youth who was on probation. We have mentioned earlier in this report that a wide variety of Center- initiated services are not available to any group except the youth. In serving other age groups, however, a great deal of emphasis is placed on utilizing avail- able services of other agencies in such a way as to get their maximum benefits. 11. Community Action This area of the city had its origin during World War II, and during its early years there was high morale among the residents. The focus of community inter- est at that time was a high school that produced winning ball teams and other activities which generated a great deal of community spirit. In the late 1050's, urban renewal attempts directed at this section of the city prompted a removal of this community focus from the area. The high school became a junior high and it became necessary for area students to attend high school in another section of town for completion of their education. The present school is a model high school with advanced programs; its academic curriculum is geared to those of a more affluent class; and it is college preparatory in nature. The school is located in a well-to-do section of the city and many of its students reflect this affluence. Students from the Center area who attend there are under two marked handicaps: lack of educational background comparable to that of the bulk of students, and clothing and grooming habits far below the standard of the other students. This has led to many conflicts between the Center area students and other students. Some of these student conflicts have simply been based on the economic differences between the two groups but a portion of the conflicts are beginning to have racial overtones. At the present time a lack of esprit de corps is evident in the area; the com- munity spirit that existed before the high school was moved has dissolved. Inter- area conflicts are begining to show themselves. A very recent incident leads many to believe that efforts must be extended toward making the area residents a more 80-084--67-pt. 5-28 PAGENO="0434" 4086 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 cohesive group again. A group of grade school children had a minor dispute that quickly escalated to older brothers and friends. Two groups of teenagers were on the verge of a "rumble" when the police intervened. Two white teenagers later returned to the Negro area in which the fight had threatened to occur, and shot a Negro boy in the arm. The wounded victim went to the Center for assistance. The suspects were arrested at their homes within a few hours, before a major racial l)econTle the basis for choosing sides and that the Center is accepted by the resi- conflict could begin. This incident reflects the fact that racial lines could easily dents as a friendly haven. There does not seem to be the type of community action that is exemplified by the demonstrations, marches, and protest meetings found in other cities with similar problems. The community spirit of the early days of the area became latent upon removal of the high school but the innovation of the Center may he providing the focal point and leadership to encourage a revival of community interest. The Center Staff has focused on personal services and private contacts among the residents. There seem to be no mass meetings for the purpose of generating action to overcome area problems. The Center Director usually acts individually as a champion or spokesman for a group or a cause. However, he has ingratiated himself with so many individuals of his area that he would probably have the support of the numbers of people necessary for a mass demonstration if such a movement were considered by him to be an effective method of solving a problem. 12. Participation of the Poor The role of the poor in the overall scheme of the program is defined by the poor as individuals and not by the Center. Some are totally inactive; some are both ADC recipients and program aides in the Center. Others serve on the CAA Board, the NSC Council, and as counselors for other CAA programs. Still others simply make use of the recreational, tutorial, and other activities of the Center. Quite a number of residents are very enthusiastic about participating in Center activities and in serving on the various boards. But those who are participating are still a small percentage of the total target population, only about 1~ to 20 percent. This may well figure in the relative absence of tangible changes in condi- tions as a result of participation. The desire on the part of the poor to become more effective and active in actual program planning and policy making has had the effect of creating friction with the CAA, particularly the CAA Director. Several verbal exchanges have occurred because the CAA Director has objected to programs developed by residents. He explained his position in one meeting by telling the residents that, "The kids don't tell the parents what to do." and was countered by the retort from a resident, "You're not dealing with kids." The CAA Di- rector regards resident participation as a handicap to efficiency. The problem is a real one; it is not solely a bias on the part of the Director. Many poor resi- dents are extremely interested in being kept informed of what is going on and often demand to see every detail and piece of paperwork concerning all aspects of the CAA operations. The problem of excessive paperwork would be encountered if these demands of the poor were met and this is not considered practical in an efficient operation. The possibilities for participation by the poor are in theory maximal in this city, but in practice fall short of this for two reasons: (1) `the poor are not fully motivated to take part to the extent `they are now permitted to, and (2) they simply do not have, as a group, the know-how, education, training, or self-confidence needed to make the existing participation meaningful or ra- tional. The poor feel that they are not being allowed to participate as fully as they should and that officials of the CAA are imposing programs on them instead of allowing them to formulate their own. The major result of the participation, and it is a significant one, appears to `be a change in the attitudes of these people. They are gaining incentive, realizing that they can make themselves heard, and learning how to articulate and solve their problems. CENTER "I" 1. history and Origins The CAA organization covering two countries originated as a result of the foresight of three leading citizens of one of the communities who became in- terested in forming a CAA early in 1965. Their number grew when these men invited the advice and participation of representatives of various professions PAGENO="0435" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4087 and social agencies. Each municipality in the area was asked to elect a member to their group and to contril)llte to a fund to finance expenses incurred during this exploration period. The CAA regional director was contacted to solicit his aid regarding policies and procedures in setting up a local CAA. The re- gional director advised the group to include another county in its plans in order to increase the population that would be served by the proposed CAA. The adjacent county was included in the plans; application was made to QEO for a study grant: the grant was approved and funds were made available in the summer of 1965. To this date there are in the area no Neighborhood Service Centers per so. Three Field Counselors from the CAA travel from town to town to provide the services of a center from whatever facility is available-town hall, store buildings, or schools. 2. Relationships With Other Orgaosizations `The OAA has established working and cooperative relationships that are almost ideal. Established agencies in the two counties were brought into the planning stages of the corporation and their advice and assistance was in- strumental in getting the program into operation. Relationships have remained friendly because of the CAA emphasis on referral of the agencies instead of duplication of their services. The cooperation of service clubs, churches, schools, and other civic groups has been demonstrated by donations of facilities, volunteers, and funds. In this small town-rural area, relationships are on a more informal friendly basis than they might be in a more complex, urban setting. The amiable relationships may be due in part to the personal friendships and agreements which exist between agency, `CAA, and civic leaders. The only problems that have developed to hinder the working relationships between these agencies and the CAA have been resolved as a result of these friendships. 3. organizational Arrangements CAA Board of Directors There are 29 members of this group which functions to approve program and policy recommendations and to hire administrative personnel. One member is elected from each of the 14 incorporated towns of the area; six representatives of the poor are elected from non-incorporated communities; three were elected at large from the smaller county; six were elected from the large county. In selecting board members, each town is assigned one of the five following categories from which to choose its representative in order to insure that all groups are represented. The categories are (1) minority, (2) business and civic groups, (3) poverty residents, (4) labor, and (5) education and county govern- ments. CAA Executive Committee The president and vice president of the Board of Directors are elected by its membership and are ex-ofliclo members of the Executive Committee. Four ad- ditional Executive Committee members are elected from the Board membership at an open board meeting. CAA Advisory Committee This body consists of 112 people, seven from each of the 16 townships in the area. The mayor of each town was responsible for organizing a meeting for the election of these representatives. The group functions to initiate policy recom- mendations for approval by the Board of Directors. CAA Staff The staff hired by the Board of Directors and its screening committee consists of eight professionals, including the Director, two Assistant Directors, and an accountant. Under the supervision of a Program Director, three Field Counselors extend the OAA programs by carrying them to the people of the area. In addition, personnel from six established community agencies work in the CAA offices. Three clerk typists who are residents of the area complete the list of staff members. Applications for CAA. staff positions are available at the CAA office and the State Employment Service. Applications for the positions of Director, Assistant Director, and accountant are acted on by the Board of Directors. The hiring of personnel for other positions has been delegated to the Board of Directors' screening committee. In theory, the Board and screening committee are to hire those applicants with the highest qualifications, and a review of staff education PAGENO="0436" 4088 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 and experience suggests that most staff members are highly qualified for their respective positions. We received complaints about only one case where estab- lished criteria seemingly have been ignored. Some board members and agency personnel felt that a man who is mayor of one of the area's communities had "campaigned" among board members for his job and was not qualified by education and experience for his high administrative position. They led us to believe that he had not completed high school and his job experience was largely of a political nature. At the time of his employ, he had promised to resign his position as mayor but had not done so at the time of this research. Our re- spondents felt that his political duties posed a conflict of interest, time, and effort. Staff training was carried on during a week-long workshop conducted by established service agencies. Staff members were instructed in interview tech- niques, operations and eligibility requirements of welfare agencies. In addition to initial training, frequent staff meetings are held to apprise employees of OEO policies and regulations. 4. Control of the Center The control of this Center (i.e. the CAA) appears to be dispersed among boards, advisory committees and the staff. No conflicts were evident and there seem to be no manifest attempts by political or social groups to wrest control of the program to further their own causes. The CAA Director and his staff make diligent attempts to follow OEO guide- lines and policies but have been experiencing difficulties in applying these rules to their area's needs. For example, the CAA Director has stated that numerous OEO policy technicalities relating to the civil rights movement tend to defeat the purpose of the program. It is their feeling that a problem of racial inequality does not exist here; minority groups compromise only about eigl1t percent of the population. The CAA staff has also found that many OEO regulations designed for the urban area are not applicable to a rural area and rural economy. For instance, before an individual may enter the Home Health Aide Training, he must be guaranteed a job paying $1.25 per hour. The institutions in the area that employ these people can only afford to pay $80 or $90 per hour. There are so few jobs in the area that pay $1.25 per hour that niany people are denied training because of the rigidity of this rule. 5. Budget Federal funds allocated for the CAA projects for the fiscal year 1967 total $421,518. The Center budget (i.e., salaries for three Field Counselors) accounts for $18,900 of this allocation. The local ten percent is supplied by donations of office space, neighborhood and professional services, equipment, utilities, and some financial aid from cities and counties in the area. 6. Centers Programs Acting in the capacity of service center to widely-dispersed neighborhoods are three field counselors who travel throughout the region and carry the CAA programs to the poor. The mobility of the "Centers" is reflected in many of the programs they offer, such as the mobile medical unit, surplus food distributions, and Medicare Alert. Head Start, remedial education, small business loans and counseling, Out-of-Work Training, and Home Health Aide Training are also included in the list of programs. Of all the many programs offered, the NYC has made the greatest impact on the area, to the extent that the name of the NYC has become synonymous with "poverty program" to many of the area's poor. Comments by the poor indicate that boys enrolled in the project have shown a great deal of improvement in their grooming and study habits. The small amount of money they make gives them a newt self respect and optimism. We learned that prior to the inception of the NYC, "chicken-catching" was the only work available for these youths who needed to supplement the family income. We were told that "chicken-catching" is irregular work which is available only when the chicken farmer is preparing for a sale. The boys would work 72 hours or more without sleep during a big "round- up." A specific result of NYC work, specially noted by the middle class citizens of the area, is the cleanup and beautification of highway right-of-ways other public areas. In a comparison of area needs and existing CAA programs, it appears that health problems, educational deficiencies, high school dropout rates, and unem- ployment are being counteracted by programs, However, out attention was directed to many problems that had not yet been met with a corresponding CAA PAGENO="0437" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 4089 program, namely housing problems, lack of recreational facilities, and retraining programs aimed specifically at the unemployed men between 40 and 65 years of age. Most of the people in this group are former coal miners who `have been out of work since the mines closed years ago; they have been existing on welfare or disability payments since that time. \Tarious programs have proved to be of benefit to many poor individuals in the region by `providing loans, jobs, and educational opportunities'. These benefits have been received with enthusiasm by many poor individuals. But, the merits of CAA projects are noted by factions other than the poor-namely, the store owners and professional people in the towns. The `advent of the CAA is most enthusiastically noted by these people for it has resulted in economic pump- priming. More than half a million dollars ha's been brought to the area by the funding of the OAA programs. 7. Outreach It `has previously been noted that there are no physical facilities for neighbor- hood centers existing at this time. One of three Field Counselors visits the six- teen towns in the area on a regularly scheduled basis and sets up shop in one of the public buildings. Prior to his arrival, the time and place of his visit are posted in prominent locations in the community. Information regarding coun- selors' visits and various programs is spread throughout the community and surrounding area via newspaper, radio, and television media. Community organi- zations and churches are also instrumental in advertising the programs to corn- rnumty and area residents; both `clients and volunteer workers have been re- cruited from these associations. A door-to-door type of outreach program was found to be necessary, especially during the early days of the C'AA program. Field Counselors discovered that dur- ing many of their visi'ts no clients would appear for services and the counselors would find it neecssary to start knocking on `doors. The demonstrated success of CAA programs and consequent word-of-mouth advertising among the! people have served to aid the Counselors in their outreach efforts. The Counselors! are now finding it unnecessary `to recruit clients, and are `devoting more time to counseling those of the poor who appear for services. Since about half the target population have been contacted by the Field Counselors, additional duties in serving thes,e clients preclude the Counselors from devoting all their time to out- reach. At the present time, total num'ber of field contacts are between 300 an'd 500 each month; of these, a'bout 75 are provided some type of service by the Counselor. The Medicare Alert program, in w-hich about fifty volunteers assisted the CAA staff, was effective in reaching about 95 percent of target (i.e., the elderly) and w-as an aid to the total outreach program because it was so extensive. It is estimated by the Field Counselors: that about half of t'he area's poor popu- lation remain's to be penetrated by CAA programs. They indicate that their great- est problem is geographic-a difficulty in rea'ching many families of the widely- scattered population. 8. Target Area The CAA disperses' its programs throughout two counties comprised of both rural areas and towns as large as 10,000 population. There are some 16 townships in the area but there are no great concentrations of people in any one urban location. The total population of the two counties is about 70,000. Of this num- ber, about 53 percent have incomes of less th'an $3,000 per year. Other statistics indicate that about 50 percent of this total population live in substandard hous- ing, are rejected by selective service, and have fewer than eight years education. The unemployment rate of both men and women is high-about 16 percent. Many of those presently unemployed are former coal miners who lost their jobs w-hen the coal mines closed many years ago. Those who were physically able to w-ork in an industry other than mining were either untrained or unwilling to do so. In addition, mining accidents and un'heal'thful conditions left many of these people incapacitated `by their physical conditions and una:ble to work. 9. ~S1ervices Initially, many of the poor were under the impression that the CAA was~ to offer a handout type of program; consequently, a number of interviewees lost interest upon discovering that the CAA. did not intend to operate programs: of that nature. Those who have taken advantage of the services available do not consider themselves to be recipients of charity; rather, they reflect the philosophy PAGENO="0438" 4090 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 of the CAA and feel that they are being given an opportunity to help themselves. Services offered are primarily of a counseling and referral nature, whereby a client is given information about the opportunities `available under CAA pro- gram's and/or referred to an established agency if be is eligible for aid. The Center (i.e., the Field Counselor) works closely with such agencies as the Farm- ers' Home Administration, Welfare Department. Employment Service,' Pension Board, and Health Department. The Counselors function as coordinators `of serv- ices offered `by these agencies; OAA activities have enabled the agencis to in- crease the quantity of clientele and the qualities of their services. For example, the Medicare Alert program conducted by CAA staff and many volunteers uncov- ered not only many `who were eligible for Medicare but many who were eligible for social security benefits as welL The Field Counselors' assi'stan'ce has enabled many o'f `the poor to take advan- tage of many services that were previously not known to them. The example wa's cited of the father of a family of nine whose only income was $113 per month VA disability `payment. The concerted efforts of the CAA Coun'selor and Farmers' Home Administration enabled this man to secure a loan to buy equipment so that be might `supplement his income by doing welding. Clients appear to be satisfied and grateful for services they have received; they feel that the Counselors understand their problems; they have indicated a desire to assist or help with the CAA program's. In short, no complaints were received from clients. The only criticisms w-ere constructive ones consi'st'ing of suggestions for additional program and services to meet needs that w-ere not being met with existing services. 10. Communitmj Action Community action in this area m'ay be strictly defined as the utilization of existing resources in order to help the poor. There have been no overt demonstra- tions of mass hostility; rather, the activity has been concentrated toward the systematic use of services and individuals for those people who will avail them- selves of the opportunities. Though the greatest success has been with the NYC program for youth, the CAA and its boards and committees have intended to make opportunities available to people in all age groups. New- programs are being developed as the people become more aware `of the area's needs ana more aware of what is possible for them to accomplish. 11. Participation of the Poor Maximum participation of the poor has been greatly emphasized by the CAA and an appropriate and workable balance of advisory (i.e., professional) and poor forces seems to have been achieved. All elements of the involved communities are represented on the boards and committees, including minorities, the poor. and professional people. The poor seem to be convinced that they are instrumental in formulating policies and programs and that their su~gesti.ons are well-received by non-poor groups. The attitude of professional people on the board further con- firms the thinking of the poor; they indicated a satisfaction with the manner in which the poor were participating at meetings; they felt that the poor were indeed cOntributing useful ideas for programs and policies that were relative to their needs. However, there are those of the poor population w-ho have not l)Pen responsive to the program. It should be noted that political activism involving the poor is completely absent. The participating poor are "tame" people. They are not about to roëk the establishment boat. Something of this situation was reflected during a tour of the area by one of time central office research staff. Several times the ac- companying Field Counselor (a Negm~o) made critical, deprecatory remarks about the poor, Negro clients-especially those who had not responded to the Coun- selor's overtures. They were regarded as the "disreputable poor" for whom nothing could really be done. UAA Administration Reporting directly to the executive (e)lnmul;tee is the Executive Director of the city's anti-poverty program. He direcl;s the central office and its ten divisions: Community Development. Ui no mice. Ma ii~ ower. Person n el. Progra mu Control. Pro- gram Evaluation, Program Pin aol ng. Public Tnformnn lion. Tm iiii tig and Work Training. The Community 1)evel.opnient division is responsible for the adnminis- tratmon and coordination of neighborhood council activities with center function's and delegate agency programs. PAGENO="0439" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4091 Neighborhood Center Councils Each of the neighborhood centers has a board the chairman of which is also a member of the CAA Board and its executive committee. Originally, the director of each neighborhood center appointed the chairman and all the members of the neighborhood council. This has been changed so that each center director now appoints sixty board members who in turn elect ten additional members, their chairmen, and one delegate to serve on the CAA Board. The neighborhood councils are to act in a purely advisory capacity but pro- grams do have to be accepted by them before they are implemented by the service centers. 3. Operation of the Centers The Executive Director of the CAA, chosen by the mayor. has in turn controlled the selection of all other employees at the CAA central office, the center directors, and all center staff members. The Community Representatives are screened by a private firm of personnel psychologists who test applicants for personality and attitude traits in order that all representatives conform to the desired pattern. All CAA and center employees are city employees and are subject to city rules and regulations. Each center has a director and assistant directors for Recruit-. ment and Referral, Environmental Services, and Program Action. A imsiness manager and a records supervisor also report to center directors. Working in the Recruitment and Referral sections are community representa- tives whose job it is to contact people in their areas and to get them to come to the centers for services. Working in the Environmental Services division are em- ployment counselors, family counselors, intake supervisors, and interviewers. This division is designed to assist the client with employment and family problems and to work closely with the agencies concerned directly in these fields. The Program Action division includes activities coordinators and program representatives who work to organize and implement programs in the neighborhood; e.g. youth activi- ties, anti-rodent programs, and housing improvement programs. Many of the program representatives work outside their respective centers in program stations to implement the programs for which their center is respon- sible. These stations are located in delegate agency facilities that are also carry- ing on some program responsibilities. In addition to the program stations, there are out posts which are essentially small centers but are decentralized through- out the community to reach and serve the people more effectively. The program stations and the outposts are the organizations closest to the people in terms of location and intimacy. One way in which the centers involve the poor is to employ them for positions as community representatives, program representatives, clerical staff and in other posts. There are professionals also employed in administrative arid tech- nical positions but most of the w-ork is performed by poor people of the neigh- borhood. These people receive a relatively small amount of formal training but a great deal of exposure to problems they are expected to handle. The employees in- terviewed were very pleased to be associated with the program, not only because it meant having a job, but also because of the feeling that it is genuinely serving the people who need it. It can be noted that most center officials feel that their allegiance is with the city's anti-poverty program and not necessarily the particular neighborhood in which they may be working. Most of the senior center officials are shifted around from neighborhood to neighborhood. 4. Control of the Centers The system is designed so that policies are established and programs are de- signed at the highest level with the programs to be carried out at the center level. The CAA Board and its major committees are controlled by senior officials from the well-established organizations and the controlling official is the mayor of the city. All personnel are hired by the central office and it is clear from widespread interviews that there is a considerable amount of uniformity of view among all persons associated with the program as employees. The CAA Director, his staff, the center directors and their employees all share the same views on the fundamental issues and policies. Since the center directors control the memberships of their respective center boards, these board members too are part of the family and don ot represent an element of discord. PAGENO="0440" 4092 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 5. Bndget Since the formation of the city's anti-poverty program, Over $40 million of federal grants have been provided with an additional $8 million of funds and con- tributions from other sources. To give an idea of the magnitude of the center program, its annual budget is approximately $8 million and each center has a budget in excess of $1 million. 6. Center Programs All of the city's anti-poverty programs, including pre-school, youth corps, small business, and others, are closely related to the neighborhood centers, Out- posts, or program stations which are designed to bring programs and people together. The neighborhood centers are to have the following functions: "(1) To provide coordination of public and voluntary services at the neighbor- hood level. "(2) To reinforce interaction between public and voluntary agencies and the people. "(3) To strengthen services of existing community institutions by providing an opportunity for these institutions to propose new programs and review pro- grams coming into their community. "(4) To provide new services only when there is no institution in that com- munity which can adequately provide the needed services. "(5) To employ community residents in a wide range of expanded community action services. "(6) To develop maximum self-support in communities by encouraging crea- tion of new services financed and staffed by local residents." 1 The purpose of the centers is conceived to be to insure that persons in the target area are receiving all of the services they should have. The purpose is not to organize the poor to provide them with pow-er to redress their grievances. This attitude is basic to the entire poverty program in the city and as stated previously is reflected in the views of staff members of every echelon. CENTER "J" (I) 7. Target Area The previous section has been a general description of the formal organiza- tional arrangements existing at the CAA and all neighborhood centers in the city. This section describes the activities at one of two centers under study in the city and provides information about specific implementation of programs which are not fully revealed in the formal organizational arrangements. Center I was established in February of 1965 to operate in an area with over 200,000 persons, 95 percent of whom are Negro. This area of the city is well- established in that it ha~ been a Negro community for many years and it has a highly developed soOial and political structure. There is a large respectable middle class but there also exists a high percentage of unemployment (12 per- cent). Approximately 35 percent of all families in the area have incomes of less than $3,000. All the anticipated symptoms of a poverty stricken area pre- vail here and the area abounds with crime, gang warfare, crowded and filthy housing conditions, and the various accidents and illnesses resulting from these. 8. Relationships With Other Organizations The referral and coordinative functions of the centers and the CAA are frequently mentioned as being very important to the success of the entire pro- gram. At the highest level the mayor is able to insure the cooperation of all city departments and, to a large degree, of county, State and private organiza- tions. Almost all of the anti-poverty programs of the city actively involve these other organizations as delegate agencies, sponsors or participants in other ways. This is not to say that there are no disagreements of approach, jurisdic- tion and method but they are clearly "family squabbles" and as such tend to be solved within the family. There are administrative problems but no problems of basic policy. It is the view of the leaders of the anti-poverty program that they have to reform the established agencies to the extent that traditional patterns of service are modified and become more effective. These changes obviously do not take place without some friction. 1 Community Action Program Narrative Progress Report, for period ending December 31, 1065. PAGENO="0441" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4093 At the center level there is a great deal of referral and coordination activ- ity. In many cases, such as the State Employment Service and the Welfare Department, arrangements have been made for employees of these agencies to work right in the centers. The employees of these agencies have preferred to work according to the traditional patterns of a 9 :00 to 5 :00 schedule; how- ever, the centers stay open until late at night and the agency people have been prevailed upon to change their work patterns. Some personnel of these agencies feel that the centers duplicate their efforts or encroach on their responsibilities. Others have indicated satisfaction that they have been able to extend their services through the centers. The problems of coodination appear to be principally administrative in that each of the organizations has its own views as to the most effective ways to serve the poor. The CAA and the centers have not been without criticism from officials of these agencies. These agencies have been forced by the mayor to decentralize, to engage in programs new to them, and to cooperate with the anti-poverty group. The availability of anti-poverty funds as well as the strength of the mayor are the carrot and stick that keep them moving along. More serious criticism of the program has come from civil rights leaders, from leaders of established neighborhood organizations of the poor, and from private agencies outside the "in" group. These persons charge that the program allows no room for dissent, co-opts programs and personnel from organizations that may threaten their powers, refuses to deal with established community organizations unless these organizations conform completely amid entirely to all views of the CAA, and permits no meaningful participation of the poor in policy-making. These persons feel that the program is being used as an extension of the mayor's vast political power and does not deal with the meaningful issues in the war on poverty. They feel that the program fails to organize the poor as a politically independent force, and does not control slum landlords or end segregation in housing. Philosophically, this group feels that the provisions of services should not be the most important aspect of the anti-poverty effort and that the handing out of more services does not attack the root of the problems of the poor or encourage their upward mobility. 9. Programs Efforts are currently underway at the Center to serve the "whole family" rather than only offering service to one member of the family. The theory is that a man with one problem will have a lot of problems and his family will reflect even more. A reorganization was planned at the time of our study in order that the family could be emphasized and Center services coordinated around this goal. The formerly-named Recruitment and Referral Department is to carry out this activity and, coordinate services for the family. Programs of this Center are said to originate from a variety of sources. Some programs are submitted to the Center Council by community organizations such as the Boy Scouts or church groups. The Council itself may initiate a program or accept a proposed program from the CAA and it has veto power over a CAA-initiated program. However, our observers in the area concluded that the only resident-originated programs that had actually been carried out were innocuous summer play activities and team sports. There could be recalled no incidents where a CAA program had actually been rejected by the council. Most of the Center programs are offered under the auspices of established community agencies who work closely with Center workers or house Center staff members in their agencies. These agencies include an association for retarded children, Legal Aid, Family Services, Youth Welfare, Public Welfare, work training organizations, a small business opportunity association, and the employment service. Due to CAA and Center influence these agencies have been called upon to offer new types of services in response to area need. Jobs for youth, building inspection, anti-rodent campaigns, and lead poisoning control exemplify the innovative programs. In an attempt to alleviate the juvenile delinquency problem in the area a number of recreational programs have been setup to attract youth to the Center. Team sports, charm classes, physical fitness classes, and teenage dances are all a part of the recreation program. Tickets for various events outside the Center are often distributed to clients. College scholarships and job-training are offered to members of the youth groups, including a Seafarer's Apprentice Program, training for Civil Service exams, and the Neighborhood Youth Corps. Arrange- ments with a nearby university have helped to make scholarships available to qualified high school graduates. PAGENO="0442" 4094 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Various client comments pose a question of the outreach and effectiveness of these programs. We were told that Center activities failed to appeal to the really hard-core delinquent who scorns the Center's "sissy games" and cannot lower him- self to perform the menial tasks of the NYC. One Center staff member commented that the door-to-door outreach programs and speeches to church groups were not s~)readi1ig the message to this youth and that in order to reach the "hard-to- reach" it would be necessary for community representatives to visit the bars and 1)001 halls where these youths congregate. The only success the Center has had with this group resulted from a summer employment program where members of four different "gangs" were hired to work as Center employees. As only one major battle occurred between the gang members at the Center, the staff supervisors considered that some favorable re- sults had been attained. For the adults of the area, few programs are available that do not fall under the realm of direct individual services. They are offered, however, Negro history, literacy and consumer education classes and "town meetings" to apprise them of community issues. 10. Outreach The main efforts to reach people in the community are carried out by com- munitv representatives who themselves are residents of the community and have strong ties to it. Each representative is assigned a locality with approximately 2000 people and it is his job to contact these people and to tell them about the Center. services available and the way to obtain these services. It is evident that these people are in the community on a daily basis doing their jobs and that they have indeed reached thousands and thousands of people. Records maintained at the Center as well as observations indicate a constant stream of people coming to the Center for assistance. The Center Director has estimated that 10000 people per month particpate in some Center activity or avail themselves of its services. The relative strength of the outreach program can best be manifested by point- ing out the size of the army of 80 community representatives at the Center who comprise about one-half of the total staff. In addition to the work of these rep- resentatives, professional and supervisory staff members disperse information through speaking engagements to various established groups in the community such as church groups and schools. A special event or meeting at the Center is often advertised by newspaper or flier and sufficient interest is aroused by these methods to bring three or four hundred people from the citizenry of 200,000 to the Center for these events. Our observers in the Center noted that even though the numbers of Center participants may seem relatively small in comparison .to the total population of the area the Center exhibited an asset not recorded quantitatively-that of the l)leasant atmosphere of the Center's physical structure and in the attitude of the personnel. These attractive features of the Center no doubt account for a great deal of the popularity it has experienced so far and may be expected to con- tribute further to the outreach program. Client reaction to the Center was fav- orable and all indicated that they had been.made to feel welcome. A willingness to return to the Center and participate in more of its activities was expressed by all clients questioned. 11. Services A staff of 175 dispenses services to the population of the area, both at the Center headquarters and at one outpost station located some distance away from the Center is another neighborhood. Upon entering the Center proper, one is met by a cheerful group of recep- tionists who fill out initial forms and refer the client to an Intake Interviewer. Though there is a gaiety evident in the attitude of this welcoming committee and our observer noted some horseplay among the group, the efficiency does not seem to suffer. The client is led swiftly through a complex but streamlined maze of Center operations and long waits for services are not experienced. In the event that the client does wait for service, however, the duration is short, pleasant, and comfortable, and he is invited to have coffee. At the Intake Desk the client will be interviewed by any one of the persons in the division. The Intake Interviewer's job is to determine the maximum number of services the Center can provide to the particular client and his family, and after this determination is made he is directed to the first of the respective agencies that can help him. PAGENO="0443" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4095 By far the most popular service of the Center is the Employment Program. Over 50 percent of clients visiting the Center come in search of jobs. Due to the nature and development of the economy in the city, many jobs are available and a great percentage of people seeking jobs are actually placed, and many clients expressed satisfaction with this service. We did receive dissident views here, however, and the complaint was made by some area residents that the program focused on the youth-that an adult could not get a job through the Center with- out some additional political pull. The services of numerous other community agencies are offered at the Center through the Counselors and Coordinators. (The Coordinators are called upon in case a client requires more than one service.) The following list of agencies offer services on a referral basis either at the Center or in offices in the immediate vicinity of the Center. Association for Retarded Children. Youth Welfare. Small Business Opportunity Corps. Boys Club. Youth Center. YMCA. Legal Aid. Public Aid-Slum Housing. Food Stamp Program. Building Department-Rodent Control. Board of Health-Anti-Lead Poisoning. Center programs and services are delivered to one neighborhood via the Center Outpost. This is a center in miniature with a small staff for intake inter- views, referrals, outreach, and onb employment counselor. Activity programs are identical to those at the Center but for services other than employment, clients are referred back to the Center or one of the cooperating agencies. 12. Community Action Policy throughout the entire CAA. organization spells out clearly that the program is intended to carry services to the poor on an individual basis. Under no circumstances is there to be concerted action of the people for forcing solutions to their problems. The philosophy is reflected by every participant in this pro- gram from the mayor of the city to the most junior of the community repre- sentatives. (Note that they are not called "community organizers".) Those who object to the philosophy or who hold loyalties to an organization with dissenting views are quickly drummed out of the corps. Potential competitors of the Center have had a hard time trying to beat City Hall. A "rival" boys club in the neighborhood of Center I underwent trails which illuminate the futility of such competing efforts. A boys' club, established in that area some eight years ago had developed a membership of about 500 boys and girls, aged 6 to 18. Its goals were to prevent juvenile delinquency by pro- viding recreational programs for the children. Preliminary tactics by Center personnel to undermine the club included attempts to hire club volunteers to work on the Center staff and the sponsorship of competing activities. For example, the club's efforts to hold a bake sale to raise funds wei~e countered with a lower-priced bake sale held at the center on the same day. Greater pres- sure was applied when these efforts failed and the club director became the recipient of phone calls threatening the club facilities and himself. A week later an unknown arsonist set fire to the club building destroying about $4,000 worth of equipment. An interview w-ith the director of the club indicated that he had made efforts to cooperate with the Center and tried to work with it; he had asked for program assistance, personnel assistance, and for coordination of programs. He said he had referred some of his club members to the Center for jobs, but that they had refused to help them. The tight city controls over every facet of the Center program and the at- tempted eradication of all outside programs indicate a fear of any resident- inspired community action. It is true that the 200,000 population of this Center area could indeed be an overwhelming force with which to reckon if organized from the grass roots level. Thus. the prevailing attitude is that efficient showering of services in pleasant surroundings should serve to 1~eep the people satisfied and aligned with the powerful establishment. PAGENO="0444" 4096 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 13. Participation of the Poor The above-mentioned prevailing philosophy indicates that the poor are to be contained, pacified, and provided w-ith services in order that they will not feel the need to make demands by forceful and disturbing collective actions. Policy states that the poor may participate as staff members, as clients, and as board members, but resident activity seems to reach its ultimate level only in their roles as Center employees. All community representative jobs and many of the clerical and supportive positions are filled by the poor from the Center area. As previously discussed, the outreach of the Center I programs is consider- able and the poor are being affected and that they are participating as clients in increasingly significant numbers. Creative action and planning by the poor is non-existent at Center I and prob- ably throughout the city. Advisory Council activity is limited to its nominal function-precisely that of giving advice, and it cannot even be assured that the Council is representative of the area residents; its members are not elected but merely appointed by the Center Director who, in reality, represents the composite CAA-city establishment. The poor are recipients of services and employees. CENTER "J" (II) 14. Target Area The second center in the city under study operates in an area with a popula- tion of almost 140,000 persons, three-quarters of whom are white and the bal- ance Negro. Approximately four percent of the population is of Puerto Rican birth or parenthge and almost a third are either foreign born or children of foreign born parents. Approximately nine percent of the labor force is unem- ployed and twenty percent of all families have incomes less than $3,000 per year. This area is much more heterogenous than the predominately Negro area de- scribed in the previous section. Center II is located at the edge of its target area in a manufacturing and business district with the homes of its residents located several miles aw-ay. The Center neighborhood including the building in w-hich the Center is situated is old and delapidated and despite renovation attempts is still ugly and run dow-n. In contrast to Center I, there is little pleasant about the atmosphere. 15. Relationships With Other Organizations Center II is to function as a coordinating and referral agent to many estab- lished community organizations and it appears that it is serving this function satisfactorily. Public agencies and churches appear to work in harmony with the Center. Among these groups there was only one strong dissenter-the Salva- tion Army, which feels that the Center is an absolute failure in its function, as a coordinator, and that its program has not even attempted to reach those u-ho are most in need of their services-the alcoholics and skid row derelicts w-ho' number prominently in the Center II neighborhood. Businessmen and local mer- chants of the neighborhood view the Center with some alarm as it occasionally attracts a number of young people who loiter in the surrounding area outside the Center. 1G. Center Programs The primary role of all Centers in the city is that of a clearing house for service referrals to other agencies. Center II is no exception. Within the Center are located the following agencies: Association for Retarded Children, Welfare Council, and the Department of Public Aid. The Board of Education conducts Americanization classes and the State Employment Service offers a Youth Opportunity Center. A Leisure Time program has been set up by the Center offering dance classes, cultural activities, grooming, and team sports. Homemaking classes, small busi- ness opportunities, and health programs are now offered to adults. To combat housing problems, the housing surveys are made to report building violations. vermin infestation, and lead poisoning. To appeal to the elderly, a Senior Citizens' Club has been formed. It is apparent that a great deal of activity occurs at the Center and that pro- grams aimed at almost every conceivable community need have been envisioned here. However, the actual implementation and effectiveness of these programs have drawn complaints from all sides. The Center Director complains of an ml- possible snarl of red tape in the directives from the CAA and the staff complains that they are not given enough time to put a program into operation before they PAGENO="0445" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4097 are directed to change or evaluate the program. Some neighborhood Council members complain that they are not consulted on programs and policy while others on the Council offer the opinion that policy-making ability of most Council and Center staff members is highly limited anyway and that it is best to keep things flexible and let policy and programs evolve from experience and demonstrated needs of the area. Clients complain of the waits they must en- dure before receiving services; everyone complains about the incOmpetency of the Center employees, and they complain about each other. The Center Di- rector's comment that his main problem is high staff turnover seems to substan- tiate the fact that employees are dissatisfied. One Center Council member com- mented that the only criteria for employment at the Center was skin color and that "they go out and hire just any Negro on the street just because he is colored." In contrast to Center I, the pleasant atmosphere, the joking among staff members, and the friendly attitude toward the public does not exist here. Effi- ciency suffers as a result of this lack of cooperation among the staff members and we are led to believe that this factor seriously detracts from the acceptance and effectiveness of the many programs offered by the Center. 17. Ontreadh The ability of the Center to reach all the 140,000 residents of its service area is limited by its geographical location. As previously stated, it is at the edge of the area, and several staff members pointed out the difficulties this produced. A program station in the public housing units, several miles away, somewhat extends the Center's reach, but it remains difficult to offer these potential clients a wide range of services. The alcoholics on skid row, another large group of potential clients, have been relatively neglected. A group of 42 Community Representatives in the Recruitment and Referral Division carry out the bulk of outreach operations via door-to-door contact and the program station. In contrast to Center I, this Center relies a great deal on advertisements and fliers, and many clients at Center II were there in response to these. An examination of the records reveals that over 1,000 people visit the Center during a given week but this figure may be misleading as the number of different individuals participating could not be determined from Cen- ter statistics. The very nature of some of the Leisure Time activities might tend to draw some individuals to Center the day after for such things as play practice or basketball practice, etc. The majority of activity seems to take place under the auspices of this Leisure Time program which draws over 500 to the Center each week. The Manpower (or employment) programs account for a quarter of the Center's clients or almost 250 cases per week. An overwhelming number of Center clients are youth; they account for the participation in Leisure Time activities and a great number of the employment interviews. Of the 250 clients interviewed during one week last summer, only 52 were adults. During a typical week community representatives will visit about 1,200 families, referring most of them to the Center for services and activities. Center personnel are notified of these contacts by the community representatives and potential clients who do not appear at the Center are to be contacted again. 18. ~ervioes The CAA has set up uniform organizational structures in all Centers and in accordance with these guidelines, Center II employs an Environment Services Division to dispense Center services, refer clients to the proper agencies for assistance, and follow-up cases until the problems are resolved. A client at Center II undergoes a procedure similar to that of the client at Center I. lie is met at the door by a receptionist or Information Attendant who directs him to an Intake Interviewer who determines his needs and directs him on to the appropriate counselor, program representative, or delegate agency. In addition to the staff of over 100 people, many volunteers work with clients and pro- vide service to them by conducting recreational programs, grooming classes, etc. The list of services offered by the Center and its corresponding agencies is almost endless. Such an itemized list would include employment counseling and job placement for youth and adults, welfare services. Americanization classes for aliens, homemaking classes, mental and physical health clinics, small business counseling and loans, consumer education, and various housing pro- grams. The Leisure Time program offers its particular variety of services to youth and a similar social program for the elderly has been set up. Services are PAGENO="0446" 4098 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 provided to Center clients under CAA programs; e.g., the NYC uses the Center to reach clients for its educational programs and NYC employees assist with other Center activities. In one week, approximately twenty clients participated in homemaking classes, seven were referred for public health services, and 234 were involved in the Manpower program. If participation were to be compared to the problems of the area, it would appear that some of these most urgent needs are being met by Center services; i.e., the high unemployment percentage and the juvenile delin- quency problems are being counteracted by the employment services and activities for youth. Lead poisoning cases numbered 205 during one w-eek last summer. The problem of lead poisoning is one that has been discovered in great prevalence in all the slum areas of the city and, as a result, the city neighborhood service centers, with the aid of the city health department and the Housing Department, have devoted a great deal of attention to solutions to the problem and caring for these emergen- cies as they arise. The methods for delivery of services at Center II are similar to those at Center I but there are evident distinctions in their actual operations. Long, discouraging waits between interviews lead clients to point to a lack of staff efficiency and lack of concern for the public. The pervading atmosphere is dismal and unfriendly, and there seems to be a lack of rapport with the clients. Despite the long hours of operation (from 8:00 n.m. to 10:00 p.m.) and the many services and activities offered, it does not appear that Center II has reached a significant portion of the area's 140000 residents. The numbers of people availing themselves of the services each week seem very minimal. 10. Community Action The concept of community action as a means for resolving social and economic problems plays no role in this area or in this Center's programs. The first reason for the lack of community organization is precisely the fact that the city-CAA establishment has strong leanings away from any mass organization of the people and any such movement is discouraged by all levels of CAA and Center personnel. Secondly, ethnic and religious differences separate portions of this population into various groups, each with its own religious and social leaders. Each element has a different skin color, a different religion, and different types of problems. This is not the homogeneous society that was served by Center I. Finally, the geographic location of the Center (i.e., miles away from many of the resident homes) precludes it from becoming a focal point for community action. 20. Participation of the Poor The poor are involved in the overall program at Center II in much the same fashion that they are involved at Center I; that is, they are allowed to become staff members at the Center and all minor positions are filled by resident workers. They are allowed, of course, to participate as clients, to receive servic~s and to act as volunteers in Center programs. Lastly, they are allowed to become members of the Neighborhood Advisury Council. It does not appear that the indigenous workers are filling their roles as staff members as effectively as their counterparts at Center I. The complaints about these people by supervisory staff members point to the facts that their leader- ship, training, and/or innate, capabilities may be inadequate for successfully carrying out their roles as staff members. Whatever the reason may be, the feeling persists that many of these indigenous employees are not performing their jobs with skill and dedication. The relatively small number of people who have been reached by Center TI programs and services are definitely poor under the poverty program guidelines and they are definitely in need of services they have received. But, it cannot yet be said that this Center has drawn a significant number of the poor to its doors. Our observer noted two types of people who frequented the Center-adults u-ho were there for services, experiencing long, uncomfortable, unpleasant waiting periods and growing increasingly disgusted with their treatment and, a second group or type-mobs of teenagers flocking through the door to participate in the recreational activities. The effectiveness of the poor resident as a Council member is not clear. Poor residents of the area have given lip service to the fact that as Council members they are involved in a great deal of policy and program formulation for the Center. The Center Director's statements negate this; he claims to do all the PAGENO="0447" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19 67 4099 planning and policy-making for the Center with the Council relegated to the role of a rubber stamp for his proposals. The views of some middle class Council members seem to support that of the Director. Regardless of conflicts over who in fact is making policy at the grass roots level, the poverty program is not controlled at this level. Center II and its Council are not autonomous, popularly-controlled entities; they are tightly regimented and absolutely controlled by the CAA-city establishment. CENTER "K" 1. History and Origins Prior to passage of the OEO Act of 1964, there were forces already at work in this city to take action toward resolving problems growing out of the poverty areas. In 1962, a planning grant was received from the President's Commission on Juvenile Delinquency. The center under study in this city was also formed prior to the OEO Act, with funds provided under the auspices of the Manpower Act. Passing of the OEO Act served to expand greatly the existing programs in the city, not, as in many cases, to innovate a completely new concept. In 1964, the OEO funded the "action" portion of the CAA effort and made possible the expansion of services. 2. Relationships With Other Organizations Accumulated information indicates that this Center has earned a high degree of respect from other agencies and community groups with which it has con- tacts. The churches and the schools have involved themselves with the Center in a number of ways: by providing workers and clients; by assisting in the operations of Center programs; by supplying personnel, funds and equipment; and by advertising Center activities and programs to their memberships. Center personnel utilize a friendly relationship with the police department and the courts to intercede on behalf of clients who get in trouble and aie arrested. Such long-established service agencies as the Welfare Department, Employ- meat Service and Community Chest agencies involve themselves officially with the Center only on a referral and information basis. Their personnel are not located in the Center but they serve Center clients who are referred to them for help. It was indicated by a number of the CAA staff people that CAA and NSC operations have had an important impact on these established agencies. Not only have the agencies been able to extend the outreach of their services but, more notably, they have begun to see the wisdom of evaluating and revising their services. The effectiveness of their methods is undergoing a period of self-analysis and now, from all indications, they, instead of the poor, are "running scared." The poor are becoming more and more aware of their power and this awareness has led to more active interest in and greater articulation of their needs. The example was cited of the meeting at a Community Chest-operated center in the neighborhood, where the attendance of the poor at this meeting greatly surpassed that of a nearby revival tent meeting held at the same time. We were informed by CAA people that this would never have happened prior to the formation of the Neighborhood Service Center. 3. Organizational Arrangements CAA Board.-This is a policy-making body made up of 32 citizens, with ten members representing public and private agencies involved with the program, ten members representing neighborhoods being served by the program, and the remainder of the membership comprised of people drawn from the community- at-large. The mayor of the city is an ex-ofllcio member of this board. Neighborhood Boards.-Eacb of three neighborhood boards consists of thirty members, one-third of whom are elected at large; one-third are elected from neighborhood organizations; and one-third are elected from the youth popula- tion-14 to 19 years of age. Every elected neighborhood board member auto- matically becomes a member of the CAA corporation. Each neighborhood elects its own representatives to the CAA Board. UAA ~taff.-Senior executives of the CAA staff were hired by the Corpora- tion's Board of Directors. These executives, i.e., the CAA Director and Program Director, hired all other CAA employees including Directors for Research, Edu- cation, Manpower, NYC, and Public Affairs, and their supportive staffs. Center Staff-The Center under study in this city is staffed entirely by resident workers at this time. The Negro woman who is presently the acting Director of the Center has a high school education and this educational level PAGENO="0448" 4100 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 has been attained by about half of her staff members. Only one employee has a college degree-the Physical Education Director-and he is native to the Center area. The non-professional staff was hired by the CAA Program Director with the advice and concurrence of the Neighborhood Board and Center Director. The ultimate amount of resident participation in staff roles has been attained here and it exists to the exclusion of all professionals. This method of staffing has both its advantages and its inconveniences, and they are exhibited here. The staff has been able to reach the people of the area and does `have knowledge of the people and an understanding of their problems. However, according to some CAA personnel, the Center is a model of inefficiency. As these non-profes- sional staff members lack the education and the experience of the professionals it is not surprising that they make administrative errors and that they will bring to their jobs little or no supervisory talents. At this time the CAA is searching for applicants for the position of Training Director and it is hoped that upon filling this position, a comprehensive training program for Center staff members can be put into effect. The present training programs at the Ce'nter are very informal and consist primarily of weekly staff meetings where rules, policies, `and programs are discussed. 4. Control of tl~e Center Organization and reorganization have occurred here on every administrative level to reach a workable method for the poor to control the Centers. To achieve this end and inspire active resident participation, the CAA has employed every known method of restructuring its organization and the organization of th'e advisory boards. A campaign in 1965 for the election of new' neighborhood board members was particularly notable. Conducted over about a three-month period, the campaign utilized a veritable army of neighborhood workers to encourage people to register and vote. The rationale `behind this project was that the poor were not being adequately represented on the existing boards. It was also the contention of the CAA that the poor should be removed from the traditional status of mere recipients of services. To accomplish these goals, great amounts of time, effort, and funds w-ere expended during the campaign in order to increase the direct representation of the poor. From all appearances it seems that the mechanism for Center control is now' available to the poor and that those who do participate are doing so in an effective manner. CAA staff and nonpoor members of the CAA Board view the role of the poor in Center policy-making as one that is becoming increasingly more articulate and effective. 5. Budget Funds allocated to the entire Neighborhood Organization Program for the fiscal year July 1966-July 1967 total $438,037, to `be divided between three centers. Approximately $370,000 of this amount is to be spent on personnel costs, consultants' fees, and travel expenses for CAA and Neighborhood Board mem- bers. To illustrate the grow-th of this program and the increasing emphasis on community organization it is interesting to note that the budget request for the previous `fiscal year was only $101,808, or less than a quarter of the allocated amount for this year. In addition to the community organization program allocation, the CAA receives funds for carrying out various other programs, such ds Housing, Legal Service, Rehabilitation, Study Centers, and Pre-school. The budget request for all CAA programs for the previous fiscal year was $1,400,000. 6. Center Programs The original concept of the CAA founders was that the Center should be set up primarily as a multi-service institution to bring under one roof all the existing available services for the poor. A decentralization of agency services was envisioned, whereby personnel from each agency w-ould be stationed in the Center. The secondary role of the Center was to be that of a focus for community organization and a place for area residents to congregate. When this ide'a was actually put into practice, it was discovered th'at the two roles w-ere proving to be incompatible, and that the primary role-that of the multi-service center-would have to be eliminated for the follow-ing reasons: (1) The agendes did not have sufficient confidence in their personnel to decen- tralize and place them out away from direct and constant supervision. (2) CAA people felt that the decentralization of services was not in fact improving their quality. (3) The residents of this area harbor a great deal of hostility toward PAGENO="0449" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4101 the traditional agencies `and their personnel are viewed more as necessary evils than as helpers who `are `sincerely interested in their problems. Thus, the very presence of the agency personnel in the Center precluded the place from becoming a focus for recreation and community activity. When the idea of being a multi-service center was scrapped, the role as a local community action center came to have utmost importance. There are now no agency personnel located in the Center, and there are no staff members who could be classified as professional. Services are offered on a referral basis to those individuals who need them and it is the duty of the indigenous staff members to apprise residents of agency services that are available and refer them to the proper authorities. The current emphasis on activity is reflected in many of the neighborhood- initiated programs, which are designed to attract `and involve participation in large numbers. Such efforts are exemplified by the teen counCil, summer recreation, team sports, free movies, and dances. OAA programs which are funneled through the Center have both individual and group aspects. The Legal Aid and Housing programs serve the individual while the numerous classes offered (study programs. pre-school, field trips, and homelnaking) caa accommodate the large groups of residents that the Center staff strives to attract. 7. Outreach Center records indicate that an average of 150 Center contacts are m'ade each month. The figure includes service referrals and activities participants. It appears that outreach methods are of an informal nature; there is no evidence of a systematic door-to-door campaign by block workers or any indications of mass advertising campaigns. Rather, community development workers circulate informally in the neighborhood `and contact people they encounter. Though the staff realizes that in order to serve the people, they first must be reached, the workers are hesitant about forcing the Center program on the people. There still exists in this particular target area a great deal of suspicion of any government or agency program. Center workers realize that overcoming these suspicions and hostilities will take a great deal more time, and that overtures that are too forward or "pushy" will only alienate these people further. The workers clearly indicated the existence of this hostility to our researcher and requested that he not accompany `them on their rounds; they felt that if they were accompanied by an outsider the resident negativism would be exacerbated and the worker would be unable to established any rapport with the residents. Even under ideal conditions of maximum outreach (i.e., where it is possible to reach 100 percent of area residents) the response is limited. The previously- mentioned election campaign is a case in point. Maximum outreach effort was extended so that every resident could be informed of the election program: every resident was encouraged to register; and every resident was asked to vote for his representa'tt~~es. Re,sults-26 percent of the total eligible family units allowed themselves to `be registered; 16 percent of the eligible family units actually voted. Again, CAA officials attribute this relatively minimal response to resident fear, hostility, and suspicion of any outside forces. The resident who cooperates with these forces is apt to find himself the victim of social alienation from the rest of his community, vulnerable to such verbal attacks as an "uncle torn," "fink," and "tools of the establishment." In order to breach the gap between `this population and the Center programs, it appears that Center workers have a long and difficult task ahead of them. 8. Target Area Located in a city of almost 500,000, the Center area is composed of two large public housing projects and a relatively small number of families living outside t'he public housing. The Negro population that predominates this area is largely transient due to urban renewal activities. It is estima'ted that a'bout 10,000 people of the Center area can be included in the poverty classification. The most promi- nen't problems in the area are a lack of educational advantages, juvenile delin- quency, and slum housing. The male unemployment rate is high (about 9 percent) and over 35 percent of the housing units are sub,standard. The afore-mentioned apathy about their conditions and a distrust of any outsiders are other problems and represent a barrier that also must be torn down in order to better the lot of thhse `people. SO-084-67-----pt. 5-29 PAGENO="0450" 4102 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 9. ~erviees It has been been mentioned previously that actual individual services are provided with the Center staff acting as intake and referral agent. Information regarding employment, welfare, and housing problems is extended to clients and they are then referred or accompanied to the appropriate agency for service. When a client is provided a service by the Center, it is the policy of the staff to follow-Up with the agency and/or the client until his problem has been solved. At this point, he is to be encouraged to return to the Center and participate in a broader shnse by acting on a committee or attending meetings. The staff indicated a sincere desire to provide such an excellent quality of service to these clients that they would act as liaision agents to their friends and encourage their participation. In their view, the personal approach is the only effective one in attracting thi~ hostile population. The most important service to clients, as viewed by personnel of every echelon, is the service of providing a location for activities-a place where the citizens may congregate. To accomplish this purpose and attract people to the Center, a variety of group activities have been made available. In an effort to counteract problems of juvenile delinquency and the school drop-out rate, many services are geared to the youth of the neighborhood. There are recreational programs, such as team sports and dances; there is a study center to provide academic assist: ance; and jobs are available through the Neighborhood Youth Corps. Services for adults are not so varied and activities for them consist primarily of community meetings and a number of classes to provide information basic to their daily lives, e.g., homemaking and consumer education. An informal service is provided by some staff members who are called upon by the police and courts to come to the aid of an arrested client. The service may involve procuring the assistance of an attorney, providing bail or just an offer of transportation. 10. CommunitY Action A discussion of community action in this center area will be a reiteration iii order to eniphasize further two points previously mentioned. First, it appears that policy-making, program formulation, and even funds are now the responsi- bihity of the poor and there is no outside force to preclude them from availing themselves of these opportunities. Second, the poor of this area feel that they have been held in contempt by social welfare agencies for so long that they doubt the sincerity of any new promises by any new group. This attitude is hardly con- ducive to positive action and. therefore, even minimum progress in that direction should be viewed with optimism. 11. Participation 01 the Poor Time discussion here will involve a reiteration of time quality of paiticilmatioli of those of the poor who have been responsive to the Center activities. It is the con- tention of CAA staff meml)erS that these people are operating as board niembers and staff members in time most effective w-ay possible in view of their limited education and supervisory experience. The Center is viewed by the CAX as a paragon of inefficiency but these officials also recognize the fact that an indigenous staff is the only group that could communicate to the target population. As a result, the CAA patiently suffers the bureaucratic inconveniences of this method of operation and goes to great lengths to remain in the background in an advisory capacity. Center staff workers voice the occasional complaint that their duties are not clearly defined and that the Center Director is lacking in administrative ability but the fact remains that somehow things do seem to be accomplished at the Center. The neighborhood board feels that their participation has been ef- fective and that they have been instrumental in setting up programs to combat area problems. Time Center staff members feel that their efforts too have been effective and that they are doing a difficult job as best they can in view of the hostile attitude of their potential clients. These tw-o groups point with pride to a number of programs and services that they themselves have made operational, and they feel that the Center belongs to them. CENTER "L" (I) 1. History and Origins During 1902 and 1903, a number of time poor of this large city dramatically called the attention of time entire nation to their plight through a series of marches and demonstrations. They demanded entry into the affluent society and a chance PAGENO="0451" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1 9 6 7 4103 to share is wealth. The Community Action Agency was designed in 1964 as the instrllment to overcome the problems of these people ; it grew out of a citizens' committee formed by the Mayor to deal with questions of hard-core unemploy- ment. WThen the Economic Opportunity Act was introduced, the Mayor asked the citizens' committee to serve in au advisory capacity to develop an anti-poverty program. A group of city plannsng employqes were called UPOfl to make long-range studies of the city's paoblems and to suggest possible solutions to these pro1)lems. An additional study performed by a private firm indicated that only about 4 per- cent of persons living in target areas who needed services of existing agencies were fanilliar with the agencies and could make use of them. From these studies. the initial grant request was submitted to OEO during the summer of 1964, im- mediately after passage of the Act. The CAA was funded in the fall of 1964 and the first Neighborhood Service Centers were formed in the early months of 1965. 2. Relationships With Other Organizations In the earliest days of the Center formation, disagreement arose between city officials, OAA officials, and area board members over the site for the Center and the selection of the Center staff. The area board, searching for ways in which to exert its influence, wanted to have a voice in site and staff selection but their suggestions were ignored. The site for the location of the Center was chosen by CAA and city officials and recommendations of the area board went unheeded. There was a great deal of dispute in regard to a ruling that all CAA and Center personnel would be selected on the basis of civil service exams. Area board mem- bers felt that this ruling would preclude the underprivileged from obtaining jobs, and would thus defeat one purpose of the program--that of employment of the poor. Another staff selection procedure is a source of controversy between city of- ficials and the area board; namely, the practice of moving personnel from various city departments directly over into the CAA structure. It is the contention of area board members that these positions should be offered to members of poverty communities instead of city and government officials already employed. These hiring procedures were interpreted by the poor to be a means of control over and reward for city officials. The conflict grew to the extent that area residents threatened to boycott certain CAA programs. The boycott was not in fact carried aut but the hostility between the city government and the board were reflected in the threat. At the present time, there are indications that the city has acquiesced soi~ewhat and made certain changes giving the area advisory committee a minor role in personnel selection. During the formation of the advisory board itself, power struggles appeared between members of various organizations over control of this board. Basic to these conflicts was the theme that participation and control should rest with the poor. The poor view-ed the presence of agency personnel at meetings as a threat to their control at the grass-roots level. Professionals in attendance at these meetings w-ere there at the request of CAA personnel but they were completely Ignored by area residents. Now, how-ever, the relationship between the two groups appears to be more friendly and mamly social workers have gained the confidence of the poor. During its formative period the area board also hind to contend with various political elements w-hich view-ed tim board and Center as a means for political manipulation of the area. The struggle ended after a period of four months when the board voted to exclude politicians from its membership. The Center maintains satisfactory contacts with the traditional service ageiě- cies, many of which supply personnel who work in the Center location partially because the poverty program functions as a city department, and it is accepted as such by other city departments. The only dissenter among this group of agen- cies is the Welfare Department. * As in many other cities, the disagreements between these groups center around basic policies and attitudes toward the clients. Unfortunately, this area has a long history of conflict and a mutual distrust between its residents and the Wel- fare Department. Welfare personnel are said to exhibit this distrustful attitude by showing discrimination and discourteous treatment to their clients and the clients reciprocate by harboring negative and hostile feelings tow'ard this agency. The Center staff has experienced difficulty in getting Welfare personnel at the Center to coordinate their working hours with those of the Center. Welfare pco- pie claim that their presence is unnecessary at night and on weekends and that their case loads at the Center do not warrant their presence for more than four hours per week. Weekend and evening emergency cases, therefore, niust be re- PAGENO="0452" 4104 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ferred to private and church-affiliated agencies. In some cases staff members have had to donate personal funds to clients who were without food and shelter. Center personnel maintain that the availability as well as the quality of services is important to the client in need of help, and this philosophy is an important aspect of Center operations. 3. Organizational Arrangements CAA Poliey Advisory Committee This central policy-making body is informally know-n as the Mayors Commit- tee ;" it is an outgrowth of the original Mayors Committee which founded the poverty program in the city. At the present time, 23 persons appointed by the Mayor serve on the Committee, and, to represent the poor, there are four citizens from each of four target areas. Area Advisory Committee The function of this committee is to involve tI1e poor iii policy-making for the neighborhood service center and subcenters in the locale. It is the duty of this group to w-ork with the Center Director to determine area needs and propose programs to meet those needs. However, most Center policies and programs are actually formulated by the CAA Policy Committee and it does not appear that the Area Committee has been instrumental in creation of poiicy as yet. The Center and Sub-Center under study in this city are served by the same Area Advisory Committee. Delegates from block clubs, social organizations, and public welfare agencies make up the membership of the committee w-hich at the present time numbers 43. Organization of the Center The large Center under study has a staff of almost 100 who are employed in one of six units: Social Services, Community Services, Education and Information Services, the Job-Referral Un it, Administration Unit, or the Sub-Centers Unit. All positions at the Center are filled from a list of applicants who have passed city civil service examinations. Though there are many professionals on the CXX and Center staffs, the majority of employees throughout the program are resi- dents of poverty areas. Community Aide, Counselor Aide, and clerical positions have been designed to be filled by these resident workers, and a battery of civil service tests has been specially devised to qualify people for these jobs. A division of the CAA. the Civil Service Department of the city, and a nearby university cooperate to provide a comprehensive tm ining program for personnel of every echelon. Training for poor employees begins at the Center where classes are conducted in the methods of taking civil service exams and applying for jobs. The rationale behind this part of the training program is twofold: (1) Many members of the poverty group have a fear of taking tests for any type of job. They are unable to comprehend and followr directions, and they do not under- stand the concept of working under the pressure of a timed test; and (2) Many of these people are not aware of the manner in which they should conduct them- selves in an interview with a prospective employer. Following this part of the training, the poor who are hired undergo another type of training that w-iil apprise them of policies, programs, available agency assistance, and how to deal with situations they are likely to encounter on the job. They are taught the fundamentals of interviewing techniques and of group organization. The "role-playing" method is utilized to a great extent in this part of the training, and training officers have found the method to be extremely effective. After participating in "role-playing" the new employee feels more se- cure about the nature of his duties and various methods of dealing with clients. Executive staff members undergo orientation periods of from 12 to 20 weeks: the courses deal with management and supervision techniques as well as OEO policies and programs. 4. Control of the Center Control of all centers in time city may be traced directly back to the city govern- ment which founded the CAA policymaking board and the centers. City officials continue to participate actively iii time poverty program, 1)0th as members of the Policy Advisory Committee and as employees of the CXX. Hiring, policy-making, and most of the program creation occur at the top level (time CXX Policy Board and CXX Staff) which in turn hands clown directives to be followed by Center personnel. The Center is not autonomous and isolated from the overall scheme: PAGENO="0453" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4105 rather, the Center functions as a mechanism through which CAA programs may be funneled to the neighborhoods of the poor. Ideas and programs formulated by the Area Council must be subniitted to the CAA Board which may, in turn, either approve or table the suggestions. Thus, the Area Council has only indirect influence over the Center. 5. Bnciget The approved poverty program budget for this city for the fiscal year ending May 31, 1906, was in excess of $10 million. Monies allocated to operation of four centers and eight subcenters totaled almost $4 million. Salaries at the Cente~ researched here range from approximately $4,000 to $11,000 annually with the entire salary allocation totaling about $375,000. 6. Center Programs An attack was launched immediately after the Center was formed to counter- act problems of health and unemployment, and priority was given to programs to combat these problems. An extensive medical services program and an employ- ment and training service were set up. The medical program at the Center includes innoculation programs, maternity care, and various examinations. It is antici- pated that soon the Center will offer a dental program as well. A job referral divi- sion was set up to work with the state employment service to find employment for area residents. A number of educational and training programs are operational to supplemnt the training and education of area residents and prepare them for better paying jobs. The previously-mentioned classes for civil service exam prep- aration exemplify the training program. To a large extent health and employment services remain paramount among Center programs, but new services have been added as the need for them arose. Many of these services fall within the jurisdiction of other agencies but the Center added such services as legal, housing, welfare, and counseling to its pro- grain in order to answer the needs of its clients. Each of these service groups also acts to refer clients to the other agencies. In order to bridge the gap between agency programs and the needs of the poor, the CAA has initiated a number of its own programs which are available at the Center. Most of these programs provide direct assistance to clients through loans, emergency service, or class instruction. A perusal of this list suggests that imaginative concern has been employed in the design of these programs. A pilot project called "Turn on the Gas" has been set up to provide a loan fund for fam- ilies unable to pay their utility bills. A "Patty-Tap" Project has appealed to hun- dreds of teen-age girls who wer instructed in cleanliness, grooming habits, and etiquette. Homemaking classes attracted many housewives to the Center where they were given, among other lessons, consumer instruction. Field trips to super- markets and stores were conducted by home economists and counselors who could instruct the women in the elements of wise consumer purchasing. Scholarship funds are available through universities and private trade schools. Many of the available slots for these opportunities have not yet been filled because many area residents were not sufficiently prepared l)y the high school education to pass the qualifying examinations. Another vital role which the Center has undertaken is in reference to com- munity action. With the constant threat of race riots in the city, the Center has assumed the responsibility of a pacifier of racial tensions. Quite often Center staff and area board members have acted to check out rumors of potential trouble. A continuous campaign to advocate indirect and lion-violent methods of settling dis- putes is passed on to the neighborhood citizens by Center workers. 7. Omi~treac7t Outmeacli to the area residents is achieved through flyers, door~to-door con- tact, block clubs and other neighborhood organizations. It appears that the methods have been extremely successful in reaching some groups of the popu- lation; the Center is a busy arid lively placeaccording to our researcher. Cei~ter records indicate that over 3,000 persons per month have seine contact with the Center as clients and participants in activities. One problematic area regarding outreach is found in the Polish amid Italian sectors of the target area. The Center seems to have experienced its greatest contact and seems to have reached out into the Negro community more than into the white. There are several reasons for this. First, there are more Negroes in the target area. Secondly, the Center is located in a Negro residential area and is .not easily accessible to whites. They consider the Negro area a "rough PAGENO="0454" 4106 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 and dangerous neighborhood" and they are reluctant to pass through the area to get to the Center. Finally, since most of the staff and most of the clients are Negro, the Center is considered by the whites as a program for the Negroes and this image does not enhance its attractiveness to these groups of whites. In order to reach other people who need help under the city's anti-poverty program, CAA officials are considering the possibilities of locating a sub-center somewhere in or near the residential areas of the white groups. Outreach is extended throughout the Center area by five sub-centers, one of which was studied in detail during the research in this city. The sub-centers are staffed predominately by resident aides who recruit clients and refer them to the `Center headquarters or to another agency which can solve their problems. 8. Target Area This large city has attained one of the highest degrees of industrialization to be found in the world today. Jobs for the skilled and the educated are plenti- ful; these people command and draw high salaries and the city has a booming and healthy economy. It is a paradox common today that there also exists in this city some of the hardest-hit poverty areas in the country. The unemploy- inent rate for the entire city is ten percent-for the target area of the Center. 20 percent. Almost half the target area population of 25 years and over have less than an eighth grade education. The studies conducted in 1964. prior to the inception of the poverty programs, found many young Negroes graduated from high school for two years who had never held jobs. Three-quarters of the target population is Negro. Many of these families (22.3 percent) live in substandard housing. Disease, illnesses, and infant deaths are prevalent. The crime rate grows increasingly higher each year.~ 9. ~S'ervices Services to area residents are delivered by staff personnel through one of five service units. The first of these units to l)e established w-as that of Job Referral which began working immediately after the opening of the Center to find jobs for area residents. Over one thousand small businessmen in the Center area were contacted and encouraged to list job openings with the Job Referral Unit. The small businessmen proved to be cooperative and in fact provided many jobs for clients of the Center. The problem of unemployment is also the responsibility of a unit of the `State Employment Service which is located in the Center. This group is more interested in placing people with the larger private corporations and the government agencies. The Medical Clinic Program makes available to the public such services as inoculations, emergency care, and prenatal care. Funding for a dental services program has been macic available and this program will be in operation soon. Many services of the Center are offered to clients through the various classes taught h)y volunteers, such as the Civil Service Training Programs. Senior CitIzens Groups, Remedial Readings, Crafts, and Grooming classes. Most of these programs appear to originate with the volunteer instructors themselves. rather than through a demonstrated need in the community. The Center Di- rector told uS that many calls are received from individuals who feel they have a special talent or information to impart, and the Center keeps a list of potential instructors in the event that a demand develops for a particular class. It does not appear that the Center itself has originated anything novel in the way of services, since the services, except for the CAA components, are those that have been traditionally provided by other agencies. What is new-, and worth noting is the fact that these services are all centered in one location and that through field workers, some services are brought directly to the clients. Because of their deprived backgrounds, many of these people are very easily confused by bureaucratic procedures and by their own admission, unaware of services that have been available to them for years. By having the Center provide these services in one location, these people are spared the difficulties of going aimlessly from agency to agency to find the particular one to suit their needs. CENTER "L" (II) 10. Relationships With Other Organizations The second Center under study in the city is a sub-center under the di- rection of Center I. The sub-center is served by the same staff and the same PAGENO="0455" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4107 Area Advisory Committee ~s Center I. It was ~:et up to provide outreach and direct accessibility to a section of the larger target area served by Center I. The program at the Sub-Center is primarily service oriented and emphasis is on intake and referral to other agencies. The Sub-Center staff has established cooperative and workable relationships with the Welfare Department, Employ- ment, and many other private and public agencies. They make referrals to all agencies which can take care of senior citizens, unwed mothers, employed mothers who have children to care for, as well as those people who are un- able to care for themselves. Both the present director and a former director of the Sub-Center reported that they were fortunate in having been able to establish excellent relationships with the established agencies. 11. Organization of the S1ub-U enter Technically, the Director of Center I is the Director of the Sub-Center as well, and the staff of the Sub-Center is supervised by him. The coraplete work- ing staff of the Sub-Center numbers about fifteen, including the Counselor-aid who in fact acts in the capacity of Sub-Center director. On the staff are two doctors, two nurses, secretaries, and four community aides. Three volunteers and three Youth Corps girls complete the list of staff members. Screening, selection and subsequent training of the Sub-Center staff also fall under the jurisdiction of the CAA offices and the city Civil Service Department. Employees here are selected by the same procedure as their coun- terparts at the main centers. 12. Center Programs The Sub-Center, because of its small staff, remains primarily a referral agency, sending clients to Center I or to other community agencies. Like the staff at Center I, the Sub-Center staff also spends much of is time meeting emergency needs of its clients. With pediatric and group counseling services located at the Sub-Center, the staff there is kept busy in the intake process of accepting refer- rals as well as dispatching them. Group activities play a role in the Sub-Center program. Boy and Girl Scout troops, classes for unwed mothers who have not finished high school, and junior block club groups all meet at the Sub-Center to carry out their respective activities. The community agent function was noted to be important here in dealing with delinquents, truants, and problem children. This part of the program includes seeking out pro~idem children and subsequent counseling in which an attempt is made to rehabilitate and reorient them. Counseling for these youngsters is supplemented by various other services of the Center and Sub-Center-the Pediatrics Clinic, NYC, and many employment and training opportunities. There are available through various universities and vocational schools a wide variety of unfilled scholarships and work-training programs. The Center reports that, in spite of their efforts, they have not been successful in filling all slots for the programs due to the fact that many of the youths who have finished high school in the area are not prepared to pass the qualifying examinations. Most of the young graduates have been found to be deficient in knowledge of the basic English and elementary math that are necessary for acceptance in a trade school. 13. Oi~treaeh Reaching potential clients in the target area is perceived by the Sub-Center staff to be the most important aspect of the program, as well as its most notable problem. All conceivable methods and media have been utilized to reach the community, with the greatest effort concentrated on personal contact. Comu- munity aides are sent out into the neighborhoods to make door-to-door contacts and assist in the organization of block clubs. Also, announcements of Sub-Center activities and services are made to church congregations in the neighborhood. The communications media of radio, television, and newspaper have been used to announce a special or new activity at the Su~b-Center. Flyers and posters are occasionally distributed throughout the neighborhood to promote certain of the programs and to announce meetings. The comments of the Sub-Center staff and clients indicate that the personal approach is the most effecive method of outreach. The staff supervisor said that the great majority of clients who came to the Sub-Center for service were there as a result of a recommendation by a friend or a conversation with a staff member who had met them through the door-to-door campaign. Statistics available at the Sub-Center indicate that about 500 people have contact with some aspect of the PAGENO="0456" 4108 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Sub-Center program every month. In May of 1966, services were provided to 150 persons while 210 ijarticipateci in group activities. The above figures are repre- sentative of the numbers of clients served during other months; while the quantity of clients increases each month, the increase is a gradual one and consequently, the monthly client statistics do not vary a great deal. 14. Target Area In this area that is 90 percent Negro. the average family income is about $3,000 per year in contrast to a figure of $9,000 for the entire city. Rents are fairly high in comparison w-ith the quality of the housing that is available in the area ; many of the housing units are substandard. in deteriorated conthtions with no plumbing and inadequate heating systems. The number of abandoned buildings is impressive and many of these structures have fallen prey to various acts of vandalism and breakage which further contributes to the ugliness of the area. Most of this section of the city is marked for urban renewal and during the last year many of the old and abandoned structures were razed. Educational, health, and unemployment problems contribute to the duress of the people of this area. Even those w-ho graduate from high school are unable to find jobs; those who drop out of school have even less opportunity for employ- ment. Thus, the unemployment rate is high, ranging from 20 to 30 percent, and a great number of the area's people receive at least a part of their income from wel- fare. Due to ignorance, housing conditions, lack of funds or a combination of these reasons problems of health are monumental. The incidences of tuberculosis, maternal and infant deaths, and epidemics of various diseases are the highest in the `city. 15. Services Perhaps the most unique and noteworhy service of the Sub-Center is the pediatrics clinic staffed by two doctors and tw-o nurses who provide medical care to children on a full-time basis. Physical examinations, inoculations, and emner- gency treatment constitute a program to meet one of the most drastic and im- mediate needs of the community. The clinic is a part of the larger medical pro- gram of Center I and many referrals are made by Center I to this clinic at the Sub-Center. It was noted previously that a clinic located at Center I is designed to `serve the health needs of the area's adults, and to provide dental care to resi- dents of all ages. A small nursery for the children of working mothers is in operation at the Sub- Center and, as space and personnel in the nursery are limited, the staff must make many referrals to a number of similar facilities in the area. Several staff members expressed the desire to see the program enlarged `to satisfy the demand for this service. The intake service provides the `client with referrals to outside agencies and to the main center, after aim initial interview to determine the particular needs of the client. In some cases, transportation to the receiving agency is provided by Sub-Center personnel. Emergency services are offered to individuals with a particular need for them and staff members have been known to intercede with a landlord u-ho will not fix the furnace for a family without heat, or act as an agent to work out a financial arrangement for `a `family unable to pay its rent. The Sub-Center functions as a reservoir of information `about educational op- portummities, recreation facilities, welfare agencies and employment opportunities that `are available throughout the entire community. 16. Coinmunty Action (Center I and Sub-Center) Community action emphasis throughout poverty programs in the city tends to `be `officially oriented toward containment of the militant elements that have exhibited themselves in the past. The recent history of violence, racial demon- strations, and riots indicates that the poor are indeed aware of the problems and have leadership sophisticated in the methods of violent community action. Local CAA leaders feel that events during the past year have demonstrated that control of hostile and destructive forces must `be a primary goal of the poverty program. Throughout `the program, the emj)haSis is placed upon service to the in- dividual-in helping people as individuals to participate in programs that will enable them to hell) themselves. An increasing amount of stress is placed on train- ing programs to enable the population to upgrade skills and to correct educa- tional deficiencies. This emphasis on services and training programs does appear to meet with approval of many of the poor; almost all clients interviewed cx- PAGENO="0457" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4109 pressed a desire to see some type of additional training program put into opera- tion. Though acceptable to clients, the service emphasis of the program is by no means receiving universal approval throughout the poor areas. There are those in direct disagreement with this idea who feel that the poor are not allowed to have enough control over the program through boards and committees; they feel that concerted action is still the most effective method of addressing their grievances and getting immediate results. The complaints of this group are largely directed against the poverty program itself and against those in control of it in the city. Demonstrations planned by these people have never been carried out, however, and CAA officials view the failure of the demonstrations as an indication of popular acceptance of the poverty program. In the view of one of the Center professionals, it is necessary to continue to meet the needs of the people through services and avert any planned demonstra- tions before they begin in order to `keep the area from becoming a miniature Viet Nam." 17. Participation of the Poor (Center I and Sub-Center II) Maximum feasible participation of the poor appears to have been reached only in the roles of employees and clients. During our research, the Center was con- stantly alive with clients. Of the various clients interviewed both formally and in- formally, all but one seem~d to feel that the Center had been helpful in solutions to their specific problems. Participation through block clubs, church groups and senior citizens' groups is noteworthy. Perhaps the greatest achievement in this *area is the hiring of so many employees throughout the CAA and Center programs. The one "sore spot" in the realm of maximum feasible participation lies with the Area Advisory Committee. The poor feel that they should have more power in determining the Center's programs, activities, and staff selection, and their strong desire to gain greater influence in the program has almost resulted in demonstrations. The lack of influence of the poor on the OAA Council was cited by some of the poor of this group. They noted the practice of holding these meetings during day- time hours when many of the poor were working. They felt that this unfair prac- tice was serving to eliminate their participation in the program as they were unable to take a day off work to attend meetings without loss of pay. Thus, it appears that one of the major difficulties in the poverty program in this city is the absence of a clear-cut definition of and agreement on the role of the poor in the policy-making functions. CENTER "M" 1. History and Origins The concept of a multi-purpose agency was generated in the community about two years ago by the Director of the County Health and Welfare Board. His position afforded him a vantage point from which to see the need for coordination and outreach of the numerous existing services for the poor. With the assistance of a United States Congressman from the district, the Welfare Director pro- moted his idea among leading citizens of the community and among a group of welfare agency personnel. A group of about 17 interested persons formifiated definite plans for the project and submitted them to the OEO for its approval. Approval and funds were officially allocated in May of 1905, and the small group of citizens officially became the OAA Board. A central office was set up for OAA operations and by July, 1965 three Neighborhood Service Centers had been opened. 2. Re'ationships With Other Organizations The unique aspect of the Center program in this community is its sponsoring organization, namely the Health and Welfare Board which generated the pro- gram. The Board has enjoyed the privileges, the status, and the relationships of long establishment in the community, and the Centers have fallen heir to these conditions. Inter-agency cooperation is strengthened by the dispersion of OEO activities throughout various organizations in the community. For example, the Board of Education sponsors Remedial Education, Head Start and the NYC for tn-school youth; Public Welfare sponsors Operation Hopeful for ADC mothers~ the Family Service Agency sponsors the Foster Grandparents program; certain city departments were designated to sponsor component programs for the NYC and a year-round pre-school program. All component programs of the OEO cx- 80-084-67-pt. 5-30 PAGENO="0458" 4110 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 perienced incorporation into an already established order, and as a result, good cooperation exists here between the Center and the existing agencies. Complaints of agency personnel regarding the Center have been minor-merely "gripes," not indications of open conflicts. Comments have been made by several agency personnel that the Welfare Board has "raided" their agencies to fill Center staff positions and that their personnel are attracted to the Centers by the higher salaries paid under the new programs. Additional comments concern the inefficiency of Center personnel and the resulting "confusion that reigns at the Center." However, complaints tend to indicate the existence of administrative problems, not conflicts in basic philosophy. All agency and Center personnel ap- pear to be dedicated to cooperative effort in meeting the needs of the poor in the most expeditious way. Interdepartment relationships within the entire poverty program structure have been less than ideal. Statements of various CAA and Center staff members indicate that poor relationships have existed between some of these personnel. This may be due to the fact that the first CAA Director was a man of some wealth who did not seem to understand the needs and problems of the poor. He is said to have bragged about his family's membership in the Ku Klux Klan and reput- edly stated that he "hated Negroes, Lations, and Jews." The influence of this man evidently did a great deal to damage the morale and working relationships among the poverty program staffs. This individual has been replaced, and it is said that morale has greatly improved. 3. Organizational Arrangements CAA Board of Directors This group was originally formed by personnel from various service agencies in the community who had an interest in extending their services to greater numbers of the poor population. At this time, the membership of the Board num- bers 24, three of whom represent the target areas. Proposed plans call for increase of the Board membership to 28, with the additional members to come from the target areas. CAA Administration The CAA staff is small, numbering only four at the present time. It is the duty of this staff to coordinate the work of various agencies which sponsor projects funded under the poverty program. The CAA staff functions as a service agency for all poverty program components in the city, providing the link between the OEO and the various programs. Neighborhood Advisory Boards At the present time, the Center areas are in the process of selecting their re- spective advisory boards. The poor will be represented on these boards by one delegate per 1,000 people in the target areas. The Center under study is in the process of holding several meetings throughout the area at which one delegate will be selected to represent his particular small group. Plans have been made for a meeting of all these representatives and from that group an elections committee will be chosen; the elections committee will be responsible for the election of the Area Advisory Board. After the Area Board is elected, it, in turn, will select one of its members to serve on the CAA Board of Directors, and one member to serve on the County Health and Welfare Board which administers the Centers. The selection of members of the County Health and Welfare Board was set up by the State Legislature many years ago, and its membership and voting procedures are determined by law. The poor will have no voting power on this board and will be there only to make recommendations. Our researcher noted that most of the poor do not know that their representatives will have no voting power on this board; even the leaders of the poor have not been apprised of this fact. 4. Organization of the Center The Center Director is responsible for Center administration and the super- vision of a staff of about sixty people. About 18 of the Center employees are pro- fessionals, including the Directors social workers, vocational counselors, and home economists. Seven secretarial employees and thirty neighborhood aides complete the list of employees. Numerous job descriptions indicate that duties and qualifications have been clearly defined. Training for neighborhood aides appears to be an informal process carried out under the supervision of the Assistant Center Director. The training is supple- mented by discussions with representatives from the receiving agencies who PAGENO="0459" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4111 advise workers of the services offered by their respective agencies and voice the needs of the community as they see them. 5. Control of the Center Control of the Center rests with the Health and Welfare Board which de-~ temines policies and hires Center personnel. The Board is not representative of the poor at the present time and as stated above, projected plans for the future do not allow for the poor to participate in any capacity other than an advisory one. The Center program is too new to have much history, but our respondents in- dicated that some nepotism and political expedience may exist in the program.. For example, some of the Center staff members alluded to the fact that the supervisor of all Centers is an unqualified and poorly educated Negro whose father is president of a powerful labor union in the community. 6. Budget During its first year of operation, the Center was allocated a budget of approxi- mately $420,000 or $35,000 per month. The Health and Welfare Board acts as the sponsoring agent for Neighborhood Service Centers in the city and monies were granted to Centers through this Board, instead of the usual procedure of channel- ing the funds through the OAA. As all anti-poverty activities are sponsored ~y established organizations and agencies, the CAA budget does not reflect monies allocated for the operation of these various programs. The annual CAA budget of about $60,000 covers only the expenses for the salaries of the four employees who act as a coordinating body for the activities sponsored by the other agencies. A department of the city government was allocated $295,934 in federal funds to administer the Head Start program. Small Business Development receives $52,000 annually for its operations. 7. Programs The role of the Center is threefold: (1) to provide outreach for existing services in the community, and to see that those eligible for existing services avail themselves of them; (2) to provide new services to fill the gap between existing services and the needs of the community; and (3) to encourage those people to be not only recipients of services but to help themselves. The service center is intended to be the instrument of delivery of all poverty programs and services previously existing in the community. The Center has organized its personnel to make surveys of problems and, from this information, devise new programs and methods to cope with the problems. Programs offered at the Center run the gamut from the proposed day care nursery for working mothers to services for the aged, including recreation, crafts, home- making, referrals for medical and convalescent care, and home visits. There are available through the Center, programs designed to meet the most basic needs of food and housing, and there are programs to meet recreational and cultural needs as well. Medical referrals cover physical and mental illnesses, alcoholic problems, and retarded children. The many professionals on the Center staff offer counseling on family problems, financial problems, and vocational opportunities. 8. Outreach Outreach to the conimunity is provided by a group of thirty neighborhood aides who recruit clients, provide information to residents about Center pro- grams and services, survey the needs of the community and make these needs known to the Center staff. These indigeneous workers provide the liaison between the professionals at the Center and the poor of the community. The liaison they provide is an important one due to the language and color barriers among peo- ple of the area. The personal contact work of the neighborhood aides is supple- mented by church groups, schools, and the established service agencies. The population in general is characterized by an attitude of apathy and lack of aspiration. The overwhelming indifference of these people was referred to by respondents in all echelons throughout the program and by agency person- nel serving the area. The prevailing attitude was manifested by clients as.well. Some of these people indicated that their desire to help themselves had led to alienation by their neighbors. This was indeed the case with one of our client respondents who told us that the Center had aided her in finding a job and a nursery school for her two children. Her job paid $30.00 per week and nursery care for her children was free; her neighbors regarded her as a "rich" opportunist. PAGENO="0460" 4112 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMEND~MENTS OF 1967 it appears that the Center has indeed reached several thousand people of the area, and our researcher commented that the Center was constantly overflowing with clients. Counselors now have more clients than they feel they can serve sufficiently, and the Center building itself is becoming more and more crowded. These facts are true, however, of all agencies in the area. During the summer months of last year, the numbers of clients receiving services increased by more than 100 percent. In April 586 persons were served; in May the statistic reached 1,207. and in July 1,198 were provided with a specific service. Though the statistics and observations reveal that many of the needy are being reached by the Center, Center personnel feel that there exists in the area a hard-core group that is devoid of ambition. The apathy of the hard-core poor is a *source of frustration to them. However, the outreach effort has been reward- *ing to Center and agency personnel in that theyhave been able to help a great many more people than they possibly could have before the advent of the poverty programs. P. Target Area The Center under study is one of three located in a city of almost 500,000 pe~ple. The area served by the Center includes both urban and rural areas, housing projects and farms. The population of the area is heterogeneous, and includes over 55,000 Negroes, a high percentage of immigrants from Latin American countries, and a smattering of Orientals. The unemployment rate is not extremely high (less than five percent), but almost 30 percent of the city's population have incomes of less than $3,000 per year. About 20 percent of the housing is substandard and is typified by extremely filthy and crowded conditions in the housing developments. Clients with whom we talked described their living conditions, and a typical picture emerged of families of several generations living in one room, sharing kitchen and bath facilities with many other families. Poor education is a prevalent condition, with the majority of the area popula- tion having less than an eighth grade education. Among those who finish high school are many who cannot find employment because of lack of vocational skills and training. College is out of reach for most of these youngsters, not only for financial reasons, but because they are ill-prepared academically for any further education. 10. Services The overriding emphasis of Center program is placed on individual service, the coordination of available services, and the provision of emergency service. Basic to the service emphasis is the philosophy that assistance should be provided until the client can be rehabilitated to the status of self-sufficiency. Unemployment, underemployment, and housing are the most conspicuous prob- lems here, and the greatest demand for services occurs in these areas. The re- sources of the State Employment Service are utilized to provide vocational counseling, training programs, and job placement for area residents. Many referrals are made to day care centers for the children of mothers who nmst work, and the Center has plans for the operation of its own day care center. The Department of Urban Renewal has donated and renovated a building for this program. Problems of housing are met by a number of services, ranging from location of adequate housing for clients to a number of classes in homemaking on a limited budget. A plan for a demonstration apartment in a housing project is proposed. The program is designed to demonstrate low-budget decorating and maintenance, proper food and diet, and safety in the home. To assist with the various housing programs, the Department of Urban Renew-al has supplied personnel to work with the Center staff to find better housing for residents. Problems of health are paramount among this population, and a great deal of activity involves referrals to hospitals, convalescent homes, a rehabilitation house for alcoholics, schools for the mentally retarded and the hard of hearing. Coun- seling and psychotherapy are offered to the mentally ill. Counselors have been instructed in the symptoms of mental illnesses so that they can refer clients to appropriate specialists, hospitals, or the guidance center of a nearby university. In surveys of the area, aides are expected to discover individual needs in regard to specific housing problems-plumbing, drainage, overcrowding. Center personnel are often called upon to provide or locate emergency service in situa- tions where a family is suddenly without food and shelter. In such cases, the PAGENO="0461" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4113 disadvantaged client may be referred to Urban Renewal personnel for shelter, and surplus food products are available for direct distribution. There exist in the area a large group of elderly people, recently immigrated from Latin American countries who are alienated by their lack of finances, their age, and their inability to speak the language. These barriers preclude many of them from availing themselves of medical services when the need arises. At the time, arrangements are underway at the Center to work with the Latin American social organizations to secure funding for a convalescent home for these people. 11. Community Action The concept of concerted action to express social and economic problems has not been applied here, and it is doubtful that such group action is possible at this time. Apathy and hopelessness in the attitudes of the people preclude self- generated action as a way of voicing their grievances and finding solutions to their problems. Those who receive services appear to be grateful, but there seems to be no social awareness on the part of most of the area residents. Some of the people are willing to do all they can to help themselves as individuals to become self-sufficient, but they feel loyalty to themselves, not to their neighborhoods. Community action in the city is confined strictly to the established order; it is the middle class that has made the attempt to coordinate the city's resources in order to better the lot of the poor. The program was generated by this group and it is being carried out by this group; the poor have yet to participate except as clients and staff members. It is the Center staff that has been instrumental in setting up the organizations that do exist, i.e., block clubs, etc. The heterogeneous nature of the population serves to alienate many Of the people from each other and cau'ses them to seek out among their neighbors only those who speak the same language, have the same color skin, and the same religion. 12. Participation of the Poor Provision has been made for the poor to participate as employees of the various programs, to work as sub-professionals, and as neighborhood workers. Their work is invaluable in providing a link between the Center professionals and the poor residents of the area. They can survey area needs and carry this information back to the Center officials. They can, in turn, inform the poor about the services and activities of the Center. It does not appear that there is provision in the program for the poor to learn to function in policy-making or supervisory capacities. Token participation is allowed on the boards, but it is only a token and their presence on boards is viewed by the establishment as advisory only. The long-established Health and Welfare Board is precluded by law from extending voting privileges to any additional members; therefore, the new mem- bers who will represent the poor on the Board will function only to make sug- gestions and recommendations. The CAA Board of Directors allows the poor to have voting privileges but, as constituted, only three of the 24 members of the Board are representatives of the poor. The effectiveness of the poor who are so greatly outnumbered is questionable. At the time of our study, area boards had not yet been formed. A few small meetings had been held to initiate the process of choosing these boards. The Boards too will act only to make suggestions; policy-making and program formu- lation are not intended functions of area boards. Rather, they are to be set up to afford the poor a method of voicing their grievances. CENTER "N" 1. History and Origins In January, 1965, a group of about ten religious, educational, and community leaders met to discuss methods of utilizing the newly-passed poverty program legislation in the county. Poverty is a problem that is common to at least half the people of this rural, mountainous area. During several meetings of this group, some fifteen possible projects were explored; one of these was the Home- making Center Program. In setting up the preparations for this program, assistance was sought from the Home Economics faculty of a nearby university. These professionals were able to supply the necessary advice regarding cur- riculum preparation and staff training. After the initial preparations were made, application was submitted to the OEO for funding of the projects. Funding was granted in July, 1965, and three Centers were opened in September of that year. An additional Center was operational by February of 1966, and a Day Care Center was formed in August, 1966. PAGENO="0462" 4114 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 2. Relationships With Other Organizations The more established agencies were generally unenthusiastic about the new poverty programs at first. but cordiality grew with understanding of the pur- poses of the OAA and with knowledge of the group it w-as trying to reach. More and more community agencies are using the Centers as meeting places, and re- ferrals have increased between the Centers and the agencies. Mothers who might profit from Center training are located by other agencies in the county and are referred to the Centers. The Centers reciprocate by making referrals to the agen- cies when a client has demonstrated a need for such service. The excellent rela- tionship between the Centers and the Health Department is particularly notable. The Centers have served to demonstrate to the agencies the quality of results that are pOssible in working with poverty groups. 3. Organizational Arrangements CAA Board of Directors Membership in the CAA is open to any individual over eighteen years of age who is interested in the programs. At the present time, the membership numbers over 800. A Board of Directors of 26 persons is elected annually from this total membership. As presently constituted, six members of the Board are from the low income groups and four are from the Negro minority. It is the function of the Board of Directors to vote on policy and program suggestions originating in the corporation, from the CAA Director, or from staff members and clients. CAA Administration The CAA staff is supervised by an Executive Director w-ho is in charge of all poverty programs in the county. Directors for component program-Homemaking Centers. Head Start, and Day care Centers-work under his supervision. With the exception of the clerical employees and three aides, the CXX is staffed by professional personnel. Center Advisory Councils One person from each Homemaking class has been chosen by her classmates to serve on the newly-formed Center Advisory Councils. In addition, two persons from the small groups being served by Field Homemakers are chosen by fellow clients to serve on each of these four Councils. Center Directors approve three persons representing the immediate community who are not members of the target group to serve on each of the Center Advisory Councils. Each Council elects its chairman and two members of the poor to represent them on an Advisory Committee. Professional Advisory Council The Professional Council is composed of professional persons in the field of home economics who work in the area. These people are home economists em- ployed by utilities, the university, and the public high schools. Two representa- tives are chosen by this group to serve as members of the Advisory Committee. The responsibilities of the Professional Council are to advise the CAA Board of Directors on training and on content of existing and future programs. The Advisory Committee The Advisory Committee is composed of the two persons elected from each Homemaking Center Advisory Council, two persons from the Professional Ad- visory Council, and three members named to it from the CAA Board of Directors. The primary responsibilities of the group are to make recommendations regard- ing project policies and project extension. The Council functions in an advisory capacity to the CAA Board of Directors which takes final action upon the Council's recommendations. Administration of the Centers Four Homemaking Centers have been established throughout the County and these are under the immediate supervision of the CAA Director of Homemaking. CAA policy is to employ as many non-professional residents as possible through- out this program. Each Homemaking Center Director supervises a staff of about eleven employees, most of whom are residents of :the target area who were trained and hired as Homemaking Instructors. Each Center employs a bus driver-cus- todian to provide transportation for homemaking "students" to and from their homes. At the present time, 40 residents are employed on tIme staffs of the Home- making Centers. PAGENO="0463" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4115 Staff position openings at the CAA office and at the Centers are advertised publicly and applicants go through a process of interview with the Director of the particular program (such as the Center), the CAA Director, and the CAA Board of Directors. It is this Board that has final word on hiring. Emphasis was: placed on the fact that no political group reviews employment applications or has any influence over employee selection. 4. Control of the Centers From all appearances, control of the centers is exercised cooperatively by CAA officials, professionals throughout the county, and staff members connected with the Homemaking Program. The Director of Homemaking in charge of all Home- making Centers works closely with her Center Directors in preparing curricu- lum to meet the needs of the clients. Due to the technical nature of this field and the particular training involved, Homemaking professionals were allowed leeway to utilize their own knowledge of the field in planning the programs, taking cues about the area's needs from client comments. As the Center Advisory Councils were not in operation during the first year of the program, the role of the poor was informal and undefined, but professionals attempted to elicit suggestions from members of the poor groups who were Center employees and clients. The establishment of Center Advisory Councils during this second year of operation is expected to bring about a clearer, more explicit and influential role for the poor in center programming. 5. Center Program The fundamental goal of the Center program is to locate low-income mothers and homemakers and work with them in improving their homemaking and home management skills, their child care skills, personal grooming, and the state of relationships with their families. Within the scope of this goal, the Centers try: (a) To advance, wherever possible, participants or homemakers or Center Directors to higher positions as their skills improve. One Center Director has been advanced to Director of the four Centers. Two homemaker in- structors have been advanced to positiofis as Center Directors; and two resident participants have been employed as homemakers. (b) To follow a policy of traditional services rather than community action. (c) Todo all possible to enhance the employability of participants. (d) To provide transportation for participating mothers and their children. (e) To care for the children of participating mothers during the time their mothers are in the classes. (f) Where necessary and feasible, go into communities to work with mothers in small groups. (g) To maintain contact with each family through home visitation. (h) To refer those families in need of additional assistance to the appro- priate service agency existing in the community. The Center programs hopefully will do much to help resident homemakers in the area make the most efficient use of the resources and potential that are imme- *diately available to them. The program is not designed to raise the families above the poverty level of subsistence. This will have to wait upon the improvement of the general economy of the area or other factors not envisaged in the short run. 6. Outreach To penetrate the area, a great amount of time is expended by Homemakers who travel throughout the mountainous and sparsely-populated region to take infor- mation and service to residents. Due to the geographic conditions of the county, outreach to the 5,000 poverty families in the area is no small task. The country is mountainous and rough. Settlements are often located in narrow valleys through which run rivers and creeks which flood easily and which are invariably muddy after the frequent rains. Most of the area's population is clustered in a series of small towns, but a few families remain in the rather dilapidated mining villages, living in rooming houses and dormitories that have been converted into apartments. A study of the client statistics recorded at the Centers indicates that the Home- makers have been successful in their efforts to reach and give service to the population. In March of 1966, 1230 clients were registered in the Centers' classes. By May, the figure had grown to almost 1500. Also in May, 982 contacts were made outside the Center and 34 of these clients were provided with a specific referral service. Some 900 additional families have been located by the homemak- PAGENO="0464" 4116 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF .1967 ers. and it is anticipated that most of these families will be served by one of the Centers in the near futhre. 7. Target Area The four Centers under study are located in a county that is predominantly rural in nature; only about 25 percent of the people live in communities of 2,500 or greater population. The population of the entire county is 40,2Q0, or 10,100 families. The county has 5,006 in the labor force, with some 4,625 payrolls being taxable. About half those in the labor force are employed in the mining of coal. Employment in the mining industry has dropped significantly during the last fifteen years due to decreased demand for the product, mechanization in the coal industry, and keen competition in the coal markets. Many of the miners are employed only part-time. Mining runs for generations in families and those miners who become unemployed or underemployed have poor job skills for other work. Poor health caused by inadequate diet and hazards of the mining industry are acute problems in the area. The incidence of tuberculosis, silicosis, and emphy- sema are high. For instance, a TB test recently given to about 200 people at one of the Centers revealed fifty positive reactions. The poor health conditions also may be attributed to poor housing conditions and overcrowding. Lack of education is another factor contributing to poverty; it u-as re~ vealed that a serious dropout problem exists. Of the. students who enter the eighth grade, 40 percent drop out before the completion of high school. There does exist some amount of optimism on the part of leading county citi- zens over the future of the area. WTe were informed of plans for the building of a major highway through the area and it is expected that this will serve to attract a greater tourist and vacation trade. The prospects are bright for locating one or two garment manufacturing plants in the area. The directors of the homemaking centers feel that the many women enrolled in the Home- making classes will constitute a potential backlog or labor pool from which the garment plants might employ workers. The county is deficient in adequate medical services and facilities. There are only 30 doctors and nurses in the area to serve a population of over 10,000. One community of 2,500 until recently had no medical facility whatsoever. There has been improvement here due to citizen effort in the community, how- ever. A new medical hospital and clinic has recently been completed and the services of a doctor and nurse have been obtained. * It is anticipated that new opportunities for employment will be available with the imminent opening of additional mines in the southern portion of the county. 8. Services Three of the Homemaking Centers are located in abandoned Negro school buildings which became available when the schools were integrated and con- solidated. The fourth Center is located in a building that was formerly a restaurant. The facilities appeared to our researcher to be adequate and all had been renovated to suit the purposes for which they are now used. The Center programs are oriented toward service and the uplift of indi- viduals through the learning and using of greater skills. Services are offered pri- marily through classes where the women of the poor community are taught the elements of nutrition, home management, money management, child care, sanitation, decorating, and sewing. In addition to the classes, individual serv- ice in the form of counseling and referrals to other agencies is provided to resi- dents. Center staff members informed us that indirect services are experienced by clients as a result of their participation in the classes. The staff members view a day-by-day improvement in the outlook and social sophistication of clients. We are informed that during initial visits to the Centers, many of the clients were withdrawn, depressed and showed little facial expression. After a few days the women became outgoing, participating in conversation and discussion with the other students and instructors. It appears that the isolation has been broken down and mental outlook of many clients has been improved by the social aspects of the program. Many families have developed some motivation and aspiration to better their situation in life. Clients informed us that intra- family relationships were greatly improved, as well as the conditions of their homes. Homemaking instructors can see marT~ed improvement in the cleanli- ness and dress of participating mothers and their children; also, their children appear to be better fed and in better health. PAGENO="0465" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4117 An appreciation of the services was evident from our interviews with com- munity leaders as well as clients and in many instances, the appreciation approaches enthusiasm. 9. Community Action It was previously mentioned that the emphasis of the poverty program in this county is placed upon service to the individual, not on the encouragement of community action. The geographical nature of the area, and the reticence of the residents would seem to preclude any type of mass organization of the poor for expression of grievances. Many of the area residents are isolated from each other and from the ideas of the outside world. Thus, in this area we find no indication that the idea of concerted action has even occurred to the area's residents. 10. Participation of the Poor Participation by the poor is encouraged through the policy of open membership in the CAA corporation, through the board structure, and through the direct employment of many of the poor throughout the program. As presently constituted, six members of the Board of Directors represent the low income groups and four i~epresent the Negro minority. The representatives of the poor and the minorities on the Board report that they feel they have gained the acceptance of the not-so-poor Board members; they feel that their suggestions are considered with respect, that their opinions are actively sought, and that their recommendations are given attention. Participation is a new experience for the poor here. Professionals involved with the program feel that the poor residents will assume responsibility more effectively if they are allowed to assume it gradually. After experience as Board members or as clients of one of the Home- making. classes, the poor seem to develop more courage that enables them to articulate their ideas and speak out at meetings. This is a population tradition- ally characterized by silent despair, depression and isolation from the ideas of the world outside their immediate area. They are unaccustomed to the oral expression of ideas and concepts of an abstract nature; therefore, active partici- pation is not easy for them. The poor are afforded participation through the OAA's policy of employing non-professionals from the low income group. They are exposed to the concept of incentis~e reward through the policy of advancement to higher positions with the development of the skills and experience. The Homemaking Instructors are all residents of the area who have undergone training for their positions, and several of these people have been advanced to higher positions as supervisors and Center Directors. The client role is an active one. Here, the poor are not passive recipients of services but are encouraged through the informal classroom and group environ- ment to give voice to their opinions and to make suggestions regarding curriculum to meet their needs. The staff attempts to follow resident suggestion where feasible and reflect theSe recommendations in the actual curriculum. The present approach is to provide the clientele with the opportunity for a gradual but continuing increase in participation. CENTER "0" (I) (II) 1. History and Origins The Community Action Program is an outgrowth of a previously existing Youth Opportunity Board, a joint powers committee of state, county and city governments and the city and county school boards. Funds were provided by the Department of Labor and disbursed by this board to operate projects and activities for the benefit of delinquent and pre-delinquent juveniles. In 1964, when the prospect of OEO funds entered the picture, a meeting was called to reorganize under OEO guidelines and to apply for available OBO funds. HoWever, the poor were not represented at the reorganizational meetings, and OEO refused for this reason to fund projects for the area. For over a year, progress was held up, while the OEO, the poor, and the Board haggled over the amount of repre- sentation that should be afforded the poor. During the summer of 1965, one of the poverty areas was literally torn apart by riots, and the governor and federal authorities intervened to hasten the development of the poverty program. The governor chose a panel to select members of a new board from applications received from target area residents. A board numbering 24 was chosen, with seven members representing the 13 poverty areas. OEO allocated funds in the fall of 1965, and projects for the 13 dosignated poverty areas* finally became operational in December of 1965. PAGENO="0466" 4118 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 One of these projects was set up to provide a comprehensive employment program for the poor. To date over 1,000 adults have been employed in various established service agencies and in service centers in poverty neighborhoods. During the first few months of operation the program was operated directly by the CAA through a coordinating staff and center personnel, and a rather stormy relationship developed between the CAA and the program coordinators. This was due to basic philosophical differences between the two groups over the scope of activities under the program. The CAA exhibited a reluctance to see the program extend beyond that of a manpower and employment service, while per~onne1 closer to the program wished it to be extended to include com- munity action. The problem was resolved by OEO by placing the program under a Settlement House Federation which has expressed a philosophy more com- patible with that of the program coordinators. 2. Center Programs The activities of two neighborhood centers participating in this program were the focus of study in this city. The placement program is of foremost im- portance at both Centers. Each Center acts as an employment bureau to recruit neighborhood personnel for placement as nonprofessional workers or aides in the more established service agencies. It is also the function of each Center to work with the agencies to evaluate the on-the-job performance of these aides. Resident aids have been placed in the schools, Senior Citizens Agencies, Probation Department, Consumer Education, State Employment Service, and the libraries. Each aide so employed is to work for a period of no longer than 18 months at which time he iS, theoretically, to be ready for employment outside the scope of the poverty programs. Each aide spends 35 hours per week in the offices of the receiving agency and five hours at the Center. At the Center, aides are to participate in feed-back sessions with their counterparts from other agencies and with the Center personnel. The placement program has been established with the following goals in mind: (1) to provide for upgrading of skills of some of the poor and their subsequent preparation for entry to the job market, (2) to bring about changes in agency perception of resident needs, and (3) to give the poor an opportunity to pinpoint area problems, to discuss them with their peers, and make program suc~estions at feed-back sessions. The program does meet one of the primary needs of the people of these poverty areas-that of providing immediate employment for a great number of people. However, the emergence of many problems has led to questions as to the long-term effectiveness of such a program. For example, the aides employed away from the Center have been subjected to supervision from two Directors- the director of the particular agency involved and the director of the Center. Thus, the aides experience a dual loyalty and aides do not feel themselves to he an integral part of either staff. Several of the aides said that since they were to return to the Center and report on agency activities, they were made to feel more like "spies" than agency personnel. It was also observed that in many cases skills were being upgraded as aides were relegated to routine clerical or janitorial duties with no effort on the part of the agencies to instruct them in the scope of agency activities. Some agencies showed a complete lack of con- cern over the performances of the aides assigned to them, the nature of their duties, or even their whereabouts at a particular time. A second benefit of this program is supposed to be reflected in changes in the agencies as a result of exposure to the viewpoint of the poor. However. this was based on misconceptions about how traditional agencies operate. It appears to our field researchers that the aides were so far down in the structure of the agencIes that very little of their influence was percolating up to the decision-makers. In addition to the adult employment placement function, personnel at the Centers carry out programs to provide emergency and referral services for area residents. Special temporary projects (e.g., voter registration drives~ and a minimal mimher of community action activities complete the list of Center programs. 3. Organization Arrangements `CAA Board of Directors The Board of Directors forms the top echelon of decision-making and program determination; it hires the staff which coordinates all anti-poverty component PAGENO="0467" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4119 programs for the city. It is a group of 24 people, most of whom are representative of the civic, government, and school leaders. Seven of the 24 members are rep- resentatives of target areas. CAA Staff The Board of Directors has hired a sizeable staff to plan, supervise, and direct OEO programs throughout the city. Under and executive director and his retinue of special, legal, public relations, and other assistants, are directors of seven departments. One of the departments is concerned with Manpower programs and this department initially directed the Placement Program with which our research has been concerned. This program is now operated by a delegate agency. A Settlement house Federation is the delegate agency concerned with this particular placement program. The Federation supervises a Coordinating Staff which controls operations of 13 Centers and their respective programs throughout the city. Area Boards An area board comprised of neighborhood residents has been formed in each of 13 poverty areas. In theory, the boards are to function to assist the Center Directors in hiring and placement, and to develop additional programs to meet the neighborhood needs. Program Coordinating Board At the time of our research, plans were being made for the election of a city-wide board to preside over activities of the city's 13 Centers. The group is to be comprised exclusively of poverty area residents, and the membership is to include representatives from each of the 13 neighborhood boards. Administration of the Centers A Director, Assistant Director, and five or six aides make up the staff at the Neighborhood Centers. In addition, Center II employs a Job Placement Aide who makes referrals to the State Employment Service and occasionally makes the job placements on his own. All Center personnel are target area residents. Center Directors are hired by the Center Coordinating Director; all other staff members are hired by Center Directors. At the Center which shall be designated as Center I, conflicts between the Coordinating Level and various Center Directors bad resulted in a high turn- over of personnel. The Center had had three directors in a little more than a year and at the time of this project the staff was headed by a Negro woman with a grade school education who had been in her job about three weeks. The woman appeared to have a great deal of difficulty in expressing herself by written communication, lacking the ability to spell and put together even a simple sentence. Thus, there was a very notable lack of written policy, staff directive, and formal record keeping at the Center. The Director's administra-~ tive capabilities appeared to be equally lacking according to comments from: various neighborhood residents and Center staff members. It seems that the Director was in the habit of issuing verbal, contradictory orders to her staff, and thereby confusion reigned. The Director gives lip service to the fact that each employee should use his own initiative and develop his own leadership qualities; in practice, decisions on the part of employees are not allowed and even routine matters must be approved or acted upon by the Director. The Director also exhibits an over- whelming lack of trust in her staff-even to the extent of giving away the emergency stock of canned goods so that it would not be stolen by staff members. Agency personnel and neighborhood residents pointed to a lack of competence of the staff in carrying out assigned duties. Their comments focused around a lack of supervision of Center staff members and aides whom they had often seen "riding in cars instead of knocking on doors." *At Center II, the Assistant Director appeared to take over a number of the Director's administrative and supervisory duties, assigning work to aides and providing general assistance to the Director. The Center Director had been in his position since the inception of the Center; he exhibited more confidence in his own abilities and those of his staff than did the director of Center I. A Job Placement Aide was on the staff to make referrals to the State Employment Service, or in some cases, make the actual placement. About five of the many aides present at the Center were permanent employees there, spending most of their time in the field. PAGENO="0468" 4120 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 staff Training The lack of sufficient training for new staff members was a complaint voiced universally by our respondents. The Center Coordinating Supervisors offer a meager amount of initial training through a two-week school where new aides are apprised of poverty program operations throughout the city. They are then sent out to work in an outside agency or in a Center. Center II attempts to supple- ment this training by holding weekly conferences and providing on-the-job train- ing in interviewing, procedures for filling out forms, etc. No such training is held at Center I. Both Centers conduct weekly "feed back" sessions where aides as- signed to the outside agencies come back in to the Center to exchange views on the needs of the community, how the needs are being met by the agencies, and how gaps between the needs and agency services might be filled by new pro- grams. At Center I the "feed hack" sessions were not so successful; Center su- pervisors were unable to elicit information and draw out the aides. Aides ap- peareci to be uninterested and displayed a lack of attention and lack of interest in agenda items. 4. Control of the Centers Day to day control of Center operations appears to be left to the Center Direc- tors, with a powerful Director of the Coordinating Staff holding the power of hiring and firing Center Directors and the CAA theoretically holding the "trump card" in regard to budget. At Center I, the Director rules her own small domain with jealous authority; she does not trust the ability of her employees and refuses to delegate routine tasks to them. This Director spends a good deal of her time in the "field" doing contact work and providing services-functions usually fulfilled by staff members in other centers. At the same time, administrative duties at Center I appear to be sorely in need of attention. Control of Center II also appears to rest with the Center Director to a large extent. Generally, this Center is fairly autonomous; and there are few explicit policies about the operation sent down from the CAA, the Settlement Federa- tion, or the Coordinating Level. The director feels that he has been given a great deal of freedom and he fancies himself somewhat of a non-conformist who must take action on his own initiative, using the resources at his disposal at the mo- meat. This Director makes every attempt to keep the control of the Center within the Center staff: neighborhood board members who are on the "hiring panel" were the ones who claimed to he cronies of the Director. We were told by the Director that "Other board members who had wanted to take over had been set straight and he didn't expect any more trouble with them." 5. Relationships With Other Organizations Most of the relationships between these Centers and other service organiza- tions in the community revolve around the aide placement program. At the time of this research project, relationships seemed to be typified by an attitude of tolerance on the part of the agencies, complacency on the part of Center Staffs, and complete delight on the part of the aides involved. The agencies exhibited a willingness to cooperate in the program, hut found it difficult to direct an em- ployee who was "called away often and at the drop of a hat" to attend meetings and participate in other activities over which the agencies had no control. Others expressed dissatisfaction with the performance of aides who had been assigned to them. Center personnel reported that outwardly their relationships with agencies were cordial, but they maintained reservations about the effec- tiveness of agency services. They expressed the desire to see changes in the client relationships of the agencies and seemed to resent the fact that agency personnel were somewhat patronizing in their attitudes toward clients. The aides were exuberant in their comments about the placement program and the vast amount of good they were doing to "help the poor." A few agencies, vainly attempting to become participants in the aide program, mentioned the negative attitude of the Center Directors. They reported that all efforts to get information from these Directors had been met with silence. Between the police department and one of the centers, relationships were rather "shaky" due to Center instigated efforts to organize against the police department, to protest police brutality, and to maintain a registry of alleged cruelty to residents. Both Center I and Center II make service referrals to outside agencies and report cooperation with regard to this part of their program. Center II appeared PAGENO="0469" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4121 to have gained a greater degree of respect from the agencies; Center II receives referrals for its employment service and is used as a liaison with other agencies. 6. Budget Since September, 1965, the CAA has been the recipient of grants in an amount of $28.8 million for anti-poverty projects in this city. Each of the Centers costs between $30,000 and $50,000 per year to operate and, in addition, almost $4 million has been allocated to pay the salaries of the aides who work in the out- side agencies. Each aide is paid a salary of $4,000 per year. Salaries of CAA professional personnel are more generous; for example, the CAA Director makes a salary of some $26,000 per year. 7. Outreach At both Center I and Center II, small groups of five or six aides are expected to provide the link between their respective communities and Centers. This is an immense task for so few people to accomplish ; Center I is located in an area of over 16,000 population while Center II serves over 100,000 people. The actual methods of going about this task were difficult to pin down. There was no con- tinual campaign at either Center for going from door-to-door as seen in so many other cities; workers appeared to be very hesitant to go out to the homes where they were not known unless they had a definite program to present such as Head Start, an Innoculation program, etc. Very little in the way of written publicity was apparently available for distri- bution throughout the area, and there was a general lack of publicity through the news media. In general, the outreach effort is notable for its informality and workers place a great detal of emphasis on word-of-mouth advertising among clients, their relatives and friends, and the relatives and friends of the aides. No shortage of applicants for jobs as aides was evident. 8. Target Areas Center I is located in an area termed a "poverty pocket" with a population over 16,000. The people are predominately Negro with a minority being of Span- ish-American origin. Most of the housing units are old and dilapidated. The population is largely composed of families newly-arrived into the area from the southern states and from other areas of the city. The building of new freeways through the city has displaced many residents who have been forced to move into this increasingly more crowded area. The area has a high rate of unemployment (12 percent) and about half the families live on incomes under the poverty level, computed in this area to be $4,000 per year. The target area of Center II is one of the city's major poverty areas with a population of 105,000. A majority of the area inhabitants are of Spanish or Mexican descent. It is a "tame" area, and its residents are not prone to rioting and violence as are the poor of many other sections of this city. Most of these people are respectable, quiet, and withdrawn, but they are poor, and the "quaint old area" of the city in which they live is becoming rapidly more ugly and more dilapidated. About 30 percent of the families in the Center II area have incomes under $4,000 per year and the majority of the others hover immediately above this guideline. The unemployment rate is about six percent; about 38 percent of the people over 25 years of age have less than eight years of education. 9. Services Referrals to outside agencies, community centers, and hospitals make up the focus of service efforts at these two centers. Information regarding agency serv- ices and the provision of emergency transportation are integral to the referral program. The Centers also offer services on an emergency basis; food, clothing, and shoes are kept on hand at the Centers for distribution to area residents who have been displaced from their homes and/or with no money to buy food. Certain other services and programs are offered on a temporary basis and not as permanent components of the Center program. Typical of such services were voter registration drives, distribution of Christmas baskets, and the dis- pensing of information about inoculation programs offered by the Health Department. A need for additional services to fill gaps between community needs and existing services was voiced by many of our respondents, especially at Center II. Out of the "feed back" sessions at this Center have come such ideas as a dental clinic, a planned parenthood clinic, English classes for the Spanish- PAGENO="0470" 4122 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 speaking residents, comprehensive vocational training programs, and informa- tion about college scholarships and grants. The Center design was not initially intended to include any programs except the adult placement program; it appears that other services to the community, if they are indeed to be offered, are being left for the neighborhoods to propose. Our field researcher made attempts to secure some sort of accurate data on the number of clients being served by the two centers and discovered that it was almost impossible to get any information from center records. He then contacted the CAA Research department for the figures and was told that they were in the process of preparing such statistics for their own use. He was invited to return the following week to pick up the data. He returned and was told that the data was not yet ready and that they would call him the next day when it was ready. Two months later our researcher received a call saying that the data was ready but it was unintelligible since much information was missing. Figures for May and June were obviously conflicting. The figure for "number of contacts" includes clients, agency people, university researchers. and our staff man who was listed eight or nine times in the records during July and August. Whatever its value, the records indicate that at each center about SO people per month are referred for service; of these, about half were sent out on job interviews; the hiring panel conducted about twelve interviews. Two staff meetings were held and about 50 tons of rubbish was collected. 10. Uomnwnity Action The CAA and the Centers have a basic philosophical difference regarding community action. Center people feel that "action" should incite people to bring about changes in themselves and in the community to make it a better place in which to live. CAA and city officials feel that the only actions advis- able are the minimum changes in agencies and in the community structure that will enable the poor to live without disturbing the rest of the community One CAA board member stated that "It is ridiculous to spend the taxpayer's money to finance demonstrations against the system that is providing the money." The minimal amount of community action that has occurred in these Center areas has been focused on cleanup details (rubbish and trash removal campaigns) and the circulating of petitions for more street lights, marking of certain narrow streets as one-way streets, and for improved ambulance service. The people of both areas have shown a reluctance to be organized, and this may be due to several factors: First, Center employees are not emphasizing and indeed have received no training in community organization. Second. the heterogeneous nature of both population groups may not be conducive to orga- nization. In both areas, local population groups have been somewhat at odds with each other in the past and are isolated from each other by differences in skin color, religion, and attitudes. Also, it has been mentioned that the popula- tion is transient; many of the residents are new to the neighborhood. Many of the Spanish-Americans and other Caucasians at Center I feel that the poverty programs are designed for Negroes; its employees for the most part, are Negro; and therefore, the program at the Center does not appeal to them. The Director at Center II has a background of labor union organization and for this reason he places more emphasis on community action. However, his recent attempts along these lines have been rather pathetic. Our observer noted that the Director seems to be successful only in organizing aides already em- ployed by his Center. His attempt to organize a demonstration against the local school board was unsuccessful. Protest meetings have been known to bring out about seven of 2,000 notified residents. Among the rather staid people of Center II area, the Director has been success- ful in organizing groups of less militant activities. Groups of property owners have been meeting to solve problems of special interest to them. Other groups and informal clubs have been formed by aides; these are neighborhood groups, meet- ing in homes to discuss area problems. These are not "action" or militant groups but through these activities, people are becoming aware of their problems and beginning to discuss them. 11. Participation of the Poor Policy calls for the poor to participate as staff members, as members of various boards, and as volunteers in community service. It appears that a maximum feasible amount of participation has been achieved in the employee roles, but at PAGENO="0471" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4123 Center I, the quality of their performances in this role has been seriously ques- tioned by agency personnel and officials at various levels of the anti-poverty pro- gram. Complaints were made that the aides at both Centers were not able to fill out time cards properly or make reports of their field activities. This may be due to the afore-mentioned lack of training and lack of adequate supervision from the Directors. Because they are in such a definite minority, the poor on the CAA Board have no power to effect any noticeable changes. It is expected that when the new area hoards become operational and begin to meet regularly, the poor will be afforded a new instrument for participation at the policy-making level. People from the poverty areas who serve on the CAA Board and the Area Boards have expressed disappointment over their lack of influence in the poverty program. Several CAA Board members have complained that they, as a minority of the Board, are unable to influence the "establishment." They were indignant over the fact that so much of the OEO money was going, not to the poor, but into the pockets of CAA administrators and for payment of rent for "plush offices." The fact that they were incapable of remedying this situation was a great source ~f frustration to poor board members. Area Board members also indicated their disillusion about their lack of influence over Center activities. It appeared that at both Centers, only certain board members designated by the Center Directors were invited to participate in "hiring panels," and as this is the only function of the Boards at the present time, many of the board members were forced to remain inactive. Participation by the poor who were not employees or board members was still minimal at the time of this research. At Center I, several neighborhood residents and Center clients indicated that they would be happy to participate as volun- teers but that Center personnel had not indicated that they were needed. At Center II, the Director openly discourages the use of. resident volunteers in Center activities because he feels that they do not fit into the general scheme of things at the Center, and that "those who have anything to offer are already employed under some program or other." . Citizen groups that have been successfully organized in the area through Center efforts appear to. be those which focus upon a definite problem and. en- vision specific and short-range goals. CENTER "P" . ~. .1. History and Origins . . , ... . . Ninety-five percent of the Negro population of this large urban area is coin- pressed~into a single section of the city where the number of housing units is diminishing and' the demand for them is continually on the increase. Federal urban renewal pragrams are in the process of razing many of the dilapidated structures, forcing the inhabitants to relocate and thus severely crowding those buildings that still remain. Over-priced housing and open discrimination prac- tices close most other areas of the city to the Negro, and he often has no recourse but to live in this ghetto. Various public and private agencies have made token attempts to serve this population in the past but the turbulence and disorder in the lives of these people give evidence to the fact that past agency efforts have been largely ineffective. Other than providing space for decentralization of the established agencies, neighborhood centers in the city offer nothing that is novel in the way of service to this area. The centers do not in themselves provide for outreach or offer pro- grams - of. their own creation. These centers are atypical of other centers under study throughout the country in that they merely house units of established social service agencies and a few. CAA programs; and they employ no personnel other.than a director whose duty it is to coordinate the services offered by the agencies in his building. ` . . . It is the "Outreach Program" under the sponsorship of an association of pri- irate welfare agencies that is the focus of the research conducted in this city. Originally under the direction of a CAP organization, the Outreach Program was funded in July, 1965 but was at that time located in.two settlement houses, both members. of the private welfare association. The original CAP was termi- nated in February, 1966, and a.. new CAA structure was set up to operate neigh- borhood service centers and other OEO. components. Funds for Outreach were allocated to the private association which renamed, itself the Neighborhood Centers Association. At the present time, the administrative unit of the Outreach PAGENO="0472" 4124 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 Program and one of its working teams are headquartered in one of the neigh- borhood centers sponsored by the CAA. 2. Relations/tips With Other Organizations The Outreach Program is a small part of a vast, complex service network composed of many organizations and agencies, both public and private. Personnel of the Outreach Program have working relationships with the CAA, its neighbor- hood centers and other components; the private Welfare foundations, one of which sponsors the Outreach Program; a Community Information Program and its sponsor, also a private welfare federation; and the various settlement houses and traditional public welfare agencies serving the area. The line of authority for the Outreach Program begins with the CAA stru~- ture, extending down through the Neighborhood Centers Association to two private settlement houses which supervise the Outreach staff. Due to a similarity of philosophy, the Welfare Federation, settlement house people and Outreach personnel experience a good working relationship. They are community action oriented rather than merely service oriented as are the established public agencies which are aligned with the CAA. It was the distinct impression of our researcher that CAA. and public agencies were doing everything possible to con- tain action elements, including the Outreach Program, and concentrate on providing more and more services to the people. Subsequent events bore out the opinion of our researcher when the OAA. made the decision to reduce organiza- tion personnel from 120 to 19 by cutting down this part of the budget request. Duties of Outreach workers will in the future be confined to dispensing informa- tion about available services and providing referral or immediate service to the client. It is intended that Outreach workers recruit clients and refer them for service to the established agency personnel in the neighborhood service centers. This procedure is not always carried out in practice, however, as the Outreach worker often finds that he is able to personally perform a service for the client that he feels is superior to the agency services. This may in fact be true. The needs of the people and demands for services are so overwhelming that the neighborhood center is constantly teeming with clients. Consequently, the case loads of agency personnel are too burdensome to allow for the type of personalized service and counseling that each individual requires. Outreach workers do pro- vide a more personal type of service for their clients. They feel that the inade- quacy of the agencies in meeting the needs of the population necessitates duplica- tion of agency services by outreach personnel. There has been some conflict between Community Information and Outreach workers over the tendency of Outreach to take over responsibilities of other agencies and programs. As viewed by Community Information, its duties a re to work with block and neighborhood action groups after they have been initially organized by Outreach. We were told by Community Information that Outreach refuses to let go of groups they have formed; Outreach tends to want to follow through and take over the responsibilities which should be allotted to Community Information. The same conflict exhibited in anti-poverty programs in other areas can be seen here-a conflict of community action emphasis versus the service emphasis. Here we find that the CAA and established agencies are aligned together, sharing the philosophy that action elements are dangerous and should be suppressed. Emphasis, in their view, should be on a greater utilization of available services. The voice of dissent is provided by the two private welfare groups and the' poverty program personnel under their sponsorship. They feel that traditional services have been proved ineffective and that with proper direction and leader-. ship, potentially "dangerous" action elements can be channeled into constructive appeal groups which give voice to their grievances through legal and peaceful methods. S. Organizational Arrangements CAA Board of Directors In order to provide an overall view of this Board it is necessary to discuss its development in two stages. (1) The first is the planning stage during which the city officials attempted to set up a private corporation separate from the city government. It was not intended that representatives of the poor be included in its membership; the original board was comprised of a group of civic leaders ap- pointed by the mayor. In March, 1964, the group began to develop proposals and' PAGENO="0473" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4125 by November of that year the package was submitted to OEO for funding. A dispute arose between city founders and the OEO over the fact that the poor were allowed no participation. This stage was beset by controversy over the role of the poor. The resulting holdup of federal funds caused many difficulties in securing personnel and space for the various programs. (2) The second stage of development began when the Mayor's Committee acquiesced to OEO and the board membership was broadened to include representatives of poor groups and target areas. Of the thirty members now on the board, seventeen live in or have businesses in the target areas; twelve are Negroes; and five were elected by the poor. Projected plans call for two (instead of one) representatives to be elected from each of the five Center Boards. Neighborhood Centers Association This federation consists of representatives from various private settlement houses and welfare agencies located in target areas throughout the city. The as- sociation acts as a sub-contractor to the CAA to sponsor the Outreach Program. A perusal of their regulations indicates that the membership of the association is open to representatives of all private welfare agencies and other interested citizens. There was no express regulation providing for participation of the poor on this board. Center Opportunity Boards Consisting solely of neighborhood people from target areas, these five boards are in a position to afford the poor some participation in CAA programs. The boards function to discuss needs of the area and make recommendations to the OAA and Center Directors concerning programs to meet these needs. Member- ships of Center Opportunity Boards are composed of delegates from various neighborhood clubs that have been formed throughout the target areas by Out- reach Workers. At the time of our study, each Center Board was represented by one delegate on the OAA Board of Directors. Future plans include the elec- tion of an additional CAA Board member from each of the Center Boards. Outreach~ Boards These boards are the counterparts of the Center Opportunity Boards and are to be set up to direct the activities of the five Outreach Programs. At the time of our study, the Outreach Program on which we focused was still in the process of forming the neighborhood clubs which would in turn elect the delegates to the Outreach Board in that area. Administration of the Outreach Program Under the supervision of the Outreach Director for this area of the city are five teams of workers whose primary functions are "to familiarize the residents of the area about the services available to them and to motivate participation." Each team is headed by a supervisor who is a professional, and includes five or six Outreach Workers, a Vista volunteer, a secretary, and neighborhood volunteers. With the exception of the professionals and the Vista volunteers, the staff people are residents of the target area. All staff members in the Outreach Program were hired by the Neighborhood Centers Association. Training for staff workers is almost nonexistent. An alloca- tion of $7,500 per year for staff training indicates the lack of emphasis afforded this part of the Outreach Program and the importance CAA must give to on- the-job training. A part-time professional training consultant, part-time clerical assistance, building space, and supplies are all budgeted out of this amount. 4. Control of Outreach Programs The chain of command from the CAA offices down to the various Outreach workers is so complex that from all appearances, many of the workers operate independently of directives "from up there." This trend has developed to the extent that various workers have developed their own particular specialties for service and have worked out reciprocal referral arrangements. Supervisory personnel connected with the Outreach program informed us that a great deal of their time and energy is expended toward coordinating the directives of the CAA offices with those of their sponsoring organization, the Welfare Association. These instructions, they told our researcher, are frequently CAP Form 20., dated 7-11-60. 80-084-67-Pt. 5-31 PAGENO="0474" 4126 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 contradictory because of the basic philosophical conflict existing between the two groups. The conflicting directives usually concern community organization instructions from one group countered by an instruction from the CAA to suppress planned organization. Nominal control of the area's Outreach Program is intended to rest directly with the two private settlement houses in the neighborhood which are rep- resented in the Welfare Association. However, the control they exercise is very flexible and consists primarily of advisory assistance in making plans, pro- viding space for neighborhood meetings, etc. Many agency personnel, Center staff members, and settlement house people gave voice to the opinion that the philosophical conflict between the Outreach program and the CAA is indeed real and may not be resolved to the satisfaction of both groups. They feel that CAA is determined to gain direct control of the Outreach program in order that community organization activities there may be suppressed. CAA officials feel that Outreach workers are misinterpreting the phrase that defines the workers' duty as "to motivate participation." To CAA officials, this phrase means that residents are to be encouraged to use their individual talents and available services to improve their lot. Outreach interprets this phrase to means that poverty families should be aided in forming groups to criticize conditions in their neighborhoods and demand improvements. (Events occurring subsequent to this research indicate that the CAA officials had the ammunition that won the battle. They removed about nine-tenths of the Outreach Program funds from the new budget request to the OEO.) 5. Bvdget A total amount of $197,238 was approved by the OEO for the Outreach Pro- gram in this area during its first eight months of operation. The amount provides for salaries of some 25 staff members, office space, and supplies. A look at the CAA budget for a seven month period indicates that it was allocated almost fI~3OO,000 in federal funds, $46,806 in local funds and contributions. Of the total CAA operating budget, $258,469 was spent for salaries, $13,899 for contract services, $30,548 for space rental, almost $27,000 for equipment and supplies, the rest for travel and other expenses. Maximum salary expense was the Executive Director's salary of $1,500 per month. 6. Programs The Outreach Program is a highly personalized type of service whereby the professional agency skills are linked to the community via the neighborhood worker. The duties of these workers include: (a) A systematic dissemination of information to residents of the com- munity regarding services made available by public agencies, private wel- fare groups, and various CAA components. Outreach workers themselves also conduct information classes for residents to apprise them of methods of keeping apartments clean, encouraging clean up of neighborhoods and hallways, and providing information about sanitary methods of waste dis- posal in order to discourage attraction of rats and insects. (Ii) Liaison activities from the community to the service agencies, pro- viding agencies with information regarding resident needs. Housing prob- lems are paramount and Outreach workers are in the process of conductinc~ surveys to list instances of extreme overcrowding, code violations, and individual needs for heat, plumbing, and improperly functioning electrical equipment. Outreach works closely with the Legal Aid Society (located in the Neighborhood Center) regarding building code violations which in the nast have been ignored by the HousIng Authority. Wher.e the unsafe conch- tions appear to b~ the owner's resnonsibility. Outreach workers make the initial contact with landlords. If the landlord refuses to cooperate with tho Outreach worker and tenant to remedy the situation, the case is then referred to Legal Aid. (c~ Organization of residents into participating groups. The latter func- tion is the one that is the greatest source of controversy throughout the entire anti-poverty program in the city; this conflict is discussed in detail in previous sections of this report. 7. Outreach The very fact that Outreach is awarded the status of a separate component with its own staff and budget indicates the high degree of importance placed on the concept of Outreach by CAA. The budget allocations allow for the employ- PAGENO="0475" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4127 ment of five teams of about five workers each, and the efforts of the paid staff are supplemented by Vista and NYC workers. Each team is stationed in a sepa- rate location, and all teams are supervised by the Outreach Director who has offices in a OAA-operated Neighborhood Center. Each worker is assigned certain blocks in the area and his duty is to sys- temically visit each family in his designated section, discover the needs of these families, encourage them to take advantage of services, and organize them into block clubs for overcoming broader social problems. A look at the statistical data for the month of August, 1966 indicates that over 1,000 area residents were contacted by Outreach Workers during the period. Over 400 of these were active in group organizations. The remainder were pro- vided with service by Outreach or referred to another agency for service. 8. Target Area Located in a city of over 1,500,000 population, the area served by the Outreach Program under study includes about 85,000 individuals, or over 18,000 family units. Of these families, 5,169 (about 28 percent) have incomes falling under poverty guidelines. The male unemployment rate is 13 percent. Housing condi- tions are deplorable and residents of this area have long been the victims of false promises by the city government and the housing authority to extend help. About 90 percent of the Negroes of this city live in the area where our study was conducted. These people have been subjected to open practices of discrimina- tion in almost every area of their lives. As a matter of city government policy, there has been a lack of housing code enforcement in Urban Renewal areas and in this particular target area. The Housing Authority has tacitly practiced dis- crimination and Negroes are placed on long waiting lists until all non-colored applicants are given priority for newly-built urban renewal units. Thus, for the Negro with a large family there is an acute shortage of available low-cost housing. The building trade unions practice discrimination almost as conspicuously as does the Housing Authority. The building trade unions have achieved little or no compliance with federal laws requiring equal employment opportunity, and many unions have no Negroes at all on their membership rolls. Those who do allow Negroes in their memberships allow them to play only a minority role in policy-making. For example, there are only 17 Negroes among 1,038 apprentices in 22 building trade unions. Lack of educational preparation precludes many of these people from attending college and thus entering into the professional fields. As in many cities, inade- quate financing is a major obstacle to quality education in low-income Negro areas. Thus, per-pupil expenditures in these areas are lower and, consequently, the students in Negro schools show lower levels of achievement than students in white schools.1 The school dropout rate is high in this area-about 15 percent each year. Health problems caused by filthy and overcrowded living conditions, inade- quate diet, and lack of medical care reach serious proportions in the area. Incid- ences of infant mortality, maternal deaths, and mental retardation are partic- ularly high. Without recourse or alternative, the Negro population of this city has been for many years confined to life under these conditions. Their efforts to seek govern- ment assistance have been completely ignored or met only with unkept promises. After many years of complacent acceptance of these conditions, residents could contain themselves no longer and during the summer months, the area became the scene of violent eruption of looting, burning, and terrorism which in the words of one national guardsman, looked "worse than anything he had en- countered during `~\Torld War II." 9. $erviees The direct provision of services was not intended to be a function of the Out- reach Program; rather, the original role of the Outreach Worker was that of liaison between the residents and the rather complex maze of services available in the community under the auspices of established agenices and the new OEO- sponsored programs. The Outreach program was funded to provide information regarding services and to direct clients needing specific service to the agency which could provide it. Outreach Workers do in fact make many referrals to 1 "Unfinished Business in the Inner City," a report by a Subcommittee of the State Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. PAGENO="0476" 4128 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 other agencies, but in practice they also receive referrals for services on a reciprocal basis. We discovered, for example, that the State Employment Service (one of the receiving agencies of Outreach) had referred many of its clients to an Outreach Worker whose success in job placement was particularly notable. Some 100 job placements were made by this man during the last week in August, 1966, and we were informed that many of these applicants were referrals from the state agency. Several of the Outreach Workers have developed a special area of competence in providing services directly to clients. Many services are available via the numerous public and privately-operated centers in the area. The CAA-operated Neighborhood Center offers the services of many established agencies such as the Welfare Department, State Employ- ment Service, Legal Aid, Maternity and Infant Care. In addition, a few OEO- funded programs are available through the Center (NYC, Small Business De- velopment, ENABLE) and may receive referrals from the Outreach Workers. The privately-endowed centers offer a number of recreational and group activities for children and teenagers, the aged and the handicapped. Private agencies also make available a number of educational programs and special programs for adults (voter registration drives, Christmas Season Employment Program, etc.). The list of services available in the city to which the Outreach Worker may refer his clients appears endless, but a glance at this list indicates that one area of service may have been completely neglected-that of employment and vocational training. There are available the services of hospitals, credit unions, organizations, clubs, employment clinics, etc. They serve all age groups from Head State for children to the Soldiers and Sailors Relief, but it may be that vocational training for these underducated people is sadly lacking. 10. Comnvunity Action This is an area where community action has in the past taken the form of a periodic explosion of violence with a resultant damaging effect on property, individuals, and the morale of the area as a whole. The younger members of the community are most active in the disastrous riots that have occurred. Older citizens of the community appear to be resigned to their lot in life and too discouraged to take an active role in concerted attempts to air grievances. These older citizens have been discouraged by the past negligence of authorities to do anything for the area and many of them have resigned themselves to being passive recipients of welfare services or employment at a menial job. Most of them are too concerned with meeting the basic needs of their everyday lives to think abstractly about airing grievances of a broad social nature. However. it is this group-the "tame" members of this society-that is the target of' Outreach. They want to interest the families, the elderly, and the handicapped into organizing for peaceful participation. Outreach has been instrumental in forming neighborhood clubs, street and block clubs, mothers organizations, and special interest groups to concentrate on solving specific area problems. Neigh- borhood conferences formed by Outreach meet to discuss and act on a variety of community problems such as housing, lack of city services, inadequate street cleaning and lighting, rodent control, street hazards, etc. During the month of' August, 1966 the following new service groups were formed: (a) A young adults group for young men aged 18 to 30 interested in working toward a solution of some of the problems of employment, housing, police relations in the area. (b) A mothers group interested in Safety Patrol along various streets in school areas. (c) A businessmen's group with the SBA and Urban League participating. (1) Various block clubs and street clubs. (e) Groups of middle class families from outside the target area are being encouraged to "adopt" needy families, providing the poor families with companionship and exposure to middle class values. Almost half the population of the area is under 21; this group is regarded by Outreach and settlement house people as the dangerous element whose rebellious tendencies had best be channeled into constructive activity. Realizing that this group will be the most difficult to reach, Outreach officials feel that the only answer to communication with them lies in the direct employment of some of' their leaders. Outreach people feel that if there is no outlet provided for these youths and no immediate attempts to incorporate them into the program, the area may be turned into a battlefield again before the aftereffects of the latest riots have been cleaned up. PAGENO="0477" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4129 .11. Participation of the Poor The poor participate in the poverty program on various boards, as members of neighborhood organizations and interest groups, as employees, and as clients. The participation of the poor on the boards is a new role. Only a small minority of the needy was allowed on the CAA Board during its first year of operation. Neighborhood Outreach boards were, at the time of this research, in the process of forming their membership. Consequently, it is difficult to make any definitive statements about the effectiveness of the poor on the various boards. The majority of Outreach employees are indigenous workers. Despite the fact that most of these workers are undereducated and very little staff training is provided, it appears that their efforts have been very effective. Hundreds of clients have been contacted as a result of the work of these people; many or- ganizations have been formed; and many direct services have been performed by the workers themselves. The Outreach program has opened new doors to clients by making them aware of the fact that there may indeed be answers to their problems. They are en- couraged to be active participants, not merely recipients of welfare services. 4Jlient groups have been organized to communicate directly with authorities, and they have, for example, toured various residential buildings with landlords. pointing out unsafe and unsanitary conditions. Plans are being formulated to put pressure on City Hall to enforce building codes, provide proper street light- ing and police protection. Thus, the greatest area of participation of the poor ap- pears to be apparent at present in the roles of clients and members of the newly- formed interest groups. CENTER "Q" 1. History and Origins * An overcrowded, urban, predominately Negro ghetto is the setting of the Center research in this city. The area contains an overwhelming number of social ills-unemployment, sub-standard housing, crime, broken families, and juvenile delinquency. Traditional agencies, though accepted, have long been viewed by the residents with contempt, fear, and mistrust. Realizing that their charities were merely proliferating bad conditions instead of alleviating them, personnel of some of these agencies initiated the idea of a multi-purpose Corn- `munity Center, where the poor could help themselves. Initial meetings of a group of agency professionals together with church and private welfare people occurred in October of 1964, at which time a temporary development committee was elected. The temporary committee was heavily weighted with area residents with' a few social welfare professionals acting as advisors. The duties of this committee included the nomination of permanent area committee members who were elected on March 19, 1965. The primary function of the permanent committee was to work with the city CAX for de- velopment of a Neighborhood Service Center, which in August of 1965, became *a reality. It is interesting to note the active part taken by the area citizens in the initial phases of the organization. The Center program was generated. promoted, and designed at grass roots level with only supplementary advice from the CAA. 2. Relationships With Other Organizations Youth Opportunity Center, Public Welfare, Family Counseling, Legal Aid and `Community Council are established agencies which have decentralized and situated personnel at the Center either full or part time. The inter-relationships between these groups and the Center appear to be workable but characterized by occasional personality conflicts and rifts over procedures. The Legal Aid attorneys, for example, feel that Center and agency personnel exhibit a failure to respect the confidential nature of the Legal group's client relationships. They recounted instances of informal questioning by Center `staff members and the offer by another agency to share its clerical staff with Legal Aid. These advances are interpreted by the attorneys as attempts to pry into Legal Aid's activities. The policies of Urban League and the Center do not make for a compatible relationship between the two groups. Though located within the Center build- ing, the operations of Urban League have become autonomous of those of the Center. Center employees feel that Urban League concentrates too much of its effort on finding white collar jobs for middle class Negroes and does not seek to aid the destitute, lower class Negro on whom the Center concentrates. Urban PAGENO="0478" 4130 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 League feels that this image does not reflect the total scope of its activity, that it does indeed serve people of the Center's target population. Urban League representatives informed us that "No matter how many lower class Negroes we place in jobs, they (Center staff) won't believe us." 1 A conflict exists between the NAACP similar to that of the rift between the Center and Urban League. Many of the Center clients feel that NACCP is attempting to attract middle class Negroes into its membership and shows an obvious lack of interest in the lower class Negro. The Center experiences an excellent relationship with churches in its target area, to the extent that churches constitute a media for the advertising of Center programs, services, and activities. The churches have set up a CAP organization which sponsors programs to curb rebellious youngsters and prevent juvenile delinquency. The church-sponsored CAP has very little contact with the Center except in the cases of occasional referrals. 3. Organizational Arrangements CAA Board of Directors Originally a group of seven appointed by the Mayor, the board has been enlarged to 17. Ten additional members were appointed (on the advice of OEO) to represent the public. These new members were also appointed by the Mayor, and included representatives of various civic groups, schools, and businesses. The Mayor is an ex-officio member of the board. Most of these are community leaders. The function of the board is to create a policy framework within which various poverty programs in the city can be run. UAA Administration The CAA maintains a skeleton staff which includes a Director, his assistant, an accountant, and secretary. The staff functions as a coordinator of all the city's poverty programs and as the link between OEO and the various programs. Neighborhood Poverty Committee Thirty-one resident poor and their representatives comprise the membership of this powerful committee which sets up policies and designates Center pro- grams. The committee has assumed the responsibility for evaluation of Center procedures and activities and has the final word on hiring of staff members. Center Administration Seven professionals and 25 neighborhood employees make up the staff roster for this Center. These employees work in one of four departments which are under the supervision of the Center Director: Community Services, Housing, Employment, and Administration. In addition, nine professionals from outside agencies have offices in the Center at the present time. These agencies are Urban League, Family Counseling. Legal Aid, Youth Opportunity Center, and Welfare. Planned Parenthood, a division of the Health Department, has plans for placing staff in the Center in the near future. Six of the neighborhood workers have been assigned to assist the agency personnel. While these agency personnel are responsible to their respective agen- cies, they also are administratively responsible to the Center Director through the Community Services Supervisor. Theoretically, all departments of the Center are under the supervision of the Center Director but many events indicate that the Director may not in fact have the authority to oversee the operations of all departments. There have been numerous instances where a particular Center department head corresponded directly with an agency and the Center director was ignorant of decisions made until he read about them in the newspaper. The Director seemingly has little authority over hiring of his personnel. The responsibility for choosing Center employees is intended to be shared by the Di- rector and the Board, but most of the personnel were hired directly by board members. Employees feel a loyalty to the board. Extensive training programs have been set up for community service workers and clerk aides. Community Service Workers undergo orientation by Center supervisors where they are instructed in methods of group organization and given information about available services. The clerk aide training is an extensive program under the supervision of the Assistant Center Director. On-the-job 1 The Urban League representatives at the Center were not funded for the second year of operation. PAGENO="0479" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4131 training in typing, shorthand, basic English usage, office machine use, and recep- tionist duties are offered to "student-workers" under this program. Several stu- dents have been employed by government and private employers at good salaries as a result of their training under this program. Group discussions and visits to offices of receiving agencies are included in the initial staff training for professional and untrained workers. Center and CAA officials conduct a brief orientation period to apprise new staff members of the objectives of the Center program and the roles played by other community agen- cies in the Center program. 4. Control of the Center The Neighborhood Board practices strict control over the Center through the hiring of its staff, setting up policy, and approving all programs. Their influence is carried to the extent that they have taken it upon themselves to evaluate Center operations, causing a "nervous" Center staff to submit to interrogation by a panel of board members. Center employees, including the Director, are often reminded by the board that they are employees of the board and that staff loyalty should be to the board, not the director. This grass-roots organization has given a group of poor people its first experience of control and these people are enjoying their authority. When Center stationery ordered by the Director was shown to the board, board members were indignant because their names were not printed on it. They voted to have the stationary reprinted, at Center expense, and have board members names printed. 5. Budget Federal grants and local contributions for the city's anti-poverty efforts totaled $1,176,274 for the first year of its operations. The Center under study, for ex- ample, shows a total budget of approximately $160,000 for its first year of operation. 6. Program The objectives of this Neighborhood Service Center are, in order of their rela- tive importance: (a) To provide organization for local resident involvement in the develop- ment of action programs to give voice to their needs. (b) To identify needs and develop solutions to problems in the area. (e) To redirect and coordinate various separate community services in the neighborhood. (d) To train local residents for participation in Center programs and community affairs. To carry out the above objectives, the Center is organized into the following departments: Community ~Services The objective of the Community Services Departnient is to carry information to the community about pre-existing and new Center activities. This is accomplished by the employment of low-income residents who know the community and who can communicate with the people. Organization of residents is the responsibility of this department. Community Housing The need for adequate low-cost housing, especially rental, is acute. Some por- tions of the community are undergoing changes due to the construction of free- ways, thereby displacing many area residents. These families on limited incomes are at a decided disadvantage in the location of new housing. The housing sta~ maintains a housing registry which serves as a central file of available low-cost rental housing in the community. In some cases, volunteers are recruited to as- sist in moving displaced families. Housing clinics are held to inform residents about securing loans, minor household repairs, legal obligations of contracts, and housing and building codes. Another aspect of the program includes counseling of individual families who are moving away from the target (Negro) area in regard to fair housing practices and to work toward the formation of fair hous- ing groups in other sections of the city. Vocation-Career Department The program under this department is basically one of career and opportunity counseling for residents. Actual job placement is carried out by representatives of the State Employment Service; the services of the Vocation-Career Depart- PAGENO="0480" 4132 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ment are supplementary. Center employees in this department bring information on a variety of training programs available through universities and high schools. In many cases, scholarships and loan funds are going unused, and there also are conditions where fees may be waived until a student completes the training and is on the job. This department of the Center attempts to bring together these opportunities and people who can take advantage of them. Vocational counseling also plays a major role in this department in order to help the client make the most efficient use of his latent abilities. Participating Agencies A number of established agencies have assigned staff to the Center to receive referrals from the Center staff. All agencies who participate in this program have received the approval of the neighborhood board, and their continuance within the Center is also subject to board approval. At the present time, Youth Opportunity Center, Public Welfare, Family Counseling, Legal Aid, and Com- munity Council have placed personnel at the Center. The Health Department intends to open a Planned Parenthood Clinic in the near future. 7. Oi~treach The concept of reaching the poor by direct contact is basic to the operations of all Center departments. Community Services takes over the majority of this responsibility with neighborhood workers organizing block clubs, coffee klatches, and interest groups for action. These workers extend to contacting the people door-to-door, finding those who need service, and following up later to deter- mine if the client has been helped. Eleven staff members have the duty of at- tempting to serve the eight or nine thousand poverty families in the area and they feel that so far they have only scratched the surface. \Tarious other methods of outreach are utilized-churches, news media, civic groups-to broadcast activities and services of the Center. Flyers circulated throughout the neighborhood advertise special programs and Center meetings. Innovative methods have been proposed by staff members, such as a portable booth which could be set up near a crowd to dispense information about the Center. From the area residents has come the idea of "Operation Job Hunt" which not only would locate available jobs in small businesses in the area but also serve to pass on information about Center activities. Center records indicated that over 3,000 people had been served by the Center through June, 1966, and we were informed that about 4,500 people had been reached by the Medicare Alert Program. 8. Target Area In a city of over half a million people, about three-fourths of the Negro popu- lation (or about 12,000 people) are literally jammed into an area of a few city blocks, The area and its people fit neatly into the "poverty" category; almost a quarter of the families there fall below the $3,000 per annum income guide- line. These people are living under conditions of extremely overcrowded housing, unemployment (about 6.5 percent), undereducation, and health problems. The area is undergoing definite changes in connection with the building of a new freeway, causing many residences to be razed and thereby displacing oc- cupants. There is a severe shortage of low-cost, rental housing. Social problems often erupt into a show of violence, delinquency, and crime. Racial tensions, and housing problems are to the residents perhaps the most frustrating of all problems and the most difficult for them to endure. As a result, this area of the city is occasionally the scene of stormy activity where hostilities are unleached and grievances are brought out into the open. 9. Services Services are dispensed through the Housing Department, the Vocational De- partment, and the Community Services Department. The Housing Department maintains a log of available low cost rentals, information obtained from realtors, city government offices, and other sources. Surveys are conducted by Housing Department workers to identify situations where poor conditions exist that might be fixed by a landlord. Homemaking classes are held to instruct women in home sanitation and decorating. Clinics are offered monthly (often by pro- fessional speakers) to instruct residents in household repairs and financial mat- ters regarding leasing and purchasing of homes.' The Housing Department has been known also' to assist in cases where discrimination in housing is alleged. PAGENO="0481" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4133 Fair housing clubs are being formed by the Center to work with the NAACP in seeing that the Fair Housing Law is upheld. The Vocational Program has previously been mentioned. Service through this department is of a counseling nature whereby the capabilities of the client are matched by scholarships or training programs available through schools in the community. Through the Community Service Workers (neighborhood residents) informa- tion about agency services is carried to area homes. For those in need of services, the Workers provides transportation to the agency, following up with the case at a later date. The whole complicated procedure of getting agency service is simplified for the resident by having the worker "untangle the red tape." At the present time, Center officials are concentrating more effort on study groups and volunteer work details to encourage residents to give service as well as receive services from the community. 10. Community Action It was intended by the Neighborhood Board that community action take pre- cedence over services. First, however, they felt that basic needs of the people had to be met. The people could not be encouraged to think abstractly about the needs of the community until they had adequate amounts of food, clothing, and shelter. During the first year of operation, it was necessary that the Center program be focused on service aspects of the program, through the mobilization of service resources in the community and the delivery of those services to the people who needed them. Community action prior to the poverty programs in the city took the form of violence, vandalism, and property damage. Containment of violence and preven- tion of rioting and delinquency has been the focus of the church-affiliated CAP. The action goals of the Center under study and its Board include the develop- ment of groups to study needs, propose programs for submittal to the Board, and take peaceful and legal action to solve problems. "Action" here is interpreted to mean neighborhood clean-up detail, groups to hold discussions with landlords, etc. Results of the "need" surveys form a solid background of information with which to arm the action groups, to assist them in articulation of their grievances and thereby increasing the effectiveness of action. The Center Director noted that there has been some difficulty in getting the poor out to meetings of the various interest groups. Also, he mentioned the lack of volunteers and the general reticence of the people in getting out to help others. It appears that those of the poor that the Center encourages to act (i.e., the non- violent poor) are precisely the people who are most reluctant to do so. During the summer months, greater effort was expended on group activity and there was some increase in meeting attendance. 12. Participation of the Poor Due to the apparent lack of interest and lack of direction on the part of the CAA, the poor on the Neighborhood Board have been given a great deal of free- dom in running the Center. Several comments of civic leaders indicated that some members of the conservative city government were totally opposed to poverty programs in general and were willing to let the program expire for lack of their administrative guidance. The Board appears to be one of few examples of "maximum feasible participation" in policy-making roles, where the Neighbor- hood Board in fact is all-powerful, even to the extent of turning down suggested programs from the national and state levels. This is a group that was instru- mental in every stage of Center operation, from the initial planning stages to Center operations to program formulation for the future. The poor Board mem- bers exercise their new authority with a vengeance and insist upon being alerted to everything that occurs at the Center. Consequently, the Director they have hired has very little authority over the day to day operations there and as a re- sult, many personnel and policy conflicts remain unresolved. Since staff members were hired by the Board and profess a loyalty to it instead of the Director, the Director has experienced some difficulty in coordinating his departments and smoothing out difficulties as they arise. In spite of the conflicts, the Center has been successful in reaching many of the people, providing service to many residents to meet their basic needs, and PAGENO="0482" 4134 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 interesting at least some of the residents in community involvement. The Board has been able to determine and voice the needs of the area; they have demon- strated creativity of thought and liberal innovation in a number of unique pro- grains to solve problems peculiar to the neighborhood. COMPLIANCE OF THE CHICAGO COMMITTEE ON URBAN OPPORTUNITIES WITH SEcTIoNs 202(c) (2) OF THE ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT Since March 1, 1967, one-third of the members of the governing boards of community action agencies must be representatives of the poor. This is required by Section 202(c) (2) of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, as amended, which provides: "The Director shall not approve, or continue to fund after March 1, 1967, a community action program which is conducted, administered, or coordinated by a board on which representatives of the poor do not comprise at least one-third of the membership." The "Rules and Policies Governing the Organization of the Chicago Committee on Urban Opportunity" provides that "not less than one-third of the members" of both its board and its executive committee "shall be representatives of the poor." Thirty of the ninety members of CCUO, and eight of the twenty-four members of the executive committee have been selected by the local Urban Progress Center Advisory (Neighborhood) Counci]s or community organizations in the outpost areas in which poor reside but not in concentrated numbers. Each Urban Progress Center sends three representatives to CCUO, though a pro forma appointment is made by the Mayor of Chicago. The Neighborhood Councils which serve the Urban Progress Centers are predominantly composed of representatives of the poor. The community groups in the area must be consulted before any persons are selected as members of the Neighborhood Councils. The selection of persons for the Neighborhood Councils is to be done in a manner that gives "significant representation" to the groups served by the Center. Up to sixty per- Sons are appointed by the Center Directors, and these members select no more than an additional ten persons for the Neighborhood Councils. Under procedures established by the Executive Director of CCUO, neighbor- hood residents, block clubs, churches, minority groups and neighborhood orga- nizations make nominations to the Neighborhood Councils for representatives of the poor. The participating organizations, all of which are integral parts of * the community family, include the Woodlawn Organization, local chapters of NAACP and CORE, the United Block Club Council, and Lakeview Citizen's Council. From those recommended, the Center Directors make the appointments. These procedures are within the OEO guidelines for implementation of § 202 (c) (2) established in CAP Memo 57. Several procedures were suggested in that memo, as examples of ways to comply with the representation requirements. That list was not intended to limit the variety of possible selection processes, and it was explicitly stated that "any process which insures maximum feasible involvement of the poor is potentially acceptable." The Chicago procedure represents a combination of many of the suggested processes, with some novel aspects added. The neighborhood residents have a significant role in the selection of the neighborhood board which chooses the representatives of the poor to the community-wide board. The examples given in the guidelines recognize neighborhood boards as an acceptable part of the selec- tion process. *They also sanction to use of existing organizations predomi- nantly composed of poor persons, which have a role in the procedure for select- ing members of the Neighborhood Councils. Since the selection procedures were not subject to the March 1, 1967 deadline established for compliance with the one-third poor representation requirement, OEO has permitted the adoption of procedures sufficient to meet the initial requirements of § 202(c), even though it is contemplated that changes will be made in the processes to increase the degree of participation by the poor. The selection procedures in Chicago, as in other places, could be improved, and OEO intends to work with CCUO, as well as other community action agencies, to achieve this. PAGENO="0483" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4135 CHICAGO COMMITTEE ON URBAN OPPORTUNITY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEMBERS Ely H. Aaron Dr. Samuel L. Andelman Samuel C. Bernstein William B. Collier, Jr. The Very Rev. John R. Cortelyou, C.M. Mrs. Hester Estelle Silas Green Lewis W. Hill Rev. Alex Kasper, OP. William A. Lee Hon. George N. Leighton Charles P. Livermore Edward A. Marciniak C. Virgil Martin Walker McLemore Dr. James F. Redmond Robert Reitz William H. Robinson Clair M. Rodclewig Dr. Edger T. Thornton Wilfredo Velez Erwin Weiner Mrs. Abner Williams Orlando W. Wilson FULL COMMITTEE MEMBERS Ely M. Aaron Todd 0. Akin' Dr. Samuel L. Andelman Joseph H. Austin John W. Ballew Dr. George W. Beadle Samuel 0. Bernstein Edwin C. Berry 0iarence W. Boebel Hon. Nicholas J. Bohling Albert Bonilla 1 Mrs. Gertrude Booker1 Hon. Kenneth E. Campbell Milton Carter' Dr. Edgar S. Chandler Joseph N. Clemens William B. Collier, Jr. James W. Cook Rt. Rev. Msgr Vincent W. Cooke The Very Rev. John R. Cortelyou, CM. Manuel DeArce' John Duarte1 Mrs. Hester Estelle 1 Murray H. Finley Bishop Louis H. Ford A. L. Foster Mrs. Gerald B. Frank Lawrence Fugh' S. B. Fuller Sister Mary Ann Ida Gannon, B.V.M. Silas Green1 Dr. Richard E. Hamlin Mrs. Phillis Harris' Lewis W. Hill Hon. Claude W. B. Holman Edward D. Hubbard1 Dr. Marjorie Stewart Joyner Rev. Alex Kasper, O.P.1 Hon. Thomas E. Keane Richard E. Lassar William A. Lee Hon. George N. Leighton Charles P. Livermore Mrs. Emma Lloyd' The Very Rev. James F. Maguire, S.J. Edward A. Marciniak C. Virgil Martin Rev. James May 1 William L. McFetridge Walker McLemore' The Rt. Rev. Msgr. William E. McManus Hon. Ralph H. Metcalfe Rev. Gerald J. Millin 1 Dr. J. Roscoe Miller Thomas J. Murray Dr. Eric Oldberg Harry M. Oliver, Jr. Sister Mary Olivia, R.S.M. Dr. Karl A. Olsson Yoji Ozaki 1 Dr. Norman A. Parker Rev. David E. Readye1 Dr. James F. Redmond Dr. John T. Rettaliata Dr. A. L. Reynolds' Robert Rietz 1 William H. Robinson Clair M. Roddewig John 0. Root Raymond Schoessling Arthur Schultz Dr. Oscar E. Shabat IDeVer Sholes Rabbi Mordecai Simon Miss Dora B. Somerville Mrs. Lillie Mae Stagger 1 W Clement Stone Mrs. Susan Stone1 Rev. Thomas R. Sumner1 Charles R. Swibel Dr. Edgar T. Thornton1 \Irs. Delores Van Pelt 1 Wilfredo \Telez1 Dr. Roif A. Weil Erwin Weiner Frank H. Whiston Mrs. Abner Williams1 Mrs. Elizabeth Williams Orlando W. Wilson Rev. Aloysius Zimmerman1 `Representatives of the poor on CCIJO. PAGENO="0484" 4136 ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 ENGLEWOOD ADVISORY COUNCIL MEMBERS Miss Helen Aniszewska John Bell Lawrence Bernstein Mrs. Mabel Brown Hon. Joseph P. Burke Edward Burnes Rev. Harold Burns State Senator Charles Chew, Jr. Dan Cemon Walter C. Cunningham Antolin Del Valle Rev. John Donahue Rev. Majonie Drickey Norbert Engles Mrs. Hester C. Estelle Joseph Evens Rev. Francis J. Gilbride Mrs. Dorthy Gilmore Rev. J. Austin Graff Hurley Green Morris Halberg Mrs. Gladys Hamilton Rev. David N. Harris Fred Henderson Mrs. Ellyn Hill Robert Jack Dr. Irving Kernis Dr. Harold Korey Jerome Kunnath William Kuntz Rev. William Lambert Rev. Victor A. McCartney Dr. Audley M. Mackel Harold L. Miles Rev. Gerald J. Millin Mrs. Rebecca Murray Dr. Herbert D. Odom Rev. John O'Shea Hal Paddor Emerson Phillips Willie L. Pittman Z. Donald Poole Mrs. Virginia Poore Rev. William Quinlan Rev. Thomas J. Raferty Rev. David Readye Charles Seavers Rev. Thomas R. Seitz Hon. William Shannon Sgt. Ernest Suer Rev. Harry Spaeth Rev. George Tate Joseph Henry Thomas Alan S. Traugott Rev. Gerard Webber Henry Wilson HALSTED ADvISORY COUNCIL MEMBERS Rev. Aloysius Barr Walter Brown Gary Calabrese Milton Carter Corndr. William Coesfeld William Copeland William Cosby John Cruz James I. Davis Mrs. Josephine de Joy John Duarte Frank Duran John Giampa Napoleon Gillette Francisco Gonzales William Harris George Heard Mrs. Ruth Higgins Frederick L. Hill Walter Horvat Booker T. Ivy Nathaniel Jeifrie John Jenson Rev. Bartholomew Joerger, OP. Rev. Alex Kasper, O.P. Anthony Kovacevich Milan Kozlik Peter La Joy Ludwig A. Leskovar Jerome Lucich Ernest Mategrano Fortino Mendez Fernando Mendoza Mrs. Rosamond Mirabella Ernest Montgomery Mother Marie, M.C.M. Grady Murdock Rev. Henry Murray Mrs. Albina Novak Bush Parker Frank Parrilli Donald Parrillo Robert H. Paul Emil Peluso John W. Ray Mrs. Andrew Reyes Rev. Howard L. Rice Mike Roman Rev. John Savakynas Frank Schonta Ray Schwartzkopf Miss Meta K. Schweibert Mrs. Goldie Shapiro Ellsworth R. Shephard Rev. J. L. Topps Mrs. Charles Torribio Rev. Edward Turner Hipilito Vasquez Arthur Velasquez Rev. Tollie L. White Mrs. Virginia Witkowski Pedro Zaragoza PAGENO="0485" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4137 LAWNDALE ADVISORY COUNCIL MEMBERS Mrs. Rosemarie Alexander Mrs. Lucille Johnson Clifford Alford John Kelly Rev. Sidney Amos Dr. Agnes Lattimer Joseph Austin Rev. B. T. Little Madison Brown Walker McLemore Mrs. Pearlie Beamon Capt. William McCann Roscoe Boler William McCurine Theodus Briggs Mrs. Edna Norwood Elijah Bufflngton Rev. Green Moore Mrs. Alberta Cole Mrs. Irene Norwood Alderman George Collins Mrs. Gwendolyn Patterson Dr. George W. Connelly Henry Perry Arrie C. Cotton 1\Irs. Gloria Pughsley Tom Curtin Mrs. Elmethra Reed Rev. Ralph A. Davis Joseph Rosen Rev. Michael Dempsey John F. Rueberry Mrs. Annie Mae Dixon Mrs. Bellie S'atisfield Curtis Dunlap Rev. Jerome Scott William Early Mrs. Elizabeth Smith Eddie Farmsette Lee A. Smith Mrs. Jeanette Gray Dennis Stegall Gene Guilmant Rev. Thomas Sumner John T. Harris Ben Taubin Mrs. Ruby Harris Joseph Taylor Johnny Henderson Mrs. Mary Thompson John Hines Mrs. Bernice Taylor Mrs. Annie Bell Hopkins Rev. Amos Weller Mrs. Jeannie Hightower Mrs. Jozy Willingham Mrs. Julius Jackson Mrs. Virginia W. Yates Dave Jones MIDWEST URBAN PROGRESS CENTER ADVISORY COUNCIL MEMBERS Todd 0. Akin Mrs. Ruth Linear Alphonso Austin William Luke Robert Bailey Father Matthew McDonald Elton Barrett Earnest McShan Robert Biggs Elaska Mallard Mrs. Gertrude Booker Mrs. Clara J. Neal Mrs. Amparo Brown Rev. Robert O'Dean Charles Brown Mrs. Corene Ramsey Cleveland Buford Rev. Wilfred Reid Thomas Burton Jim Rich Mrs. Stella Cannon Mrs. Lueva D. Rowel Mrs. Evalina Clark Joseph C. Sharp~ Herman Coleman Mrs. Froceen Sims Mrs. Cenella Collins Isaac Sims Rev. Ulysses S. Doss Dr. Lorraine M. Sullivan Lawrence Pugh Rev. Joseph Sylvester Hugh Glover Wilson Tatum, Jr. Mrs. Juanita Goff Mrs. Ernestine Thompson Russell Hartigan Oscar L. Thompson Mrs. Mary Alice Henry Rev. Edgar T. Thornton Rev. Arthur Hubbard, Jr. Mrs. Clara Turner Mrs. Marcelline Jackson Judge James M. Walton Mrs. Nancy Jefferson Mrs. Rosetta Wheatfall Mrs. Gladys Jones Rev. Thomas Wilson Mrs. Marcella Kane Mrs. Fannie Woodley Mrs. Annabell King Sammie Young, Jr. Samuel King Curlee Young Mrs. Ruth Leake Wilmon Carter Mrs. Earlean Lindsey PAGENO="0486" 4138 ECONOMIC .OPPORTLTNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 MONTROSE ADVISORY COuNCIL MEMBERS Mrs. Marjorie Andre Mrs. Mildred Berman Abby Blattherg Dr. John Byrne Rev. Thomas Bryne James Canton Rev. James Cloonan Rev. Edwin Conway Mrs. Fern Cooper Robert Cross Mrs. Helen Dodge Richard Downs Robert Edwards Rev. Wallace Edwards Bertran Eisner Sister Mary* Evelyn Comdr. John P. Fahey Sid Freedman Rev. Victor Fujiu Joseph Garcia Dewit Gilpin N. D. Hacker Roger Harper Dr. Lawrence Hirsch A. L. T. Hoffman Mrs. June Jans Alan Kardoff Hon. Joseph Kerwin Mrs. Sylvia Kroner Robert Lerner Rev. Ignacio Lopez Mrs. Dede Mayberry Mrs. Olivia McKeever Bill Meyers Ralph Molina Thomas Moore Rev. George M. Morey Isreal Noboa Hon. Robert O'Rourke Victor Ortega Yoji Ozaki Mrs. Dorothea Parrish Agapito Perez Rev. Peter Powell Rev. George Rice Robert Rietz Sister Mary St. George, B.V.M. Joseph Sander Rabbi Herman Schaalman Morris Shaeffer Sue Stone Miss Alberta Tansil Mrs. Marilyn C. Urso, R.N. Mrs. Helen Van Bramer Mrs. Joan Wolfson Hon. Paul Wigoda SOUTh PARKWAY ADVISORY C5OTJI~CIL MEMBERS Mrs. Edwynne Barnett Mrs. Wilhemina Blanks William Blakey Dr. James Buckner Rev. Clarence Cobbs Mrs. Oneida Cochrell Comdr. Edward Egan Father Vincent Elsen Mrs. Binarozelle Ferguson Michael Ferguson Joseph Ford Bishop Lewis H. Ford J. Horace Gardner Silas Green Judge Richard Gurnbel Rev. Philip Harley Comdr. Robert M. Harness Alderman William Harvey Randall Hilton Mrs. Naomi Hinton Alderman Claude Holman Edward Hubbard Miss Susan Hyman Judge Glenn T. Johnson Rev. William Johnson Mrs. Gilbert H. Jones Mrs. Emma Lloyd Mrs. Victoria McClerkin Dr. Elmer L. McMillan Alderman Ralph Metcalfe Mrs. Gwendolyn Minerbrook Alfred Neal William J. Neal William Pryor Rev. Cyrus N. Riley Dr. Connute Russell Mrs. Elena Schorr Mrs. Margaret Smith Lemuel Spears James Stewart Hamilton B. Talbert, Jr. Zeno Thigpen Alonzo Todd Henry A. Towles Rev. H. E. Walden Mrs. Clara H. Walker Rev. Edgar W. Ward Mrs. Francis Washington Rev. Joseph Wells Mrs. William Sylvester White Mrs. Almeada Williams * Mrs. Elizabeth Williams Lawrence Woods Walter Worrill PAGENO="0487" ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT AMENDMENTS OF 1967 4139 WOODLAWN ADVISORY COUNCIL Homer Anderson George McCree Mrs. Sara Black Alexander MeDade Albert Bonilla Mrs. Milton McGlaun Mrs. Lena Booth Howard McGuire Mrs. Dorothy Braggs Dr. Curtis Melnick Mrs. Peregrine Brown Robert Miller Hon. Kenneth Campbell John Oldham Lawrence Carroll Rev. Tracy O'Sullivan James Clardy Mrs. Mary Ann Parker Robert Coleman Jack Perlin Mrs. Zepher Craddock Mrs.. Bernice Perry Hon. Leon Despres Miss Jane Prior Mrs. Mattie Duckett Dr. A. L. Reynolds Orville Fitzgerald Isaih Roberts Earl Frederick Mrs. Vincent Sayers Mrs. Oressa Gardner Moses ~haw Cmdr. William Griffin Mrs. Clementine Skinner Mrs. Josephine Hoyle A. L. Smith Mrs. Phillis Harris Harold Stevens L. Eugene Harrison Jerome Stevenson Gus Harvey Daniel Swope Mrs. Ann Herron Orin Taylor Mrs. Mattie Howell Raleigh Taylor Mrs. Johnnie Jordan Mrs. Mae Wethers Mrs. Gladys Kyles Pelham Wheatley i~Irs. Hazel Lambert Mrs. Abner Williams Mrs. Renryene Lewis Lewis Williams Mrs. Vivian Lewis Rev. Aloysius Zimmerman Rev. James May 0 PAGENO="0488"