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49 total results foundAuthor: Perista, Heloisa Title: Intimate Partner Violence Against Older Women. National Report Portugal Summary: Up to now only little is known about older women as victims of intimate partner violence in Europe. The issue often gets lost between the topics intimate partner violence, domestic violence and elder abuse – both in research and in service provision. Domestic violence services and research on the one hand generally do not have a special focus on older women and age-related issues, and elder (abuse) services and research with their focus on vulnerability and care issues on the other hand usually are not sensitive to gender-specific dimensions of violence in partnerships. An age specific approach and a gender specific approach to family violence seem to exclude each other for the most part. The Intimate Partner Violence against older Women study (IPVoW) – a European research project conducted by 7 partners in 6 countries - started its research activities with the aim to bridge this gap and come to a comprehensive age- and gender-sensitive view on the issue. This report explains the goals and methods of IPVoW, presents and discusses the findings of this multi-method study and gives directions for future research and support for older women victims of intimate partner violence. In this report the situation in Portugal is highlighted. Intimate partner violence against older women in Portugal has deserved little attention in politics, in the media, in scientific research, in support organisations for victims of violence, in older people support organisations and in society in general. However, on the other hand, this has becoming less and less a taboo in our society. The pertinence of this problem seems obvious, in a world where societies are increasingly getting old. Also, ageing in society has a feminine face, as do the victims of intimate partner violence. Our data review points out to the systemic invisibility of the phenomenon in Portugal. Intimate partner violence against older women is rarely a topic of concern in Portugal. This is evidenced by the available data collected and analysed in the report; we come across a rather partial portion of the overall picture (for instance, no data available from the health sector). The number of older women who have experienced violence in intimate relations all their lives is estimated to be somewhat considerable. Institutional data and research conducted in Portugal did not, until now, contribute to give an adequate visibility to this phenomenon. Data on reported criminalisation show us that, in 2008, 14.2% of domestic violence victims were aged 55 years and older55. In 2007 88% of older victims of crimes in general, reported to the National Republic Guard (GNR)56, were women (aged 65 and older); 40.3% of those crimes were domestic violence crimes followed by 31.3% of crimes of abuse. Data gathered by our research revealed that in a three-year period (2006-2009) 803 older women victim of intimate partner violence contacted the organisations that responded to our institutional survey. Although we must emphasise that our research never aimed to be a prevalence study, rather an in-depth case knowledge study, numbers gathered here are important to call attention upon intimate partner violence against older women. As it has been often publicly recognised by all relevant international, European and national institutions, violence against women is not a private or an individual matter. Neither is intimate partner violence against older women. Portugal has a specific history, determining social and cultural contexts that impose particular generational dimensions –women who are now old grew up and lived part of their adult lives under a political dictatorship, where women and men played contrasting social and family roles, their identities being severely gendered, and under a very strict social control. That regime dictated that motherhood and family life were women's primary roles. Women were somewhat confined in the private sphere of their homes. On the other hand, men’s main role was mainly the family breadwinning. This context set the path to the present situation of many Portuguese older women – they are extremely vulnerable to poverty, living in poor and deteriorated housing conditions, and disposing of a very low income. Our interviews show that about half of the women interviewed receive a monthly pension below €300. The Catholic Church also played an important role within the dictatorship. Women were married for life; it was regarded as their duty to maintain the relationship regardless what happen. And this was magnified by the State conferring no right to legal divorce under Salazar regime. Although over 30 years have passed since the end of the ‘Estado Novo’ regime, the gendered social and cultural identities and behaviours still play a role particularly in older people’s ways of living. In fact, cultural attitudes towards endless marriages and relationships prevail among older people but also among the society as a whole when looking at older couples. Nevertheless, in the lives of the older women we have interviewed violence begins early; most women said that the first episode of intimate partner violence took place within a year of their marital relationship. A significant number of the staff interviewed stated that most older women victims of intimate partner violence they’ve been in contact with had little or no intention to leave their homes; they said that what those women wish is to change their situation and live free from violence. The way this change could happen may vary (according to the professionals’ views) – relationship rupture / legal divorce, living in separated homes; maintenance of a common home but the relationship comes apart; continuing to live together within a more secure relationship (sometimes negotiated with the male partner as well). However, the older women we’ve interviewed did not wish to maintain their relationship; they wanted to break up. And from the group of seven, only two (the oldest ones) remain living in the same home as their perpetrator. In fact, when they decided to look for help and to make contact with a support organization they were quite convinced of what they wanted – to end up the relationship. More than the emotional ties (if existing), the housing and financial difficulties are the main bindings for remaining in a violent relationship. The violent relationships are framed, in old age, particularly by psychological violence and emotional abuse; these are, at present, the forms of violence that older women experienced more frequently. Nevertheless, interviewed older women also experience physical, financial and sexual violence. Also prevalent are intimate relationships characterized by adultery on the part of the male partner, often continuing into old age. Intimate partner violence is fundamentally a violence of control; control that can be maintained in many ways, especially after physical violence has been perpetrated. And particularly in old age fear and control are high, while physical injury is overall, low. We also found differences between urban and rural contexts. In rural areas the social control and tension over one’s role and way of life are stronger than in urban areas; also, in general, there is a wider lack of service provision and information. We must keep in mind that supporting services and political measures on preventing domestic violence and supporting victims of violence in Portugal are a relatively new achievement. This in itself may have inhibited women in the past from breaking up violent intimate relationships. At present, though, the lack of awareness about who might help and support them may also be inhibiting a significant number of older women experiencing intimate partner violence of ending up the cycle of violence. The influence and support given by other family members or adult children played a crucial role in the help seeking behaviour of the interviewed older women. The majority of them had, in the past, some kind of support from their family members. On the other hand, neighbours often played an important role in providing safety and immediate support. They were, somehow, protected by them, and sometimes encouraged to seek for help. Adult children often provided relevant support and, sometimes, were the ones who encouraged and accompanied their mothers to seek for formal help within support organisations. Formal help comes usually later and in a stage where the rupture of the relationship is key to the solution. That was even acknowledged by some professionals as regarding their own professional performance - ‘it’s easier to work with those who leave their partner than with those who remain living with the perpetrator” [Interviewee 22, Support Center for Victims of Domestic Violence, Psychology]. We could recognize different approaches towards intimate partner violence against older women in different (types of) services. This not only reflected cultural and professional backgrounds but also different skills and competences among the staff in institutions. The critical issue here is that sometimes this can, and in some reported cases it did, compromise the outcomes, acting as real barriers to an effective support. Professionals recognised that sometimes they thought that if ‘this woman withstood 30 or more years living in a violent relationship, why would she now leave when she (and her partner) is old?’. It is, in fact, the professional and personal answer to that question that can make the difference in the support to be given to older women. Also the lack of (human and financial) resources persisting today in support organisations to victims of violence is definitely one of the main barriers to older women victims of intimate partner violence finding adequate support. Older women who lived in long-lasting violent relationships may take a longer time to take a decision. Therefore longer support is often needed. The lack of resources within supporting organisations is thus turning into an obstacle adding to the other social and individual challenges and difficulties older women already face. Older women experiencing intimate partner violence have been significantly exposed to long-term violence, suffer and trauma; and those who do not contact supporting organizations are more likely to live with the abuser and to remain in violent relationships all their lives. The needs of older women victims of intimate partner violence are quite the same as their younger counterparts – safety, access to social and heath care, social and family ties, financial support and economical stability, a place to live in peace and security, among others. It is rather the way they access to and the required duration of services and support measures that differ. Older women, and particularly those who are over 75, are, in many cases, low educated, sometimes illiterate, having, therefore, less access to knowledge about their own (legal) rights. These circumstances can lead to one’s enclosure on violent relationship, not looking for help and support. And this is particularly evident as regards to housing and financial strains – older women lived all their lives in the family home, in what they regard as being part of their own heritage, and receive scarce old-age pensions. They do not see an immediate solution for their problems beyond keeping on living within a violent relationship. Therefore, giving information about possible alternatives to those older women could be one part of the solution as well as psychological support when needed. The women we’ve interviewed were part of the group that came forward with their situation and looked for help and support. When informed, they prove to be very pro-active in dealing with their own situation and in looking for secure life alternatives. In the final part of our report some recommendations proposed by the staff interviewed as well as by the experts who have participated in our national expert network are presented. Acknowledging that these recommendations are quite detailed, losing, somehow, the required strength, they have the capability to be clearly understood and put into practice by the respective professionals/institutions. Details: Lisbon: CESIS – Centro de Estudos para a Intervenção Social, 2010. 268p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2011 at: http://www.ipvow.org/images/stories/ipvow/reports/IPVOW_Portugal_english_final.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Portugal Keywords: Domestic Violence Shelf Number: 121242 |
Author: Peace Studies Group Title: Violence and Small Arms: The Portuguese Case Summary: This issue presents some of the results of the research project “Violence and small arms: the Portuguese case”, which was developed during 30 months, from 2007 to 2010. The idea which gave rise to the project was that the theoretical segmentation between Sociology and International Relations regarding this theme, which expressed an understanding of violence that over-emphasised territorial scale and formal political contexts, should be replaced by a different approach which gives analytical priority to the spiral of violences that put micro and macro social in contact, hence, detaching its analysis from the redactor dichotomy war/peace. We believe that through this different approach can one rigorously analyse the different dimensions of the social reality of firearms violence in formal peace contexts, regardless of their lethal capacity or of their most visible expressions. Our challenge was precisely to question conventional assumptions of conventional studies on small arms. The explicit lack of synchrony between common sense and scientific knowledge has enabled Portuguese society to get in contact with the small arms reality, based on images and representations constructed on the existing ignorance on the dimensions and real complexity of the phenomena. Two elements have been supporting discourses and policies: on one hand, the idea that we live in a peaceful country, and on the other hand, the social fear waves triggered by individual armed urban violence events. These two elements either minimalise the effective importance – quantitative and qualitative - of small arms in Portugal, or assume a reactive and immediate response in face of social unrest. The invisibility of firearms in Portugal – as well as its circumstantial hypervisibility in the media – fail to give an adequate answer to the focus of the phenomena: the four main dimensions of the phenomena in Portugal. Firstly, small arms supply: how many legal small arms are there in Portugal? Based on international knowledge and experience, how can we estimate illegal small arms in Portugal? Which flows fuel both markets? Secondly, small arms demand: what kind of motivations support firearms contact, use and possession in Portugal? Are there differences across distinctive groups of population (men and women, youth and adults, etc.)? Thirdly, what are the impacts of small arms in Portugal? Which costs do firearms imply for the Portuguese economy and society? Who are the direct victims (the dead and the injured) and the indirect victims (the survival, victims relatives) of armed violence in our country? Finally, what kind of public policies, national or international, have been implemented to regulate small arms? To what extent have they succeeded regarding prevention of gun violence and regulation of small arms use and possession? Which forms of social activism have proven efficient in the creation of preventive and reactive contra-cultures in armed violence contexts? Details: Coimbra, Portugal: Peace Studies Group, 2010. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: PAX Online Bulletin No. 15: Accessed May 23, 2011 at: http://www.ces.uc.pt/nucleos/nep/media/Pax15-en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Portugal Keywords: Domestic Violence Shelf Number: 121780 |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction Title: Drug Policy Profiles -- Portugal Summary: The EMCDDA Drug policy profiles aim to describe some of the main characteristics of national drug policies in Europe and beyond. The profiles do not attempt to assess these policies, but instead outline their development and main features. The objective is to help readers — from researchers to policymakers — gain a better understanding of the way in which countries control drugs and respond to drug-related security, social and health problems. This first profile describes the national drug policy of Portugal, a policy that has attracted significant attention recently in the media and in policy debates. It considers national strategies and action plans, the legal context within which they operate and the public funds spent, or committed, to resource them. It also describes the political bodies and mechanisms set up to coordinate the response to the multi-faceted problem and the systems of evaluation that may help to improve future policy. Details: Lisbon: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2011 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_137215_EN_PolicyProfile_Portugal_WEB_Final.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Portugal Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Portugal) Shelf Number: 122048 |
Author: Domoslawski, Artur Title: Drug Policy in Portugal: The Benefits of Decriminalizing Drug Use Summary: In 2000, the Portuguese government responded to widespread public concern over drugs by rejecting a "war on drugs" approach and instead decriminalized drug possession and use. It further rebuffed convention by placing the responsibility for decreasing drug demand as well as managing dependence under the Ministry of Health, rather than the Ministry of Justice. With this, the official response toward drug-dependent persons shifted from viewing them as criminals, to treating them as patients. Drug Policy in Portugal: The Benefits of Decriminalizing Drug Use is the second in a series of reports by the Open Society Foundations' Global Drug Policy Program that documents positive examples of drug policy reform around the world (the first being From the Mountaintops: What the World Can Learn from Drug Policy Change in Switzerland). Drug Policy in Portugal describes the process, context, ideas, and values that enabled Portugal to make the transition to a public health response to drug use and possession. Now, with a decade of experience, Portugal provides a valuable case study of how decriminalization coupled with evidence-based strategies can reduce drug consumption, dependence, recidivism, and HIV infection, and create safer communities for all. Details: Warsaw, Poland: Global Drug Policy Program, Open Society Foundations, 2011. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 3, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/drugpolicy/articles_publications/publications/drug-policy-in-portugal-20110829/drug-policy-in-portugal-20110829.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Portugal Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Shelf Number: 122963 |
Author: Ferreira-Alves, Jose Title: Prevalence Study of Violence and Abuse Against Older Women: Results of the Portugal Survey (AVOW Project) Summary: Overall, 39.4% of women aged 60 and over living in private households reported experiencing some form of mistreatment in the past twelve months. The most common types of mistreatment were: emotional or psychological abuse (32.9%); followed by financial abuse (16.5%); violation of personal rights (12.8%); neglect (9.9%) sexual abuse (3.6%) and physical abuse (2.8%). The mistreatment severity encompasses four levels and compounds the number of indicators of abuse and neglect present and the frequency of the abusive and neglect actions: Level I, single indicator and seldom; Level IIa, several indicators and seldom; Level IIb, single indicators and very often and Level III, several indicators and very often. The majority of the mistreatment situated in level IIa (19.4%), followed by level III (10.5%), level I (8.2%) and level IIb (1.3%). The partner/spouse were the most common observed perpetrator in emotional (55%), financial (38.7%), sexual abuse (79.2%) and violation of rights (65%). The child(ren), daughter(s) and son(s)-in law were the principal perpetrators in neglect (54.7%) and physical abuse (42.1%) and the second most reported in emotional (31.7%) and violation of personal rights (20.3%). The most commonly reported effects of mistreatment were, respectively, "tension" (87.7%), "feelings of powerlessness" (87%), "depression" (73%) and "sleeping difficulties or nightmares" (71.2%). The relation between quality of life and having experienced different types of mistreatment is clear. Quality of life is always perceived as being higher when no abuse experience is present and regarding all forms of mistreatment. Furthermore, as more severe the level of abuse so less rated is quality of life. From the total of women who experience abuse in the past year, 26.1% reported the incident or sought help. Respondents mainly reported the incident to a family member (17.9%), a friend (14.5%), a health professional (6.3%), a priest (4.8%) and the professional care worker (2.9%). Several variables were found to be significantly related to overall abuse and different levels of abuse severity: age: respondents in the most aged group (80 years and over) were more likely, when mistreated, to experience the most severe level of abust (Level III); physical health: women perceiving poor physical health were more likely to experience neglect, emotional abuse, violation of rights and the most severe level of abuse; mental health: women reporting symptoms of depression, in comparison to those reporting good mental health, were more likely to experience any type of mistreatment. Also, women stating symptoms of depression experience more, the most severe levels of abuse; marital status: married women and separated or divorced are more likely to be emotionally abused rather than widowed or single; household income management: women who perceived their management of the household income has badly experienced more neglect, emotional and financial abuse and violation of rights. Additionally, as the severity levels of abuse increases so did the reporting of household income management as being badly. Women experiencing any form of mistreatment stated higher feelings of social loneliness than non mistreated women. Also, as the severity levels of abuse heightens so does the reporting of feelings of loneliness. Women experiencing neglect and physical abuse tend to, when facing stressful situation employ different coping strategies: less active coping and more the behavioral disengagement strategy. In addition, women reporting to have been sexually abused seek less emotional support than the respondents who did not experience this form of mistreatment. Details: Portugal: Minho University, Braga, 2011. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 6, 2012 at http://www.thl.fi/thl-client/pdfs/5da64923-9fcb-4865-8f0b-0302e1002127 Year: 2011 Country: Portugal Keywords: Elder Abuse (Portugal) Shelf Number: 124384 |
Author: Greenwald, Glenn Title: Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies Summary: On July 1, 2001, a nationwide law in Portugal took effect that decriminalized all drugs, including cocaine and heroin. Under the new legal framework, all drugs were “decriminalized,” not “legalized.” Thus, drug possession for personal use and drug usage itself are still legally prohibited, but violations of those prohibitions are deemed to be exclusively administrative violations and are removed completely from the criminal realm. Drug trafficking continues to be prosecuted as a criminal offense. While other states in the European Union have developed various forms of de facto decriminalization— whereby substances perceived to be less serious (such as cannabis) rarely lead to criminal prosecution—Portugal remains the only EU member state with a law explicitly declaring drugs to be “decriminalized.” Because more than seven years have now elapsed since enactment of Portugal’s decriminalization system, there are ample data enabling its effects to be assessed. Notably, decriminalization has become increasingly popular in Portugal since 2001. Except for some far-right politicians, very few domestic political factions are agitating for a repeal of the 2001 law. And while there is a widespread perception that bureaucratic changes need to be made to Portugal’s decriminalization framework to make it more efficient and effective, there is no real debate about whether drugs should once again be criminalized. More significantly, none of the nightmare scenarios touted by preenactment decriminalization opponents— from rampant increases in drug usage among the young to the transformation of Lisbon into a haven for “drug tourists”—has occurred. The political consensus in favor of decriminalization is unsurprising in light of the relevant empirical data. Those data indicate that decriminalization has had no adverse effect on drug usage rates in Portugal, which, in numerous categories, are now among the lowest in the EU, particularly when compared with states with stringent criminalization regimes. Although postdecriminalization usage rates have remained roughly the same or even decreased slightly when compared with other EU states, drug-related pathologies—such as sexually transmitted diseases and deaths due to drug usage—have decreased dramatically. Drug policy experts attribute those positive trends to the enhanced ability of the Portuguese government to offer treatment programs to its citizens—enhancements made possible, for numerous reasons, by decriminalization. This report will begin with an examination of the Portuguese decriminalization framework as set forth in law and in terms of how it functions in practice. Also examined is the political climate in Portugal both pre- and postdecriminalization with regard to drug policy, and the impetus that led that nation to adopt decriminalization. The report then assesses Portuguese drug policy in the context of the EU’s approach to drugs. The varying legal frameworks, as well as the overall trend toward liberalization, are examined to enable a meaningful comparative assessment between Portuguese data and data from other EU states. The report also sets forth the data concerning drug-related trends in Portugal both pre- and postdecriminalization. The effects of decriminalization in Portugal are examined both in absolute terms and in comparisons with other states that continue to criminalize drugs, particularly within the EU. The data show that, judged by virtually every metric, the Portuguese decriminalization framework has been a resounding success. Within this success lie self-evident lessons that should guide drug policy debates around the world. Details: Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2009. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 30, 2012 at: http://www.cato.org/pubs/wtpapers/greenwald_whitepaper.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Portugal Keywords: Decriminalization Shelf Number: 125102 |
Author: Coelho, Manuel Pinto Title: Drugs: The Portuguese Fallacy and the Absurd Medicalization of Europe Summary: Drug decriminalization in Portugal is a failure despite of various reports published all over the world pretending the opposite. There is a complete and absurd campaign of an unacceptable manipulation of Portuguese drug policy. Underestimating the readers understanding and suggesting the contrary to what facts and numbers show unequivocally, a book written by a writer/lawyer fluent in Portuguese for an American "libertarian" think-tank a long time advocating drug legalization - Cato Institute - has been carried out naively by some usually responsible national and international press all over the world, that boosting the proliferation of the Portuguese "good news" are dangerously distorting the projection of the reality. On the other hand, is very preoccupant indeed the appeal, among others, of two notorious personalities on the field of drug dependence that among others are inviting the world "to move human rights into the mainstream of drug control" and "place health at the core of drug policy". Applying in their speech the two favorite arguments the two "jewels of the crown" of the well known economic-social-political group that insistently and restlessly wishes at any cost to legalize drugs - "health" and "human rights" - those high representative officials amazingly seems they did not find the strength enough to resist the pressure and, capitulating to that lobby group are opening dangerously the door to the medicalization of drug dependency. Surprisingly the very recent 2010 EMCDDA Report, emphasizing the use of substitution drugs as main tool to tackle opioid dependence, shows clearly that Europe seems wishing to go in the same way. Details: Association for a Drug Free Portugal, 2013. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: http://www.drugfree.org.au/fileadmin/library/Policies__Legislation_and_law/ThePortugueseDrugFallacyReport.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Portugal Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Shelf Number: 134954 |
Author: Murkin, George Title: Drug decriminalisation in Portugal: setting the record straight Summary: Portugal decriminalised the possession of all drugs for personal use in 2001, and there now exists a significant body of evidence on what happened following the move. Both opponents and advocates of drug policy reform are sometimes guilty of misrepresenting this evidence, with the former ignoring or incorrectly disputing the benefits of reform, and the latter tending to overstate them. The reality is that Portugal's drug situation has improved significantly in several key areas. Most notably, HIV infections and drug-related deaths have decreased, while the dramatic rise in use feared by some has failed to materialise. However, such improvements are not solely the result of the decriminalisation policy; Portugal's shift towards a more health-centred approach to drugs, as well as wider health and social policy changes, are equally, if not more, responsible for the positive changes observed. Drawing on the most up-to-date evidence, this briefing clarifies the extent of Portugal's achievement, and debunks some of the erroneous claims made about the country's innovative approach to drugs. Details: Bristol, UK: Transform, 2014. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: http://www.tdpf.org.uk/blog/drug-decriminalisation-portugal-setting-record-straight Year: 2014 Country: Portugal Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Shelf Number: 134957 |
Author: Perista, Pedro Title: Combating child abuse and neglect in Portugal Summary: This report contains six chapters. The first chapter describes the definition and prevalence of child abuse and neglect, the main governmental policy on child abuse and neglect and the child welfare system in Portugal. Chapter two describes universal and preventive services regarding child abuse, chapter three detection, reporting and stopping it and chapter four the available treatment services in Portugal. Chapter five is about the integration of services and chapter six describes the education and training of professionals in Portugal. We conclude with an overall summary. Details: Utrecht: Netherlands Youth Institute, 2011. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Project Daphne: Accessed May 1, 2015 at: http://www.youthpolicy.nl/yp/downloadsyp/Daphne-report-Portugal.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Portugal Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect (Portugal) Shelf Number: 135451 |
Author: Felix, Sonja Title: Going after the Addiction, Not the Addicted: The Impact of Drug Decriminalization in Portugal Summary: This paper investigates the impact of drug decriminalization in Portugal using the Synthetic Control Method. The applied econometric methodology compares Portuguese drug-related variables with the ones extracted from a convex combination of similar European countries. The results suggest that a policy change implemented in Portugal contributed to a decrease in the number of heroine and cocaine seizures, a decrease in the number of offenses and drug-related deaths, and a decrease in the number of clients entering treatment. Moreover, the policy change contributed to a reduction in the incidence of drug addicts among HIV individuals. Details: Bonn: IZA (Institute of Economic Development), 2017. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA DP No. 10895: Accessed October 3, 2017 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp10895.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Portugal Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Shelf Number: 147517 |
Author: Morgado, Sonia M.A. Title: Core capabilities: Body-worn cameras in Portugal Summary: n the current world situation, which is daily provided with new inputs that increase its complexity, we try to find the correct balance between multiple variables - among those, the duality liberty and security. Technology shapes the way society is formed and interacts, introducing new challenges for the citizen and also to law enforcement. As so, technology is an external force that has deterministic impacts on organizations, modelling strategies, social actions, and criminal conducts. The discussion in the field of operational and strategic management broadly favours the idea of dynamic capabilities in order to overcome, not only the rigidities of organisational status, but also legal and public understanding. The major question addressed in this paper explores the nature of introducing police body-worn cameras in Polcia de Seguranca Pblica (PSP) as a tool to improve the interaction be-tween police and citizens. This means assuring its core capabilities. To evaluate how capabilities can overcome the rigidities, the method used in this paper for collecting, analysing, refining and validating the information was the Delphi technique to gathering data for consensus-building concerning the police body-worn cameras. Alongside, with literature, the analysis shows that the respondents of different domains of expertise have a consensual overview on how core capabilities of police body-worn cameras overcome the rigidities and sustains the utilisation as the ultimate core in feeling safe. Details: European Law Enforcement Research Bulletin (Bulletin) , 2019. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 4, 2019 at: https://bulletin.cepol.europa.eu/index.php/bulletin/article/view/342/308 Year: 2019 Country: Portugal Keywords: Body-Worn Cameras Shelf Number: 154796 |
Author: Global Detention Project Title: Immigration Detention in Portugal: Resettling Refugees, Detaining Asylum Seekers Summary: Unlike most EU states, Portugal has welcomed the arrival of refugees-even after the onset of the "refugee crisis" in 2015-and has announced several ambitious resettlement schemes. On the other hand, Portugal's detention policies have been the subject of repeated criticism. Asylum seekers lodging applications at ports of entry are systematically detained; children can be placed in detention facilities and reports suggest that this practice is increasing; and there are no regulations stipulating conditions of detention. KEY FINDINGS -- There is no definition of the risk of absconding in Portuguese law, and the concept is broadly interpreted. Asylum seekers may be placed in detention when they lodge their asylum request at a border post. Portuguese law does not prohibit the detention of children and reports suggest that the country has begun to regularly confine unaccompanied and accompanied minors in detention facilities. "alternatives to detention" are rarely considered for asylum seekers. No legal standard exists for the regulation of conditions in detention. Limited statistics concerning the country's detention estate are available. Details: Geneva: Author, 2019. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 25, 2019 at: https://www.globaldetentionproject.org/immigration-detention-portugal-resettling-refugees-detaining-asylum-seekers Year: 2019 Country: Portugal Keywords: Alternatives to Detention Shelf Number: 156624 |