Transaction Search Form: please type in any of the fields below.
Date: August 17, 2024 Sat
Time: 2:57 am
Time: 2:57 am
Results for drug enforcement
179 results foundAuthor: Rolles, Stephen Title: After the War on Drugs: Blueprint for Regulation Summary: Heroin, cocaine, ecstasy, cannabis, prescription and over-the-counter medicines, alcohol, tobacco, coffee, tea - we are all people who use drugs. Our refusal to acknowledge this comes from a deep-seated fear that 'we' might become, or be seen as, one of 'them'. What we really need to focus on is the difference between drug use and drug addiction or dependency. Global prohibitionist drug policy continues to focus efforts primarily on the substances alone. This is wrong. Of course, the harms associated with some drugs are worse than others. Sometimes these are due to the degree of addictiveness of a particular drug. But most of the harms are due to the way that a particular drug is acquired (for example, in a dark alley versus from a pharmacy), the way in which it is used (as a pill, for example, versus smoking, snorting or injecting), and, even more importantly, the way in which society treats people who use drugs. The vast majority of the horrific harms associated with drug use-crime, HIV and other blood-borne infections, violence, incarceration, death-are clearly fueled by the prohibitionist drug policies our governments pursue. The use of non-medical drugs, and more importantly the 'War on Drugs' itself, have had a profound influence on the global HIV epidemic over the past 25 years. Today, injecting drug use accounts for 30% of HIV infections worldwide outside of sub-Saharan Africa. In the Eastern Europe/Central Asia region as a whole over 60% of HIV infections are due to injecting drug use. Global normative guidance on HIV prevention, treatment, care and support for people who inject drugs emphasises the use of a comprehensive set of evidence-based interventions aimed at reducing the harms associated with drug use. This normative guidance, as endorsed by the World Health Organization, the United Nations Joint Programme on HIV/AIDS, the International AIDS Society and other organisations, is in direct contrast to global drug control policy, as set out in the three major UN drug conventions of 1961, 1971 and 1988. These call for a strict prohibitionist stance on the production, distribution and use of nonmedical drugs. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to show that criminalising drugs and drug use has directly and indirectly led to a dramatic increase in drugrelated harms, and that controlling and regulating the production and distribution of all drugs would go a long way towards reducing those harms. So long as we continue to define the drug user as 'other' and define the drug itself as the problem, we will be trapped in our misguided and harm-inducing programmes and policies. 'After the War on Drugs: Blueprint for Regulation' lays out, for the first time, a set of practical and pragmatic options for a global regulatory system for non-medical drugs. It comes at a critical time. A number of Latin American governments, including Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia and Mexico have moved, or are moving, towards decriminalisation of drug possession and are shifting to a public health model to prevent and treat misuse of drugs. They are no longer able to tolerate the damage done to their societies by the War on Drugs. Portugal decriminalised possession of all drugs in 2001. There are signs that the US government, under the new US 'Drug Czar' Gil Kerlikowske, is ready to review its position on the War on Drugs. Given that prohibitionist policy has been dominated by the US, and to some extent Russia, Japan and Sweden, any shifts in US policy could have dramatic effects at the global level. This is not a radical book, nor does it posit radical approaches to global drug policy. In fact, as it points out, the prohibitionist model is the radical approach, in that it is based exclusively on a moral judgment against drug use and drug users and not on an evidence based approach to reducing drug-related harms. Underscoring a century of prohibitionist policy is a deep-seated fear that moving from prohibition to a regulatory approach will lead to a 'free-for-all' situation vis-a-vis drug availability and use. 'Blueprint' outlines clearly that this fear is irrational and that reform of any kind will be vastly superior to the status quo. Details: London: Transform Drug Policy Foundation, 2009. 232p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2018 at: https://www.tdpf.org.uk/sites/default/files/Blueprint.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.tdpf.org.uk/sites/default/files/Blueprint.pdf Shelf Number: 117126 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug Policy Reform |
Author: United Nations Office on Drug Control. Country Office LAO PDR Title: Sustaining Opium Reduction in Southeast Asia: Sharing Experiences on Alternative Development and Beyond, Regional Seminar: Global Partnership on Alternative Development (GLO144), 15-17 December 2008, Chiang Mai, Thailand Summary: Since 1998, opium production in Southeast Asia has declined by some 67% from 1,437 tons in 1998 to 469 tons in 2007. The area under cultivation has also declined by over 80% from 158,230 hectares to 29,200 hectares during the same period. These significant results have been achieved through alternative development efforts beginning first in Thailand from the 1970s. This was followed by other alternative development efforts in Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam. Vietnam, Thailand and Laos marked their success in significantly eliminating opium poppy in 2000, 2003, and 2006 respectively. However there has been a 26% increase in opium poppy cultivating areas in South East Asia from 2006 to 2009. The global economic crisis has resulted in plummeting commodity prices that has coincided with increases in the price of opium. These two levers are contributing to a resurgence of opium production that is threatening to undermine years of success. This is compounded by other geo-political as well as trans-boundary threats. Unchecked, the situation could spiral out of control and could undermine stability, security, trade and development as well as efforts to eliminate poverty and achieve the millenium development goals. More than every before there is a need for a global partnership as well as expanded alternative development efforts to sustain opium elimination. There is a need for Governments, donors and alternative development practitioners to seek comprehensive as well as efficient and effective policies, strategies and programmes to sustain opium elimination while ensuring a life of dignity for the vulnerable communities that used to be dependant on opium. It is important that opportunities to eliminate poverty and also ensure sustainable human development processes are accessible to these communities. Details: Vientiane: 2008 Source: Year: 2008 Country: Laos URL: Shelf Number: 117400 Keywords: Drug EnforcementOpiates |
Author: Palaung Women's Organisation Title: Poisoned Hills: Opium Cultivation Surges Under Government Control in Burma Summary: Community assessments by the Palaung Women's Organisation (PWO) during the past two years reveal that the amount of opium being cultivated in Burma's northern Shan State has been increasing dramatically. The amounts are far higher than reported in the annual opium surveys of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDOC), and are flourishing not in "insurgent and ceasefire areas," as claimed by the United Nations, but in areas controlled by Burma's military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). PWO's findings highlight the structural issues underlying the drug problem in Burma. The regime is pursuing a strategy of increased militarization in the ethnic states to crush ethnic resistence movements, instead of entering into political negotiations with them. For this, it needs an ever growing apparatus, which in turn is subsidized by the drug trade. The regime's desire to maintain power at all costs is thus taking precedence over its stated aims of drug eradication. Details: Mae Sot, Thailand: 2010 Source: Year: 2010 Country: Burma URL: Shelf Number: 117381 Keywords: Drug EnforcementOpium |
Author: Nicholas, Roger Title: An Environmental Scan on Alcohol and Other Drug Issues Facing Law Enforcement in Australia 2010. Summary: Environmental scanning, as with any form of predicting the future, is not a purely scientific endeavor. It involves drawing together data from a large range of sources, ranging from refereed journals to the opinions of experts in a given field, in order to try and better understand current and future trends. This document contains the key findings of an environmental scan on alcohol and other drug issues facing law enforcement in Australia. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2008. 219o, Source: Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118167 Keywords: Alcohol AbuseDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementLaw Enforcement |
Author: Werb, Dan Title: Effect of Drug Law Enforcement on Drug-Related Violence: Evidence from a Scientific Review Summary: This systematic review evaluated all available English language peer-reviewed research on the impact of law enforcement on drug market violence. The available scientific evidence suggests that increasing the intensity of law enforcement interventions to disrupt drug markets is unlikely to reduce drug gang violence. Instead, the evidence suggests that drug-related violence and high homicide rates are likely a natural consequence of drug prohibition and that increasingly sophisticated and well-resourced methods of disrupting drug distribution networks may unintentionally increase violence. From an evidence-based public policy perspective, gun violence and the enrichment of organized crime networks appear to be natural consequences of drug prohibition. In this context, and since drug prohibition has not achieved its stated goal of reducing drug supply, alternative models for drug control may need to be considered if drug supply and drug-related violence are to be meaningfully reduced. Details: Vancouver, BC: International Centre for Science in Drug Policy, 2010. 26p. Source: Year: 2010 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 118299 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ProhibitionDrug Related ViolenceGangs |
Author: Kellow, Aynsley Title: Enhancing the Implementation and Management of Drug Diversion Strategies in Australian Law Enforcement Agencies: The Cases of South Australia Police, Tasmania Police and Victoria Police During the Period 2000-2005 Summary: Drawing on researchers in the fields of policy studies, administrative law, criminology, police studies, public sector management, and police practitioners, this report identifies evidence-based good practice in implementing and managing illicit drug diversion strategies in Victoria, Tasmania and South Australia. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2008. 165p. Source: Monograph Series No. 31 Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 115383 Keywords: Drug Abuse PreventionDrug EnforcementDrug Offenders(Australia)Drugs |
Author: Chalmers, Jenny Title: How do Methamphetamine Users Respond to Changes in Methamphetamine Price? Summary: One of the core objectives of supply-side drug law enforcement is to reduce drug use by raising the cost of buying drugs. The effectiveness of this strategy depends on how illicit drug users respond to the rise in costs. The aim of this study was to estimate how methamphetamine users would respond to changes in the prices of methamphetamine and heroin, using hypothetical drug purchasing scenaries. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2009. 15p. Source: Crime and Justice Bulletin; Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice, No. 134 Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118546 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersHeroinMethamphetamine |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: Patterns and trends of Amphetamine-Type Stimulants and other Drugs in East and South-East Asia (and neighborhood regions) Summary: UNODC launcehd the Global Synthetics Monitoring: Analyses, Reporting and Trends (SMART) Programme in September 2008. The Programme seeks to enhance the capacity of Member States and authorities in priority regions, to generate, manage, analyze and report synthetic drug information, and to apply this scientific evidence-based knowledge to design the policies and programmes. The Global SMART Programme is being implemented in a gradual phased manner, with East Asia being the first focus priority region. This annual report is the first regional situation assessment for East and South-East Asia put forward under the Global SMART Programme. If forms one of the first essential key steps, in providing consolidated up-to-date analysis, based on the information shared by the members countries. This report provides an overview of the amphetamine-type stimulants in the region, and outlines several key issues and emerging threats throughout the region and their implications for the neighbouring regions. It also highlights the need for continued and joint efforts, both at the national as well as regional levels. Details: Vienna: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2009. 140p. Source: Internet Resource; Global SMART Programme Year: 2009 Country: Asia URL: Shelf Number: 117587 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingDrugs |
Author: Willis, Kate Title: Developing the Capacity and Skills for National Implementation of a Drug Law Enforcement Performance Measurement Framework Summary: This report summarizes the major findings from the second stage of a project to test the feasibility of a model performance measurement framework for Australian drug law enforcement agencies and to provide advice on its national implementation. Companion documents include: 1) Implementing a Drug Law Enforcement (DLE) Performance Measurement Framework in Australia; 2) A Plan for National Implementation of the Drug Law Enforcement Performance Measurement Framework; and 3) Foundations for an Effective Performance Measurement System for Drug Law Enforcement. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2008. 60p. Source: Internet Resource; Monograph Series No. 34 Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 117805 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrugs (Australia) |
Author: Canty, Chris Title: Evaluation of a Community-Based Drug Law Enforcement Model for Intersectoral Harm Reduction Summary: This report presents the evaluation of four Australian pilot programs in community-based approaches to drug law enforcement. The pilot programs aimed at finding ways to ensure that drug law enforcement strategies, priorities and tactics at the local leval could be made more consistent with the official police commitment to a harm minimization philosophy. Trials were established within Fairfield in New South Wales, the Gippsland region in Victoria dn Mirrabooka and Geraldton in Western Australia. Details: Payneham, SA: Australasian Centre for Policing Research, 2001. 208p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2001 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118695 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse TreatmentDrug EnforcementDrug Policy |
Author: Lines, Rick Title: Complicity or Abolition? The Death Penalty and International Support For Drug Enforcement Summary: This report exposes the links between the carrying out of executions and the financial contributions from European governments, the European Commission and the UNODC to support drug enforcement operations in countries that use the death penalty such as China, Iran and Viet Nam. The report notes that such operations continue to be funded without appropriate safeguards despite the fact that the abolition of the death penalty is a requirement of entry into the Council of Europe and the European Union and that the United Nations advocates strongly against capital punishment. Details: London: International Harm Reduction Association, 2010. 35p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 119294 Keywords: Capital PunishmentDeath PenaltyDrug Enforcement |
Author: Canada. Royal Canadian Mounted Police Criminal Intelligence Title: Project SPAWN: A Strategic Assessment of criminal Activity and Organized Crime Infiltration at Canada's Class 1 Airports Summary: The purpose of this report is to present a national strategic assessment of the scope of criminal activity and organized crime infiltration at eight Canadian Class 1 international airports - Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary, Winnipeg, Toronto, Otttawa, Montreal (Trudeau) and Halifax. This assessment should provide a basis for more effective prevention and enforcement action, including through enhanced inter-agency cooperation. Details: Ottawa; RCMP, 2010. 20p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 114906 Keywords: Airport Security (Canada)Drug EnforcementDrug TraffickingOrganized Crime (Canada) |
Author: Caulkins, Jonathan P. Title: Drug Production and Trafficking, Counterdrug Policies, and Security and Governance in Afghanistan Summary: This report contributes to the ongoing debate about counter-narcotics policies in Afghanistan, and in relation to counter-insurgency operations by adding a heretofore missing element–applied economic analysis of the effect of counter-narcotics policies. It does so by applying to a stylized depiction of the Afghan situation a standard model that economists and policy analysts have applied to a large range of policy areas. Details: New York: New York University, Center on International Cooperation, 2010. 31p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Afghanistan URL: Shelf Number: 119430 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ReformDrug Trafficking |
Author: Weintraub, Sidney Title: Cooperative Mexican-U.S. Antinarcotics Efforts: A Report of the CSIS Simon Chair in Political Economy Summary: "Because of high U.S. narcotics consumption and Mexico’s role as the main transit country for cocaine from Colombia, the dominant narcotics activity in the Western Hemisphere takes place between the United States and Mexico. Competition among the large Mexican drug-trafficking organizations to maximize their sales in the United States has led to terrible violence in Mexico, and that country’s “war” against those organizations has amplified that violence. Mexico was a small player in the movement of cocaine to the United States before the 1980s, when the main route was from Colombia through the Caribbean to Florida. After that route was largely abandoned because of heavy U.S. sea and land interdiction, Colombian cocaine began to enter the United States through Central America and Mexico. This report focuses on four drugs: cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana. Mexico produces the last three of these drugs, which are shipped directly to the United States. If reliance on Mexico as the final transit country for cocaine sales to the United States were to become too costly for the drug-trafficking organizations, the route could change again. And while the violence in Mexico might then diminish, cocaine would still come into the United States because of the demand for the drug. For many years the U.S. government was unwilling to admit explicitly that U.S. narcotics consumption bore some responsibility for the violence in Mexico. During a visit to Mexico in March 2009, however, the U.S. secretary of state finally stated the obvious: that U.S. narcotics demand was fueling drug violence in Mexico. This report thus comes at a time of antinarcotics cooperation between the two countries. This cooperation does not mean that the problems related to drug trafficking and consumption are on their way to solution, only that issues not discussed earlier can now be put on the table. The purpose of this report is to provide a full discussion of such issues." Details: Washington, DC: Center for Stratigic and International Studies, 2010. 57p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://csis.org/publication/cooperative-mexican-us-antinarcotics-efforts Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://csis.org/publication/cooperative-mexican-us-antinarcotics-efforts Shelf Number: 119606 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingGun ViolenceNarcotics |
Author: Hughes, Caitlin Title: The Coordination of Australian Illicit Drug Policy: A Governance Perspective Summary: This study focuses on the coordination of Australian drug policy. The study provides a new approach to looking at coordination, through the lens of “good governance”. The principles for good governance of Australian illicit drug policy include the following: participation, consensus-orientation, accountability, transparency, responsiveness, equity and inclusiveness, effectiveness and efficiency, and follow the rule of law. Details: Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2010. 108p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/Monograph+16.pdf/$file/Mono+18.pdf; DPMP Monograph Series; No. 18 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/Monograph+16.pdf/$file/Mono+18.pdf; DPMP Monograph Series; No. 18 Shelf Number: 117330 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyHarm ReductionIllicit Drug Markets |
Author: U.S. General Accounting Office Title: Drug Control: DOD Needs to Improve Its Performance Measurement System to Better Manage and Oversee Its Counternarcotics Activities Summary: The Department of Defense (DOD) leads detection and monitoring of aerial and maritime transit of illegal drugs into the United States in support of law enforcement agencies. DOD reported resources of more than $1.5 billion for fiscal year 2010 to support its counternarcotics activities. Congress mandated GAO report on DOD’s counternarcotics performance measurement system. Specifically, this report addresses the extent to which (1) DOD’s counternarcotics performance measurement system enables DOD to track progress and (2) DOD uses performance information from its counternarcotics performance measurement system to manage its activities. GAO analyzed relevant DOD performance and budget documents, and discussed these efforts with officials from DOD and the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP). GAO recommends that the Secretary of Defense take steps to improve DOD’s counternarcotics performance measurement system by (1) revising its performance measures and (2) applying practices to better facilitate the use of performance data to manage its counternarcotics activities. DOD concurred with GAO’s recommendations. Details: Washington, DC: Government Accountability Office, 2010. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 19, 2010 at: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d10835.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d10835.pdf Shelf Number: 118806 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllegal Drugs (U.S.) |
Author: Corsaro, Nicholas Title: An Evaluation of the Nashville Drug Market Initiative (DMI) Pulling Levers Strategy Summary: In March 2008, the Metropolitan Nashville Police Department (MNPD), in cooperation with other city agencies, including the District Attorney, Public Defender, the Mayor’s Office, the Sheriff’s Department, social service providers, as well as faith-based and community leaders launched an innovative effort to eliminate open-air drug dealing and thereby significantly reduce crime in the McFerrin Park neighborhood. The initiative drew upon the experience of a similar effort in High Point, North Carolina as well as promising efforts to reduce gun crime that have been part of the national Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) and Drug Market Intervention (DMI) programs. The goal of the Nashville initiative is to break the cycle whereby drug dealers are arrested and prosecuted only to be replaced by another group of dealers. Rather, the strategy seeks permanent elimination of the drug dealing with corresponding reduction in crime and improvement in the quality of life within the neighborhood. The Nashville strategy involved a four-stage process. The initial phase known as the Identification stage involved systematic analysis of crime data indicating specific areas within Nashville that were victimized by high levels of drug dealing and associated crime. The McFerrin Park neighborhood was selected due to its high rate of violent, property, and drug crime as well as its high volume of calls for police assistance. Following selection of the neighborhood, MNPD began work on the second stage, the Preparation phase, which involved obtaining ‘buy in’ from law enforcement, prosecution, social service, and community personnel. After key members of the initiative agreed to move the strategy forward, twenty-six individuals were identified as being actively involved in drug sales. Evidence was gathered with the result of very strong prosecutorial cases being established against all twenty-six individuals. Of these offenders, a total of twenty were deemed to be chronic and serious offenders with a history of criminal violence. These individuals were prosecuted. The other six, however, were judged less serious offenders and were offered a second chance. The third phase of the intervention involved the Notification stage whereby the small group of offenders was informed that they could be prosecuted but were going to be offered a second chance with the contingency that their drug dealing stops and that the individuals remain crime free. The notification included participation of the offender’s families as well as key social service providers who expressed their desire to see the notified individuals become productive members of the community. A variety of social services and social support were offered to the offenders. The final phase consisted of Resource Delivery and follow-up to provide support intended to help the small group of prior offenders avoid a return to drug dealing and crime. Additionally, a variety of efforts were taken to improve community collaboration with police and the overall quality of life within the neighborhood. The impact evaluation consisted of comparing the trends in violent, property, and drug-related crime as well as calls for police assistance prior to- and after the intervention. We examined over five years of data for the McFerrin Park target area, the adjoining or contiguous areas, and the remainder of Davidson County for an overall trend comparison. Using a systematic time series analysis, the findings revealed that the target area experienced a statistically significant and sustained decrease of 2.5 property crimes per month (-28.4%), a reduction of nearly 55.5% in monthly narcotics offenses, and a decrease of 36.8% of drug equipment violations, as well as a significant reduction in calls for police assistance by nearly 18.1% per month following the intervention. The adjoining area experienced similar statistically significant and sustained declines in offense and calls for service that was observed in the target community, indicating that immediate crime displacement did not occur but in fact a diffusion of benefits was seen in the adjacent neighborhood. Comparatively, while these same offenses declined in the remainder of the greater Nashville area at the time of the intervention, this rate of change was neither statistically significant nor was as substantive (less than 10% for all outcomes modeled). Thus, the results indicate that there was a major and sustained decline in serious and drug related offenses as well as calls for service in the areas where the Drug Market Initiative (DMI) intervention was implemented, above and beyond any decline that was observed in the remainder of Davidson County. These findings suggest that the DMI intervention aimed at drug-offending in the McFerrin Park neighborhood was the driving force behind the decline observed in the target and contiguous areas. Open-air drug dealing is associated with high levels of crime and disorder and quality of community life. For years police and local residents in many communities have witnessed a cycle whereby drug dealers are arrested only to be replaced by another group of individuals drawn to the lure of the illegal drug economy. The DMI represents an innovative, community policing and problem solving effort to break this cycle and significantly reduce or eliminate the open-air drug market. Chronic and violent drug sellers are prosecuted but less serious offenders, those likely to serve as replacements in the drug market, are provided the opportunity to avoid prosecution as well as social support to pursue legitimate opportunities outside the illegal economy. NMPD joins police departments in cities including High Point, North Carolina, Rockford, Illinois, Providence, Rhode Island, Hempstead, New York, and Milwaukee, Wisconsin that have implemented the DMI. Nashville represents the largest urban jurisdiction to have subjected the DMI to evaluation. Hence, the positive findings from this evaluation have important implications for other neighborhoods of Nashville as well as for cities across the United States. Details: East Lansing, MI: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2009. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Market Intervention Working Paper: Accessed August 23, 2010 at: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/NashvilleEvaluation.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/NashvilleEvaluation.pdf Shelf Number: 119669 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersOpen-Air Drug MarketsPulling Levers Strategy |
Author: Frabutt, James M. Title: A Collaborative Approach to Eliminating Street Drug Markets through Focused Deterrence Summary: The purpose of this project was to conduct a process and outcome analysis of the street drug market elimination strategy. Two main goals were addressed by the evaluation. The first goal was to model and describe the elements, developmental stages, and operational steps of the street-drug intervention. The second goal was to measure the impact of the strategy across several levels: a) key stakeholder percepton of roles and impact; b) resident perception of impact; c) observable neighborhood changes; and d) crime impact. The report presents an overview of the intervention sites and the methodology, findings, and subsequent discussion of the data sources utilized. Details: Unpublished report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2009. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2010 at: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/HighPointEvaluation.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/HighPointEvaluation.pdf Shelf Number: 119671 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug OffendersDrugs |
Author: Camp, Roderic Ai Title: Armed Forces and Drugs: Public Perceptions and Institutional Challenges Summary: This essay proposes to briefly describe and analyze the evolution of the Army and Navy’s role in drug interdiction, focusing on the patterns that have emerged since 1995, when the Army accepted responsibility for that task without any internal opposition. This paper argues that Mexican national security priorities have shifted significantly, focusing on domestic security issues, specifically drug-related criminal activity and violence. In response to the government’s emphasis on drug-related crime, civil authorities have relied increasingly on the armed forces to carry out an aggressive anti-drug mission. The increased role of the military in carrying out these assignments has produced significant changes within the Mexican Navy and the Army, and in their relationship with the American armed forces. Citizen views of the Mexican armed forces as an institution, its performance of the anti-drug mission, and its reactions to increased levels of personal insecurity, have altered Mexican perceptions of national sovereignty and the United States’ role in their country. Finally, the role of the Catholic Church as an increasingly influential actor in government attempts to curb the drug cartels, as well as the source of potential conflict with the armed forces over growing numbers of human rights abuses, are essential to understanding the consequences of the military’s anti-drug mission. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Mexico Institute: San Diego: University of San Diego, Trans-Border Institute, 2010. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Series on U.S.-Mexico Security Collaboration: Accessed September 1, 2010 at: http://wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/Armed%20Forces%20and%20Drugs.%20Camp.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Mexico URL: http://wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/Armed%20Forces%20and%20Drugs.%20Camp.pdf Shelf Number: 119716 Keywords: Armed ForcesDrug CartelsDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingDrug Trafficking Control |
Author: Mejia, Daniel Title: The War on Illegal Drugs in Producer and Consumer Countries: A Simple Analytical Framework Summary: This paper develops a model of the war against illegal drugs in both producer and consumer countries. The paper studies the trade-off faced by the government of the drug consumer country between prevention policies (aimed at reducing the demand for drugs) and enforcement policies (aimed at reducing the production and trafficking of drugs), and shows how the optimal allocation of resources between these two alternatives depends on the key parameters of the model. We use available data for the war on drugs in Colombia, and against consumption in the U.S., to calibrate the unobservable parameters of the model, such as the price elasticity of demand for cocaine; the effectiveness of prevention and treatment policies; and the relative effectiveness of interdiction efforts. Details: Munich: CESifo, 2008. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: CESifo Working Paper, No. 2459: Accessed September 14, 2010 at: http://www.cesifo.de/DocCIDL/cesifo1_wp2459.pdf Year: 2008 Country: International URL: http://www.cesifo.de/DocCIDL/cesifo1_wp2459.pdf Shelf Number: 119800 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug PreventionDrug TraffickingDrug TreatmentPlan ColombiaWar on Drugs |
Author: Levine, Harry G. Title: Marijuana Arrest Crusade: Racial Bias and Police Policy in New York City 1997-2007 Summary: This report is the first ever in-depth study of misdemeanor marijuana arrests in New York City during the Giuliani and Bloomberg administrations. The NYPD arrested and jailed nearly 400,000 people for possessing small amounts of marijuana between 1997 and 2007, a tenfold increase in marijuana arrests over the previous decade and a figure marked by startling racial and gender disparities. NYPD arrested and jailed nearly 400,000 people for possessing small amounts of marijuana between 1997 and 2007, a tenfold increase in marijuana arrests over the previous decade and a figure marked by startling racial and gender disparities. The report is based upon two years of observations in criminal courts as well as extensive interviews with public defenders; Legal Aid and private attorneys; veteran police officers; current and former prosecutors and judges; and those arrested for possessing marijuana. Details: New York: New York Civil Liberties Union, 2008. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2010 at: http://www.nyclu.org/files/MARIJUANA-ARREST-CRUSADE_Final.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.nyclu.org/files/MARIJUANA-ARREST-CRUSADE_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 119813 Keywords: Drug ArrestsDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersMarijuanaRacial Profiling |
Author: Dandurand, Yvon Title: Confident Policing in a Troubled Community: Evaluation of the Vancouver Police Department's City-wide Enforcement Team Initiative: A Report prepared for the City of VAncouver and the Vancouver Agreement Coordination Unit Summary: This evaluation, sponsored by the Vancouver Agreement Coordination Unit, was designed to assess the impact of the Vancouver Police Department’s City-Wide Enforcement Team (CET) initiative implemented in the Downtown Eastside (DTES) area of the city during the during the months of April-September, 2003. The CET followed a number of previous police interventions in the area that targeted the drug trade and was initiated after a planning process that included an unsuccessful attempt to secure additional fiscal support from the City Council. The CET had three primary objectives: 1) to bring order to a disordered community; 2) to disrupt the open drug market; and, 3) to disrupt the flow of stolen property into the DTES. These objectives were to be achieved by providing an enhanced police presence in the area in an attempt to disperse drug dealers and their user-clients and, in doing so, reduce the levels of disorder and increase safety and security in the area. The CET represented a dramatic departure from the previous “containment” approach wherein policing services were provided to the DTES on a primarily reactive basis. Senior police personnel viewed the initiative as a long-delayed fulfillment of their legislated mandate to provide full policing services to the residents of the DTES. To assess the effectiveness of the CET, in-depth interviews were conducted community residents, business owners, incarcerated offenders, health care professionals, the police officers who were assigned to the DTES at the time the CET was implemented, and IV drug users. In addition, systematic field observations were conducted in the DTES during a three month period and focus group sessions were conducted with community residents, persons involved in the delivery of social services, sex trade workers, and members of NGOs in the DTES. Statistical information from the Vancouver Police Department Computer Aided Dispatch system (CAD), the PRIME record system, the pawnshop data base, as well as from other agencies, including Vancouver Fire and Rescue Services, B.C. Ambulance Service, the Coroner’s Office, and hospital admission data were retrieved and analyzed. The results of the analysis indicate that the CET was successful in disrupting the open drug market, reducing the general levels of social disorder, and enhancing the general feelings of safety and security among persons who live and work in the DTES. The CET was less successful in pursuing drug dealers and the associated criminal activity that was displaced into other areas in District 2 and into adjacent police districts. There is some evidence that the drug market in the DTES adapted to the increased police presence, becoming more orderly, dispersed and moving out of the public realm into private locations. The price and availability of drugs in the area were not significantly impacted. Drug dealers and their clients who were displaced to other areas created localized crime “hot spots” of drug dealing and associated disorder, although this occurred in the context of overall declines in drug and public disorder offences in all police districts in the city during the last nine months of 2003 as compared with the same time period in 2002. With respect to potential detrimental effects of the initiative, there is no evidence that the CET had a measurable impact on the number of fatal drug overdoses in the DTES or adversely affected IV drug users with respect to their access to HIV prevention, needle exchange and other services. Nor is there evidence that the risk behaviour of IV drug users was influenced by the CET initiative in a way that noticeably increased public health risks. The data that were gathered for the evaluation did not allow a determination of whether the CET was successful in interfering with the flow of stolen property into the DTES, although the stolen property market was forced to become more discrete and more of the stolen property may have been fenced out of the immediate DTES area. Police officers, community residents, IV drug users, and others who offered an opinion on the subject shared the view that the stolen property market had not been significantly reduced. Senior police personnel, based on their observations, believed that the flow of stolen property as it existed prior to the CET had been impacted and cited the Extract data to support their view that the quality and value of stolen goods flowing into the DTES had declined. The attempt by the project team to assess the impact of the CET on the stolen property market in the DTES was hindered by methodological difficulties. There was general support among community residents, business owners, sex trade workers, and IV drug users for the increased police presence in the area and with the performance of the police. There was also an expressed desire that the police enhance their relations with the community through expanded foot patrols and increased training to better equip officers to effectively police the area. Some concern was expressed about the policing styles of some officers assigned to the area. Residents were divided as to whether the overall quality of life in the community had improved, although their overall feelings of safety and security had increased. The effectiveness of the CET was compromised to some extent by insufficient coordination and joint planning with other agencies and organizations in the DTES, a lack of departmental resources, and by some inconsistency in the policing strategies used by officers in the DTES. The results of the study also indicated that the CET would have benefited from a comprehensive communication strategy to increase the awareness of community residents and business owners and others involved in the delivery of services in the area. A major limitation of this evaluation is that the survey interview data were gathered six months after the CET initiative was implemented and it can be expected that this short time frame is sufficient only to capture certain facets of any changes in community life in the DTES. It is difficult to determine the extent to which medium and long-term changes are occurring and whether these changes are permanent or ephemeral. It is also unrealistic to expect that the dynamics of life in a community, where crime and disorder had become deeply entrenched, would be significantly and measurably altered in six months as a consequence of one initiative such as the CET. It can be expected that the dynamics of life in the DTES will continue to evolve and that specific initiatives, such as the CET, will evolve as well. The special initiative did serve a number of purposes, one of which was for the VPD, as an organization, to accept and acknowledge its responsibility to challenge its own long-standing policy of “containment” and to move proactively to provide effective policing services to the DTES community and to attempt to improve the overall quality of life for all of its residents. Details: Abbotsford, BC: University College of the Fraser Valley, 2004. 251p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2010 at: http://www.vancouveragreement.ca/wp-content/uploads/ConfidentPolicing2004sm.pdf Year: 2004 Country: Canada URL: http://www.vancouveragreement.ca/wp-content/uploads/ConfidentPolicing2004sm.pdf Shelf Number: 120152 Keywords: DisplacementDrug DealersDrug EnforcementOpen-Air Drug MarketsPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (Vancouver, Canada)Public DisorderStolen Goods |
Author: U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy Title: US/Mexico Bi-National Cooperation Against Illicit Drugs: Main Results and Performance Measures of Effectiveness Summary: This document contains two reports. The first one entitled Main Results of the U.S.–Mexico Bi-national Cooperation Against Illicit Drugs (1995–2000), approved at the VIII HLCG meeting held in Mexico City in August 8th 2000 and second, the Performance Measures of Effectiveness Report. The Performance Measures of Effectiveness Report describes accomplishments by the United States and Mexico in the first eighteen months (February 1998–August 1999) in which the US/Mexico Bi-National Drug Control Strategy was in effect. It is an attempt to review the status of the Action Items contributing to the achievement of the Strategy goals that were detailed within the initial PME publication. The Main Results of the Bi-national Cooperation Against Illicit Drugs is an effort to provide a general assessment and a more current account of our cooperation efforts. The purpose of the two documents is to provide information to policy makers so that they can evaluate what parts of the bi-national strategy have been achievable, what parts need more effort, and what parts ought to be changed. The two reports will permit the reader to evaluate whether we have completed our actions, and how those actions contribute to achieving the Strategy objectives. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2010. 182p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 14, 2010 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/ondcppubs/publications/international/binational_1995_to_2000/binational_1995_to_2000.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/ondcppubs/publications/international/binational_1995_to_2000/binational_1995_to_2000.pdf Shelf Number: 120494 Keywords: Drug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementIllegal DrugsIllegal FirearmsTrafficking in Weapons |
Author: Willis, Katie Title: Measuring the Effectiveness of Drug Law Enforcement Summary: Seizing drugs and arresting those who import, manufacture, grow and/or distribute these drugs is often viewed as the most important purpose of drug law enforcement. This view is certainly strong in popular media depictions of organised drug criminals. Unfortunately, the reality is perhaps far less entertaining or straightforward, although just as, if not more, important. While there is no doubt that a key role of drug law enforcement is to remove drugs and high-risk offenders from the community, the most critical factor is what this actually achieves in the longer term. That is, a community that is less burdened by the impact of drugs, such as crime, illness, injury and death. Increasingly, there is both internal and external pressure on drug law enforcement to demonstrate not just how much work they do (the seizures and arrests), but how well they do it (the community impacts)—something that has so far proven very difficult. This paper outlines the nature of these challenges and summarises findings from a national project that shows a practical and effective way forward in measuring the impacts of drug law enforcement. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2011. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, No. 406: Accessed February 24, 2011 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/documents/7/C/3/%7B7C3C0834-EE1D-4013-88D1-938A0D934782%7Dtandi406.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/documents/7/C/3/%7B7C3C0834-EE1D-4013-88D1-938A0D934782%7Dtandi406.pdf Shelf Number: 120875 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug Offenders (Australia)Drug Trafficking |
Author: Shirk, David A. Title: The Drug War in Mexico: Confronting a Shared Threat Summary: The drug war in Mexico has caused some U.S. analysts to view Mexico as a failed or failing state. While these fears are exaggerated, the problems of widespread crime and violence, government corruption, and inadequate access to justice pose grave challenges for the Mexican state. The Obama administration has therefore affirmed its commitment to assist Mexico through continued bilateral collaboration, funding for judicial and security sector reform, and building “resilient communities.” This paper analyzes the drug war in Mexico, explores Mexico’s capacities and limitations, examines the factors that have undermined effective state performance, assesses the prospects for U.S. support to strengthen critical state institutions, and offers recommendations for reducing the potential of state failure. He argues that the United States should help Mexico address its pressing crime and corruption problems by going beyond traditional programs to strengthen the country’s judicial and security sector capacity and help it build stronger political institutions, a more robust economy, and a thriving civil society. Details: Washington, DC: Council on Foreign Relations, 2011. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Council Special Report No. 60: Accessed March 17, 2011 at: http://www.cfr.org/mexico/drug-war-mexico/p24262?co=C009602 Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cfr.org/mexico/drug-war-mexico/p24262?co=C009602 Shelf Number: 121051 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Trafficking (Mexico)Drug Trafficking ControlViolence |
Author: Greene, Judith Title: Numbers Game: The Vicious Cycle of Incarceration in Mississippi’s Criminal Justice System Summary: The people of Mississippi deserve and demand crime policies that promote public safety, treat people fairly—regardless of the size of their pocketbook or the color of their skin—and use public resources wisely. Unfair, ineffective, financially unsustainable and counterproductive — all terms that, regrettably, apply to significant aspects of Mississippi’s criminal justice policy. Mississippi’s drug law enforcement infrastructure is fundamentally flawed and in dire need of reform. This report undertakes a review and analysis of some of the most troubling aspects of the state’s criminal justice system, with a particular focus on drug law enforcement, and offers recommendations for reform. Major findings in the NUMBERS GAME report include that: •Mississippi’s regional drug task force funding, contingent on the quantity of drug arrests, encourages the indiscriminate use of confidential informants to increase arrest numbers over the quality and public safety impact of the drug cases. •Poorly-structured drug laws, limiting the judicial discretion of judges, produce extremely harsh sentences for relatively minor street-level transactions involving small amounts of drugs, coupled with police enforcement strategies focused on producing high volume low-impact arrest numbers pressure defendants to work as informers, even when drug treatment might prove a better public safety option. •Black Mississippians are three times more likely than whites to go to prison on drug charges even as drug use rates are largely identical for both groups. •The secrecy that shrouds the unchecked use of confidential informants is a practice that invites abuse, undermines the fundamental legitimacy of the criminal justice system and basic social structures in targeted communities. ACLU's two year attempt to secure basic information on the practice, acknowledged by state officials as public files under Mississippi’s Public Record Act, has gone unfulfilled. Details: Brooklyn, NY: Justice Strategies; Jackson, MS: American Civil Liberties Union of Mississippi, 2011. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2011 at: http://www.justicestrategies.org/sites/default/files/publications/DLRP_MississipppiReport%20Final%20Mar%202011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicestrategies.org/sites/default/files/publications/DLRP_MississipppiReport%20Final%20Mar%202011.pdf Shelf Number: 121260 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformCriminal Justice System (Mississippi)DiscriminationDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersIncarcerationMinoritiesSentencing |
Author: Corsaro, Nicholas Title: The Peoria Pulling Levers Drug Market Intervention: A Review of Program Process, Changes in Perception, and Crime Impact Summary: The Peoria Drug Market Intervention (DMI) program was intended to alleviate the disproportionately high crime rates found within a high-risk, disadvantaged, and chronically violent geographic area. Officials within the city decided to implement a focused deterrence strategy that relied upon the use of target identification, investigation, and arrest sweeps followed with an offender notification session that occurred within the target neighborhood. At the core of the strategy was the enhanced prosecution of identified offenders combined with an attempt to bridge partnerships between local law enforcement and residents of the target area. Increased prosecution was designed to incapacitate chronic and violent offenders as well as to communicate a credible deterrent threat to potential replacement law violators. The public meeting (i.e., notification session) was used to publicize the increased risk of sanctions that potential replacement offenders would face if the drug markets re-emerged. This study used a variety of methodological and analytical approaches to examine the following: • The fidelity of program implementation through the use of a detailed process assessment. • The change in officially reported violent, property, and drug related offenses as well as calls for police service trends by relying upon interrupted time series analyses. • Peoria residents’ perceptions of crime after the implementation of the strategy, awareness of the DMI program, and changes in police-community partnerships through the use of phone surveys that captured information from residents living in the target area, a control area, and the remainder of Peoria (for comparison purposes). • The use of in-depth resident interviews to capture detailed information regarding the dynamics of neighborhood conditions, drug markets, and perceived police activity. A synthesis of study results indicated that Peoria police and public officials were consistent with the fidelity of the focused deterrence framework throughout the duration of the initiative. Study results clearly indicated, however, that crime and calls for service within the target area remained relatively stable between pre- and post-intervention periods. In addition, the vast majority of target area residents that were interviewed appeared somewhat unfamiliar with the tenets and purpose of the intervention program, indicating a shortfall in the intended police-community partnership. In-depth resident interviews suggested that residents were seriously concerned with replacement offending, displacement, retaliation, and neighborhood stigmatization if they cooperated with police. We drew upon research from organizational and social disorganization theories to highlight the key themes, implications, and potential limitations of the Peoria focused deterrence strategy. Details: Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2011. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/ResearchReports/PeoriaPullingLeversDrugMarketIntervention_Report_March_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/ResearchReports/PeoriaPullingLeversDrugMarketIntervention_Report_March_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121307 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug OffensesFocused Deterrence (Illinois)Neighborhoods and CrimePolice-Community PartnershipsProsecutionPulling Levers Strategy |
Author: Jacobs, Keith Title: Making Sense of Partnerships: A Study of Police and Housing Department Collaboration for Tackling Drug and Related Problems on Public Housing Estates Summary: In recent years, interdepartmental partnerships within the public sector have been heralded as effective instruments for addressing complex social problems. For example, it is claimed that they can motivate staff and facilitate innovative practices that lead to improvements in service delivery. However, though partnerships are widely promoted as a panacea within the sector, there is a paucity of research that has looked at them from a critical perspective or examined how they operate in practice. The aim of this project is to explore the realities of partnership working by focusing on collaboration between the police and housing departments to tackle problems associated with illicit drug activity and anti-social behaviour (ASB) on three Australian public housing estates. The rationale for the project is that, though only a small minority of tenants are perpetrators, their actions can seriously blight the lives of their neighbours. Usually it is the housing department that responds to complaints relating to ASB but, in the more serious cases that are deemed criminal, the police also perform a role. Three locations were chosen as case studies. East Devonport in Tasmania and Girrawheen in Western Australia are areas with a large public housing stock. In East Devonport ASB and illicit drug activities are seen as nascent problems while in Girrawheen these problems are viewed as more pervasive, but to date there has been only limited collaboration between the police and housing departments. Collingwood in Victoria includes a large system-built housing estate that has become a location for the buying and selling of drugs. In Collingwood, police and housing departments have, for many years, worked on a series of partnership projects to address the problem and to enhance community wellbeing. The empirical component of the project entailed two stages. The first stage initiated meetings between the police and housing departments in order for them to agree to a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on partnership protocols. The second stage reported on existing and new activities undertaken by both departments over a twelve month period. The research methods entailed participant observation, secondary data collection and qualitative interviews with key personnel. The findings from the case studies are structured around three thematic areas: setting up partnerships, the benefits of partnerships, and the obstacles that can impact on partnership working. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2007. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Monograph Series No. 26: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_26.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_26.pdf Shelf Number: 121312 Keywords: Antisocial BehaviorDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug MarketsPolice PartnershipsPublic Housing |
Author: Nicholas, Roger Title: The Impact of Social Networks and Not-for-Profit Illicit Drug Dealing on Illicit Drug Markets in Australia Summary: This paper focuses on some of the dynamics at play in the lowest level of illicit drug retailing in Australia. It is not the purpose of this paper to fully document the functioning of these illicit drug markets. Rather, the aim is to point out some changes that appear to have occurred in the markets in recent years and to highlight some potential gaps in the knowledge base of the law enforcement sector concerning the functioning of these markets. The trafficking and retail sale of illicit drugs is, by definition, an illegal activity. The structure of illicit drug markets is often conceptualised as pyramidal, with a relatively small number of importers or producers of drugs at the top who sell their drugs to intermediaries, who on-sell them in ever decreasing quantities (perhaps involving some cutting of the drugs) until ultimately the drugs are sold at the retail level to consumers. The extent to which the supply pyramids are taller or flatter, and have longer or shorter supply chains, probably varies between different drugs and depends upon the modus operandi of the individuals and organisations involved in this trade. Some drugs such as cocaine, for example, appear to have very short, flat supply chains. Given that the supply of illicit drugs is illegal and can attract severe sanctions, it is reasonable to assume that, for the trade to occur,, there needs to be some combination of three factors present. The first of these is some form of motivation which, in the view of the offender, outweighs the severity of the sanctions which are likely to be imposed in the event of being apprehended for this offence. The second condition is a perception that the likelihood of being apprehended is such that the risk of involvement in the activities is considered reasonable. The third is a perception that the trafficking behaviour has become normalised and is not seen as criminal activity at all, or at least not an action with serious consequences. The most obvious motivation for trafficking and selling drugs is financial gain. This is clearly an important motivation for a large proportion of the (particularly upper level) supply chain. The major focus of this paper is the extent to which this profit motivation applies equally to all levels of the retail drug markets and to all drugs. Specifically, what is at issue are the motivations and dynamics that sit behind the transactions that occur at the lowest or retail level of the supply chain of illicit drugs in Australia. Without a good understanding of the motivations and modus operandi of all levels of the supply chain, it is very difficult for the law enforcement sector to effectively target its efforts. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2008. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Discussion Paper: Accessed April 12, 2011 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/The%20impact%20of%20social%20networks.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/The%20impact%20of%20social%20networks.pdf Shelf Number: 121316 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug TraffickingIllicit Drugs (Australia)Social Networks |
Author: Open Society Institute. Public Health Program Title: At What Cost? HIV and Human Rights Consequences of the Global "War on Drugs" Summary: A decade after governments worldwide pledged to achieve a "drug-free world," there is little evidence that the supply or demand of illicit drugs has been reduced. Instead, aggressive drug control policies have led to increased incarceration for minor offenses, human rights violations, and disease. This book examines the descent of the global war on drugs into a war on people who use drugs. From Puerto Rico to Phnom Penh, Manipur to Moscow, the scars of this war are carried on the bodies and minds of drug users, their families, and the health and service providers who work with them. The following topics are included in this volume: •Police Abuse of Injection Drug Users in Indonesia •Arbitrary Detention and Police Abuse of Drug Users in Cambodia •Forced Drug Testing in China •Drug Control Policies and HIV Prevention and Care Among Injection Drug Users in Imphal, India •Effects of UN and Russian Influence on Drug Policy in Central Asia •The Impacts of the Drug War in Latin America and the Caribbean •Civil Society Reflections on 10 Years of Drug Control in Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam •Twin Epidemics–Drug Use and HIV/AIDS in Pakistan. Details: New York: Open Society Institute, 2009. 196p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 20, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/atwhatcost_20090302 Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/atwhatcost_20090302 Shelf Number: 121408 Keywords: AIDS (Disease)Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse PolicyDrug ControlDrug Enforcement |
Author: Mannava, Priya Title: Dependent on Development: The Interrelationships Between Illicit Drugs and Socioeconomic Development Summary: In spite of the complex interrelationships between illicit drug production, trade and use and socioeconomic development (SED), drug control and development policies tend to occur in isolation of each other, as exemplified by the lack of inclusion of illicit drugs in the Millennium Development Goals. A failure to acknowledge the interconnections between these two areas hinders the effectiveness of both drug and development policies and also undermines a human rights based approach to both illicit drug policy and development policies and programs. 1.1 Aims of the report This report highlights the multifaceted relationships between illicit drug production, trade and use, and SED, and then demonstrates the ways in which the implementation of illicit drug control policies often hinders development sector gains; and furthermore, the ways in which many development sector policies actually increase vulnerability to illicit drug production, trade and use. By raising awareness on the links between drugs, drug policy, and SED, this paper aims to facilitate future research as well as initiate dialogue and collaboration between development and drug control agencies. 1.2 Approach & Terminology The report is based on the hypothesis that ‘Equitable SED is necessary for successful control of illicit drugs, while effective and human rights based illicit drug control is required to foster sustainable SED’. To test this hypothesis, we begin by examining the impact of SED on illicit drug production, trade, and consumption, and then conversely the affect of the three processes on SED. In so doing, we consider ‘illicit drug production/trade/consumption’ and ‘SED’ as independent variables, and expect that outcomes will hold true for diverse settings at various times and for different drugs. We also note that we are exploring associations rather than causality, expecting that there will be limited, and largely anecdotal, evidence available – at least these early formative research stages. Here, we define ‘socioeconomic development’ as the processes of social and economic development in a society, whereby the ‘socio-’ in socioeconomic development consists of “social change designed to promote the well-being of a population as a whole” (Midgley 2005) while the ‘economic’ refers to “qualitative change and restructuring in a country’s economy in connection with technological and social progress” (World Bank definition). ‘Control’ is referred to here as the processes undertaken in order to minimize the harms associated with the availability and use of drugs in a community at a given point of time. In line with the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime, ‘illicit drugs’ are defined as drugs produced, traded, and consumed for purposes prohibited by law, as outlined by the international drug control conventions. 1.3 Methods We conducted a review of formal and non-formal English language literature published between 1990 and 2010 on the relationships between illicit drug production, trade, and consumption, illicit drug policies, SED, and human rights. 2. Sizing the problem: illicit drugs – an overview 2.1 The need to control Policies and programs that aim to control or eradicate illicit drugs have been justified by the real and potential harms associated with illicit drugs: health problems, crime, decreased productivity, unemployment, and poverty. An international drug control system, based on three international conventions, specifies the types of illicit drugs and how these should be regulated. Despite control efforts, supply and demand of illicit drugs continue to be widespread. 2.2 The extent of illicit drug use, production, and trading. Noting the difficulties in measuring indicators related to illicit drugs, it is estimated that around 3.5% to 5.7% of the world’s populations aged between 15 to 64 years (155 to 250 million) consumes illicit drugs. Consumption continues to be higher in the wealthier regions of North America, Western Europe, and Oceania, though sharp rises in use are being witnessed in East and West Africa, the Middle East, and South America. Production of opium, which increased by 80% between 1998 and 2009, is highest in Afghanistan, which accounted for 60% of the world’s supply during the same period. Supply of cocaine, largely produced in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru, was reported to have increased during the period of 2004 to 2007 as compared to earlier years, though the increase was not as dramatic as that of opium. Production of cannabis, the most widely produced illicit drug globally, and amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) is prevalent in countries world-over. The illicit drug trade is also widespread, though data on seizures suggest the problem is more acute in those surrounding nations where illicit drug production or consumption is high. 2.3 Understanding demand and supply Demand and supply of illicit drugs are influenced by many interrelated and complex factors. Various intrapersonal, micro-environmental, and macro-environmental elements create vulnerabilities to the use of illicit drugs, while the employment opportunities and profits arising from illicit drug production and trading act as incentives to supply. There are thus broader socioeconomic issues which impact on engagement with illicit drug economies. 3. The interrelationships between socioeconomic development and illicit drugs 3.1 Impact of socioeconomic development on illicit drugs Both poor SED and enhanced SED can fuel illicit drug production, trade and consumption. Rural underdevelopment, conflict and economic crises are all factors that contribute to farming of illicit drug crops. Characteristics of plant-based illicit drugs mean that these crops are often a more viable option than licit ones in settings of poor SED. In countries ranging from Afghanistan to Colombia, to Morocco and Myanmar, evidence suggests that regions cultivating illicit drug crops are geographically and/or socially isolated, underdeveloped with few economic opportunities, and may also be plagued by violent conflict. Conflict, and the resultant instability, not only helps to facilitate and proliferate illicit drug economies, but in turn, often sustains the conflict – creating a mutually reinforcing cycle. In countries such as Afghanistan, Colombia, and Myanmar, rebel and pro-government forces have used illicit drug economies to finance their activities. Conditions which contribute to weak SED such as unemployment, poverty, and marginalization may also create vulnerable environments for illicit drug use in both wealthy and less developed countries. For example, in the United States and United Kingdom, illicit drug use has been linked to socially and economically deprived urban settings. Similarly, studies in various countries of South America found that drug users were generally poorer, unemployed, and less educated. On the flip side, processes such as trade liberalization may in fact facilitate the flow of illicit drugs across borders. Though the type of association that exists between free trade and illicit drugs is yet to be understood, a modeling study suggests that in consuming countries, efforts to control trading may be hindered by free-trade policies. Modernization and the resultant change in values or norms that often accompanies SED may also lead to increased consumption of illicit drugs. In Indonesia and Pakistan, for instance, illicit drug use increased with newfound wealth and youth identifying themselves with images of Western popular culture. Within the socially marginalized Akha tribe in Laos, consumption of heroin and ATS increased following participation in the country’s market economy and in parallel with the country’s opium eradication program. 3.2. Impact of illicit drugs on socioeconomic development Simultaneously, illicit drug production, trade and consumption also affect SED. In the short-term, farmers and other members of impoverished communities benefit from illicit drug production and trade due to increased disposable income. At the national level, there may be a boost in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), reduced unemployment, and multiplier effects in other sectors, either due to increased expenditure in local markets or increased demand for production inputs of illicit drugs. For instance, a study dating back to the early 1990s found that a 10% increase in cocaine production in Bolivia resulted in a 2% increase in GDP and 6% decrease in unemployment. In Colombia, multiplier effects arising from the illicit drug economy helped to fuel growth in the property market. However, most of these short-term benefits are offset by the myriad of long-term adverse affects triggered by illicit drug economies. Firstly, the sheer volumes of money flowing from illicit drug economies help to encourage corruption. In several settings, there are reports of government and law enforcement officials turning a blind eye to illicit drugs in exchange for bribes. Secondly, social structures are disrupted as carers, such as single mothers or the income earner of the family, engage in risky trading of illicit drugs. As members of communities who participate in drug economies become richer, tensions in traditional power dynamics are created, thereby disrupting social harmony. Macroeconomic instability may also occur as a result of decreased investment in licit sectors, strengthening of the real exchange rate, and weakened effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policies. The evidence to support these findings, however, is more limited. Violence and conflict between drug gangs, as well as between gangs and members of law enforcement, causes substantial mortality and morbidity while also isolating communities. In Mexico for example, drug-related killings have reached 28,000 over the past four years. In the United States, homicide rates have fluctuated in tandem with crack cocaine markets in cities where consumption is high and market sizes are substantial. There are considerable health costs associated with illicit drug use; for example, injecting drug use accounts for 10% of all HIV infections worldwide, and 30% outside sub-Saharan Africa. Drug users are also likely to be less productive; a study by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 5 different countries found that occupational injuries were 2-4 times higher and absenteeism 2-3 times greater amongst drug users as compared to non-drug users. The relationships between illicit drug economies and SED are thus two-way and simultaneous. Causality is more difficult to determine given that illicit drug economies and factors that contribute to SED can interact in a mutually reinforcing cycle. Corruption, violence and conflict can for example facilitate illicit drug production, trade and consumption, which in turn can sustain corruption, violence and conflict. 4. Paradox on paradox: effects of illicit drug control policy on socioeconomic development International and national illicit drug control policies have traditionally focused on reducing demand and supply of illicit drugs. Policies that focus on minimizing the harms associated with drug use are increasingly being adopted by many nation states. Supply side policies comprise traditional law enforcement approaches, including attempts to eradicate illicit drug cultivation and production; this latter approach sometimes accompanied by ‘alternative development’ programs that focus on providing other economic opportunities to communities that farm illicit drugs. To date, evidence suggests that these policies have been largely ineffective in deterring cultivation of illicit drug crops, as supply of various drugs has either been maintained or increased. In response to eradication programs in Colombia and Mexico, for instance, farmers simply shifted to farming opium on smaller and more dispersed fields. These policies have largely been unsuccessful in part because of the weak acknowledgement of the fact that illicit drugs and associated harms are often a result of a broader range of political, cultural and socioeconomic factors. By adopting approaches that are guided by narrowly defined goals and are not based on the political, social or cultural realties of a particular development context, law enforcement and eradication attempts actually cause further, multiple, harms and thereby weaken SED in communities. Examples from coca-producing Andean countries, as well as from Afghanistan and Myanmar where opium poppy cultivation is widespread, show how law enforcement and eradication programs actually wipe out the livelihoods of poor farmers social and economically disadvantaged communities. With few viable economic opportunities available, these households often resort again to farming of illicit drugs, simply from survival necessity. Successful alternative development programs are rare, although in Thailand a long-term (highly subsidized) approach has met with some success. Interdiction – programs aimed at reducing or stopping trading – has contributed to a diversification of smuggling routes, often to countries where law enforcement is weak. For example, the low-income country of Guinea Bissau has become a new trading corridor for drugs being smuggled to Europe. Ironically, a systematic review that found a positive correlation existed between increased law enforcement and increases in violence and crime. This is explained in part by the fact that law enforcement activities can create a riskier environment in which illicit drug trading and dealing occurs, making the situation more volatile and prone to drug gang power dynamics when members or leaders are arrested. There is even less evidence available on the impacts of demand side policies, which include primary prevention of drug use (mass media campaigns, community based programs, and education), treatment (secondary prevention), and law enforcement. While studies on the effectiveness of treatment for drug users have found that it helps reduce crime and risky injecting behavior, stringent law enforcement practices directed against drug users have only served to increase risky behavior, shift patterns in drug use, and deter health seeking. Studies examining the impact of law enforcement on drug use in Vancouver and Sydney found that drug use did not decrease, but riskier forms of use did. Following a ‘war on drugs’ campaign in Thailand, drug users reported increased reluctance to seek healthcare. Thus, social and economic costs to society are only sustained or even intensified, and are therefore likely to negatively impact SED. Harm reduction (policies and programs aimed at reducing harms associated with drug use) encompasses many components in immediate impact, harm reduction as currently defined is cost effective and has positive impacts on social development. There is a need for harm reduction approaches to be further developed and integrated, and be more broadly defined so they can have more impact across the range of drug issues. Studies suggest that benefits include: reduced risky drug use behavior, decreased transmission of HIV, safer disposal of injecting equipment, and less public nuisance. These findings indicate that social and health costs to societies may thus be reduced, thereby helping to enhance SED. 5. The forgotten victim: human rights Not only do some illicit drug policies have potential negative impacts on SED, but they also lead to violation of human rights. Eliminating families’ main source of income without creating viable alternatives robs them of their livelihood and dignity. Harsh law enforcement and militaristic approaches to controlling supply and demand of illicit drugs have had serious human rights implications, with physical abuse, sexual assault, public humiliation, denial of legal representation, and mortality being reported in the name of law enforcement. Moreover, in many countries, drug users are forced to undergo ‘treatment’ which is not evidenced-based. Stringent drug laws have often been used as an excuse to discriminate against poor and marginalized groups of society, especially ethnic minorities. Worldwide, drug users continue to be discriminated against, and are denied treatment and other social rights on the basis of their consumption of drugs. 6. Conclusions The interrelationships between illicit drug economies and SED are real and complex. Factors linked to SED may lead to or deter engagement with illicit drugs, while illicit drug economies negatively impact on SED in the long-term, despite possible shortterm benefits. By not acknowledging these linkages, illicit drug policies which focus solely on reducing demand and supply through law enforcement or forceful measures have often had consequences that adversely impact on SED, and also violate human rights – causing more harm than the drugs themselves. Thus, our original hypothesis that illicit drug policies are development policies are interdependent holds true based on the evidence available. The limitations of our review must be recognized. Our findings are based on limited evidence, which includes very few quantitative and detailed studies on the interrelationships, as well as a lack of rigorous evaluations of drug control programs. Our expectation of limited data availability was therefore also validated. In addition, there are inherent issues with determining impact of and on SED, and in this study we have assumed impact based on anecdotal and qualitative information rather than modeling or quantitative analyses. Having said this, our review substantiates the need for greater collaboration between illicit drug control and development agencies. It is imperative for development agencies and governments of developing and transitional countries to investigate and account for the impact of development on vulnerabilities to drug production, trade, and use. All aspects of development, ranging from infrastructure projects to education programs, especially if donor funded, must consider implications for illicit drug production, trade, and use, as is currently done with respect to poverty, the environment or gender dynamics. At the same time, current illicit drug policies need review in light of their inequitable and damaging effects in relation to social development. While acknowledgement of the link between both fields has been increasing, further research in the area will help to provide a stronger base for advocacy to ensure that theory is translated into practice. Details: Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2011 at: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/Dependent-on-Development.pdf Year: 0 Country: International URL: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/Dependent-on-Development.pdf Shelf Number: 121880 Keywords: Drug Control PoliciesDrug EnforcementDrug TradeDrug TraffickingDrugs Abuse and AddictionEconomics and CrimeGangsPovertySocioeconomic Development |
Author: Jones-Brown, Delores Title: An Exploratory Study of the Use of Confidential Informants in New Jersey Summary: Confidential informants (CIs) currently occupy a central role in law enforcement, particularly in the enforcement of drug laws, where officers, agents and prosecutors consider them indispensable to undercover and other operations. In virtually all types of criminal cases, state and federal sentencing schemes authorize reduced punishment for offenders who provide “substantial assistance” in the prosecution of others. The focus of the current study was drug enforcement. The findings suggest that despite judicial and legislative support for the practice, the use of CIs during the investigation and prosecution of such cases needs substantial review, revision, auditing, and oversight. While it has long been recognized that the use of criminal suspects to help enforce the law has the potential for significant benefit and abuse, the current findings confirm that innocent civilians may also find themselves under immense pressure to give federal, state, or local authorities information about the criminal activities of their neighbors, friends, or family members. The findings indicate that fear of criminal prosecution, monetary incentives and other inducements may motivate both criminal suspects and non-criminals to provide information that is not totally accurate. Inaccurate information can lead to false accusations and wrongful convictions. And, whether accurate or not, the provision of information may expose informants or their families to a substantial risk of bodily harm. In some law enforcement agencies, the research revealed a substantial use of information from CIs, rather than independent police work, as part of the routine investigation of drug activity. Reports of this heavy reliance on the use of CIs were coupled with allegations of questionable ethics associated with that use, some of them quite serious. The more serious cases led to diminished confidence in the justice system, and in some instances, substantial expense to taxpayers because of the monetary damages paid to those who were wrongfully accused or convicted. In one municipality (Lower Township, Cape May County), allegations that an officer engaged in the inappropriate use of CI information have led to two waves of dismissals of multiple criminal cases since this research began. This study revealed that while written policies regarding the use of CIs exist at the state, county, and municipal levels of government, at the state level, the policies are disjointed, spread throughout various documents. The counties’ policies differ from each other, sometimes substantially. And, contrary to the professional standards set by the Commission on Accreditation of Law Enforcement Agencies (CALEA), written policies do not exist in all of the municipal police departments. The research also revealed that even among the agencies intended to be governed by written policies, line officers are neither uniformly aware of the existence or terms of such policies, nor trained in them, leaving room for intentional and unintentional violations. Among law enforcement agents — both police and prosecutors — there was no clear agreement as to whether the written policies established by the Office of the New Jersey Attorney General are intended to be mandatory and binding on all agencies in the state or whether they are merely advisory. There also do not appear to be uniform, formal state, county, or municipal procedures for disciplining behavior among law enforcement that violates written CI policies. Based on these and other findings, the authors of this report conclude that the establishment of a mandatory uniform system of minimum standards for regulating and monitoring the use of CIs is an essential step toward improving the quality of justice within the state. In our opinion, this system can be created mainly by consolidating and modifying policies and practices that currently exist in some combination at the state, county, or municipal levels. In consultation with the ACLU, the authors have developed a set of broader recommendations. Details: Newark, NJ: American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey, 2011. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 30, 2011 at: http://media.nj.com/ledgerupdates_impact/other/report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://media.nj.com/ledgerupdates_impact/other/report.pdf Shelf Number: 121928 Keywords: Drug EnforcementInformants (New Jersey)Police InvestigationsPolice Policies and Procedures |
Author: Law Enforcement Against Prohibition Title: Ending the Drug War: A Dream Deferred Summary: President Richard Nixon officially declared a war on drugs on June 17, 1971. Thirty-eight years later, on May 14, 2009, the Obama administration’s drug czar, Gil Kerlikowske, matter-of-factly declared during a newspaper interview that he was ending the analogy of the “war on drugs”. But this wording change and the Obama administration’s many subsequent changes in verbiage have had no corresponding significant change in policy from that of the Bush administration.This report details the ongoing carnage resulting from our failed prohibition policy while the administration has simultaneously tried to score political points by adopting the rhetoric of an evidence-based policy. Nowhere is the contrast between President Obama’s spoken words and policy toward drugs clearer than in the comparison between spending for punishment and interdiction (supply reduction) and spending for prevention, treatment and other health approaches (demand reduction). Despite President Obama’s clear -- and politically popular -- statement that “we have to think more about drugs as a public-health problem,” his administration’s budgets request funding for punishment at a much higher level than for treatment and prevention. Similarly, the Obama administration has tried to convince the public that it supports states’ rights to enact medical marijuana laws while actually undermining such efforts at nearly every turn. The Obama administration gave great fanfare to an October 2009 memo suggesting that those in compliance with state law should not be prosecuted, leaking it to the press late on a Sunday night to ensure heavy media coverage. However, the rate of raids on medical marijuana providers during the Obama administration has actually increased since the Bush administration. Tellingly, the administration has done nothing to trumpet these raids to the press. While the rates of drug-war-related deaths in Mexico skyrocket, the Obama administration continues to provide financial assistance to Mexico’s crackdown on drug cartels, like the Bush administration before it. Perversely, high-ranking Obama administration officials like DEA head Michele Leonhart have even described the increase in these grizzly killings as a sign of the success of prohibition. The Obama administration continues to fund Mexico’s war on drugs even as the killings increase faster each year (e.g. a 40% rise in killings from 2008 to 2009 and a nearly 60% rise from 2009 to 2010). Meanwhile, as the Obama administration tries to ignore it, the drug war continues to cause widespread gang violence within our own borders, in addition to spillover cartel violence from Mexico. When a journalist asked U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder whether he thought ending the war on drugs would prevent the further loss of police officers’ lives in drug enforcement actions, he simply replied, “I don’t think that’s right…no” and then walked away. The Obama administration does deserve credit for at least recognizing that the American people are ready for fundamental changes to drug policy and that anti-drug-war rhetoric is a shrewd political move. Fully 76% of the American people and 67% of chiefs of police have declared the drug war a failure, according to polls. The administration also deserves some credit for enacting a small number of sensible changes in domestic drug policy, including lifting the ban on using federal funding for syringe exchange and reducing the disparity between sentences for crack and powder cocaine. But as the Obama administration’s policies largely lag behind its rhetoric, state governments and prominent individuals are leading the way to reform. As of this writing, 16 states plus the District of Columbia have laws on the books making medical marijuana legal for those with doctors’ recommendations, and 14 states have decriminalized possession of small amounts of marijuana. In 2012, several state ballots are expected to feature initiatives to legalize and regulate marijuana. A growing number of prominent organizations and individuals including the former presidents of several countries, former UN secretary general Kofi Annan and other world leaders, have all come out publicly to suggest a change in the failed war on drugs. Let’s hope that the Obama administration’s policies catch up to its rhetoric before it’s too late. Details: Medford, MA: Law Enforcement Against Prohibition, 2011. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2011 at: http://www.leap.cc/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/Ending-the-Drug-War-A-Dream-Deferred.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.leap.cc/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/Ending-the-Drug-War-A-Dream-Deferred.pdf Shelf Number: 122045 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Policy (U.S.)Drug Reform |
Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Combatting Illicit Drugs: DEA and ICE Interagency Agreement Has Helped to Ensure Better Coordination of Drug Investigations Summary: The 2010 National Drug Threat Assessment stated that the availability of illicit drugs is increasing. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), in the Department of Justice (DOJ), works with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), to carry out drug enforcement efforts. DEA and ICE signed a 2009 Interagency Agreement (Agreement) that outlined the mechanisms to provide ICE with authority to investigate violations of controlled substances laws (i.e., cross-designation). The Agreement also required DEA and ICE to deconflict (e.g., coordinate to ensure officer safety and prevent duplicative work) counternarcotics investigations, among other things. GAO was asked to assess the Agreement's implementation. This report addresses the extent to which DEA and ICE have taken actions (1) to implement the Agreement's cross-designation, deconfliction, and information-sharing provisions and (2) to monitor implementation of the Agreement and make needed adjustments. GAO analyzed documents such as the 2009 Agreement, related interagency agreements, and directives to field offices. GAO also interviewed DEA and ICE Headquarters officials as well as management officials and first line supervisors in 8 of the 21 DEA and 8 of 26 ICE field offices, based on geographic dispersion. Though not generalizable to all DEA and ICE offices, the interviews provided insights. DEA and ICE have taken actions to fully implement the cross-designation and deconfliction provisions of the Agreement, and are finalizing efforts to complete the information-sharing provisions. The Agreement allows ICE to select an unlimited number of agents for cross-designation consideration by DEA. The agencies have implemented these cross-designation provisions through a revised process that (1) elevated the levels at which requests are exchanged between the agencies and (2) consolidated multiple requests into one list of ICE agents. This new process is more streamlined and has resulted in enhanced flexibility in maximizing investigative resources, according to ICE officials. Also, DEA and ICE implemented local deconfliction protocols and used a variety of mechanisms (e.g., local deconfliction centers) to deconflict investigations. Further, in May 2011 DEA and ICE convened the Headquarters Review Team (HRT), comprised of senior managers from both agencies, who are, among other things, to resolve deconfliction and coordination issues that cannot be resolved at lower levels because they require management decisions. DEA and ICE headquarters and field office management officials GAO interviewed generally reported that the implementation of the Agreement and local deconfliction protocols had generally improved deconfliction by (1) ensuring officer safety and (2) preventing one agency's law enforcement activity from compromising the other agency's ongoing investigation. ICE has also partially implemented the Agreement's information-sharing provisions by sharing required data with two DOJ organizations that target drug trafficking organizations, and taking steps to share its drug-related data with a DEA organization focused on disrupting drug trafficking by fall 2011. DEA and ICE have conducted ongoing monitoring of the Agreement's implementation through established processes (e.g., supervisory chains of command) and according to officials from these agencies, the HRT did not identify any systemic issues. Specifically, DEA and ICE headquarters officials routinely coordinated with each other and their respective field offices to monitor the Agreement's implementation. DEA and ICE headquarters officials also said that the May 2011 meeting of the HRT, which is to periodically review the Agreement's implementation, constituted a review of the Agreement and affirmed that there were no overarching or systemic issues of coordination or deconfliction requiring headquarters-level intervention. DEA and ICE provided technical comments, which GAO incorporated as appropriate. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2011. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-11-763: Accessed August 31, 2011 at: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d11763.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d11763.pdf Shelf Number: 122570 Keywords: ContrabandDrug EnforcementDrug Trafficking (U.S.)Narcotics |
Author: Naranjo R., Alberto J. Title: Drugonomics : Industrial Organization of Illegal Drug Markets Summary: Insurgents, drug lords and anti-drug supply policies in the Andes. The United States has spent enormous resources on supply policies to decrease illegal drug production in the Andes and availability in the U.S. market. However, evidence suggests increased drug production and availability over time. Moreover, insurgent activities in the region have also increased. We present an explanation for these unexpected trends by analyzing an illicit drug market where drug lords and insurgents interact. The analysis suggests that supply policies increase drug production and insurgent activity while having no effect on drug availability and prices. Counter-intuitive effects of domestic law enforcement policies in the United States. In spite of the increase in domestic law enforcement policies in the U.S., illegal drug distribution activities have followed a non-monotonic trend and cocaine and heroin prices have been dropping or have remained stable over time. This paper provides an explanation for these counter-intuitive effects. We model how drug lords respond to this type of policy and predict distribution activities, prices and drug consumption in the United States. Spillover effects of domestic law enforcement policies. Independent efforts by local and state governments in the United States to combat illegal drug markets are in contrast with a global market where drugs are sold and distributed simultaneously in different locations. We study the effect that domestic law enforcement policies may have on this global context. The external effects of these policies induce overspending by governments, but a low level of global drug consumption. Competition effects are also studied. Drive-by competition? Violence in the drug market. Today, the retail distribution of most illegal drugs is mainly in the hands of street gangs that also account for most of the drug related violence in many states and cities in the United States. Interestingly, the level of violence in drug markets appears to vary with the type of drug. Based on the notion that gangs use violence strategically to compete for customers we find that both the effectiveness of violence in shifting demand and the cost of switching supplier by users affect the level of violence in the market. Indirect effects of anti-drug policies are discussed. Details: Stockholm: Stockholm University, 2007. 118p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed September 2, 1011 at: http://www.avhandlingar.se/avhandling/c2a2c5909c/ Year: 2007 Country: International URL: http://www.avhandlingar.se/avhandling/c2a2c5909c/ Shelf Number: 122609 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllegal Drug MarketsIllegal DrugsViolent Crime |
Author: Nilsson, Robert Title: The Impact of Drugs Trafficking, Corruption and Organized Crime: How to Strengthen Regional Cooperation around the Baltic Sea Summary: The need for expanded and improved regional cooperation among the states around the Baltic Sea in countering the illicit drugs trade and organized crime is something which has been emphasized by papers previously published by ISDP within this research project. However, this is the first major attempt to put the acute need for regional cooperation among the wider spectrum of law enforcement offices and research communities at the very forefront of the policy debate. The reasons are manifold and ever more pressing in the rapidly changing context of closer European integration both within the Union itself and with the countries just east of the common border. The by far most profitable and, at the same time, most serious business for organized criminal networks operating in the Baltic Sea region is that of narcotics, through the entire chain from production to distribution. Even though the drug problem has been described by UNODC as contained in the sense that the demand has been stabilized, recent figures show that this containment is under threat. On the supply side the situation looks very different with increases both in production and trafficking. Similar to any legal market, the balance between supply and demand is the main determinant for pricing as well as the development of new business strategies for the drug lords within organized criminal networks. Together with these basic underlying factors of the narcotics trade, there are a number of recently emerged and decisive variables which have to be accounted for in the analysis of the future impact on cooperation among the states in the Baltic Sea region and its immediate neighbors. One such important factor is last year’s decision to enlarge the Schengen area, raising a number of pertinent questions and challenges of how to adapt to the radically changing environment where the borders of the EU have now been brought “closer to regions and territories which are unstable, uncontrolled and hence should be a source of concern due to the crime trends visible in geographical areas such as the Northern Caucasus and Central Asia.” Another such factor of which we still know very little about is the impact of the financial crisis. Most likely, this crisis will have effects on the narcotics trade as on any other legal or illegal trade. These effects are difficult to predict at the moment, but just as a strong and well-monitored banking system carries the necessary preconditions for controlling and securing financial transfers, the weakened state of the banks in the region could provide increased opportunities for organized criminal networks in their continuous search for expanded business opportunities. But apart from these two politico-economic changes of great import, what are the more imminent challenges to be met in the common fight against the proliferation of narcotics and growth of organized crime in the Baltic Sea region? Details: Stockholm: Institute for Security and Development Policy, 2009. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 3, 2011 at: http://www.isdp.eu/images/stories/isdp-main-pdf/2009_nilsson-kego_the-impact-of-drugs-trafficking.pdf Year: 2009 Country: International URL: http://www.isdp.eu/images/stories/isdp-main-pdf/2009_nilsson-kego_the-impact-of-drugs-trafficking.pdf Shelf Number: 122626 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug TraffickingDrugsOrganized Crime |
Author: Kuzmicz, Ewelina Title: Drug Policy in Poland - Time for a Change Summary: Drug possession is a prohibited act liable to prosecution and penalty of incarceration. The criminalization of drug possession has been functioning in Poland for 10 years. Now is the time to evaluate its costs and effects. The criminalisation of drug possession does not meet the policy goals that inspired this approach, proves to be costly and has a number of negative effects. Although punishing for possession is perceived as a helpful instrument of police operations, it fails to reduce the drug use and trafficking, it costs the state budget at least 80 million PLN per year (EUR 20 million) and affects mainly young people and users of marijuana. The decriminalisation of possession of small quantities of drugs for personal use should be introduced. In practice, this would mean that possession of small quantities for personal use would not constitute a criminal offence and would not be liable to incarceration. Details: Warsaw, Poland: Institute of Public Affairs, 2010. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Analyses & Opinion No. 13/110: Accessed September 28, 2011 at: http://www.isp.org.pl/uploads/analyses/1718781744.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Poland URL: http://www.isp.org.pl/uploads/analyses/1718781744.pdf Shelf Number: 122938 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Poland)Drug EnforcementDrug Policy |
Author: Rhodes, William Title: Evaluation of the Multijurisdictional Task Forces (MJTFs), Phase II: MJTF Performance Monitoring Guide Summary: State and local law enforcement is the first line of defense in reducing the availability of illegal drugs on American streets. Recognizing the critical role of local agencies, federal and state agencies augment local enforcement funding with grants and transfers. However, with increased frequency those federal and state agencies are requiring local accountability of the use of funds—hard evidence that grants and transfers are worthwhile. As a result, programs that are unable to provide solid evidence of their activities and effectiveness are more vulnerable to having their resources cut or diverted to programs that can better demonstrate success. Multijurisdictional Task Forces (MJTFs) are not immune to this new accountability in government, but like many other law enforcement programs, MJTFs lack a history of collecting performance measures and using them to justify program operations. Consequently, MJTFs are disadvantaged in the new competition for federal and state funding. Overcoming that disadvantage requires developing a performance monitoring system. Performance measurement is a system for gathering information about how programs operate and what they accomplish. Performance monitoring refers to the periodic analysis and use of the data collected through performance measurement to track program implementation and execution, making changes as necessary based on subjective and objective assessments of the information. Performance evaluation is a subset of performance monitoring that requires application of rigorous research protocols to make conclusions about program performance. A performance monitoring system is a set of procedures for integrating performance measurement and performance monitoring into a framework that supports public decision making. A performance monitoring system, including its performance measurement and performance monitoring components, is the focus of this guide. Details: Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates, 2009. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 4, 2011 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/228942.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/228942.pdf Shelf Number: 118719 Keywords: CollaborationDrug EnforcementMultijurisdictional Task ForcesPolice Policies and Procedures (U.S.) |
Author: Paul, Christopher Title: The Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations: An Assessment of Mexican Security Based on Existing RAND Research on Urban Unrest, Insurgency, and Defense-Sector Reform Summary: Violent drug-trafficking organizations (VDTOs) in Mexico produce, transship, and deliver into the United States tens of billions of dollars worth of narcotics annually, but their activities are not limited to drug trafficking. VDTOs have also engaged in human trafficking, weapon trafficking, kidnapping, money laundering, extortion, bribery, racketeering, and assassinations. In an effort to clarify the scope and details of the challenges posed by VDTOs, a RAND team conducted a Delphi expert elicitation exercise, the results of which offer an assessment of the contemporary security situation in Mexico through the lens of existing RAND research on related issues. The exercise centered around three strands of prior RAND research on urban instability and unrest, historical insurgencies, and defense-sector reform. Although this prior research was not designed specifically for the study of Mexico, all three areas offer applicable insights. Assessment scorecards from these projects were used to obtain input from the expert panel and to guide the resulting discussion. The goal was not to break significant new ground in understanding the dynamics of drug violence in Mexico or to offer a qualitative assessment of these dynamics, but rather to provide an empirically based platform for identifying key areas that merit further investigation. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2011. 108p Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 21, 2011 at: http://www.rand.org/pubs/monographs/MG1125.html Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.rand.org/pubs/monographs/MG1125.html Shelf Number: 123414 Keywords: Border SecurityDrug CartelsDrug EnforcementDrug Trafficking (Mexico)Illegal DrugsViolence |
Author: Iowa. Governor's Office of Drug Control Policy Title: Iowa’s Drug Control Strategy, 2011 Summary: The 2011 Iowa Drug Control Strategy is submitted in satisfaction of Chapter 80E.1 of the Code of Iowa which directs the Drug Policy Coordinator to monitor and coordinate all drug prevention, enforcement and treatment activities in the state. Further, it requires the Coordinator to submit an annual report to the Governor and Legislature concerning the activities and programs of the Coordinator, the Governor’s Office of Drug Control Policy and all other state departments with drug enforcement, substance abuse treatment, and prevention programs. Chapter 80E.2 establishes the Drug Policy Advisory Council (DPAC), chaired by the Coordinator, and consisting of a prosecuting attorney, substance abuse treatment specialist, law enforcement officer, prevention specialist, judge and representatives from the departments of corrections, education, public health, human services, public safety and human rights. This report and strategy was developed in consultation with the DPAC. Details: Des Moines: Governor's Office of D5ug Control Policy, 2010. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 23, 2011 at: http://publications.iowa.gov/10008/ Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://publications.iowa.gov/10008/ Shelf Number: 123445 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug Enforcement Policy (Iowa)Substance Abuse |
Author: Yearwood, Doug Title: Prescription Drug Abuse and Diversion: The Hidden Crisis Summary: This report addresses public concerns about increased misuse, abuse and illegal diversion of licit or prescription medications in North Carolina. The study indicates that prescription drug abuse and diversion is a prominent and preeminent issue facing North Carolina’s medical and law enforcement organizations and personnel. Ninety percent of the law enforcement respondents reported an increase in abuse and diversion over the past five years, with the typical agency investigating 51 prescription drug cases per year or 356 per year on a per capita basis. This case investigation rate exceeds the reported crime rates for all of the violent Part I Uniform Crime Report categories. Details: Raleigh, NC: North Carolina Governor's Crime Commission, Criminal Justice Analysis Center, 2011. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 20, 2012 at: http://www.ncgccd.org/pdfs/pubs/drugdiversion.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncgccd.org/pdfs/pubs/drugdiversion.pdf Shelf Number: 123686 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersPrescription Drug Abuse (North Carolina)Prescription Fraud |
Author: Douglas, Heather Title: Law Enforcement and Khat: An Analysis of Current Issues Summary: Khat is regulated in Australia through a complex regime of overlapping and differing Commonwealth, state and territory laws. In some states possession of khat is strictly prohibited and carries heavy penalties, whereas in others possession of khat appears to be legal (at least for personal use). This study drew upon focus group discussions with communities known to use khat, principally the Somali community. The researchers also interviewed police officers. The key concerns raised by police were about identifying khat and knowing of current law. Summaries of current law, along with clear photographs, are included at the back of this monograph in Appendixes 1 and 2. Many police and focus group participants were uncertain about current law relating to khat. Chapter 3 discusses current law. Some police indicated interest in knowing more about the cultural issues associated with khat. Chapter 6 discusses khat and Islam and a summary is provided in Appendix 3. Focus group participants showed a significant misunderstanding of the health issues associated with khat use. A discussion of these issues is included in Chapter 5. Focus group members were particularly concerned about the relationship between using khat and driving, in particular the question of whether khat is safe to use, or be under the influence of, while driving. This issue is discussed in Chapter 11. Details: Canberra: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2012. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Monograph Series No. 40: Accessed March 30, 2012 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_40.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_40.pdf Shelf Number: 124770 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementKhat (Australia) |
Author: Merkinaite, Simona Title: A War Against Peopole Who Use Drugs: The Costs Summary: This report aims to assess whether national funding allocated for drug-related measures achieves the goals of slowing down or reversing drug epidemics and protecting society from drug-related harms. It is based on comparing costs associated with both – law enforcement activities and public health measures such as harm reduction and drug treatment. The report draws on country costs assessments done in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Romania and Russia as well as analysis of data from other countries of the region, including Ukraine and Tajikistan. Key findings: • Punishment for petty, non-violent drug crimes—mainly but not solely limited to criminalization of people who use drugs—results in stigma and discrimination, and creates a political climate in which human rights norms are not applied in relation to people who use drugs. • Such policies lead to police harassment, misuse of power and extortion of money from drug users and/or their relatives. • In most countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EECA), governments’ unwillingness to allocate funds for harm reduction, opioid substitution therapy (OST), HIV and hepatitis C treatment is determined not by insufficiency of national funding, but by prioritization of enforcement over health approaches. • Such misguided priorities also have significant (and negative) financial consequences. For example: – The Kyrgyzstan government spends around $1.25 million per year to enforce Article 246 of the Criminal Code (regarding possession of drugs with no intent to supply). By comparison, the budget for OST programs is $500,000, and is currently covered exclusively by external donors. OST costs $500 per patient a year, while punishment costs at least $625 per each person convicted for drug possession. – In 2010 alone, the prosecution of drug offenders (for use and supply) cost at least $100 million in Russia. In comparison, under the Budget Law for 2011, HIV prevention programming is to receive less than 3% of the total $640 million to be allocated in 2012 through the Federal Budget Law for HIV, hepatitis B and C, and the government continues to prohibit internationally accepted drug treatment interventions such as OST. The government therefore will spend millions more treating people infected with HIV than it would have in protecting their health and reducing transmission. – Georgia spends around $10.5 million annually on random street drug testing and an additional $4.7 million on imprisonment of drug offenders. This not only fails to deter people from using drugs (as eventually the majority return to drug use) but also increases criminality, social isolation and stigma. Only about 10% of the estimated 40,000 people who inject drugs are currently receiving harm reduction services, yet even that small share means that up to 1,000 new HIV infections have been averted. • Despite vast investment in law enforcement interventions, neither drug use nor the HIV epidemic has been contained. Across EECA there are an estimated 3.4 million to 3.8 million people who inject drugs, which represents the highest regional prevalence of injecting drug use worldwide. One in four injectors is believed to be living with HIV in the region, accounting for 57% of all infections. • In countries where the drugs of the choice become unavailable, people are switching to other, potentially more harmful substances. Such developments indicate that punitive drug laws (prohibition of certain substances) have, at best, marginal impacts on the overall level of drug use, and have negative impacts on health. • Prosecution and incarceration for drug-related offences is one of the key reasons behind the increase in prison populations across the region. Yet maintaining prisons is expensive, and many prison systems are chronically underfunded. Among the consequences are increased HIV transmission—because drugs are easily available in most prisons, but preventive commodities such as clean needles are not—and an increase in involvement in criminal gangs as prisoners seek ways to improve their food and safety position in penitentiaries. Details: Vilnius, Lithuania: Eurasian Harm Reduction Network (EHRN), 2012. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2012 at: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/a-war-against-people-who-use-drugs-the-costs.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/a-war-against-people-who-use-drugs-the-costs.pdf Shelf Number: 124881 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug TreatmentWar on Drugs (Europe and Asia) |
Author: Acevedo, Beatriz Title: Ten Years of Plan Colombia: An Analytic Assessment Summary: Over the last decade Plan Colombia has been the principal strategy addressing the complex dynamics of illicit drugs production within that country. It is based on the assumption that a reduction in the illicit drugs market worldwide can be tackled by focusing on supply control measures. Plan Colombia was originally proposed as a peace programme, but soon became a military strategy aimed at weakening the link between illicit drugs and insurgency. The results of this approach in terms of the decline of illegal armies, particularly guerrilla groups, may be considered as a success. In relation to coca cultivation and cocaine trafficking, however, the results show otherwise. The latest United Nations World Drug Report estimates that there has been a 27% increase in the area cultivated with coca in the period 2006-2007(UNODC, 2008), and Colombia remains one of the major producers of cocaine in the world (See Graph and Table 1). This contradiction leads to a number of questions about the effectiveness of a predominantly military approach in tackling the drugs problem and the real impact of the supply control strategy on the international market of illicit drugs. This briefing paper consequently aims to present a critical assessment of Plan Colombia over the past ten years. It is argued that the strategy has failed to address the structural causes of illicit drugs cultivation: poverty, lack of opportunities and on-going conflict. In particular it discusses how the current emphasis on fumigation has a negative impact on the fragile and strategic eco-system of the Amazonian region, as well as potential health problems for people who live in these areas. Moreover, it is also suggested that a militaristic approach to drug trafficking seems to contribute to the development of what can be called the ‘markets of violence.’ These are reflected in the increasing power of warlords, the growth of diverse business associated with security and protection and disputes amongst illegal armies for control of activities related to illegal drugs. Finally, it is argued that while the power of guerrilla groups2 - particularly the 40-year-old FARC group that controls some phases of the drug trafficking business - may be in decline, this situation needs to be analysed as part of their lack of political coherence and popular support. Indeed, as is discussed here, increased attention should be given to the developing power of paramilitary groups3 within Colombian politics and the emergence of a phenomenon that has become to be known as ‘para-politics’. Details: Oxford, UK: Beckley Foundation, Drug Policy Programme, 2008. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper Sixteen: Accessed April 11, 2012 at: http://www.beckleyfoundation.org/pdf/BriefingPaper_16.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.beckleyfoundation.org/pdf/BriefingPaper_16.pdf Shelf Number: 124922 Keywords: CocaineDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllegal Drugs (Colombia)Plan Colombia |
Author: Blumenfeld, Leah H. Title: Trading Democracy for Security? The Effects of the International Drug War on the Quality of Democracy in the Dominican Republic, 1996 -2008 Summary: The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process. Details: Miami: Florida International University, 2010. 244p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed July 2, 2012 at: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1191&context=etd Year: 2010 Country: Dominican Republic URL: http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1191&context=etd Shelf Number: 125439 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug Trafficking (El Salvador)Drug Trafficking ControlDrug War |
Author: Rolles, Steve Title: The Alternative World Drug Report: Counting the Costs of the War on Drugs Summary: The Alternative World Drug Report, launched to coincide with publication of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime’s 2012 World Drug Report, exposes the failure of governments and the UN to assess the extraordinary costs of pursuing a global war on drugs, and calls for UN member states to meaningfully count these costs and explore all the alternatives. After 50 years of the current enforcement-led international drug control system, the war on drugs is coming under unparalleled scrutiny. Its goal was to create a "drug-free world". Instead, despite more than a trillion dollars spent fighting the war, according to the UNODC, illegal drugs are used by an estimated 270 million people and organised crime profits from a trade with an estimated turnover of over $330 billion a year – the world’s largest illegal commodity market. In its 2008 World Drug Report, the UNODC acknowledged that choosing an enforcement-based approach was having a range of negative "unintended consequences", including: the creation of a vast criminal market, displacement of the illegal drugs trade to new areas, diversion of funding from health, and the stigmatisation of users. It is unacceptable that neither the UN or its member governments have meaningfully assessed these unintended consequences to establish whether they outweigh the intended consequences of the current global drug control system, and that they are not documented in the UNODC’s flagship annual World Drug Report. This groundbreaking Alternative World Drug Report fills this gap in government and UN evaluations by detailing the full range of negative impacts resulting from choosing an enforcement-led approach. Details: Count the Costs.org, 2012. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2012 at: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/AWDR.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/AWDR.pdf Shelf Number: 125458 Keywords: Costs of CrimeCosts of Criminal JusticeDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyIllegal DrugsOrganized Crime |
Author: Beckett, Katherine Title: The Consequences and Costs of Marijuana Prohibition Summary: This report draws on a wide range of data sources to assess the consequences and costs of enforcing criminal laws that prohibit the use of marijuana. Despite widespread and longstanding disagreement about the continuation of marijuana prohibition, the number and rate of marijuana arrests have increased significantly in the United States since the early 1990s. These arrests are not evenly distributed across the population, but are disproportionately imposed on African Americans. Our findings regarding the costs and consequences of marijuana prohibition, as well as state and local efforts to relax it. Details: Seattle, WA: Law, Societies and Justice Program, University of Washington, 2008. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2012 at: http://www.aclu-wa.org/library_files/BeckettandHerbert.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.aclu-wa.org/library_files/BeckettandHerbert.pdf Shelf Number: 113851 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ProhibitionMarijuana (Washington State) |
Author: Beckett, Katherine Title: Race and Drug Law Enforcement in Seattle Summary: SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS The majority of those who use and deliver serious drugs in Seattle are white. • Data from multiple sources – surveys of public school students, needle exchange clients, and the general Seattle population; mortality data; drug treatment admission data; and an observational study of two outdoor Seattle drug markets – all support the conclusion that a majority of those who use and deliver serious illegal drugs with the possible exception of crack cocaine in Seattle are white. The majority of those purposefully arrested for delivering a serious drug in Seattle are black, and blacks are over-represented among drug arrestees to a greater degree than in nearly all other mid-sized cities. • Although the city population is 8 percent black, two-thirds (67 percent) of those arrested in Seattle for delivery of a serious drug in a four-month sample from 2005–2006 were black. • The black drug arrest rate in 2006 was more than 13 times higher than the white drug arrest rate. • The black drug arrest rate for delivery of a serious drug is more than 21 times higher than the white arrest rate for the same crime. • In 2006, only one of 38 comparable mid-sized cities had a higher degree of racial disproportionality in drug arrests than Seattle. The focus on crack cocaine is the fundamental cause of racial disparity in Seattle drug delivery arrests. • The over-representation of blacks among drug delivery arrestees is not primarily a function of racial differences in drug delivery. o Blacks delivering drugs downtown are 13.6 times more likely to be arrested than whites engaging in the same behavior in the same geographic area. o Blacks are over-represented by a statistically significant margin among those arrested in the Capitol Hill and University District neighborhoods. • Most blacks who are arrested for delivering serious drugs are arrested downtown and outdoors. However, the majority of those arrested in other parts of the city and indoors are also black. • The focus on crack cocaine is a fundamental cause of racial disparity in Seattle drug delivery arrests. o Nearly three-fourths (72.9 percent) of those purposefully arrested for delivery of a serious drug in 2005–2006 were arrested for delivering crack cocaine. Nearly three-fourths (73.4 percent) of those purposefully arrested for delivering crack cocaine in 2005– 2006 were black. o By contrast, fewer than 20 percent of those arrested for delivery of a serious drug other than crack were black. The focus on crack cocaine is not a function of race-neutral policy considerations. • Powder cocaine and ecstasy are the most widely used serious drugs in Seattle. • More Seattle residents are admitted to public drug treatment programs for heroin abuse than for crack cocaine abuse. Heroin users also report making more frequent purchases than crack cocaine users. The frequency with which crack cocaine is exchanged thus does not explain the over-representation of crack cocaine among Seattle drug arrestees. • The focus on crack cocaine is not a function of public health considerations. Although crack cocaine use poses health risks, other serious drugs, especially heroin and other opiates, are more likely to be associated with drug-related mortality and infectious disease. • The focus on crack cocaine is not a function of public safety risks. Among Seattle serious drug arrestees, those involved with crack cocaine were least likely to have a dangerous weapon in their possession at the time of their arrest. • The focus on crack is not a consequence of civilian complaints about that particular substance: there is little geographic correspondence between complaints and delivery arrests, and most complainants do not identify the drug involved. Moreover, most civilian complaints about drug activity do not result in arrest, and most arrests do not involve a civilian complainant. • The degree to which blacks are over-represented among drug arrestees in Seattle continues to be large relative to other mid-sized cities. • Black over-representation in Seattle drug delivery arrests is primarily a function of the focus on crack cocaine. • The focus on crack cocaine does not appear to be attributable to the frequency with which crack cocaine is exchanged, civilian complaints, public health or public safety considerations. • Although colorblind on its face, the focus on crack cocaine does not appear to be a function of race-neutral considerations and continues to produce an unusually high degree of racial disparity in Seattle drug arrests. Details: Seattle, WA: American Civil Liberties Union and The Defender Association, 2008. 130p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2012 at: http://faculty.washington.edu/kbeckett/Race%20and%20Drug%20Law%20Enforcement%20in%20Seattle_2008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://faculty.washington.edu/kbeckett/Race%20and%20Drug%20Law%20Enforcement%20in%20Seattle_2008.pdf Shelf Number: 125522 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrugs and Crime (Seattle)Race and CrimeRacial Disparities |
Author: Gyngell, Kathy Title: The Phoney War on Drugs Summary: The Government has repeatedly declared that it is fighting a War on Drugs. But this has been a Phoney War, shows Kathy Gyngell in The Phoney War on Drugs published on Monday 18 May 2009 by the Centre for Policy Studies. For the UK now has one of the most liberal drug policies in Europe. Both Sweden and the Netherlands (despite popular misconceptions) have a more rigorous approach – and far fewer problems with drugs. Kathy Gyngell shows how the Labour Government has taken a new direction for drug policy. Its new “harm-reduction” strategy aimed to reduce the cost of problem drug use. The focus was switched from combating all illicit drug use to the problems of PDUs. Cannabis was declassified. Spending on methadone treatment increased threefold between 2003 and 2008. The aim of treatment for drug offenders was no longer abstinence but management of their addiction with the aim of reducing their reoffending. In practice, this meant prescribing methadone. But this harm-reduction approach has failed. It has entrapped 147,000 people in state-sponsored (mainly methadone) addiction. Addicts leaving government treatment programmes clean of drug use are at the same level as if there had been no treatment programme at all. The UK now faces a widening and a deepening crisis. Over the last 10 years, Class A consumption and ‘problem drug use’ have risen dramatically, drug use has spread to rural areas and the age of children’s initiation into drugs has dropped. 41% of 15 year olds, and 11% of 11 year olds, have taken drugs. Drug death rates continue to rise and are far higher than the European average. The UK has 47.5 deaths per million population (aged 15 to 64) compared to 22.0 in Sweden and 9.6 in the Netherlands. There are over ten Problem Drug Users (PDUs) per 1,000 of the adult population, compared to 4.5 in Sweden or 3.2 in the Netherlands. Weak enforcement and prevention The UK drugs market is estimated to be worth £5 billion a year. In comparison, the Government is spending only £380 million a year – or 28% of the total drugs budget – attempting to control the supply of drugs (over £800 million is spent on treatment programmes and reducing drug-related crime). Only five boats now patrol the UK’s 7,750 mile coastline. The numbers of recorded offences for importing, supply and possession of illicit drugs have all fallen over the last 10 years. At the same time, seizures of drugs have fallen and drug prices have dropped to record low. The quantity of heroin, cocaine and cannabis that has been seized coming into the UK has fallen by 68%, 16% and 34% respectively. Both Sweden and the Netherlands have far more coherent and effective drugs policies. All illicit drug use is targeted. Treatment is clearly aimed at breaking addiction. Drug laws are clearly understood and enforced. And, unlike in the UK, the majority of the drugs budget of both countries is spent on prevention and enforcement. As Kathy Gyngell demonstrates, these principles have been lost sight of over the last 10 years in the UK. A successful UK drug policy would in contrast: bear down on the illicit use of all drugs, not the harms caused by drug use; abandon the harm reduction approach; focus treatment on abstinence and rehabilitation; include a tougher, better-funded enforcement programme to reduce the supply of drugs. Details: London: Centre for Policy Studies, 2009. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 10, 2012 at: http://www.cps.org.uk/files/reports/original/111026175647-thephoneywarondrugs.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.cps.org.uk/files/reports/original/111026175647-thephoneywarondrugs.pdf Shelf Number: 107669 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug Policy (U.K.)Drug War |
Author: Zedillo, Ernesto Title: Rethinking the “War on Drugs” Through the US-Mexico Prism Summary: The papers contained in this book are based on presentations from the conference Rethinking the “War on Drugs” Through the US-Mexico Prism, organized by the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut on May 12 and 13, 2011. The motivation for the conference reflected in this volume stems from our belief that the existing framework for dealing with drug policies does not work. As part of our ongoing effort to support the creation and dissemination of ideas toward preserving international peace and security, we organized a forum at the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization in which we could take stock and distill the relevant research and empirical evidence generated over the years with regard to the present drug policies and make an effort to determine whether there is some potential for alternative policies. We elected to confront the research and existing policies with the state of affairs on this issue as seen through the prism of Mexico and the US. Details: New Haven, CT: Yale Center for the Study of Globalization at Yale University, 2012. 175p. Source: Internet Resource: A Yale Center for the Study of Globalization eBook: Accessed July 20, 2012 at: http://www.ycsg.yale.edu/center/forms/rethinking-war-on-drugs.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.ycsg.yale.edu/center/forms/rethinking-war-on-drugs.pdf Shelf Number: 125710 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingDrug ViolenceWar on Drugs (Mexico and U.S.) |
Author: Pritchard, Jeremy Title: Measuring Drug Use Patterns in Queensland Through Wastewater Analysis Summary: Estimating the use of illicit drugs in the general community is an important task with ramifications for law enforcement agencies, as well as health portfolios. Australia has four ongoing drug monitoring systems, including the AIC’s DUMA program, the National Drug Strategy Household Survey, the Illicit Drug Reporting System and the Ecstasy and Related Drug Reporting System. The systems vary in methods, but broadly they are reliant upon self-report data and may be subject to selection biases. The present study employed a completely different method. By chemically analysing sewerage water, the study produced daily estimates of consumption of methamphetamine, MDMA and cocaine. Samples were collected in November 2009 and November 2010 from a municipality in Queensland, with an population of over 150,000 people. Estimates were made of the average daily dose and average daily street value per 1,000 people. On the basis of estimated dose and price, the methamphetamine market appeared considerably stronger than either MDMA or cocaine. This paper explains the strengths and weaknesses of wastewater analysis. It considers the potential value of wastewater analysis in measuring net consumption of illicit drugs and the effectiveness of law enforcement agency strategies. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2012. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & Issues in Crime and Criminal Jsutice, No. 442: Accessed July 30, 2012 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi/441-460/tandi442.aspx Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi/441-460/tandi442.aspx Shelf Number: 125804 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Australia)Drug EnforcementIllicit DrugsWastewater Analysis |
Author: Kilmer, Beau Title: The U.S. Drug Policy Landscape: Insights and Opportunities for Improving the View Summary: Discussions about reducing the harms associated with drug use and antidrug policies are often politicized, infused with questionable data, and unproductive. This paper provides a nonpartisan primer that should be of interest to those who are new to the field of drug policy, as well as those who have been working in the trenches. It begins with an overview of problems and policies related to illegal drugs in the United States, including the nonmedical use of prescription drugs. It then discusses the efficacy of U.S. drug policies and programs, including long-standing issues that deserve additional attention. Next, the paper lists the major funders of research and analysis in the area and describes their priorities. By highlighting the issues that receive most of the funding, this discussion identifies where gaps remain. Comparing these needs, old and new, to the current funding patterns suggests eight opportunities to improve understanding of drug problems and drug policies in the United States: (1) sponsor young scholars and strengthen the infrastructure of the field, (2) accelerate the diffusion of good ideas and reliable information to decisionmakers, (3) replicate and evaluate cutting-edge programs in an expedited fashion, (4) support nonpartisan research on marijuana policy, (5) investigate ways to reduce drug-related violence in Mexico and Central America, (6) improve understanding of the markets for diverted pharmaceuticals, (7) help build and sustain comprehensive community prevention efforts, and (8) develop more sensible sentencing policies that reduce the excessive levels of incarceration for drug offenses and address the extreme racial disparities. The document offers some specific suggestions for researchers and potential research funders in each of the eight areas. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2012. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 12, 2012 at: http://www.rand.org/pubs/occasional_papers/OP393.html Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.rand.org/pubs/occasional_papers/OP393.html Shelf Number: 126300 Keywords: Drug Abuse PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug Policy (U.S.)Illegal Drugs |
Author: Ritter, Alison Title: An Assessment of Illicit Drug Policy in Australia (1985 to 2010): Themes and Trends Summary: This monograph forms part of the Drug Policy Modelling Program (DPMP) Monograph Series. Drugs are a major social problem and are inextricably linked to the major socio-economic issues of our time. Our current drug policies are inadequate and governments are not getting the best returns on their investment. There are a number of reasons why: there is a lack of evidence upon which to base policies; the evidence that does exist is not necessarily analysed and used in policy decision-making; we do not have adequate approaches or models to help policy-makers make good decisions about dealing with drug problems; and drug policy is a highly complicated and politicised arena. The aim of the Drug Policy Modelling Program (DPMP) is to create valuable new drug policy insights, ideas and interventions that will allow Australia to respond with alacrity and success to illicit drug use. DPMP addresses drug policy using a comprehensive approach that includes consideration of law enforcement, prevention, treatment and harm reduction. The dynamic interaction between policy options is an essential component in understanding best investment in drug policy. DPMP conducts rigorous research that provides independent, balanced, non-partisan policy analysis. The areas of work include: developing the evidence-base for policy; developing, implementing and evaluating dynamic policy-relevant models of drug issues; and studying policy-making processes in Australia. This work aimed to provide an accessible description and assessment of drug policy in Australia from 1985 to 2010. Approaches to drug policy are constantly changing as a result of international and domestic factors, the comings and goings of governments, political imperative and the uptake of new knowledge. Consequently, this report represents the situation as it stands in Australia up to mid-2010. We take the Australian context (section 1) as our starting point, then summarise Australia’s National Drug Strategies over time comparing them to those of other nations (section 2). We then provide analysis of trends and patterns of drug use and harms in Australia (section 3), government action on drugs (section 4), and finish with an analysis of the roles of some of the many actors in the Australian drug policy landscape (section 5). Details: Sydney, Australia: Drug Policy Modelling Program, 2011. 85p. Source: Drug Policy Modelling Program Monograph 21: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2012 at http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/monograph1.pdf/$file/DPMP+MONO+21.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/monograph1.pdf/$file/DPMP+MONO+21.pdf Shelf Number: 126767 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy (Australia)Harm ReductionIllicit Drug Markets |
Author: Ritter, Alison Title: Evaluating Drug Law Enforcement Interventions Directed Towards Methamphetamine in Australia Summary: Methamphetamine belongs in the class of stimulant drugs referred to as Amphetamine Type Stimulants (ATS). The category of ATS includes ecstasy, amphetamine and methamphetamine. This research project concerned itself with the amphetamine and methamphetamine class and excluded ecstasy (and henceforth we use the generic term methamphetamine). In Australia, methamphetamine is available in three forms—powder, base and crystal. Methamphetamine is associated with significant harms and is an important drug policy priority. The National Amphetamine-Type Stimulants Strategy (2008–2011) (Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy, 2008) articulates the following priority areas in relation to methamphetamine: • improve community awareness and understanding of amphetamine-type stimulant use and related problems; • reduce the supply of amphetamine-type stimulants; • develop specific strategies to prevent and reduce amphetamine type stimulant use; and • develop organisational and system capacity to prevent and respond to amphetamine-type stimulant problems This research concerns the second priority area—reducing the supply of methamphetamine. The specific aims of the research were twofold: • to provide a rich description of the Australian methamphetamine supply chains in order to inform drug law enforcement interventions; and • to conduct an initial economic evaluation comparing law enforcement interventions directed at the methamphetamine market. The work focused on the methamphetamine market(s) and supply chains in Australia above the retail level. Previous research (eg McKetin, McLaren, & Kelly, 2005) has examined retail methamphetamine markets in Australia. Governments and policymakers are interested in determining which interventions are more or less effective than others, such that the scarce funding resources can be allocated in the most efficient manner possible. There is scant research available to law enforcement to guide such decisions. The main impediments to such research are the fundamental methodological challenges inherent in such an undertaking. This project is an attempt to conduct a preliminary analysis comparing the costs and impacts of different types of law enforcement. It is a ground-breaking study as this has not been previously attempted and it should be seen as the initial development of a methodological approach that can be improved upon with subsequent research. The project aimed to determine the relative cost-to-impact ratios of different law enforcement strategies aimed at reducing methamphetamine production and distribution. In an environment focused on efficiency in resource allocation, it is hoped that this research will provide the impetus for further research on the effectiveness of drug law enforcement. As the results of such research accumulate, it is hoped that policymakers will be able to use the information to improve decision making on law enforcement investment. As with all research, this study has limitations, which we hope will be addressed in future research. The economic results should be read with these limitations in mind. • This study assessed the difference between four drug law enforcement interventions in terms of the impact (value of seized drugs) against expenditure (government costs). It is not a cost-effectiveness or a cost– benefit study. The results are reported in terms of the ranking of the interventions against each other. This study does not allow one to draw conclusions about the overall efficiency or value for money represented by drug law enforcement. Future research, which builds on this work, could include a cost-effectiveness analysis, between drug law enforcement interventions and across drug law enforcement and other interventions which reduce methamphetamine use (such as drug treatment). • In this evaluation, the measure of policing impact was the monetary value of seized methamphetamine (or precursor). This is an imperfect impact measure. Drug law enforcement that results in seized product can also impact on the overall capacity of a criminal network. • This study used the value of seized drugs as the measure to compare law enforcement interventions. However, drug law enforcement may change other financial aspects for drug criminals, such as increase the costs of manufacture and distribution (by seizing assets), increase the risks of arrest and imprisonment (opportunity costs) and increase the operational costs of running a business (costs of new avoidance strategies adopted against drug law enforcement). The aggregate costs are the losses to illicit drug enterprises due to drug law enforcement activities. A comprehensive analysis would include each of these aspects and calculate ‘total loss’ due to drug law enforcement. However, in this preliminary work, we were not able to cost each of these components and hence used only replacement costs (seizures) to represent the loss. • There are other important impacts of drug law enforcement interventions—deterrence, public safety and public amenity, and disruptions on other crimes that criminal networks are engaged in that have not been included in this study; future research could adopt the broader, taxpayer (societal) perspective, rather than policing agency perspective. • In this study, we evaluate the relative impact of discrete law enforcement interventions. However, in reality, law enforcement interventions are likely to exert synergistic effects such that the combined impact of a suite of interventions is likely to be greater than the sum of the impact of individual interventions. Thus, an important caveat to our results relates to the cumulative impact of law enforcement interventions. The current project did not examine the impact of cumulative or multi-pronged interventions. • There is a substantial lack of data across many areas of illicit drug markets. We had difficulty obtaining methamphetamine price data, information about market structure, police agency budgets and detailed seizure data. Some of these data, such as information about markets, involves ethnographic research. For quantitative data, consideration should be given to the development of data collection systems which would facilitate illicit drug market and law enforcement effectiveness research (eg collection of data which connects price and purity of seizures). • Our study did not include the relative impact of precursor regulations and the enforcement of these regulations, nor did it include source country interventions conducted by Australian law enforcement. There is currently very little empirical evidence to guide policy decisions about drug enforcement interventions directed to methamphetamine. In fact, the paucity of research on the effectiveness of law enforcement across all illicit drugs ‘continues to pose a major barrier to applying these policies effectively’ (Babor, et al., 2010 p. 258.) Decisions about which methamphetamine supply control policy to fund, which policies should receive increased funding, or how to derive the most effective balance of priorities, are currently uninformed by the results of research. There is a clear and pressing need for further research that examines the effectiveness of law enforcement interventions directed at methamphetamine. The current study aims to begin to fill this gap. Details: Canberra: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2012. 133p. Source: Internet Resource: Monograph Series No. 44: Accessed November 24, 2012 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_44.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_44.pdf Shelf Number: 126990 Keywords: AmphetaminesDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug OffendersDrug TreatmentIllegal DrugsMethamphetamine (Australia) |
Author: Walther, Michael F. Title: Insanity: Four Decades of U.S. Counterdrug Strategy Summary: In the 4 decades since President Richard Nixon first declared war on drugs, the U.S. counterdrug strategy has remained virtually unchanged—favoring supply-reduction, law enforcement and criminal sanctions over demand-reduction, treatment, and education. While the annual counterdrug budget has ballooned from $100 million to $25 billion, the availability of most illicit drugs remains at an all-time high. The human cost is staggering—nearly 40,000 drug-related deaths in the United States annually. The societal impact, in purely economic terms, is now estimated to be approximately $200 billion per year. The global illicit drug industry now accounts for 1 percent of all commerce on the planet—approximately $320 billion annually. Legalization is almost certainly not the answer; however, an objective analysis of available data confirms that: 1) the United States has pursued essentially the same flawed supply-reduction strategy for 40 years; and, 2) simply increasing the amount of money invested each year in this strategy will not make it successful. Faced with impending budget cuts and a future of budget austerity, policymakers must replace the longstanding U.S. counterdrug strategy with a pragmatic, science-based, demand-reduction strategy that offers some prospect of reducing the economic and societal impacts of illicit drugs on American society. Details: Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute, 2013. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Carlisle Papers: Accessed January 17, 2013 at: www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 127280 Keywords: Drug Control (U.S.)Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyWar on Drugs |
Author: Monaghan, Geoffrey Title: Police Support for Harm Reduction Policies and Practices Towards People Who Inject Drugs Summary: Over the last twenty five years or so an increasing number of police services from countries around the world have devised and implemented policies and practices that have specifically supported increasingly widespread harm reduction policies and practices aiming to prevent, halt and reverse HIV and hepatitis B and C (HBV and HCV) epidemics amongst PWIDs and their sexual partners. This briefing paper aims to shift the focus of the debate on policing and HIV-related outcomes and explore these more positive relationships and, where appropriate, the related benefits to be derived by police services engaging directly with people who inject drugs (PWIDs). Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Modernising Drug Law Enforcement - Report 1: Accessed March 5, 2013 at: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/MDLE-report-1_Police-support-for-harm-reduction.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/MDLE-report-1_Police-support-for-harm-reduction.pdf Shelf Number: 127845 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug Use and Abuse |
Author: Beckett, Katherine Title: Race and the Enforcement of Drug Delivery Laws in Seattle Summary: Between 1980 and 2002, the number of people incarcerated in the United States grew from approximately 500,000 to over 2 million. This trend has sharply and disproportionately affected racial and ethnic minorities: over 60% of today’s inmates are black and/or Latino (Sentencing Project, n.d). Many analysts have suggested that the policies and practices associated with the war on drugs are an important cause of the expansion of the prison and jail populations, as well as the increasingly disproportionate representation of minorities in them (Blumstein 1993; Duster 1997; Tonry 1995). Recent data confirms this conjecture: approximately 30% of U.S. inmates are drug offenders, and over 90% of those admitted to prison for drug offenses are black or Latino (Sentencing Project n.d.). Theoretically, the dramatic impact of the war on drugs on the black and Latino communities may be a consequence of higher rates of drug law violations within those groups, selective enforcement of drug laws, and/or post-arrest practices and policies. Some studies have found that black drug defendants are treated more harshly than white drug defendants once in the justice system (Blumstein 1993; Goode 2002; Spohn 2000; Austin & Allen 2000). In Seattle, however, there is evidence that the differential impact of the war on drugs on black and Latino communities is not a consequence of differential treatment after arrest. It appears, therefore, that comparatively high rates of incarceration among blacks resident to the Seattle area stem from higher rates of offense behavior and/or the selective enforcement of drug laws (Minority & Justice Commission Report 1999). This report analyzes a wide range of data sources pertaining to drug delivery in order to identify the extent to which selective/discriminatory law enforcement contributes to high rates of incarceration for drug delivery among blacks. Doing so requires estimating the racial composition of Seattle’s drug-delivering population. This estimate can then be compared with arrest statistics to determine whether or not blacks are over-represented among those arrested for narcotics delivery (or possession with intent to deliver narcotics) given the estimated composition of those who deliver drugs in Seattle. At the same time, this report assesses whether whites are under-represented among drug delivery arrestees in Seattle given the frequency with which they engage in behaviors that meet the legal definition of that crime. Details: Seattle, WA: Department of Sociology and Law, Societies & Justice Program, 2003. 78p. University of Washington,, 2003. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 5, 2013 at: http://www.kcba.org/druglaw/pdf/beckettstudy.pdf Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: http://www.kcba.org/druglaw/pdf/beckettstudy.pdf Shelf Number: 128288 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Offenders (Seattle, Washington)Minority GroupsMinority Over-representationRacial DisparitiesWar on Drugs |
Author: Stevens, Alex Title: Applying Harm Reduction Principles to the Policing of Retail Drug Markets Summary: The policing of drug markets is usually conceptualised primarily as a matter of law enforcement – drug dealers and people who use drugs (PWUDs) are breaking the law, and the role of the police is to reduce such law breaking. However, the wider purpose of policing is to ensure the safety of the community by reducing harms to its members. This report examines the interaction between law enforcement and harm reduction in the policing of retail level drug markets. Key Points: • The level of harm is more important than the size of the market. • Visible, open air drug markets tend to be more harmful per unit of use than hidden, closed drug markets • Policing tactics that are not experienced by the community as being fair, lawful and effective will harm police legitimacy and community relations. • Some enforcement-led approaches, including short-term crackdowns and large scale stop and search, are unlikely to produce sustainable reductions in drug sales. They may increase levels of violence and health harms and reduce police legitimacy. • It is rarely possible to eliminate retail drug markets, but well designed and implemented policing tactics can force the drug market to take less harmful forms. • Applying harm reduction principles to drug policing may boost police legitimacy as well as community safety. • Focused deterrence and ‘pulling levers’ may reduce both harm and crime, but this depends on the context and on careful implementation and evaluation. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2013. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Modernising Drug Law Enforcement Report 3: Accessed April 6, 2013 at: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/MDLE-report_3_applying-harm-reduction-to-policing-of-retail-markets.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/MDLE-report_3_applying-harm-reduction-to-policing-of-retail-markets.pdf Shelf Number: 128303 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug OffendersDrug Policy |
Author: Organization of American States Title: The Drug Problem in the Americas: Studies. Drugs and Security Summary: The relationship between the drug problem and security can be explained principally by the state’s weakness in performing its law and order functions, property protection and crime prevention. The varying capabilities of different states in the region to guarantee protection for their citizens and effective law enforcement constitute a key variable in understanding why in some countries the drug problem is viewed as a major security threat, while in others its effect is less intense. While drug use tends to be high among people who have committed crimes, this does not mean that the majority of drug users commit crimes. The relationship between drug use and the occurrence of crime tends to be highest in specific urban spaces, and is generally associated with drug use by socially marginalized groups. Drug trafficking is an important factor behind the high mortality rates of some countries in the hemisphere. Nevertheless, there is not enough evidence to conclude that recent changes in drug trafficking routes have resulted in a decline in violent deaths, suggesting that other underlying factors may be driving this violence. The relationship between the drug problem and organized crime works both ways: Illegal drugs provide resources that fuel crime, while organized crime serves as the engine to sustain much of the drug market. From a security perspective, the problem is more about organized crime than drugs. Illegal firearms trafficking is a major problem throughout the hemisphere, exacerbated by the relationship between illegal drugs and organized crime. Illegal drugs drive crime, violence, corruption, and impunity. These four factors are key to understanding the interaction among prohibition, criminal organizations, and state institutions. The drug problem accentuates corruption within countries, taking advantage of institutional weaknesses, lack of controls and regulations, and lack of judicial independence. Institutional responses to address the drug problem may trigger reactions that further aggravate levels of violence and crime. Often times, State attempts to combat criminal factions simultaneously and head-on lead to fragmentation and power vacuums that exacerbate violence. Details: Washington, DC: OAS, 2013. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 25, 2013 at: http://www.cicad.oas.org/main/policy/informeDrogas2013/drogasSeguridad_ENG.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.cicad.oas.org/main/policy/informeDrogas2013/drogasSeguridad_ENG.pdf Shelf Number: 128798 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingDrug ViolenceOrganized CrimePolitical Corruption |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union Title: The War on Marijuana in Black and White: Billions of Dollars Wasted on Racially Biased Arrests Summary: This report is the first to examine marijuana possession arrest rates by race for all 50 states (and the District of Columbia) and their respective counties from 2001 to 2010. The report relies on the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reporting Program and the United States Census’ annual county population estimates to document arrest rates by race per 100,000 for marijuana possession. The report finds that between 2001 and 2010, there were over 8 million marijuana arrests in the United States, 88% of which were for possession. Marijuana arrests have increased between 2001 and 2010 and now account for over half (52%) of all drug arrests in the United States, and marijuana possession arrests account for nearly half (46%) of all drug arrests. In 2010, there was one marijuana arrest every 37 seconds, and states spent combined over $3.6 billion enforcing marijuana possession laws. The report also finds that, on average, a Black person is 3.73 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than a white person, even though Blacks and whites use marijuana at similar rates. Such racial disparities in marijuana possession arrests exist in all regions of the country, in counties large and small, urban and rural, wealthy and poor, and with large and small Black populations. Indeed, in over 96% of counties with more than 30,000 people in which at least 2% of the residents are Black, Blacks are arrested at higher rates than whites for marijuana possession. The report concludes that the War on Marijuana, like the larger War on Drugs of which it is a part, is a failure. It has needlessly ensnared hundreds of thousands of people in the criminal justice system, had a staggeringly disproportionate impact on African- Americans, and comes at a tremendous human and financial cost. The price paid by those arrested and convicted of marijuana possession can be significant and linger for years, if not a lifetime. Arrests and convictions for possessing marijuana can negatively impact public housing and student financial aid eligibility, employment opportunities, child custody determinations, and immigration status. Further, the War on Marijuana has been a fiscal fiasco. The taxpayers’ dollars that law enforcement agencies waste enforcing marijuana possession laws could be better spent on addressing and solving serious crimes and working collaboratively with communities to build trust and increase public health and safety. Despite the fact that aggressive enforcement of marijuana laws has been an increasing priority of police departments across the country, and that states have spent billions of dollars on such enforcement, it has failed to diminish marijuana’s use or availability. To repair this country’s wrecked War on Marijuana, the ACLU recommends that marijuana be legalized for persons 21 or older through a system of taxation, licensing, and regulation. Legalization is the smartest and surest way to end targeted enforcement of marijuana laws in communities of color, and, moreover, would eliminate the costs of such enforcement while generating revenue for cash-strapped states. States could then reinvest the money saved and generated into public schools and public health programs, including substance abuse treatment. If legalization is not possible, the ACLU recommends depenalizing marijuana use and possession for persons 21 or older by removing all attendant civil and criminal penalties, or, if depenalization is unobtainable, decriminalizing marijuana use and possession for adults and youth by classifying such activities as civil, not criminal, offenses. The ACLU also recommends that until legalization or depenalization is achieved, law enforcement agencies and district attorney offices should deprioritize enforcement of marijuana possession laws. In addition, police should end racial profiling and unconstitutional stop, frisk, and search practices, and no longer measure success and productivity by the number of arrests they make. Further, states and the federal government should eliminate the financial incentives and rewards that enable and encourage law enforcement to make large numbers of arrests, including for low-level offenses such as marijuana possession. In sum, it is time to end marijuana possession arrests. Details: New York: ACLU, 2013. 187p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 6, 2013 at: http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/aclu-thewaronmarijuana-rel2.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.aclu.org/files/assets/aclu-thewaronmarijuana-rel2.pdf Shelf Number: 128970 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug LegalizationMarijuana (U.S.)Racial DiscriminationRacial DisparitiesRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement |
Author: Gallahue, Patrick Title: Partners in Crime: International Funding for Drug Control and Gross Violations of Human Rights Summary: “Partners in Crime: International Funding for Drug Control and Gross Violations of Human Rights” documents how millions of dollars in drug enforcement funding and technical assistance are spent in countries with grave human rights concerns. Donor states include the United States, Australia Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Sweden and the European Union. Human rights abuses in the context of drug enforcement are well documented, but in the name of drug control, donor states are routinely supporting practices in other countries that they themselves regard as morally reprehensible and illegal, including executions, arbitrary detention, slave labour and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, sometimes amounting to torture. Using the examples of the death penalty and abusive drug detention centres, this report shows just how little regard is given to human rights in drug enforcement funding and co-operation, including when such funds are passed through the United Nations. Details: London: Harm Reduction International, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: http://www.ihra.net/files/2012/06/22/Partners_in_Crime_web1.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.ihra.net/files/2012/06/22/Partners_in_Crime_web1.pdf Shelf Number: 129207 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug RegulationHuman Rights |
Author: Finklea, Kristin Title: State Marijuana Legalization Initiatives: Implications for Federal Law Enforcement Summary: Marijuana is the most commonly used illicit drug across the world, including in the United States. In 2011, an estimated 18.1 million individuals in the United States aged 12 or older (7% of this population) had used marijuana in the past month. The rate of reported marijuana use in 2011 was significantly higher than those rates reported prior to 2009. Mirroring this increase in use, marijuana availability in the United States has also increased. This growth has been linked to factors such as rising marijuana production in Mexico, decreasing marijuana eradication in Mexico, and increasing marijuana cultivation in the United States led by criminal networks including Mexican drug trafficking organizations. Along with the uptick in the availability and use of marijuana in the United States, there has been a general shift in public attitudes toward the substance. In 1969, 12% of the surveyed population supported legalizing marijuana; today, more than half (52%) of surveyed adults have expressed opinions that marijuana should be legalized. And, 60% indicate that the federal government should not enforce its marijuana laws in states that allow the use of marijuana. The federal government—through the Controlled Substances Act (CSA; P.L. 91-513; 21 U.S.C. §801 et. seq.)—prohibits the manufacture, distribution, dispensation, and possession of marijuana. Over the last few decades, some states have deviated from an across-the-board prohibition of marijuana. Evolving state-level positions on marijuana include decriminalization initiatives, legal exceptions for medical use, and legalization of certain quantities for recreational use. Notably, in the November 2012 elections, voters in Washington State and Colorado voted to legalize, regulate, and tax the recreational use of small amounts of marijuana. These latest moves have spurred a number of questions regarding their potential implications for related federal law enforcement activities and for the nation’s drug policies on the whole. Among these questions is whether or to what extent state initiatives to decriminalize, or even legalize, the use of marijuana conflict with federal law. In general, federal law enforcement has tailored its efforts to target criminal networks rather than individual criminals; its stance regarding marijuana offenders appears consistent with this position. While drug-related investigations and prosecutions remain a priority for federal law enforcement, the Obama Administration has suggested that efforts will be harnessed against large-scale trafficking organizations rather than on recreational users of marijuana. Some may question whether state-level laws and regulations regarding marijuana prohibition—in particular those that clash with federal laws—may adversely impact collaborative law enforcement efforts and relationships. Currently, there is no evidence to suggest that the operation of these collaborative bodies will be impacted by current state-level marijuana decriminalization or legalization initiatives. Data from the U.S. Sentencing Commission seem to indicate a federal law enforcement focus on trafficking as opposed to possession offenses. Of the federal drug cases with marijuana listed as the primary drug type (28% of total drug cases sentenced), over 98% involved a sentence for drug trafficking in 2012. A number of criminal networks rely heavily on profits generated from the sale of illegal drugs— including marijuana—in the United States. As such, scholars and policymakers have questioned whether or how any changes in state or federal marijuana policy in the United States might impact organized crime proceeds and levels of drug trafficking-related violence, particularly in Mexico. In short, there are no definitive answers to these questions; without clear understanding of (1) actual proceeds generated by the sale of illicit drugs in the United States, (2) the proportion of total proceeds attributable to the sale of marijuana, and (3) the proportion of marijuana sales controlled by criminal organizations and affiliated gangs, any estimates of how marijuana legalization might impact the drug trafficking organizations are purely speculative. Given the differences between federal marijuana policies and those of states including Colorado and Washington, Congress may choose to address state legalization initiatives in a number of ways, or choose to take no action. Among the host of options, policymakers may choose to amend or affirm federal marijuana policy, exercise oversight over federal law enforcement activities, or incentivize state policies through the provision or denial of certain funds. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2013. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: R43164: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43164.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43164.pdf Shelf Number: 129595 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug LegalizationDrug PolicyMarijuana (U.S.) |
Author: Linnemann, Travis Title: Beyond the Ghetto: Methamphetamine and Punishment of Rural America Summary: Since the early 1970s, the United States has grown increasingly reliant on the criminal justice system to manage a wide array of social problems. Aggressive drug control policies and an over-reliance on imprisonment helped produce the world's largest prison and correctional population, often described as mass imprisonment. Within this context, the study provides an explanatory account of the political, cultural, and social conditions that encourage states like Kansas to pursue methamphetamine as a major public concern, and to a greater degree than other states with relatively higher meth problems. Ultimately, and most important, the study makes a theoretical contribution by demonstrating how meth control efforts, analogous to previous drug control campaigns, extends punitive drug control rationalities to new cultural contexts and social terrains beyond the so-called ghetto of the inner city, thereby reinforcing and extending the logics of mass imprisonment. Details: Manhattan, KS: Kansas State University, 2011. 248p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed November 23, 2013 at: http://krex.k-state.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2097/12021/TravisLinnemann2011.pdf?sequence=5 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://krex.k-state.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2097/12021/TravisLinnemann2011.pdf?sequence=5 Shelf Number: 131676 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyMethamphetamine (U.S.)PunishmentRural Areas |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drug Supply Reduction and International Security Policies in the European Union: An Overview Summary: The production and trafficking of illicit drugs poses complex and interlinked problems, which have a negative impact on public health and the security and stability of society. In responding to the dynamics of a globalised drug market, the EU and its partners are involved in actions within and outside the EU. Focusing on actions directed at the EU's internal security situation, this paper elaborates who is involved in setting policy, what legal and funding basis for action has been established, and what the main priorities are. In doing so, the paper looks at the EU institutions (the Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the Commission) and agencies predominately involved in the management of drug supply reduction and internal security issues. The paper explores relevant EU treaties and legislations that provide a means to target the supply of illicit drugs, as well as the financial instruments and programmes supporting this action. Additionally, this paper also discusses how these policy areas are addressed in the EU's strategic planning documents. For example, the Stockholm Programme, the EU internal security strategy, the EU policy cycle for organised and serious international crime and the EU drugs strategy 2013-20 and action plan 2013-16. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: EMCDDA Papers: Accessed March 12, 2014 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_220676_EN_TDAU13006ENN.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_220676_EN_TDAU13006ENN.pdf Shelf Number: 131878 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingOrganized Crime |
Author: Bewley-Taylor, Dave Title: The Rise and Decline of Cannabis Prohibition: The History of Cannabis in the UN Drug Control System and Options for Reform Summary: The cannabis plant has been used for spiritual, medicinal and recreational purposes since the early days of civilization. In this report the Transnational Institute and the Global Drug Policy Observatory describe in detail the history of international control and how cannabis was included in the current UN drug control system. Cannabis was condemned by the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs as a psychoactive drug with "particularly dangerous properties" and hardly any therapeutic value. Ever since, an increasing number of countries have shown discomfort with the treaty regime's strictures through soft defections, stretching its legal flexibility to sometimes questionable limits. Today's political reality of regulated cannabis markets in Uruguay, Washington and Colorado operating at odds with the UN conventions puts the discussion about options for reform of the global drug control regime on the table. Now that the cracks in the Vienna consensus have reached the point of treaty breach, this discussion is no longer a reformist fantasy. Easy options, however, do not exist; they all entail procedural complications and political obstacles. A coordinated initiative by a group of like-minded countries agreeing to assess possible routes and deciding on a road map for the future seems the most likely scenario for moving forward. There are good reasons to question the treaty-imposed prohibition model for cannabis control. Not only is the original inclusion of cannabis within the current framework the result of dubious procedures, but the understanding of the drug itself, the dynamics of illicit markets, and the unintended consequences of repressive drug control strategies has increased enormously. The prohibitive model has failed to have any sustained impact in reducing the market, while imposing heavy burdens upon criminal justice systems; producing profoundly negative social and public health impacts; and creating criminal markets supporting organised crime, violence and corruption. After long accommodating various forms of deviance from its prohibitive ethos, like turning a blind eye to illicit cannabis markets, decriminalisation of possession for personal use, coffeeshops, cannabis social clubs and generous medical marijuana schemes, the regime has now reached a moment of truth. The current policy trend towards legal regulation of the cannabis market as a more promising model for protecting people's health and safety has changed the drug policy landscape and the terms of the debate. The question facing the international community today is no longer whether or not there is a need to reassess and modernize the UN drug control system, but rather when and how to do it. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute; Swansea, UK: Research Institute for Arts and Humanities, Swansea University, 2014. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2014 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/rise_and_decline_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/rise_and_decline_web.pdf Shelf Number: 131900 Keywords: CannabisDecriminalizationDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ProhibitionMarijuana |
Author: U.S. Senate. Caucus on International Narcotics Control Title: Preventing a Security Crisis in the Caribbean Summary: U.S. Senators Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), co-chairs of the Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, today released a bipartisan report entitled Preventing a Security Crisis in the Caribbean that provides recommendations for Congress and the Obama Administration to enhance current security efforts in the Caribbean. "The Caribbean region has come a long way since it served as the primary transit route for South American drugs entering the United States in the 1980s," said Senator Feinstein. "Despite impressive gains, drug trafficking, local drug consumption and the U.S. demand for illegal drugs remain major causes of crime and violence. As enforcement efforts in Mexico and Central America inevitably move trafficking back to the Caribbean, we must better support our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere to combat the corrosive drug trade and minimize violence." "The Caribbean continues to be a major trans-shipment zone for narcotics." said Senator Grassley. "The recent spike in the use of drug-trafficking submarines there shows the lengths smugglers are taking to get their product to U.S. shores through the area. Drug trafficking and related violence in the Caribbean have a significant impact on our national security and on the lives of the region's people. The United States has to adapt to emerging trends in shipping techniques to help keep illicit drugs out of the United States and continue to help Caribbean nations strengthen their counternarcotics efforts. This report outlines actions the United States can take to help our partners in the Caribbean combat the transshipment of illegal drugs throughout the region." The report recommends: An assessment by the State Department and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) of where Sensitive Investigative Units are most needed in the Caribbean. Jamaica, with the fourth highest murder rate in the world, should be considered a top candidate for one of these units. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) should send a full criminal history of all deportees to authorities in the Caribbean so they are aware of the return of any criminals or drug traffickers. Caribbean countries' authorities do not currently receive a full criminal rap sheet from ICE on deportees returning home. United States technical assistance to the countries of the Caribbean to support the drafting of asset forfeiture laws and laws controlling precursor chemicals used to make illegal drugs. The integration of Puerto Rico into working level meetings held between the State Department and countries in the Caribbean on security and narcotics issues. Strong support of Haitian counternarcotic efforts. Strengthening of U.S. anti-money laundering laws. Continued extradition of drug kingpins from the Caribbean to the United States. The return of DEA helicopters used in Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos to the Exumas Islands in The Bahamas. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Senate, 2012. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 15, 2014 at: http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/files/serve/?File_id=90bb66bc-3371-4898-8415-fbfc31c0ed24 Year: 2012 Country: Caribbean URL: http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/files/serve/?File_id=90bb66bc-3371-4898-8415-fbfc31c0ed24 Shelf Number: 131926 Keywords: Drug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingDrug Trafficking ControlWar on Drugs |
Author: Myrstol, Brad A. Title: The Predictive Validity of Marijuana Odor Detection: An Examination of Alaska State Trooper Case Reports 2006-2010 Summary: This study provides an empirical estimate of the extent to which Alaska State Troopers (AST) investigators' detection of marijuana odors served as a reliable indicator of the presence of illegal quantities of marijuana in suspected structures/buildings. It also provides a detailed description of marijuana grow searches conducted by AST investigators. Data were compiled from the case records for all marijuana grow searches conducted by AST for the years 2006-2010 (n=333). Details: Anchorage, AK: UAA Justice Center, University of Alaska Anchorage, 2012. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2014 at: http://justice.uaa.alaska.edu/research/2010/1110.02.ast.marijuana/1110.02.marijuana.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://justice.uaa.alaska.edu/research/2010/1110.02.ast.marijuana/1110.02.marijuana.pdf Shelf Number: 131954 Keywords: Drug DetectionDrug EnforcementIllegal DrugsMarijuana |
Author: Applied Research Services, Inc. Title: Georgia Drug Arrest Trends: The Supply-Side Model of Drug Interdiction in Georgia Summary: The present report serves as the preamble to a larger study of Georgia's Multi-jurisdictional Drug Task Forces (MJTF). In this quasi-experimental analysis of MJTF and non-MJTF jurisdictions, we examine arrest and conviction data from the state Computerized Criminal History (CCH) database as well as a number of other sources. One reason for pursuing this longitudinal study first is to ensure this particular period does not present any temporal issues that could confound the analysis. Specifically, Georgia has, along with the rest of the nation, seen significant decreases in crime over the past few years. As this study will report, Georgia's overall arrest rates have plummeted since the 2008 recession. While declining arrest rates are predictable given the drop in reported crime rates, the recession may have had a particular period effect that needs to be taken into consideration during the propensity matching phase of the MJTF study. In essence, this report accomplishes the following as a means of providing a context for the larger study and report: - Introduce the Supply-Side theory of drug interdiction; - Introduce our use of "Criminal Career" methods to study crime trends in Georgia; - Discuss and distinguish between Participation and Frequency as components of crime rates; - Discuss use of CCH data within the context of criminal career methods as a means of testing the effectiveness of Supply-Side approaches; - Discuss falling crime rates as a counterfactual; - Demonstrate the effectiveness of the supply-side approach and the differential effectiveness of the MJTFs by demonstrating: o Increased number of high-level drug arrests (larger quantities, trafficking offenses) in MJTF counties, as compared to non-MJTF counties o Larger decreases in smaller-level offenses (users), especially first-time offenses in MJTF counties, as compared to non-MJTF counties; - Discuss how drug prices have fluctuated in Georgia and the relationship of this fluctuation to drug interdiction methods. Details: Atlanta: Georgia Governor's Criminal Justice Coordinating Council, 2013. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 21, 2014 at: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/related_files/site_page/Georgia%20Drug%20Arrest%20Trends_9.30.13.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/related_files/site_page/Georgia%20Drug%20Arrest%20Trends_9.30.13.pdf Shelf Number: 132094 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug Offenders |
Author: Webster, Julianne Title: Innovative Police Responses to Drug Problems: Exploring a Third-Party Policing Partnership Between Police and Community Pharmacy Summary: Third-party policing partnerships are a policing innovation increasingly discussed in the crime prevention literature, but what we actually know about third-party policing partnerships is extremely limited. In the main, studies examine voluntary community-oriented partnerships, 'hot-spots' approaches and strategies utilising legal-levers to mobilise third-parties to perform a crime prevention or crime control response. Typically, the results of such studies are observed through changes to crime and disorder concerning the particular intervention at the designated place. However rarely do studies seek to understand the processes underpinning the development and implementation of third-party policing partnerships which are mandated by regulation; the role of third-parties; the role of regulation in the mobilisation of the partnership; the impact of the intervention for the third-party; or the effectiveness of the strategy from the perspective of the regulated third-parties. This dissertation seeks to further understand how such third-party policing partnerships are developed; how they are implemented; the nature of their impact; and how they perform against their crime control objectives. This study of third-party policing partnerships draws upon a case study of a policing partnership implemented to control access to pseudoephedrine products from community pharmacies. Products containing pseudoephedrine are utilised as a key precursor chemical in the domestic manufacture of illicit synthetic drugs such as methylamphetamine in clandestine laboratories. Hence the diversion of these products for non-therapeutic purposes represents a serious crime problem. Details: Mt. Gravatt, QLD: Griffith University, Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, 2012. 350p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 22, 2014 at: https://www120.secure.griffith.edu.au/rch/file/de2de64f-4945-5f94-96ea-b1615c5f831c/1/Webster_2012_02Thesis.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: https://www120.secure.griffith.edu.au/rch/file/de2de64f-4945-5f94-96ea-b1615c5f831c/1/Webster_2012_02Thesis.pdf Shelf Number: 132110 Keywords: CollaborationDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementPartnershipsThird-Party Policing |
Author: Pew Research Center Title: America's New Drug Policy Landscape: Two-Thirds Favor Treatment, Not Jail, for Use of Heroin, Cocaine Summary: The public appears ready for a truce in the long-running war on drugs. A national survey by the Pew Research Center finds that 67% of Americans say that the government should focus more on providing treatment for those who use illegal drugs such as heroin and cocaine. Just 26% think the government's focus should be on prosecuting users of such hard drugs. Support for a treatment-based approach to illegal drug use spans nearly all demographic groups. And while Republicans are less supportive of the treatment option than are Democrats or independents, about half of Republicans (51%) say the government should focus more on treatment than prosecution in dealing with illegal drug users. As a growing number of states ease penalties for drug possession, the public expresses increasingly positive views of the move away from mandatory sentences for non-violent drug crimes. By nearly two-to-one (63% to 32%), more say it is a good thing than a bad thing that some states have moved away from mandatory sentences for non-violent drug offenders. In 2001, Americans were evenly divided over the move by some states to abandon mandatory drug terms. The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 14-23 among 1,821 adults, finds that support for the legalization of marijuana use continues to increase. And fully 75% of the public - including majorities of those who favor and oppose the legal use of marijuana - think that the sale and use of marijuana will eventually be legal nationwide. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2014. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2014 at: http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/04-02-14%20Drug%20Policy%20Release.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/04-02-14%20Drug%20Policy%20Release.pdf Shelf Number: 132147 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug Abuse PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy (U.S.)Drug TreatmentIllegal DrugsPublic Opinion |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Office of the Inspector General. Evaluation and Inspections Division Title: Review of the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces Fusion Center Summary: This review examined the operations of the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) Fusion Center (OFC) and assessed its process for sharing its analytical products. The OFC is a multi-agency intelligence center that produces intelligence products in response to requests from federal investigators (requesters). The Drug Enforcement Administration's (DEA) Special Operations Division (SOD) supports the OFC in developing these products. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2014. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: I-2014-002: Accessed April 28, 2014 at: http://www.justice.gov/oig/reports/2014/e1402.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.justice.gov/oig/reports/2014/e1402.pdf Shelf Number: 132194 Keywords: Criminal IntelligenceDrug EnforcementFusion CentersInformation SharingOrganized Crime |
Author: Freeman, Laurie Title: Troubling Patterns: The Mexican Military and the War on Drugs Summary: The Mexican military has a dominant and expanding role in Mexico's war on drugs. As its role grows, so does its relationship with the US military, due to their common counter-drug mission. US organizations working to promote human rights and democracy in Mexico are concerned about human rights violations committed by the Mexican military in the drug war, as well as possible implications for US policy and the military-to-military relationship. By analyzing 27 cases of human rights violations committed by the Mexican military during anti-drug activities from 1996 to the present, this study has identified distinct patterns of military abuse in the context of anti-drug efforts. The cases in this study show that: The Mexican military's involvement in the drug war has led to human rights abuses; There is no adequate system to address these abuses when they occur; and The Leahy Law is not being adequately implemented by the US Embassy to ensure that US training and assistance are not provided to Mexican military units that have been implicated in human rights violations. Details: Washington, DC: Latin America Working Group, 2002. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 12, 2014 at: http://www.lawg.org/storage/documents/troubling%20patterns%20the%20war%20on%20drugs%202002.pdf Year: 2002 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.lawg.org/storage/documents/troubling%20patterns%20the%20war%20on%20drugs%202002.pdf Shelf Number: 132336 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyHuman Rights AbusesWar on Drugs |
Author: Bagalman, Erin Title: Prescription Drug Abuse Summary: An estimated 6.8 million individuals currently abuse prescription drugs in the United States. Unlike policy on street drugs, federal policy on prescription drug abuse is complicated by the need to maintain access to prescription controlled substances (PCS) for legitimate medical use. The federal government has several roles in reducing prescription drug abuse. Coordination. The Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) coordinates and tracks prescription drug abuse reduction efforts and funding of multiple federal agencies. Regulation. The primary federal statutes governing prescription drug regulation are the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FFDCA) and the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970, commonly called the Controlled Substances Act (CSA). Law Enforcement. Federal law enforcement, primarily the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), aims to prevent, detect, and investigate the diversion of prescription drugs while regulating the supply for legitimate medical, commercial, and scientific purposes. Health. Federal agencies and programs involved in health may address prescription drug abuse through service delivery (e.g., the Veterans Health Administration), financing (e.g., Medicare), and research (e.g., the National Institute on Drug Abuse). The federal government, state and local governments, and various private entities (e.g., pharmacies) are currently undertaking a range of approaches to reducing prescription drug abuse. Scheduling of PCS. The scheduling status of a PCS (1) affects patient access to PCS (e.g., by limiting refills); (2) affects the degree of regulatory requirements (e.g., supply chain recordkeeping); and (3) determines the degree of criminal punishment for illegal traffickers. Safe Storage and Disposal. DEA regulates storage of PCS by registered entities (e.g., pharmacies); provides registered entities with options for proper disposal of PCS; and sponsors National Prescription Drug Take-Back Days to assist citizens in safe disposal of PCS. Enhancing Law Enforcement. Federal law enforcement efforts may focus on geographic areas with higher rates of prescription drug abuse or on High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas (HIDTA) that experience a higher volume of illicit trafficking of PCS. Using Data to Identify Risk. Most states operate prescription drug monitoring programs - databases of prescriptions filled for PCS. Other public and private entities also have data that may be analyzed to identify high-risk behavior among prescribers, dispensers, or patients. Awareness and Education. Efforts to increase awareness and education about prescription drug abuse may focus on health care providers, patients, or the general public. Treatment. Some prescription drug abuse may be avoided in treating underlying conditions (e.g., pain) or may be treated with pharmacologic or non-pharmacologic interventions. New products may improve treatment for both underlying conditions and prescription drug abuse. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2014. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: R43559: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: http://www.nacds.org/ceo/2014/0529/CRS_Drug_Abuse_Report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.nacds.org/ceo/2014/0529/CRS_Drug_Abuse_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 132480 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse PolicyDrug Abuse PreventionDrug EnforcementDrug RegulationPrescription Drug Abuse |
Author: Hughes, Caitlin Title: Evaluating Australian Drug Trafficking Thresholds: Proportionate, Equitable and Just? Summary: Drug trafficking in Australia is deemed a very serious offence, one for which legislators and courts have ruled general deterrence is paramount and 'little mercy' should be shown (Clune [1989] VR 567, O'Bryan and Marks JJ, 576). A principal challenge has been how to effectively differentiate and sanction participants in the drug trade: particularly how to differentiate 'traffickers' from those who solely purchase or consume illicit drugs (people whom legislators and courts have determined ought be sanctioned more leniently). To assist in this endeavour all states and territories have adopted drug trafficking thresholds which specify quantities of drugs, for possession of more than which it is presumed an offender has committed an offence of drug trafficking (or of mid or high level trafficking, depending on the quantity). For numerous reasons the Australian system of drug trafficking thresholds is unique. First, Australia is one of the few countries that specifies quantities as threshold limits for distinguishing between drug offences with different penalty scales. These thresholds vary by drug type and by jurisdiction, and are largely set at 2 to 3 grams in most jurisdictions (see below). The quantity is not the sole factor considered in sentencing. The nature and circumstances of the alleged possession, such as the presence or absence of large sums of money or other indicia of supply often act as mitigating or aggravating circumstances. Yet particularly for thresholds that distinguish trafficking from use, the threshold is often the most important factor affecting prosecution and sentencing. Second, to assist in the successful prosecution of drug traffickers the Australian drug trafficking thresholds are attached to deemed supply laws which reverse the traditional burden of proof from prosecutors onto defendants. Such laws mean that possession of the trafficable threshold amount will constitute a presumption of trafficking placing the onus on the alleged offender to prove that the possessed amount was not for the purposes of trafficking ('deemed supply'). Details: Canberra: Criminology Research Advisory Council, 2014. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: http://www.criminologyresearchcouncil.gov.au/reports/1314/35-1112-FinalReport.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.criminologyresearchcouncil.gov.au/reports/1314/35-1112-FinalReport.pdf Shelf Number: 132488 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Trafficking |
Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Coast Guard: Resource Provided for Drug Interdiction Operations in the Transit Zone, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands Summary: The Coast Guard provided varying levels of resources for drug interdiction operations in the transit zonethe area from South America through the Caribbean Sea and the eastern Pacific Ocean that is used to transport illicit drugs to the United Statesduring fiscal years 2009 through 2013, and generally did not meet its performance targets for several reasons. As the figure shows, Coast Guard resources included vessels (cutters), aircraft, and law enforcement detachments. The number of cutter days, aircraft hours, and law enforcement detachment days the Coast Guard provided for drug interdiction operations in the transit zone varied during fiscal years 2009 through 2012, and then sharply declined in fiscal year 2013. For example, in fiscal year 2012, the Coast Guard provided 1,947 cutter days for transit zone operations and in fiscal year 2013 the Coast Guard provided 1,346 daysa 30 percent decline. During fiscal years 2009 through 2013, the Coast Guard met targets for its primary drug interdiction mission performance measurethe removal rate of cocaine from noncommercial vessels in the transit zoneonce, in fiscal year 2013. Coast Guard officials cited the declining readiness of its aging vessels, delays in the delivery of replacement vessels, and sequestration as factors affecting Coast Guard resource deployments and the ability to meet its drug interdiction mission performance targets. In support of a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) effort to address the increased violent crime associated with illicit drug smuggling into Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands, the Coast Guard has increased vessel and aircraft operations for drug interdiction efforts in these territories by reallocating resources from elsewhere in the Coast Guard. According to Coast Guard officials, these additional resources are drawn from other missions, such as alien migrant interdiction. Beginning in September 2012, the Coast Guard implemented a surge operation to provide additional vessels and aircraft to regularly patrol Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands. According to Coast Guard officials, the increased vessel and aircraft deployments have since become the new baseline level of resources to be provided for drug interdiction operations there. According to Coast Guard data, the number of vessel hours spent conducting drug interdiction operations in these territories more than tripled from fiscal years 2009 through 2013. Similarly, the number of maritime patrol aircraft hours spent conducting drug interdiction operations in the territories increasedfrom about 150 flight hours in fiscal year 2011 to about 1,000 hours in fiscal year 2013. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2014. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-14-527: Accessed July 7, 2014 at: http://www.gao.gov/assets/670/664098.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.gao.gov/assets/670/664098.pdf Shelf Number: 132631 Keywords: Border SecurityCoast GuardDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingHomeland SecurityMaritime CrimeMaritime Security |
Author: Youngers, Coletta A. Title: In Search of Rights: Drug Users and Government Responses in Latin America Summary: This report presents the results of the most recent study by the Research Consortium on Drugs and the Law (Colectivo de Estudios Drogas y Derecho, CEDD). The study, entitled "In Search of Rights: Drug Users and State Responses in Latin America" analyzes States-- responses to the consumption of illicitly used drugs, focusing on two key areas; Criminal justice responses and health responses; Vin eight Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. An international consensus appears to be emerging that drug use is not a criminal matter, but a health issue. Nevertheless, as shown by the country investigations that are part of this study, Latin American government responses to the use of illicit substances remain predominantly punitive and handled through the criminal justice system; it is through judicial, rather than healthcare, institutions that states address the illicit use of drugs and drug users. Even in countries in which drug use is not a crime, persistent criminalization of drug users is found. Treating drug use (and users) as a criminal matter is problematic for several reasons. First, as an earlier study by CEDD shows, responses that criminalize drug users are often ultimately more hazardous for the users; health than the drug use itself and do not help decrease levels of use (either problem or non-problem use).2 Second, as this report shows, the criminal justice response contributes to a climate of stigmatization of and discrimination against users, reducing the likelihood that police and the judicial system will take an impartial attitude toward them. Third, the criminalization of drug users is a poor use of public resources in both the public security and health sectors. Finally, this approach to drug use; through criminal justice institutions; violates various fundamental rights of users, including the rights to health, information, personal autonomy and self-determination. All of this violates various national and international human rights norms that States are obligated to uphold. The following is a summary of the studies; key findings: - Most public policies related to drug use in the countries studied take a punitive and prohibitionist approach that does not distinguish among different types of use and/or among substances or users; they are therefore inadequate for addressing the harm caused by problem drug use. - In all of the countries studied, there is strong discrimination against and stigmatization of drug users. Even in countries where use of those substances is not criminalized, we found that consumers are often treated as criminals. This leaves users outside the reach of health systems. - In all the countries studied, we found that drug users are criminally prosecuted. In Argentina, Ecuador, Mexico and Bolivia, drug use is not a crime. Nevertheless, according to the study in Argentina, in a sample from 2011, nearly 75 percent of the cases involving drug law violations that were initiated by security forces in the Federal Criminal Court in the city of Buenos Aires were for possession of drugs for personal use. In Ecuador, 5,103 people are presently incarcerated for possession of narcotic or psychotropic substances, of a total of 6,467 convicted on drug-related charges. In Mexico, 140,860 people nationwide were arrested for drug use between 2009 and May 2013, and investigations were opened in 53,769 cases in the federal system during that period. In Bolivia, 6,316 people were arrested for drug possession (mainly cannabis) between 2005 and 2011, although possession is not classified as a crime. - The criminal justice response puts drug users in a vulnerable position before the authorities, exposing them to corruption, extortion, physical abuse, sexual abuse, arbitrary detention and other violations of their fundamental rights. - Largely because of the stigmatization of drug use, users suffer constant violations of their fundamental rights, including the rights to health, self-determination and free personal development, the right not to suffer discrimination, and the right to information and due process. - The governments studied emphasize controlling the supply of illicitly used drugs over addressing drug use, or demand, which has a negative impact on the ability to provide adequate social and public-health responses to drug use and contributes to the violation of present and future users; rights to health. - There is a marked paucity of information about consumption and a lack of systematization of that information and, in some cases there are methodological and conceptual problems in the gathering of information about drug use. That often leads to an exaggeration of the problem of consumption of illicitly used drugs and hinders the formulation and development of informed policies based on empirical information. - By emphasizing a criminal justice approach over a health-related approach, governments have abdicated their responsibility to users who need treatment, leaving the private sector as the main provider of treatment and rehabilitation services. We found that States often do not regulate and/or oversee private centers, many of which operate informally, using treatments that have no scientific basis. Abstinence-based treatment models predominate in both the public and private sectors and there is little emphasis on harm reduction programs, which have proven more effective in mitigating the negative effects of illicit use of drugs. - Throughout the region, drug users; even when their use is not problematic; can be subjected to treatment involuntarily, forcibly or semi-forcibly. This means that scarce public-health resources that could be used for people who do want and need treatment are used for people who neither need nor want it. Given that situation, the proposal of drug courts offers an alternative to incarceration. One concern, however, is that this proposal is seen as a healthcare response, when its components are still of a criminal justice nature and risk reproducing all of the problems within the criminal justice system with regard to drug use. Details: Mexico: Research Consortium on Drugs and the Law (CEDD), 170p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 10, 2014 at: http://drogasyderecho.org/assets/full-report-english.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Latin America URL: http://drogasyderecho.org/assets/full-report-english.pdf Shelf Number: 132637 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Latin America)Drug Abuse PolicyDrug Abuse TreatmentDrug EnforcementDrug ReformIllicit DrugsSubstance Abuse Treatment |
Author: Cox, Jerry J. Title: Collateral Damage: America's Failure to Forgive or Forget in the War on Crime -- A Roadmap to Restore Rights and Status After Arrest or Conviction. Summary: Collateral damage occurs in any war, including America's "War on Crime." Ironically, our zealous efforts to keep communities safe may have actually destabilized and divided them. The vast expansion of the nation's criminal justice system over the past 40 years has produced a corresponding increase in the number of people with a criminal record. One recent study estimated that 65 million people - one in four adults in the United States - have a criminal record. At the same time, the collateral consequences of conviction - specific legal restrictions, generalized discrimination and social stigma have become more severe, more public and more permanent. These consequences affect virtually every aspect of human endeavor, including employment and licensing, housing, education, public benefits, credit and loans, immigration status, parental rights, interstate travel, and even volunteer opportunities. Collateral consequences can be a criminal defendant's most serious punishment, permanently relegating a person to second-class status. The obsession with background checking in recent years has made it all but impossible for a person with a criminal record to leave the past behind. An arrest alone can lead to permanent loss of opportunity. The primary legal mechanisms historically relied on to restore rights and status -- executive pardon and judicial expungement - have atrophied or become less effective. It is time to reverse this course. It is time to recognize that America's infatuation with collateral consequences has produced unprecedented and unnecessary collateral damage to society and to the justice system. It is time to celebrate the magnificent human potential for growth and redemption. It is time to move from the era of collateral consequences to the era of restoration of rights and status. NACDL recommends a broad national initiative to construct a legal infrastructure that will provide individuals with a criminal record with a clear path to equal opportunity. The principle that individuals have paid their debt to society when they have completed their court-imposed sentence should guide this initiative. At its core, this initiative must recognize that individuals who pay their debt are entitled to have their legal and social status fully restored. Details: Washington, DC: National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL), 2014. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 11, 2014 at: http://www.nacdl.org/restoration/roadmapreport/ Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.nacdl.org/restoration/roadmapreport/ Shelf Number: 132660 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyDrug ReformWar on Drugs (U.S.) |
Author: Borda, Sandra Title: The Search for a Negotiated Peace in Colombia and the Fight Against Illegal Drugs Summary: The issue of illicit drugs has played a radically different role in the ongoing peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana compared with the peace process in El Caguan ten years ago. There are two differences. Firstly, while in El Caguan President Pastrana aligned himself with the war on drugs as it stood at the time through the design and implementation of Plan Colombia in order to strengthen the state's military apparatus, President Santos has adopted a more revisionist attitude by calling for a global debate intended to produce changes to the current war on drugs. And secondly, in contrast to Pastrana, Santos has chosen not to dwell on claims about the close links between the FARC's insurgent activity and the production and trafficking of illicit drugs. Additionally, the report suggests that these differences are explained by the role the U.S. played in both negotiations: while it was active and crucial in El Caguan, its absence from the Havana talks has been notable, but also rather convenient. This absence, in turn, is explained by the fact that Washington has fewer interests at stake and more limited resources for intervening, at the same time as the Colombian government no longer has an urgent need for aid. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), 2013. 8p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/8927ac64693ffbc3b7191d6b5b132d3e.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/8927ac64693ffbc3b7191d6b5b132d3e.pdf Shelf Number: 132700 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug-Related ViolenceHomicidesIllegal Drugs (Colombia)Revolutionary Armed Forces of ColombiaWar on Drugs |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Title: The Illicit Drug Trade Through South-Eastern Europe Summary: South-Eastern Europe has long served as a corridor for several drug-trafficking routes to Western and Central Europe. Owing to its geographical position between Afghanistan, the world's most important opiate-producing country, and the large and lucrative markets for opiates in Western and Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe is a crucial stage on one of the world's most important heroin trafficking routes, the "Balkan route". Diverse drug flows come from multiple directions. Externally, cocaine arrives from South America. Internally, South-Eastern Europe produces relatively large amounts of cannabis, most notably in Albania, and the region also has a recent history of producing and trafficking amphetamine-type-stimulants (ATS). Of all these drug flows, however, only heroin flows can be considered strategically significant to consumption markets in Western and Central Europe. It is important to note that South-Eastern Europe is not only a transit region, but also faces drug consumption challenges in its own right and is vulnerable to corruption. In order to place policymakers and law enforcement analysts in a better position to evaluate the drug-trafficking situation and make informed decisions regarding responses, this report analyses the major and emerging drug trends, including use, for heroin, cocaine, ATS and cannabis. Based on findings from data submitted to UNODC by countries and territories, reports from regional organizations such as SELEC and Frontex and publicly available publications and scientific literature, the report also looks at the responses of countries in the region to related challenges. With a particular focus on heroin, it analyses the Balkan route from its origin on the borders of Afghanistan, through the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey, into South-Eastern Europe and up to its end point in Western and Central Europe, where the four principal opiate user markets it serves (the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy) are located. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2014. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 28, 2014 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Studies/Illicit_DT_through_SEE_REPORT_2014_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Studies/Illicit_DT_through_SEE_REPORT_2014_web.pdf Shelf Number: 132793 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug Trafficking (Europe)Heroin |
Author: Gomis, Benoit Title: Illicit Drugs and International Security: Towards UNGASS 2016 Summary: In spite of a decades-long 'war on drugs', the global drug trade persists as a significant problem for international security given its scale, the number of deaths related to trafficking and consumption it creates, and the organized crime and corruption it fuels. The international drug control system has been ineffective in reducing the size of the market and in preventing the emergence of new drugs and drug routes that cause and shift instability around the world. Current drug policies have been counter-productive, often causing more harm than the drugs themselves through capital punishment for offences, widespread incarceration, discrimination in law enforcement, violation of basic human rights in forced 'treatment' centres, and opportunity costs. In the last three years, the drug policy debate has evolved more than in the previous three decades. There remain a number of political obstacles to making recent developments sustainable ahead of the UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs in 2016, but these should not be used as excuses for continuing with a failed status quo. Details: London: Chatham House, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper: Accessed July 31, 2014 at: http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/home/chatham/public_html/sites/default/files/0214Drugs_BP2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/home/chatham/public_html/sites/default/files/0214Drugs_BP2.pdf Shelf Number: 132853 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingIllicit DrugsOrganized CrimeWar on Drugs |
Author: Csete, Joanne Title: Telling the Story of Drugs in West Africa: The newest front in a losing war? Summary: Key Points - The emergence of significant drug trafficking routes in West Africa, particularly of cocaine from Latin America to European markets, has drawn a great deal of attention from global drug authorities, including the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), and the government of the United States, which sees West Africa as a setting for replicating drug-control interventions used in Latin America. - UNODC and US reports have used limited data on drug seizures, drug consumption and drug-related terrorism in West Africa to weave a narrative of a region 'under attack' by unscrupulous drug dealers and seized by rapidly increasing problematic drug use. - These authorities sometimes admit that these data are sketchy, but they nonetheless use this information to make broad generalisations about the urgent need for more policing and other 'drug war' measures. - Though the link between drug trafficking and terrorism in West Africa is not very well established, the US also energises its arguments for repressive drug interventions in West Africa by highlighting this connection. - West Africa undoubtedly has significant drug-related problems that merit an energetic response. - It is, however, legitimate to question whether the hyped-up narrative that has been constructed of a lethal problem is meant to justify placement of military, surveillance and anti-terrorism hardware and software in the region at a time when the US-led 'war on drugs' is losing support within many Latin American countries. Rather than the simple replication of often harmful and ineffective policy interventions applied in Latin America, the response to illicit drugs in West Africa should benefit from a careful reflection about what has and has not worked in other parts of the world. Details: Swansea, Wales, UK: Swansea University, Global Drug Policy Observatory, 2013. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief 1: Accessed July 31, 2014 at: http://www.swansea.ac.uk/media/GDPO%20West%20Africa%20digital.pdf%20FINAL.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Africa URL: http://www.swansea.ac.uk/media/GDPO%20West%20Africa%20digital.pdf%20FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 132855 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (West Africa)Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingWar on Drugs |
Author: Main, Alexander Title: Still Waiting for Justice: An Assessment of the Honduran Public Ministry's Investigation of the May 11, 2012 Killings in Ahuas, Honduras Summary: On May 11, 2012, a joint Honduran and U.S. counternarcotics operation in the remote Ahuas municipality of northeastern Honduras resulted in the killing of four indigenous villagers with no apparent ties to drug trafficking. The four individuals - a 14-year-old boy, two women and a young man - were traveling in a small passenger boat when they were shot and killed by counternarcotics agents. Three other boat passengers were badly injured. According to Honduran authorities, the operation included 13 Honduran police agents, four State Department helicopters with mounted machine guns, eight U.S. government-contracted pilots and 10 U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents. In February 2013, DEA spokeswoman Dawn Dearden stated that the Honduran investigation of the incident had "concluded that DEA agents did not fire a single round" and that "the conduct of DEA personnel was consistent with current DEA protocols, policies and procedures." Though 58 members of Congress recently requested a U.S. investigation of the Ahuas killings, a State Department spokesperson has said "there will be no separate investigation." In the following issue brief we take a look at how the Honduran Public Ministry's investigation of the incident was conducted and examine the report on the investigation that the Honduran Attorney General (Fiscal general in Spanish) submitted to the State Department. We find that both the investigation and report have serious flaws including major omissions of key testimony and forensic exams, a one-sided description and analysis of events, and "observations" (in lieu of conclusions) that aren't supported by the evidence that is cited. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research and Rights Action, 2013. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/honduras-ahuas-2013-04.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/honduras-ahuas-2013-04.pdf Shelf Number: 132907 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Trafficking (Honduras)HomicidesPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Wigell, Mikael Title: Transatlantic Drug Trade: Europe, Latin America and the Need to Strengthen Anti-Narcotics Cooperation Summary: - The cocaine business has changed significantly in recent years. Once concentrated in Colombia, it has now expanded to the entire Latin American region with Brazil, Mexico, Central America, and Venezuela having become central corridors for the illegal traffic. - As the market for cocaine has been contracting in North America, Latin American drug networks have switched their attention to Europe, which is now the world's fastest growing market for cocaine. - The cocaine enters Europe mainly by exploiting the legitimate container trade. Most shipments continue to be directed to Western Europe, but recently the illicit trade has been expanding eastward with new entry points opening up in the Black Sea and Balkan area. There are also indications of a possible new entry point in the Eastern Baltic Sea area. - Not only are Latin American criminal organizations expanding their activities on the European drug market, but they are also exploiting the European financial crisis to launder their profits and move into other branches of the economy. - The growing transatlantic cocaine trade calls for improving inter-regional counter-narcotics cooperation. Concrete steps should be taken to promote stronger links between anti-drugs programmes, development cooperation and public security policies on both sides of the Atlantic. Details: Helsinki: Finnish Institute of International Affairs, 2012. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: FIIA Briefing Paper 132: Accessed August 11, 2014 at: http://www.fiia.fi/en/publication/343/transatlantic_drug_trade/ Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.fiia.fi/en/publication/343/transatlantic_drug_trade/ Shelf Number: 132969 Keywords: CocaineCriminal NetworksDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingOrganized Crime |
Author: Rozo, Sandra Title: On the Effectiveness of Supply Reduction Efforts in Drug Producing Countries: Evidence from Colombia Summary: In this paper we exploit a natural experiment induced by a diplomatic agreement between the governments of Colombia and Ecuador to evaluate the effectiveness of a popular anti-drug supply program (aerial spraying with herbicides) on illegal drug production. In 2008, due to the possible negative effects of aerial spraying, the Colombian government pledged to stop the spraying campaigns in a 10 kilometer band around the international frontier with Ecuador. We use this exogenous variation and 1-square-km-grid-level satellite data with the exact geographic location of coca crops to identify the effectiveness of the program using conditional difference in difference and regression discontinuity. Our results suggest that spraying campaigns have a small but significant effect on coca cultivation. Details: Los Angeles: California Center for Population Research, University of California -- Los Angeles, 2014. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: PWP-CCPR-2014-005Accessed August 11, 2014 at: http://papers.ccpr.ucla.edu/papers/PWP-CCPR-2014-005/PWP-CCPR-2014-005.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Colombia URL: http://papers.ccpr.ucla.edu/papers/PWP-CCPR-2014-005/PWP-CCPR-2014-005.pdf Shelf Number: 132978 Keywords: Aerial Spraying Drug Control Drug EnforcementDrug Policy Drug Trafficking (Colombia) |
Author: Segura, Renata Title: The Global Drug Policy Debate. Experiences from the Americas and Europe Summary: The cultivation, trafficking and consumption of illegal drugs have historically posed a multilayered series of challenges to the state: from how to minimize health risks and provide treatment and support to those who use drugs, to the security and governance threats posed by trafficking groups and networks. While global in nature, the challenges presented by the illicit drug trade are also contextual. Lack of progress in addressing the manifold challenges posed by the illicit drug trade has led to a growing acknowledgement of the need for a serious rethink of global drugs policy. The authors underscore the importance of, and encourage the creation of national and regional commissions that are tasked with reviewing current drug policies and recommending changes. It also examines current calls in Latin American for a review of the so-called 'war on drugs', highlighting the role that outspoken leaders are playing in shaping the debate on drug policy, as well as current shifts from a policing-focused approach to one that accounts for the safety and health of drug users. The paper looks in particular detail at the experiences of Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, arguing that other transit regions such as West Africa should consider implementing multi-faceted strategies to respond to drug trafficking and the growing incidence of drug consumption. In this regard, it highlights examples of how exclusive reliance on repressive strategies known as mano dura can often backfire, resulting in the displacement of trafficking routes, an increase in violence, prison overcrowding and further marginalization of vulnerable populations. Finally, it highlights some actions the West Africa Commission on Drugs might adopt for its own advocacy strategy including strategic diplomacy, the development and dissemination of empirically-grounded papers on the impact of drug trafficking, drug consumption and treatment in the West Africa sub-region, and discussions and debates with relevant stakeholders on the findings of such reports; engagement of civil society; and raising of public awareness. The West Africa Commission on Drugs is faced with the difficult task of advocating for policies aimed at preventing or mitigating problems of drug use, criminality, violence, and threats to governability that have been experienced by other countries, without having complete certainty on how -or even if- the same challenges will arise in Africa. Carrier and Klantsching, in their book "Africa and the War on Drugs" argue that historical analysis would indicate that Africa might be spared from the destiny of the Andean countries, and that more harm can be done by implementing a prohibitionist regime that assumes an identical path will be followed. This warning should not fall on deaf ears. However, critics of their argument have underscored the dangers of understating the "growing power of drug money in African electoral politics, local and traditional governance, and security" (Gberie, 2012; Cockayne, 2012). They have also pointed out that having a critical perspective on the existing drug control regime must not mean turning a blind eye to the threats that come with drug trafficking and consumption, such as corruption and the emergence of criminalized states (Kavanagh et al, 2013). Similarly, while drug consumption rates currently remain relatively low in Africa, the situation can change rapidly, as happened in some Latin American countries. As noted by UNODC (2013), there are already strong indications that drug use is on the rise in West Africa. It is naturally easier to achieve the political support needed to implement policies that respond to serious problems, such as a health epidemic or extended violence, than to embrace innovative and data-based policies in order to prevent or mitigate these problems. Explaining to both elites and the population why it is indispensable that West Africa act assertively to pre-empt a situation that may emerge will be a central challenge for the WACD. This paper examines such efforts in the Americas and Europe, drawing lessons for West Africa. It argues that the current drug control regime does provide some leeway for implementing policy reforms that move away from the prohibitionist regime, and provides examples of alternative policies that have been introduced by national and local authorities in different countries. The paper provides examples from Europe to underscore the importance of using empirical research and sound data to design drug policies, highlighting successful examples of harm reduction programs, and examining ways in which governments have moved away from legal frameworks that rely on the criminalization of drug use. Details: Geneva, SWIT: Kofi Annan Foundation and the West Africa Commission on Drugs, 2013. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: WACD Background Paper No. 7: Accessed August 12, 2014 at: http://www.wacommissionondrugs.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/Global-Drug-Policy-Debate-Experiences-2013-11-28.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://www.wacommissionondrugs.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/Global-Drug-Policy-Debate-Experiences-2013-11-28.pdf Shelf Number: 133013 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ReformDrug TraffickingIllegal DrugsIllicit TradeWar on Drugs |
Author: Hughes, Gordon Title: Australian threshold quantities for 'drug trafficking': Are they placing drug users at risk of unjustified sanction? Summary: Legal threshold quantities for drug trafficking, over which possession of an illicit drug is deemed 'trafficking' as opposed to 'personal use' are used in most Australian states and territories. Yet, in spite of known risks from adopting such thresholds, most notably of unjustified conviction of users as traffickers, the capacity of Australian legal thresholds to deliver proportional sanctioning has been subject to limited research. In this study, the authors use data on patterns of drug user consumption and purchasing to evaluate Australian legal threshold quantities to see whether Australian drug users are at risk of exceeding the thresholds for personal use alone. The results indicate that some, but not all users are at risk, with those most likely to exceed current thresholds being consumers of MDMA and residents of New South Wales and South Australia. The implication is that even if the current legal threshold system helps to convict and sanction drug traffickers, it may be placing Australian drug users at risk of unjustified charge or sanction. The authors highlight a number of reforms that ought mitigate the risks and increase capacity to capture Australian drug traffickers. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2014. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 467: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi/461-480/tandi467.html Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi/461-480/tandi467.html Shelf Number: 132038 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyDrug Trafficking (Australia) |
Author: Caulkins, Jonathan P. Title: How Much Crime Is Drug-Related? History, Limitations, and Potential Improvements of Estimation Methods Summary: Drug-related crime imposes an enormous burden on society, but how big is enormous? And how do "we" as citizens, policy analysts, and policy makers develop sound intuitions for the scale of something that directly or indirectly affects hundreds of millions of people? This is the first in a series of articles (see "The Cost of Crime" by Caulkins and Kleiman, 2013, and "Drug Control and Reductions in Drug-Attributable Crime" by Caulkins, 2013) that attempt not so much to answer those questions in the sense of computing specific numerical estimates, but rather to provide guidance on how one should understand and interpret such estimates. After all, we do not lack for estimates of the annual costs of illicit drug use. The 2011 National Drug Intelligence Center report says the answer is $193 billion just for 2007 (NDIC, 2011); Henrick Harwood and his coauthors said that it was $97.7 billion just for 1992 (Harwood et al., 1998) - which would have been $135.5 billion in 2007 dollars. What is lacking is understanding of what such figures mean. Is one right, and the other wrong? Are either right? Is it possible to provide a single "right" number and, even if so, what response would the number imply, in terms of changing public policies? These figures dwarf everyday experience just as surely as do other "facts" that swirl around us. We measure computer memory in Gigabytes, where one Gigabyte is 1,073,741,824 bytes. No one can count that high. If we counted one number per second every second of every day without pausing to sleep, eat, or go to the bathroom it would take 34 years to count to Giga. And Giga is by no means the largest scale that informed citizens need to comprehend. After all, it is "only" a billion. Although Senator Everett Dirksen probably never said it takes several billions before one is even talking real money, it is true that the cost of drug-related crime is so enormous that no one can even hope to estimate it to the nearest billion. "A billion here, a billion there" really is just round off error when trying to grapple with the enormity of the costs of drug-related crime. Great mischief blossoms when common sense retreats in awe of such quantities. Buried behind the estimates of the National Drug Intelligence Center and Harwood and his coauthors and others like them are value judgments and crude approximations and tacit assumptions that need to be surfaced. That a calculation produces a big number, and takes two hundred pages to explain, does not imply that the resulting number is accurate. Indeed, depending on a variety of factors, the opposite may be true. To be clear, we mean no disrespect toward the authors of these enormous estimates. The analysis is daunting, having some estimates is clearly better than pure ignorance, and we could do no better. Rather, the goal in these articles is to make consumers of these figures better able to appreciate and use them effectively. Details: Pittsburgh, PA: Carnegie Mellon University; Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, 2014. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246404.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246404.pdf Shelf Number: 133090 Keywords: Costs of CrimeDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse and Crime (U.S.)Drug EnforcementDrug Offenders |
Author: Isacson, Adam Title: Time to Listen: Trends in U.S. Security Assistance to Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: The list grows longer: sitting Latin American presidents, including the United States' principal allies; past presidents; the Organization of American States; the Summit of the Americas; civil society leaders from all nations. The clamor for drug policy reform, including for a reformed U.S. drug policy in Latin America, is growing rapidly. But Washington isn't hearing it. The Obama Administration's counternarcotics strategy has continued largely unchanged. In fact, over the past few years the United States has expanded its military, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies' direct involvement in counternarcotics operations in the Western Hemisphere. This has been particularly true in Central America, where it has had disturbing human rights impacts. Aid numbers do not tell the whole story. In dollar terms, assistance to most Latin American and Caribbean nations' militaries and police forces has declined since 2010, as Colombia's and Mexico's large aid packages wind down. Today, only aid to Central America is increasing significantly. For its part, the Defense Department is facing cuts and turning most of its attention to other regions. While the Pentagon's current approach to Latin America does not include major base construction or new massive aid packages, however, the United States is still providing significant amounts of aid and training to Latin America's armed forces and police. In addition to large-scale counter-drug operations, the region is seeing an increase in training visits from U.S. Special Forces, a greater presence of intelligence personnel and drones (while countries are obtaining drones, mostly not from the United States), and rapidly growing use of military and police trainers from third countries, especially Colombia. Much of what takes place may not show up as large budget amounts, but it is shrouded by secrecy, poor reporting to Congress and the public, and a migration of programs' management from the State Department to the Defense Department. A lack of transparency leads to a lack of debate about consequences and alternatives, for human rights, for civil-military relations, and for the United States' standing in the region. On human rights, the Obama Administration has been occasionally willing to raise tough issues with allies. It has encouraged trials in civilian, not military, courts for soldiers accused of committing gross human rights abuses, especially in Mexico and Colombia. It has supported the Rios Montt genocide trial in Guatemala, and has sided with countries and human rights groups that seek to maintain, not weaken, the current Inter-American human rights system. Details: Washington, DC: Center for International Policy, Latin America Working Group Education Fund, and Washington Office on Latin America, 2013. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://lawg.org/storage/documents/Time_to_Listen-Trends_in_U.S._Security_Assistance_to_Latin_America_and_the_Caribbean.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Central America URL: http://lawg.org/storage/documents/Time_to_Listen-Trends_in_U.S._Security_Assistance_to_Latin_America_and_the_Caribbean.pdf Shelf Number: 131150 Keywords: Drug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingDrug-Related ViolenceHuman Rights AbusesWar on Drugs (Central America) |
Author: DrugScope Title: Business as usual? A status report on new psychoactive substances (NPS) and 'club drugs' in the UK Summary: Since 2008-2009, there has been a significant increase in interest in, and probable use of, a new breed of synthetic drugs, which can be grouped together under the term New Psychoactive Substances (NPS). The Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (A) defines NPS as "psychoactive drugs which are not prohibited by the United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs or by the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 and which people in the UK are seeking for intoxicant use". Some definitions, particularly from outside the UK, also include so-called 'club drugs' such as ketamine and GHB/GBL that are not included in the UN Convention on Psychotropic Substances. This brief, status report, encompasses both NPS and 'club drugs' and gives an overview of current sector knowledge and experience on these substances, with consideration given to: - how and why NPS developed; - what we know (and don't know) about prevalence and patterns of use; - early warning systems in place for information sharing; - enforcement and legislative responses; - health impacts and drug-related deaths; - public health information and harm reduction interventions; - case studies of existing treatment and service-level responses. The report is intended to be of use to frontline drug and alcohol workers, managers and commissioners, as well as policy makers. Details: London: DrugScope, 2014. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 10, 2014 at: http://www.drugscope.org.uk/Resources/Drugscope/Documents/PDF/Policy/BusinessAsUsual.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.drugscope.org.uk/Resources/Drugscope/Documents/PDF/Policy/BusinessAsUsual.pdf Shelf Number: 133268 Keywords: Club DrugsDrug Abuse and Addiction (U.K.)Drug Abuse TreatmentDrug EnforcementPsychoactive DrugsPsychoactive Substances |
Author: Global Commission on Drug Policy Title: Taking Control: Pathways to Drug Policies that Work Summary: The upcoming United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) in 2016 is an unprecedented opportunity to review and re-direct national drug control policies and the future of the global drug control regime. As diplomats sit down to rethink international and domestic drug policy, they would do well to recall the mandate of the United Nations, not least to ensure security, human rights and development. Health is the thread that runs through all three of these aspirations, and the UN global drug control regime has the 'health and welfare of mankind' as its ultimate goal. But overwhelming evidence points to not just the failure of the regime to attain its stated goals but also the horrific unintended consequences of punitive and prohibitionist laws and policies. A new and improved global drug control regime is needed that better protects the health and safety of individuals and communities around the world. Harsh measures grounded in repressive ideologies must be replaced by more humane and effective policies shaped by scientific evidence, public health principles and human rights standards. This is the only way to simultaneously reduce drug-related death, disease and suffering and the violence, crime, corruption and illicit markets associated with ineffective prohibitionist policies. The fiscal implications of the policies we advocate, it must be stressed, pale in comparison to the direct costs and indirect consequences generated by the current regime. The Global Commission proposes five pathways to improve the global drug policy regime. After putting people's health and safety at the center of the picture, governments are urged to ensure access to essential medicines and pain control. The Commissioners call for an end to the criminalization and incarceration of users together with targeted prevention, harm reduction and treatment strategies for dependent users. In order to reduce drug related harms and undermine the power and profits of organized crime, the Commission recommends that governments regulate drug markets and adapt their enforcement strategies to target the most violent and disruptive criminal groups rather than punish low level players. The Global Commission's proposals are complimentary and comprehensive. They call on governments to rethink the problem, do what can and should be done immediately, and not to shy away from the transformative potential of regulation. The obstacles to drug policy reform are both daunting and diverse. Powerful and established drug control bureaucracies, both national and international, staunchly defend status quo policies. They seldom question whether their involvement and tactics in enforcing drug policy are doing more harm than good. Meanwhile, there is often a tendency to sensationalize each new "drug scare" in the media. And politicians regularly subscribe to the appealing rhetoric of "zero tolerance" and creating "drug free" societies rather than pursuing an informed approach based on evidence of what works. Popular associations of illicit drugs with ethnic and racial minorities stir fear and inspire harsh legislation. And enlightened reform advocates are routinely attacked as "soft on crime" or even "pro-drug." The good news is that change is in the air. The Global Commission is gratified that a growing number of the recommendations offered in this report are already under consideration, underway or firmly in place around the world. But we are at the beginning of the journey and governments can benefit from the accumulating experience where reforms are being pursued. Fortunately, the dated rhetoric and unrealistic goals set during the 1998 UNGASS on drugs are unlikely to be repeated in 2016. Indeed, there is growing support for more flexible interpretations and reform of the international drug control conventions aligned with human rights and harm reduction principles. Details: Rio de Janeiro - RJ - Brasil: Global Commission on Drug Policy, 2014. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 12, 2014 at: http://www.gcdpsummary2014.com/#foreword-from-the-chair Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.gcdpsummary2014.com/#foreword-from-the-chair Shelf Number: 133289 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Control PolicyDrug Enforcement |
Author: Wedd, Alan Title: Ohio Multijurisdictional Task Force Trend Analysis: 2010-2013 Summary: This report presents data from Ohio multijurisdictional task forces funded by the Office of Criminal Justice Services (OCJS) through the JAG/Byrne grant program. As a requirement of the JAG grants, task forces submitted two semi-annual performance reports to OCJS highlighting their activities and accomplishments for calendar years 2010 V 2013. The data from these performance reports was analyzed in this multi-year report. To provide a clear account of the data while accounting for the different number of task forces funded each year, data are typically presented as both averages and totals. Summary - The total number of task forces funded by the JAG/Byrne grant program increased from 32 in 2010 to 38 in 2013. - Task forces increased their average number of felony indictments while decreasing the average number of new cases worked. This indicates that task forces became more efficient from 2010 to 2013. - Task forces obtained more indictments for street drugs between 2010 and 2013, primarily due to large increases in indictments for heroin trafficking and possession. They also recorded more seizures for nearly every type of street drug collected in this study during the same time period. - Indictments for pharmaceutical drugs increased during the reporting period. Oxycodone, hydrocodone, and alprazolam were the most frequently seized/diverted drugs by the task forces. Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio Office of Criminal Justice Services, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 1, 2014 at: http://publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/2010-2013_DTF_Report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/2010-2013_DTF_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 133526 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addition (Ohio)Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersOpioidsPrescription Drug Abuse |
Author: Adams, Sharyn Title: Collaborating to fight drug crime: Profile of the East Central Illinois Task Summary: Drug task forces were developed to more efficiently and effectively fight proliferation of illicit drugs. Local police have jurisdictional restraints making it difficult to combat drug markets extending through multiple cities, and counties (Smith, Novak, Frank, & Travis, 2000). Drug task forces work across jurisdictions and pool resources, knowledge, and personnel. MEGs and task forces are staffed by officers representing federal, state, county, and local police agencies. Drug task force officers work undercover, using confidential sources, to purchase drugs in order to gather the intelligence to make arrests (Reichert, 2012). There are two kinds of drug task forces that operate in Illinois-metropolitan enforcement groups (MEG) and multi-jurisdictional drug task forces. MEGs have been in existence in Illinois since the 1970's through the Intergovernmental Drug Enforcement Act [30 ILCS 715/1]. MEG policy boards engage in an active, formal role in the management of operations. MEG policy boards are required to include an elected official and the chief law enforcement officer, or their designees, from each participating unit of government. An elected official from one of the participating agencies must be designated to act as financial officer of the MEG to receive operational funds. MEG operations are limited to the enforcement of drug laws and delineated weapons offenses and the investigation of street gang-related crimes. Periodically, the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority (ICJIA) profiles Illinois MEGs and task forces to provide a general overview of the drug crime problems in the various jurisdictions and share responses to these problems. These profiles can provide information to MEG and task force directors and policy board members to guide decision-making and the allocation of resources. This profile focuses on the East Central Illinois Task Force (ECITF), which covers Coles, Douglas, and Moultrie counties with an estimated total population of 88,339 in 2010. In 2010, 10 local police agencies participated in ECITF. A participating agency is defined as one that contributes either personnel or financial resources to the task force. Ten officers were assigned to ECITF in 2010, eight of the officers were assigned by participating agencies and two from the Illinois State Police (ISP).These officers are dedicated full-time to the task force and work out of a central task force office. Details: Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 9, 2014 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/megprofiles/ECITF_122012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/megprofiles/ECITF_122012.pdf Shelf Number: 133904 Keywords: CollaborationDrug Abuse and Crime (Illinois)Drug EnforcementPartnerships |
Author: Vargas Meza, Ricardo Title: Drugs, Armed Conflict and Peace. How does the agreement on drugs between the government and the FARC help to put an end to the armed conflict in Colombia? Summary: This policy briefing analyses the results of the partial agreement on drugs reached at the talks being held in Havana between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, FARC, and the Colombian government. analysis is based on the joint communique issued on 16 May 2014, the eve of the first round of the presidential election in Colombia. Following a brief introduction to the drugs issue in the broader framework of the peace talks, the briefing looks at how the subject of illicit crops, drug use and trafficking is dealt with in the agreement. It concludes with an assessment of the progress that the agreement represents in terms of the link between drugs and armed conflict. Key Points - The diversity of participants in the war who are involved in drug trafficking has led to a complex scenario in which the guerrilla groups are only one part of the problem. The criminal economy is able to continue operating regardless of who controls security in the producer regions. - The territorial approach that the agreement rhetorically claims to adopt is weak. It is not based on an integrated view of the territory and reduces it to the coca situation. A genuinely territorial approach would open the door to participation by rural settlers, indigenous and African-descent communities and give them a say in their territory's future. - The agreement is a ratification of the ongoing relevance of the current approach to drugs, which is based on prohibition. In this case, the objective is the total elimination of both coca and drug trafficking. To insist on "eradicating drug trafficking" is to repeat old recipes in new packaging because it leaves intact the very mechanism that makes the drug trade competitive: continued prohibition. - The agreement ignores the significant level of progress made in processes that have become stronger and currently represent a critical mass in favour of a regulation scenario. These processes include the development of harm reduction models. These models are based on the understanding that drugs must be accepted as a reality that must be lived with, while preventing or minimising the harm that drugs may cause to users. - The agreement fails to envisage a strategic approach to the problem, including the seeking of commitments from other countries to rethink the current policy on drugs. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2014. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Policy Briefings Nr 42: Accessed November 25, 2014 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dpb_42_eng_072014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dpb_42_eng_072014.pdf Shelf Number: 134252 Keywords: Armed ConflictDrug Abuse and Addiction (Colombia)Drug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllicit Crops |
Author: Wan, Wai-Yin Title: Supply-Side Reduction Policy and Drug-Related Harm Summary: The three pillars of Australia's drug policy are: supply reduction; demand reduction; and harm reduction. Supply reduction policy focuses on reducing the supply, or increasing the cost of, illegal drugs through such actions as crop eradication, drug seizures, arresting drug importers and distributors etc. While there is much evidence to support the effectiveness of demand and harm reduction measures, there is less evidence supporting the effectiveness of supply reduction policy. The purpose of this study was to improve on, and further contribute to this area of knowledge and examine the impact of seizures and supplier arrest on the use and associated harms of three drugs: heroin, cocaine, and amphetamine type substances (ATS). The investigation had two parts. The first sought to determine whether there was an inverse relationship between the intensity of supply reduction efforts (as measured by seizure weights and frequencies and by supply arrests) and: 1.The number of emergency department (ED) admissions or drug use/possession (UP) arrests which were attributed to heroin, cocaine, or ATS use; or 2.The reported incidence of certain drug related offences known or thought to be committed by users of heroin, cocaine, or ATS (such as theft, robbery, and assault). The investigation was limited to the top 20 per cent of seizures by weight. The time lag between the supply reduction efforts and the outcomes examined in this part of the study was four months. This part of the study covered the 10 year period from July 2001 until June 2011. The second part involved an examination of the impact of three specific operations (Operation Balmoral Athens, Operation Tempest and Operation Collage) identified by the NSW Crime Commission as having the potential to have affected the market for cocaine. Because the three operations occurred is close succession they were treated as one single intervention. Details: Canberra: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2014. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Monograph 53: Accessed December 8, 2014 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/monographs/monograph53.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/monographs/monograph53.pdf Shelf Number: 134277 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Australia)Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyHarm reduction |
Author: Willis, Katie Title: Assessing the impact of police on cannabis markets Summary: - The enforcement of laws relating to the production and distribution of illicit drugs is a major investment for the Australian community, with one recent estimate indicating that the annual direct costs of drug law enforcement (DLE) are around $1.7 billion - Traditional measures of DLE performance are based on drug seizure and arrest data. While these are simple and well-understood measures of DLE effort, they are ambiguous and imperfect - Work undertaken in Australia and overseas to develop more rigorous measurement systems emphasises the use of multiple, cross-sectoral indicators in assessing law enforcement impacts, rather than relying on single indicators of performance - While the police and health sectors use very different strategies and interventions to deal with cannabis-related problems, there is important convergence in what both sectors seek to achieve. That is, a community that is less burdened by cannabis-related crime, illness and injury - The new measures outlined in this bulletin would not only assist to improve DLE's understanding of the cannabis market, but their impact on that market - Work would need to be undertaken to identify or establish suitable data sources for some of the suggested measures - Including new questions in existing population surveys or expanding current agency administrative data sets are two low cost ways to improve the types of data available. There may also be scope for development of new data capture methods that focus on populations that often have high levels of cannabis use, such as youths in juvenile justice settings Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, National Cannabis Prevention and Information Centre 2010. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: criminal justice bulletin series 7: Accessed December 10, 2014 at: https://ncpic.org.au/media/1937/assessing-the-impact-of-police-on-cannabis-markets.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: https://ncpic.org.au/media/1937/assessing-the-impact-of-police-on-cannabis-markets.pdf Shelf Number: 134312 Keywords: Cannabis (Australia)Drug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug PolicyMarijuana |
Author: Hollist, Dusten Title: An Examination of Economic Analyses Approaches for Montan's Severn Multi-Jurisdictional Drug Task Forces Summary: - Drug abuse and associated crime continue to be one of the largest social problems in the U.S. Multi-Jurisdictional Drug Task Forces (MJDTFs) emerged in the 1970's, in order to emphasize and provide greater levels of drug law enforcement. - The Anti-Drug Abuse Act (1998) provided funding for the Bureau Justice Statistics to administer the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant program (JAG). - JAG is used to fund state-level programs that address problems resulting from crime, addiction, and drug trafficking. MJDTFs across the country are funded through the JAG mechanism. - This report outlines the development of a research design to conduct an economic analysis of Montana's seven MJDTFs. - It includes a review of the existing literature that has been published on economic assessments of MJDTFs, the feasibility and factors that will be needed to complete an economic assessment, and a review of the importance of existing data needed to conduct the analysis. Details: Missoula, MT: Criminology Research Group, Social Science Research Laboratory, University of Montana, Missoula, 2014. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://mbcc.mt.gov/Data/SAC/DTF/2014DTFEconAssessDevlReport.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://mbcc.mt.gov/Data/SAC/DTF/2014DTFEconAssessDevlReport.pdf Shelf Number: 134411 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingEconomic AssessmentEconomics of Crime (Montana) |
Author: Parsons, Jim Title: End of An Era? The Impact of Drug Law Reform in New York City Summary: In 2009, the latest in a series of reforms essentially dismantled New York State's Rockefeller Drug Laws, eliminating mandatory minimum sentences for people convicted of a range of felony drug charges and increasing eligibility for diversion to treatment. To study the impact of these reforms, Vera partnered with the John Jay College of Criminal Justice and the School of Criminal Justice at Rutgers University to examine the implementation of drug law reform and its impact on recidivism, racial disparities, and cost in New York City. The National Institute of Justice-funded study found that drug law reform, as it functioned in the city soon after the laws were passed, led to a 35 percent rise in the rate of diversion of eligible defendants to treatment. Although the use of diversion varied significantly among the city's five boroughs, it was associated with reduced recidivism rates, and cut racial disparities in half. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 28, 2015 at: http://www.vera.org/pubs/drug-law-reform-new-york-city Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.vera.org/pubs/drug-law-reform-new-york-city Shelf Number: 134476 Keywords: Drug Abuse Policy (New York)Drug EnforcementDrug Law ReformDrug PolicyRockefeller Drug Laws |
Author: Buxton, Julia Title: Drugs and Development: The Great Disconnect Summary: Key Points - The 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS) will see a strong lobby in support of development oriented responses to the problem of drug supply, including from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). - The promotion of Alternative Development (AD) programmes that provide legal, non-drug related economic opportunities for drug crop cultivators reflects the limited success of enforcement responses, greater awareness of the development dimensions of cultivation activities and the importance of drugs and development agencies working co-operatively in drug environments. - Evidence from thirty years of AD programming demonstrates limited success in supply reduction and that poorly monitored and weakly evaluated programmes cause more harm than good; there has been little uptake of best practice approaches, cultivators rarely benefit from AD programmes, the concept of AD is contested and there is no shared understanding of 'development'. - AD was popularised in the 1990s when development discourse emphasised participatory approaches and human wellbeing. This is distinct from the development approaches of the 2000s, which have been 'securitised' in the aftermath of the Global War on Terror and which re-legitimise military participation in AD. - UNGASS 2016 provides an opportunity for critical scrutiny of AD and the constraints imposed by the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs on innovative, rights based and nationally owned supply responses. Cultivation is a development not a crime and security issue. Consideration must be given to a reconfiguration of institutional mandates, with supply and cultivation control removed from the UNODC and brought into the remit of development agencies. - Deliberation around the post 2015 Sustainable Development Goals provides an entry point for new approaches to drug issues in the Global South and an opportunity to reverse the human, development and public health harms caused by current counter-narcotics policies. Details: Swansea, UK: Global Drug Policy Observatory, Swansea University, 2015. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Report 2: Accessed February 3, 2015 at: http://www.swansea.ac.uk/media/The%20Great%20Disconnect.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.swansea.ac.uk/media/The%20Great%20Disconnect.pdf Shelf Number: 134516 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Policy (International)Drug ReformDrug Regulation |
Author: Youth Rise Title: We Are People: The unintended consequences of the Nigerian drug law on the health and human rights of young people who use drugs Summary: Nigeria the most populous African nation has witnessed a surge in availability and consumption of illicit drugs in recent times. This is partly due to drug trafficking from Latin America and Asian countries through the region to the lucrative European and North American markets. Beyond trafficking, drugs like methamphetamine is now being produced in the country based on the discovery of about six clandestine laboratories between 2012 and 2013. Hence, the goal of eradicating drug from the society seems far away. Also in recent times, the call for drug policy reform globally and in many African countries have continued to gain momentum with the African Union Commission also lending its voice to the process. This is based on the increasing evidence of the failure of current drug control system that relies heavily on supply control and punishment for drug users without any record of reduction in availability and consumption of drugs but many reports of human rights violations linked to enforcing drug laws and policies. Young people constitute about 60 per cent of Nigeria Population. It is important to assess the country's drug control efforts and how they has impacted on the human rights, health and development of those who use drugs, especially young people. Data for this report was generated through interviews and consultation with young people who use drugs, drug law enforcement agents, magistrates, civil society organisations and young people in prison asylum. The report clearly showed Nigeria drug policy has been a reactive one to both internal and external pressures instead of being a proactive tool based on evidence of what works and what does not. There are systemic human rights abuses of young people who use drugs by both law enforcement agents and the society at large. Many of these abuse are unreported and have been 'normalized'. This include arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, being beaten, getting locked up without food for days, sexual harassment, rape, forced rehabilitation and so on. It was found that there are series of abuses going on within some drug rehabilitation centres including those operated by non-governmental institutions where severe torture is being used ostensibly to make people drug free. Unfortunately, most of these centres are not guided by any standard of practice and are also rarely monitored. There are also increased reports of injection drug use and HIV risk practices among young people. Regrettably, the public health response is limited due to the criminalisation of drug use. Evidence based programs such as opioid substitution therapy and needle syringe programs are unavailable. Only few programs specifically target this group of people with programs focusing on information sharing. The unintended consequences resulting from the implementation of the Nigerian drug law call for an urgent review, especially for the protection and holistic development of the youth population who have already initiated drug use. Details: London: Youth Rise, 2014. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/We-are-people-nigeria.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Nigeria URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/We-are-people-nigeria.pdf Shelf Number: 134588 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Nigeria)Drug EnforcementDrug Policy |
Author: Jelsma, Martin Title: Towards a Healthier Legal Environment: A Review of Myanmar's Drug Laws Summary: This report reviews Myanmar's drug laws and related policies, including the 1917 Burma Excise Act; the 1993 Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Law; and the 1995 Rules relating to Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. Since these laws were enacted several important changes have taken place inside and outside of Myanmar. The decision of the Myanmar Government to review the law is not only timely but also offers a prospect to improve the drugs legislation and to ensure that the laws address drug-related problems in the country more effectively. It is an opportunity to ensure that affected populations have access to health care and development, taking into account both national conditions and international developments and best practices. This review paper will first give an overview of Myanmar's current legal and policy framework related to drugs, followed by an overall analysis. After that it will make specific comments on a number of key articles. In addition, the review will outline some international obligations and best practices. Finally, the paper will make some overall conclusions and recommendations Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2015. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2015 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/towards_a_healthier_legal_environment.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Burma URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/towards_a_healthier_legal_environment.pdf Shelf Number: 134736 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Myanmar)Drug Control PolicyDrug Enforcement |
Author: Magson, Jessica Title: Drugs, Crime and decriminalisation: Assessing the impact of drug decriminalisation policies on the efficience and integrity of the criminal justice system Summary: In recent decades a number of countries have moved away from a prohibitionist model of drug control towards policies that prioritise harm reduction and rehabilitation, with the goal of reducing demand and minimising the social and individual harms caused by drug abuse. In Portugal and the Czech Republic, low-threshold possession of any drug is a misdemeanour rather than a criminal offence, diverting users away from the criminal justice system and in the case of Portugal, providing support through newly created Dissuasion Commissions. The authorities in Uruguay have long decriminalised drug possession and are now on the cusp of regulating the supply and distribution of cannabis. Drug use and abuse continues in all three countries but demand has remained stable and notable successes have been observed. In the UK there are also growing calls from frontline practitioners and officials in the criminal justice system for a similar process of diversion and regulation, and we have now reached a stage where significant numbers in the police, courts, prisons and probation services are critical of both the effectiveness and intellectual coherence of the drug laws they are charged with upholding. Set in this context, the report considers how the criminal justice system may be affected by the removal of criminal penalties for possession-only offences, as well as a longer-term shift to supply-side regulation. Drawing on meetings with officials in Portugal, the Czech Republic and Uruguay it explains some of the lessons we can learn from their experiences, as the government works to support recovery and reduce demand in the UK. There are four main findings to this report that together reinforce arguments in support of the diversion of possession cases away from the criminal justice system; Enhanced efficiency and streamlined processes - All the different strands of the system (police, courts, prisons, and probation) should to differing extents make efficiency gains, see a gradual fall in their caseload and a longer-term trend of enhanced trust with the individuals they are working with. The police in particular are likely to see their work dealing with drug users simplified. These improvements depend on reform being enacted with a proper prioritization of diversion to health and social support, attention to practical detail and clear strategic vision. Feasibility - A diversionary system would in the first instance require limited statutory change and fairly minor adjustments to staff procedures, and the UK is in the strong position of being able to draw on and expand existing pilots and national schemes supporting rehabilitation. Opportunities for greater strategic and structural coherence - Effective rehabilitation in Portugal was enabled by a strategic shift towards multidisciplinary oversight, reflecting the complex needs of problematic users and the diverse impact of drug abuse on areas such as health, employment, education and housing. The diversion of possession offences is unlikely to have a significant impact on rehabilitation rates unless combined with a broader set of reforms that allow health and welfare agencies to better identify and provide support to problematic users. There is a case for adjusting oversight responsibilities in the UK in a similar way, to better align policy with responses on the ground. International alignment - There is a clear international shift towards a reassessment of approaches to drug control. We know that reform is best achieved incrementally. The UK is now in a strong position to reform its possession laws, better preparing the country for a possible future of supply-side regulation. Proactive engagement would allow the UK to feed in its well known rule of law expertise in helping to shape multilateral decisions that could have a huge bearing on the nation's own domestic landscape. Details: Winston Churchill Memorial Trust, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2015 at: http://www.wcmt.org.uk/sites/default/files/migrated-reports/1200_1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.wcmt.org.uk/sites/default/files/migrated-reports/1200_1.pdf Shelf Number: 134737 Keywords: Drug Control PolicyDrug DecriminalizationDrug EnforcementDrug LegalizationDrug Reform Policy |
Author: Garzon Vergara, Juan Carlos Title: Fixing a broken system: Modernizing drug law enforcement in Latin America Summary: Despite efforts by governments in Latin America, illicit drugs continue to provide one of the largest incomes for criminal organizations, enabling them to penetrate and corrupt political and social institutions. Criminal organizations exploit the vulnerabilities of the state and take advantage of governments' inability to provide security to their citizens. With few exceptions, the weak capacity of Latin American governments is reflected in high rates of homicides, notorious levels of impunity, and the feeling of mistrust that citizens harbour regarding justice institutions and the police. Drug law enforcement in Latin America operates in a context of institutional fragility in which the "war on drugs" has mostly failed to reduce supply and demand, while generating new problems and vast collateral damage. The perverse incentives created by the prohibitionist approach in the face of a persistently strong market demand for drugs has been an important cause of violence and crime in many places. At the same time, state responses to repress this illegal market have serious negative side effects, but only a limited capacity to impact upon the drug chain. Given this reality, different voices are demanding changes in the way the state responds not only to the drug problem but also to the threat of multiple criminal economies that affect the everyday lives of the citizens. The assumption is that moving away from the "war on drugs" can contribute to de-escalating violence and crime and can deprive organized crime groups of resources. Key points - Drug law enforcement in Latin America operates in a context of institutional fragility in which the "war on drugs" has mostly failed to reduce supply and demand, while generating new problems and vast collateral damage. - The modernization of drug law enforcement can be a galvanizing force for changing the broader criminal justice system and perhaps show the way toward fixing a broken system. - The 4W-Challenge (Wrong assumptions; Wrong goals and indicators; Weak institutions; and Worse outcomes) outlines the four main challenges to modernize drug law enforcement in the region - In future law enforcement strategies violence reduction must be a priority and law enforcement measures should not cause additional harm. - The criminal justice system should be focused on the most prejudicial and dangerous criminals, those that have more resources and capacities to use violence and corruption. - Alternatives to incarceration should be developed for the weakest links in the drug trade. - "Success" should be measured not via process indicators (arrests, seizures, extraditions) but rather in terms of outcomes and the impact of policy upon societies(levels of corruption, public health and human security). - The United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on the drug problem in 2016 provides an opportunity to rethink drug law enforcement and its consequences for security and development. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies No. 29: Accessed March 11, 2015 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dlr29.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Latin America URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/dlr29.pdf Shelf Number: 134888 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug ReformDrug Trafficking (Latin America)Organized CrimeWar on Drugs |
Author: Hannah, Julie Title: Human rights, drug control and the UN special procedures: Preventing arbitrary detention through the promotion of human rights in drug control Summary: The UN drug control bodies rarely mention human rights, while the UN human rights mechanisms rarely mention drug control. In effect, the two speak different languages and hold different priorities. Research underway at the International Centre on Human Rights and Drug Policy reveals that the historical treatment of drug control issues within the special procedures system is insufficient to have an impact on current drug control policy and practice. Reporting by mandate holders on drug control has been scattered and rarely collaborative, despite the numerous intersections drug control issues present across the mandates. As the special procedures develop their programme of work for the coming year, they have an important opportunity to consider ways in which coordination across the mandates can enhance the promotion and protection of human rights while countering the world drug problem - both to have an impact on policy-making and to close the normative gaps between the two legal regimes. Ways in which the special procedures can organise their work to such ends should include the following: - Contribute to the development of a joint special procedures statement for submission to the UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs in 2016. A UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs scheduled for mid-2016 is an important opportunity for the special procedures to have an impact on the drug policy debate, and ensure that human rights is rooted firmly at the centre of reforms moving forward. - Advance the normative development of human rights and drug control through collaborative and individual thematic reporting on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering the world drug problem. The normative gaps highlighted in this research present numerous opportunities for mandate holders to develop lines of inquiry within their individual work and through collaborative reporting. This can include: an analysis of normative gaps; suggestions for standard setting measures that target stakeholders responding to the world drug problem, and; promoting the issue as a thematic human rights concern within the broader UN human rights mechanisms. Details: Colchester, UK: International Centre on Human Rights and Drug Policy, University of Essex, 2015. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/wgad-final.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/wgad-final.pdf Shelf Number: 134903 Keywords: Drug Control Drug EnforcementDrug Policy |
Author: Transform Drug Policy Foundation Title: Ending the War on Drugs: How to win the global drug policy debate Summary: This is a guide to making the case for drug policy and law reform from a position of confidence and authority, with a particular focus on the issue of legal regulation of currently illegal drug markets - an issue that is now core to the drugs debate. It is for every policymaker, media commentator, and campaigner who not only recognises that the 'war on drugs' is a counterproductive failure that is creating catastrophic unintended consequences, but who also wants to convince others to back reform. It will equip you with the constructive arguments, different approaches and nuanced messaging needed to address the concerns and interests of diverse audiences. This will enable you to not just win the argument, but make the new allies needed to turn the current unparalleled momentum for reform into concrete policy change nationally and internationally. Details: London: Transform Drug Policy Foundation, 2015. 176p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: http://www.tdpf.org.uk/resources/publications/ending-war-drugs-how-win-global-drug-policy-debate Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.tdpf.org.uk/resources/publications/ending-war-drugs-how-win-global-drug-policy-debate Shelf Number: 134951 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Policy Drug Reform Drug Trafficking Illegal Drugs Illicit Trade War on Drugs |
Author: Rolles, Steve Title: Drug policy in Sweden: a repressive approach that increases harm Summary: The central aim of Swedish drug policy is to create a drug-free society. To achieve this aim, the country has adopted a punitive, enforcement-led approach to drugs. It is this approach, some have argued, that is responsible for Sweden's historically low levels of drug use. This apparent success of the Swedish model is therefore often presented as an argument against drug policy reforms such as decriminalisation and legal regulation. However, the degree to which Sweden's low prevalence of drug use can be attributed to its repressive approach is highly questionable, as research consistently shows that wider social, economic and cultural factors are the key drivers of drug prevalence - not the harshness of enforcement. Also of note is that levels of drug use in Sweden, while in relative terms still very low, are increasing. Furthermore, the Swedish model - in particular its antipathy to proven harm reduction measures - has had serious negative consequences that are almost never mentioned by its advocates. These include alarmingly high rates of hepatitis C among people who inject drugs, and a 600% increase in drug-induced deaths over the last 20 years. Details: Bristol, UK: Transform, 2015. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: www.tdpf.org.uk Year: 2015 Country: Sweden URL: www.tdpf.org.uk Shelf Number: 134956 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug Policy (Sweden)Drug Reform |
Author: Dobovsek, Bojan Title: Trends and developments in drug legislation in South Eastern Europe Summary: KEY POINTS - Criminal Justice systems of South Eastern European (SEE) countries are based on different traditions and the response to the drug issue proves diversified. Deviations are wider in the area of smaller-scale violations of drug laws, while penalties envisaged for drug trafficking have more common characteristics being extremely harsh. In several countries however, regardless of the strict scope of legal provisions, the penalties actually imposed by courts are less stringent - The reaction of criminal law in cases of drug possession for personal use reveal more distinct diversifications. In general, SEE countries could be described as indecisive on issues regarding decriminalization of possession of drugs for personal use. This is an extremely crucial issue in the further development of drug policy, since this reasoning usually deeply affects the lenient or harsh treatment of the user-perpetrators within the criminal justice system. Further research and study of the current practice concerning possession for personal use, must be a priority in the future agenda of the countries of the region, in order to relieve the criminal justice and the penitentiary, system. The scientific community in SE Europe could contribute significantly in imple-menting a program to achieve this goal. - In recent years, great strides have been made to broaden harm-reduction policies and services. However, weak or non existing legislation on harm reduction, and a culture of mistrust and phobic societies, have greatly suppressed harm reduction programs and services. The shift of interest towards harm reduction is a particularly critical parameter and it will greatly influence developments in drug policy in South Eastern Europe, especially under the effect of the wider relevant European policy. - The National drug strategies an action plans have in most of the countries of South Eastern Europe never been evaluated. It is a challenge for them to assign a qualified and independent periodic evaluation. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Policy Dialogue in South Eastern Europe, DIOGENIS Association Pr 3, Accessed March 23, 2015 at: http://www.diogenis.info/ckfinder/userfiles/files/Briefing_paper_nr_3_Trends_and_developments_in_Drug%20_legislation_SEE_English_final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://www.diogenis.info/ckfinder/userfiles/files/Briefing_paper_nr_3_Trends_and_developments_in_Drug%20_legislation_SEE_English_final.pdf Shelf Number: 134999 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug Policy (Europe)Drug Reform |
Author: Gettman, Jon B. Title: Marijuana Arrests in Colorado After the Passage of Amendment 64 Summary: Colorado's Amendment 64 was enacted in November 2012. The constitutional amendment allowed for the personal possession, cultivation and private use of marijuana in the state of Colorado for people over 21 years of age. The state was also mandated to establish a framework for taxation and regulation so adults could legally purchase non-medical marijuana from licensed cultivators and retailers. The new rights conferred to adults went into effect on December 10, 2012. The first retail stores opened on January 1, 2014. This report reviews changes in the number and characteristics of marijuana arrests in Colorado after the passage of Amendment 64. Not all arrests are equal in terms of consequences for the individual and the costs to the criminal justice system because an arrested individual may be charged with several criminal violations. Consequently this report refers to arrests in terms of the number of individual charges prosecuted in court. Data obtained from the Judicial Branch of Colorado was used to compare the number of cases and charges brought before the courts in the state prior to the passage of Amendment 64. Additional data from the Colorado Bureau of Investigation was used to review the racial characteristics of those arrested by law enforcement for marijuana law violations. This report reveals that marijuana-related charges statewide (not including Denver) decreased by 85% between 2010 and 2014. An overwhelming majority of this decrease in charges came in the aftermath of Amendment 64. Possession charges at all levels (not simply the level now legal or previously considered a petty offense) are the primary reason for the decline. Cultivation charges over the last two years were halved when compared to the previous two years before Amendment 64. In addition, all drug-related charges are down 23% since 2010. This underscores the central role of marijuana prohibition in the drug war, as well as marijuana legalization's implications for criminal justice reform more generally. This report also finds that racial disparities for marijuana offenses persist at similar levels as before Amendment 64. However, disparities for the charge of intent to distribute actually went down, easing fears of many racial justice advocates. While the overall decrease in marijuana-related offenses statewide has been enormously beneficial to communities of color, one troubling concern is the rise in disparities for the charge of public consumption, especially in Denver. It is also worth noting that, due to a lack of credible data, this report does not analyze Amendment 64's impact on the state's Latino population. The report also reveals a sharp decline in synthetic marijuana arrests since retail stores opened in 2014. According to judicial county court records, arrests for synthetic marijuana in 2014 have declined by 27% from the prior year. Given the health impacts of marijuana are more established and understood than those related to synthetic marijuana, advocates see this as yet another potential benefit of legalization. Details: New York: Drug Policy Alliance, 2015. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2015 at: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Marijuana_Arrests_After_the_Passage_of_Amendment_64.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Marijuana_Arrests_After_the_Passage_of_Amendment_64.pdf Shelf Number: 135227 Keywords: ArrestsDecriminalizationDrug EnforcementDrug LegalizationDrug Policy (Colorado)Drug ReformMarijuana Legalization |
Author: Bear, Daniel Title: Adapting, acting out, or standing firm: understanding the place of drugs in the policing of a London borough Summary: The number of police recorded incidents in England and Wales involving cannabis more than doubled between 2004 and 2009 even though use of the drug was in decline and official policy was geared towards tackling drugs 'that cause most harm' (Home Office 2008). Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in a single London borough during the 12 months leading up to the 2011 riots, this research examines the place of drugs within everyday policing, focusing on the working lives of street-level police officers who are not attached to specialist drug squads. The concept of bifurcation (Garland 1996, 2001) is used to make sense of, "a series of policies that appear deeply conflicted, even schizoid, in their relation to one another" (Garland 2001, pg. 110). Analysis of the ethnographic data shows how the 'structured ambivalence' of state responses is evident in relation to front-line policing, including the policing of drugs. We find that the backbone of modern policing, Response Teams, are being pulled towards a 'classic' style of policing where officers 'act out' and impose order through the visible exercise of their powers, reasserting the authority of the state. This is a far cry from officers in Safer Neighbourhood Teams who work predominantly on Community Policing efforts, adapting their working styles, engaging with community partners, and focusing on 'damage limitation' efforts. The thesis charts these different orientations in relation to officers' general activities, before going onto show how they are visible in the way each team approaches drugs policing. From here it will be argued that the increase in recorded incidents involving drugs reflects the influence of New Public Managerialism and the focus on output-based targets. These performance targets were easily fulfilled by targeting low-level drugs offences, and once met, officers were free to police as they saw fit. Instead of officers evolving their practices as the organisation evolved, NPM allowed officers to stand firm and maintain their culture, policing practice, and sense of mission. The author accompanied both Response Teams and Safer Neighbourhood Teams of the Metropolitan Police Service during their shifts, and also conducted 23 interviews with officers. This research also developed new digital ethnography methods that might be utilised by ethnographers in other disciplines. Details: London: London School of Economics and Political Science, 2013. 335p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 16, 2015 at: http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/894/1/Bear_Adapting-acting-out-or-standing-firm_understanding-the-place-of-drugs-in-the-policing-of-a-London-borough.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/894/1/Bear_Adapting-acting-out-or-standing-firm_understanding-the-place-of-drugs-in-the-policing-of-a-London-borough.pdf Shelf Number: 135246 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Markets (U.K.)Drug OffendersNeighborhood Policing |
Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System: The CDEWS Pilot Summary: This report describes a pilot test of the Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) in three jurisdictions in the Washington, DC and Richmond, VA, Metropolitan Areas. CDEWS was designed to provide rapid information about emerging drug use in local communities by sampling urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by local criminal justice agencies and retesting them for a larger panel of drugs. The anonymous specimens were sent to an independent laboratory for testing for a panel of more than 30 licit and illicit drugs including 12 synthetic cannabinoid (SC) metabolites. The results demonstrated that CDEWS could be successfully implemented in diverse criminal justice populations, including arrestees, probationers and parolees, and drug court participants. Most important, CDEWS proved its utility for uncovering emerging drugs. SCs were detected in the specimens from all participating sites in the District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia. Furthermore, all of the SC positive specimens contained one or two of the metabolites (UR-144 and XLR-11) recently identified and added to the federal schedule of prohibited SC metabolites after this study began. Additional analyses of the CDEWS results identified areas of Washington, DC, where the SC positive specimens were more concentrated and where future studies of its use and availability could be focused. The report concludes with research implications of the findings and next steps for implementing CDEWS in other sites. Details: Washington, DC: Executive Office of the President, 2013. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2015 at: https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/finalreport_with_cover_09172013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/finalreport_with_cover_09172013.pdf Shelf Number: 135655 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug TestingIllicit DrugsUrine Testing |
Author: Applied Research Services, Inc. Title: Georgia Multi-Jurisdictional Task Force Process and Outcome Evaluation 2014 Summary: Applied Research Services, Inc. (ARS) was retained by the Criminal Justice Coordinating Council (CJCC) to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of the Multijurisdictional Drug Task Forces (MJTFs) in the state of Georgia. In addition to a review of relevant literature and extant studies of MJTFs, considerable process and outcome data were collected and analyzed. We examined both qualitative data (from surveys, interviews and reports) and quantitative data (from state computerized criminal history data and official crime and arrest reports). The research literature can unfortunately be characterized by inconsistent findings as to the degree to which MJTFs, when compared to non-MJTFs, meet their key objectives. These reports describe trends but lack scientific rigor necessary to be considered empirical evaluations of the effectiveness of MJTFs. The fundamental questions often remain unanswered. Do jurisdictions participating in drug task forces outperform jurisdictions that do not participate? Even if task forces appear to outperform non-task force sites in law enforcement collaboration and productivity, do their efforts have any measurable impact on the local, illicit drug market? Are MJTFs cost effective when compared to other strategies? Previous research has also been characterized as employing weak study designs, often failing to compare "similarly situated jurisdictions" with and without task forces. Thus differences in drug arrest activity across jurisdictions can be due to a whole host of reasons, of which having a task force is only one. The present study sought to address such study design issues through the application of advanced statistical procedures (propensity score matching) in an effort to approximate the scientific benefits of random assignment to treatment and control groups (MJTF and non-MJTF jurisdictions). Key evaluation findings include the following: - Crime and arrest data indicate that as the total number of Georgia arrests have fallen, the percentage of arrests involving drugs (whether as the most serious charge or not) has declined as well. - Interview and survey findings indicate that stakeholders participating in MJTFs report experiencing high levels of communication, coordination, and collaboration regarding drug interdiction efforts. The majority of survey respondents also indicated that MJTFs are effective at reducing the availability of drugs in the community and agreed that the task force is an effective way to address the problems of illegal drug activity. Most also agreed that their task force has allowed law enforcement partners to move beyond low-level deals to focus on more highly organized drug activity, a key goal of MJTFs. - Both the survey findings and personal interviews reveal Georgias drug task forces in a very positive light. Respondents report that the task forces meet their goals, build strong cases, reduce the amount of drugs in the community, communicate well between partners, provide positive feedback about task force Commanders and receive high levels of task force agent training. The Wilder Collaboration Factors Inventory indicates strong collaborative efforts and effectiveness. The main area of concern expressed throughout the surveys and interviews was funding. - A comprehensive analysis of quantitative data revealed few differences between MJTF and non-MJTF counties on key outcome variables of interest, such as arrest rates and overall characteristics of arrestees. Our analysis of statewide computerized arrest data did however reveal a significant finding regarding the age and chronicity of arrestees across MJTF and non-MJTF sites. In particular, MJTF sites were more likely to arrest serious young drug distribution offenders. Findings strongly suggest that the efforts of MJTF jurisdictions were more focused on, and successful in, apprehending young drug offenders who had already accumulated a large number of distribution charges. - It does not appear that the specific efforts undertaken in MJTF jurisdictions are sufficient enough to impact aggregate crime and drug arrest trends. Despite a lack of demonstrated differences in outcomes, it is possible that the drug task forces are actually meeting their stated goals but that current measures remain insensitive to this activity. It is also possible that counties included in the comparison sample may in fact participate in drug task force activities, just not the federally-funded MJTFs included in the present study. Given the existence of county or otherwise funded drug task forces in Georgia, it is not unreasonable to assume that at least some of the comparison counties were in fact part of non-federally funded task forces. As such, they would ostensibly benefit from the collaborative and coordinated efforts noted in the surveys and interviews of MJTF members, thus potentially confounding the matching process. Finally, it is recommended that future evaluations of MJTFs take the maturity level and sophistication level of each unique task force into account, as these factors likely impact directly the level of drug trafficking each MJTF can effectively target. Longitudinal or case study designs are recommended as a means of addressing this critical factor. Details: Atlanta: George Criminal Justice Coordinating Council, 2014. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2015 at: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/GA%20MJTF%20Process%20Outcome%20Evaluation%202014_FINAL1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/GA%20MJTF%20Process%20Outcome%20Evaluation%202014_FINAL1.pdf Shelf Number: 135684 Keywords: Drug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Trafficking |
Author: Jenson, Weston Thayne Title: Breaking bad: U.S.-Mexican counterdrug offensive, the Merida initiative and beyond Summary: In the study of U.S.-Mexico security cooperation, there exists a fundamental challenge to counterdrug operations; the underlying socioeconomic foundation of narco-trafficking. I argue that the historical and current practice of merely relying on military and law enforcement aid is not sufficient when it comes to addressing this socioeconomic foundation of narco-trafficking and transnational crime organizations (TCOs). Using a rational policy model, the analysis evaluates the Merida Initiative's effectiveness at inhibiting drug trafficking operations and decreasing drug-related violence. After demonstrating the ineffectiveness of current counterdrugs policies, this project evaluates three options for future U.S.-Mexico security cooperation utilizing the same criteria used to evaluate the Merida Initiative. The prerogative of this project is to demonstrate the need for a comprehensive plan that both addresses bilateral security needs as well as the underlying social foundation of narco-trafficking in order to be successful in the ongoing Mexican Narco-War. Details: Burnaby, BC: Simon Fraser University, 2013. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed May 23, 2015 at: http://summit.sfu.ca/item/13521 Year: 2013 Country: Mexico URL: http://summit.sfu.ca/item/13521 Shelf Number: 135761 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug TraffickingDrug-Related ViolenceMerida InitiativeWar on Drugs |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drugs policy and the city in Europe Summary: Illicit drug problems and responses and the different forms they can take in the city environment are explored in this paper. It addresses four areas: urban spaces and drug use, responses to city-level drug problems, city-level drugs strategies, and the coordination and funding of city-level policies. This paper explores existing and emerging drug problems and responses in the city environment. It addresses four areas: urban spaces and drug use, businesses and recreational drug use, city-level drugs policies and the coordination and funding of city-level policies. The paper is based on three data sources: a review of scientific literature, grey literature, and national reports from the Reitox network of the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction. Two main categories of city-level problems related to drug use are identified: one centres on problematic forms of drug use such as use of opioids and injection, the other on recreational use of licit and illicit substances. So-called open drug scenes, where drug users congregate and high-risk drug use takes place in public spaces, were found in several cities. The open drug scenes vary by visibility, size and the type of location in which they occur. Cities differ in the level of access they provide for problem drug users to opioid substitution treatment, needle and syringe exchange programmes and low-threshold services, and in the geographical coverage of such interventions. In cities, extensive nightlife zones can be found. Concentrations of bars and clubs, and in some cases cannabis coffee shops and head shops, provide a focus for recreational drug use. Different measures have been implemented in nightlife settings to respond to drug use, including drug prevention interventions and 'pill testing' services. This study identified 10 capital cities with an active drugs strategy document. Generally, city authorities are formally responsible for the coordination of drugs policy in the municipality. A number of Europe's capital cities allocate a dedicated budget to the implementation of their drugs strategies. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2015. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: EMCDDA Papers: Accessed July 8, 2015 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_240226_EN_TDAU15001ENN1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_240226_EN_TDAU15001ENN1.pdf Shelf Number: 135958 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug Policy |
Author: Australian Crime Commission Title: 2013-14 Illicit Drug Data Report Summary: The Australian Crime Commission's Illicit Drug Data Report, now in its 12th edition, informs Australia's understanding of the illicit drug threat and focuses our collective efforts by bringing together data from a wide range of sources into the one unique report. Serious and organised criminals are at the centre of the Australian illicit drug market. Motivated by greed and power, many of these groups and individuals use the illicit drug market as their primary income stream, profiting from the misery illicit drugs inflict on the nation. Targeting illicit drug importation, production and distribution is a focus of the Australian Crime Commission and its partners. In 2013-14, law enforcement agencies recorded more than 93 000 illicit drug seizures, with a combined weight of 27 tonnes and more than 110 000 arrests. These figures are all the highest on record. While this is testament to the vigilance and achievements of law enforcement in combating the illicit drug trade, it also demonstrates the continued prevalence of drugs in our society and the need for a collective approach. All illicit drug activity is a concern for law enforcement and the wider community. But in my 38 years in law enforcement, I have never seen a substance as destructive as methylamphetamine, particularly crystal methylamphetamine (ice). Methylamphetamine is wreaking havoc in every state and territory. It is ruining lives, families and communities. We are now seeing demand for methylamphetamine in areas where the drug has not previously been a significant issue. This includes urban and rural areas and disadvantaged communities where it is having a destructive impact. Seizures in 2013-14 include a record 10 tonne seizure of benzaldehyde - a chemical used to make methylamphetamine. If not seized, this chemical could have been used to produce up to 4.5 tonnes of methylamphetamine - this equates to an estimated 45 million individual street deals, with an estimated value of $3.6 billion. More than 740 clandestine laboratories were detected this reporting period. Add that to the previous two reporting periods and that's more than 2 300 labs detected. These are dangerous, with many of the chemicals used hazardous and corrosive in nature, posing significant risk to the community and the environment. While the methylamphetamine market is the primary concern, there was also a number of records reported across other drug markets. These include a record number of national amphetamine-type stimulant seizures and arrests, a record number of national cannabis arrests, a record number of national cocaine seizures and arrests, a record number of national steroid seizures and arrests, a record number of national hallucinogen arrests and a record number of national other opioid seizures. The Illicit Drug Data Report 2013-14 provides governments, law enforcement agencies, policy makers, academia, interested stakeholders and the community with a robust statistical picture of the Australian illicit drug market. Details: Canberra: Australian Crime Commission, 2015. 228p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 29, 2015 at: https://crimecommission.gov.au/sites/default/files/IDDR-201314-Complete_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://crimecommission.gov.au/sites/default/files/IDDR-201314-Complete_0.pdf Shelf Number: 136228 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug MarketsIllicit DrugsOrganized Crime |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Alternatives to punishment for drug-using offenders Summary: Based on the options provided by the international drug control legal framework, this paper considers the rehabilitative measures of treating, educating or reintegrating drug users as alternatives or additions to conviction or punishment that are established in the laws of many countries in Europe today. Distinguishing them from 'alternatives to prison', it outlines the variety of rehabilitative measures in use and sets out the main issues in their design, implementation and evaluation. The paper finds that alternatives to punishment are available across Europe to varying degrees and with inconclusive evaluations suggesting positive results. The success of these measures depends partly on the degree to which they are accurately targeted to specific objectives and specific users. The policy arguments in favour of them seem to have developed along two lines: reducing harms to the individual and society by problem drug users, and addressing structural burdens on the justice system by non-problem users. Yet the paper finds that this distinction, or prioritisation, is not always clear in the design or implementation of the different measures, which can in turn affect the few evaluations carried out. Compromises between the two different aims of the laws (to treat or to punish these offenders) can also have unintended effects on the outcomes. Clarity on these issues should assist development and implementation of more successful measures in the future. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2015. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: EMCDDA Papers: Accessed July 29, 2015 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_240836_EN_TDAU14007ENN.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_240836_EN_TDAU14007ENN.pdf Shelf Number: 136234 Keywords: Alternatives to IncarcerationDecriminalizationDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug Offenders |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Title: UNODC Annual Report 2014 Summary: The 2014 Annual Report provides an overview of UNODC's work across the globe in assisting Member States to address the threat posed by drugs, crime and terrorism. In addition to highlighting the Office's achievements for the year, it showcases the human impact of UNODC's work through a series of success stories and the effect on the ground. The Annual Report covers a wide-range of content, including: a forward-looking strategic narrative that places UNODC's efforts within the evolving global policy landscape and sketches broad priorities for the coming few years; thematic chapters on drugs, health and trafficking; transnational organized crime; justice; corruption; terrorism; policy support and public affairs; research, trend analysis and forensics; and independent evaluation; and information on the Office's finances and funding Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2015. 133p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 4, 2015 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/AnnualReport2014/Annual_Report_2014_WEB.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/AnnualReport2014/Annual_Report_2014_WEB.pdf Shelf Number: 136306 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Trafficking Drugs and Crime Organized Crime Terrorism |
Author: Felbab-Brown, Vanda Title: Assessment of the Implementation of the United States Government's Support for Plan Colombia's Illicit Crop Reduction Components Summary: This study provides an assessment of the success to date of Counter-Narcotics (CN) efforts under Plan Colombia along with a set of recommendations for the United States Government (USG) to strengthen future CN efforts directed at increasing security, decreasing coca cultivation and cocaine, and opium poppy and heroin production in Colombia. Plan Colombia commenced in 1999 as a multi-year effort to stem a decades' long spiral towards domestic violence, fueled by narcotics funding resulting from an increasingly robust drug industry. Plan Colombia provided funding to support increased security and counternarcotics efforts, and to address issues of rural development, rule of law, human rights, and support for displaced persons. The assessment was carried out by a team of specialists in economic policy, alternative development, law and security and comparative drug control. The team reviewed documents and secondary literature, conducted interviews with relevant US and Government of Colombia (GOC), local officials, development workers, representatives of national agencies, farmers, farm association officials and other stakeholders. It undertook three site visits, in South of Bolivar (Sur de Bolivar), in Macarena (Meta) and in Narino. In all three sites, team members conducted focus groups made up of local officials, representatives of national ministries, members of farmer associations and farmers. The team also used economic regressions and simulations to assist its analyses. The team examined the history of Plan Colombia, reviewed performance in areas such as implementation of alternative development, impact of eradication, cost effectiveness, improvements in security, and socio-economic aspects of state presence. The report looks at approaches to adjusting performance measures for CN programs. With a view toward formulating recommendations for the future, the report presents analyses of lessons that could be drawn from the significant reduction in poppy cultivation, the role of alternative development and the involvement of citizens and local governments in coca reduction. The report examines the internal balloon effect as that influences the geographic dispersion of coca cultivation. Finally, the report reviews various elements of rural development and agricultural policy as well as providing an estimation of the extent that families in rural areas are vulnerable to participating in coca cultivation. (Vulnerable families are defined as families in coca growing areas that share the socioeconomic characteristics of existing coca farmers.) Details: Washington, DC: Management Systems International, 2009. 177p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 4, 2015 at: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PDACN233.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Colombia URL: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PDACN233.pdf Shelf Number: 136307 Keywords: CocaineDrug EnforcementDrug PoliceDrug TraffickingDrugs and CrimeHeroinPlan Colombia |
Author: Gaspar, Roger Title: Establishment of Interagency Law Enforcement Mobile Groups in Kyrgyzstan: Counter-narcotics enforcement Summary: This project was a three year plan to create small interagency mobile law enforcement groups called MOBITs based in south Kyrgyzstan to increase resources in the difficult border region with Tajikistan to interdict drug trafficking into the country. The concept included certain key ideas: interagency composition to enhance the cooperation between agencies and as a counter corruption component, special vetting and bonus payments to ensure a high level of integrity within the teams and training in special investigation techniques to expand their capacity for operations. The teams were also intended to participate in enhanced intelligence collection and analysis, improve the qualitative and quantitative information and knowledge within Kyrgyzstan on the extent of various types of crime and to engage in collaboration with law enforcement agencies of neighbouring and other countries. How they were to do this was poorly addressed. The teams were provided with vehicles, a separate base and advanced strongholds in the difficult border areas and the project implied a flexible rapid deployment when required and the ability to initiate operations from their own information sources. It appears to have been assumed that the provision of a correctly trained and resourced team was sufficient to achieve a new level of impact against drug trafficking and organised crime but a lack of development of information sources undermined the concept. The formal objectives were: Objective 1: Improve national interdiction results and investigative capacity Output 1 - establishment of joint mobile interdiction teams Output 2 - Enhancement of intelligence analysis/investigative capacity of the joint mobile interdiction teams Objective 2: Ensure integrity and sustainability of joint mobile interdiction teams Output 1 - system in place for the constant monitoring of integrity of mobile teams Output 2 - Mechanism for self-sustainability of joint mobile interdiction teams under development The project commenced in late 2007 after some procedural delays and concluded at the end of 2010. The initial host agency for the MOBIT teams was the Drug Control Agency and under their aegis and that of this project, four teams were constructed, based in Osh in southern Kyrgyzstan with advanced strongholds in Alay, Aidarken and Batken. Equipment and training was funded or provided the donor or CENTCOM on a bi-lateral basis. Initial results of interdiction were slow and at the mid term review in 2009, concern was expressed over performance levels. No issues were, however, raised over integrity. In late 2009, the then President, President Bakiyev abolished the DCA (the host agency) and transferred the MOBIT resources into the Ministry of Interior. As the independence of the Units had been an important aspect of the project and was thus compromised, the project was suspended at the request of the donor. In March, 2010, MOBITs were formally moved into the newly created Chief Department on Counter Drug Trafficking of the Ministry of the Interior and a request for the reinstatement of the project was accepted. Subsequently in August, 2010, President Otunbaeva established the new State Service on Drug Control and the MOBIT resources were to be moved from the MoI to the SSDC. This process of movement was slow and indeed some resources are not yet recovered. Following a further project revision, support was continued until the closure of the project at the end of December, 2010. The impact of the changes in host agency means that at the end of the project, there were no active MOBIT teams. The SSDC is, however, in the process of reconstructing the teams and approximately one third of the personnel have now been inducted. It is no fault of the project that the host agencies were changed. The implication for the evaluation is that most key interlocutors were no longer available and that the evaluation had to proceed by taking stock of what had been achieved under the DCA and MoI and what is planned under the SSDC. The evaluation found justification for the concept of interagency mobile teams that had been specially vetted and secured against corruption and the need for arrangements for a counter narcotics team to operate in the restricted border area. However, the value of confining such a special team to interdictions within the border area is not supported. Such a team is unique within Kyrgyzstan and can have a broader value. In this context it is interesting to note that while under DCA control, they were deployed, inter alia, on controlled deliveries indicating that they were at least from time to time operating in a broader role. The concerns over performance identified at the mid year review in 2009 are valid. MOBIT teams recovered only 6.6% of the total annual national heroin seizures in 2008, 7.7% in 2009 and 19.4% in the first seven months of 2010. Overall, seizures for the whole country fell between 2008 and 2010. This is a disappointing performance in the context of the project objectives for improving national interdiction results and in relation to the MOBITS is considered to be linked to the disappointing outcome of the aspirations of this project to enhance the intelligence and analysis ability of the teams. The objective to enhance the intelligence and analysis ability is entirely in the right direction. Drug trafficking is a highly skilled clandestine activity with few visible opportunities for law enforcement. Investments in the development of new sources of information, dedicated analysts and active management are essential to provide the opportunities for skilled teams such as MOBITs. However, the MOBIT teams are small units, their training has concentrated on special investigative techniques and it is doubtful if they had the capacity for developing the kind of enhanced intelligence collection and analysis envisaged in the project document. This was something better intended for development with the host agency - in which the MOBIT teams should obviously participate. Without better sources of information, it is difficult to see how the MOBIT teams could deliver the higher level of interdiction expected and whilst this was not articulated, it is assumed the principle behind the project concept was that there was either ample information waiting to be acted upon or once the threat of corruption was removed, there would be no shortage of information from which the MOBITs could benefit. Whether this is a correct deduction of the thinking at the time of the project concept, the reality has been that insufficient information appears to be available to lift the MOBIT teams to a new level of performance. Since the SSDC is currently rebuilding the MOBITs as envisaged in the project document, this will be an issue to be addressed. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2011. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 7, 2015 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/evaluation/ProEvals-2009/ProEvals-2010/ProEvals-2011/kgz_i75_establishment_of_interagency_law_enforcement_mobile_groups_in_kyrgyzstan_rev.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Kyrgyzstan URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/evaluation/ProEvals-2009/ProEvals-2010/ProEvals-2011/kgz_i75_establishment_of_interagency_law_enforcement_mobile_groups_in_kyrgyzstan_rev.pdf Shelf Number: 136346 Keywords: CorruptionDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingOrganized Crime |
Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System: The CDEWS-2 Replication Study Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides rapid information about emerging drug use in local communities by sampling anonymous urine specimens already collected and tested, and ready to be discarded by local criminal justice programs. CDEWS re- tests the specimens for an expanded panel of more than 75 drugs. The most dramatic finding from the first study, CDEWS-1, completed in September 2013, was the identification of specific synthetic cannabinoids (SC) used by adult arrestee and parole/probation populations in the Washington, DC and Richmond, VA Metropolitan Areas. SC metabolites were actually equally or more likely to be detected in specimens that had passed the local criminal justice system (CJS) drug tests than in those that failed, suggesting that people were using them to avoid detection by the routine CJS testing screens. This second report on CDEWS (CDEWS-2) replicates the CDEWS results for adult parolees/probationers in Washington, DC, and studies new adult and/or juvenile criminal justice populations from Washington, DC (juveniles), Denver, Colorado (drug court adults), and Tampa, Florida (juveniles). A total of 1,026 specimens from these populations were tested as part of the CDEWS-2 study. The CDEWS-2 urinalyses showed dramatic changes from the SC metabolites detected the prior year in CDEWS-1, and shows substantial differences in SC found from site to site. For the CDEWS-2 study, we interviewed toxicologists and other experts to determine the most important drugs, including new psychoactive substances (NPS), to include on our testing panel. This shows the value of interviewing experts in order to update the CDEWS test panel to include newly discovered SC metabolites. A large number of specimens tested positive for the metabolites added during CDEWS-2. About 50% of the 21-30 year old male probationers from DC who had passed the local more limited CJS screen and about 1 in 5 of all tested juveniles in DC at all ages, from 13-17, tested positive for SC. The SC metabolites detected varied by population and site; for example, all SC positive specimens from Tampa juveniles contained only one metabolite, UR-144, but only 71% of the SC positive specimens from DC juveniles and 53% of SC positives from adults in the Denver drug court contained UR-144. In fact, among DC juveniles, 8 SC metabolites were found and among Denver adults 10 SC metabolites were found. Testing for designer stimulants was suspended after all subsamples for the 4 populations tested negative for these drugs. The CDEWS-2 results attest to the value of expanded testing of specimens already collected by local CJS drug testing programs and the difficulties inherent in keeping up with the constantly evolving nature of NPS. The results suggest that many adults and juveniles in local CJS drug testing programs likely turn to SC to avoid detection. It is also likely that programs using similar protocols to test urine specimens in other contexts, such as schools, hospitals and treatment programs are missing SC use in their populations, leading to lost opportunities for diagnosis and intervention. These risks are especially dangerous for youths being exposed to new and constantly changing NPS at an early age. Future CDEWS studies of these populations might help to address these issues. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy Executive Office of the President, 2015. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2015 at: https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/finalreport_4_8_15v3.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/finalreport_4_8_15v3.pdf Shelf Number: 136354 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Testing Illicit DrugsUrine Testing |
Author: Organization of American States Title: Trinidad and Tobago: Evaluation of Progress in Drug Control, 2007-2009 Summary: The Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism (MEM) is a diagnostic tool designed by all member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) to periodically carry out comprehensive, multilateral evaluations of the progress of actions taken by member states and by the hemisphere as a whole, in dealing with the drug problem. The Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD), of the Secretariat of Multidimensional Security, an OAS specialized agency, implemented this Mechanism in 1998, pursuant to a mandate from the Second Summit of the Americas held in Santiago, Chile in 1998. The MEM is not only an evaluation instrument, but has also become a vehicle for disseminating information on the progress achieved by individual and collective efforts of OAS member state governments, catalyzing hemispheric cooperation, promoting dialogue among member state government authorities and precisely channeling assistance to areas requiring greater attention by optimizing resources. The MEM process itself is assessed by the Intergovernmental Working Group (IWG), comprised of delegations from all member states, which meets before the onset of each MEM evaluation round to review and strengthen all operational aspects of the mechanism, including the indicators of the evaluation questionnaire. National evaluation reports are drafted by experts from each member state, with experts not working on their own country's report, guaranteeing the transparent multilateral nature of the MEM. Each chapter is based on countries' responses to a questionnaire of indicators covering the main thematic areas of institution building, demand reduction, supply reduction and control measures as well as subsequent comments and updated information provided by the government-appointed coordinating entities. This report covers the full country evaluation for the MEM Fifth Round evaluation period 2007-2009. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD), 2010. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2015 at: http://www.cicad.oas.org/mem/reports/5/Full_Eval/Trin&Tobago%20-%205th%20Rd%20-%20ENG.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Trinidad and Tobago URL: http://www.cicad.oas.org/mem/reports/5/Full_Eval/Trin&Tobago%20-%205th%20Rd%20-%20ENG.pdf Shelf Number: 136358 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug Policy |
Author: Schujer, Maria Title: The impact of drug policy on human rights: The experience in the Americas Summary: This report highlights the different strategies used in countries across the Americas to tackle the drugs problem in the region. It discusses the prohibitionist approach which has led to militarisation, violence, criminalisation of drug use and users, mass incarceration and forced crop eradication campaigns. The so-called "War on Drugs" deployed in the last 50 years has had an enormous impact on the functioning of security, justice and prison systems in Latin America. Despite the high levels of violence that this battle has caused in some areas and its grave consequences, for many years it was not analyzed from a human rights perspective in local or international arenas. This scenario has begun to change. In March 2014, at the request of 17 organizations from 11 countries in the Americas, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) held a regional thematic hearing on this topic, the first in the history of its 150 sessions. This publication expands on the assessment presented by those organizations. The prohibitionist paradigm has increased exponentially the militarization and violence associated with drug trafficking. By creating an enormous illegal market controlled by complex and increasingly powerful criminal groups, violent conflicts have intensified throughout the region, especially in impoverished areas where there has been a further deterioration of inhabitants' living conditions and increased stigmatization. These repressive policies tend to violate the human rights of thousands of people, above all those who face judicial proceedings and are sent to prison, where overcrowding and inhumane detention conditions are often the norm. Numerous studies have shown that these policies tend to disproportionately affect particularly vulnerable groups, and in that way, they reinforce and replicate discrimination and social exclusion Details: Buenos Aires, Argentina: Center for Legal and Social studies (CELS), 2015. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/the-impact-of-drug-policy-on-human-rights-CELS.pdf Year: 2015 Country: South America URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/the-impact-of-drug-policy-on-human-rights-CELS.pdf Shelf Number: 136526 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickingHuman RightsWar on Drugs |
Author: International Centre for Science in Drug Policy Title: State of Evidence: Cannabis Use and Regulation Summary: Science in Drug Policy (ICSDP) has sought to ensure that policy responses to the many problems posed by illicit drugs are informed by the best available scientific evidence. State of the Evidence: Cannabis Use and Regulation is the ICSDP's contribution to the growing global conversation on cannabis. This report should be read in tandem with Using Evidence to Talk About Cannabis, a complementary guide to having evidence-based discussions on cannabis use and regulation. The regulation of recreational cannabis markets has become an increasingly important policy issue in a number of jurisdictions. Colorado and Washington State made headlines in 2012 when they became the first jurisdictions in the world to legalize and regulate the adult use and sale of cannabis for non-medical purposes. In 2013, Uruguay became the first country to legalize and regulate recreational cannabis markets. Momentum towards regulation continued in the United States in 2014 with successful ballot initiatives in Alaska, Oregon, and the District of Columbia. Globally, the issue of cannabis regulation is front and center in a growing number of jurisdictions, including Canada, Jamaica, Italy, Spain, several Latin American countries, and a number of additional U.S. states, including California, set to vote on legalization initiatives in 2016. Unsurprisingly, given the robust global conversation around the regulation of recreational cannabis markets, claims about the impacts of cannabis use and regulation are increasingly part of the public discourse. Unfortunately, though, these claims are often unsupported by the available scientific evidence. Another reoccurring problem in the public discourse is the selective inclusion of research studies based on their support for a predetermined narrative. The intentional exclusion of studies with contradictory findings does not allow for an objective review and analysis of all the evidence. This "cherry picking" of the evidence is a routine practice that distorts public understanding. By outlining the current state of all the scientific evidence on common cannabis claims, State of the Evidence: Cannabis Use and Regulation strives to ensure that evidence, rather than rhetoric, plays a central role in policymaking around this important issue. The harms of misrepresenting the scientific evidence on cannabis should not be overlooked. Given that policy decisions are influenced by public opinion and media reports, public discourse needs to be well informed. By addressing knowledge gaps with scientific findings, the ICSDP hopes to dispel myths about cannabis use and regulation, and ensure that the scientific evidence on these topics is accurately represented. Only then can evidence- based policy decisions be made. Readers of this report will notice three repeating themes emerge through the discussion of the scientific evidence on common cannabis claims. First, many of the claims confuse correlation and causation. Although scientific evidence may find associations between two events, this does not indicate that one necessarily caused the other. Put simply, correlation does not equal causation. This is a commonly made mistake when interpreting scientific evidence in all fields, and is unsurprisingly a recurring source of confusion in the discourse on cannabis use and regulation. Second, for several of these claims, the inability to control for a range of variables ("confounders") means that in many cases, we cannot conclude that a particular outcome was caused by cannabis use or regulation. Unless scientists can remove all other possible explanations, the evidence cannot conclusively say that one specific explanation is true. Third, many of the claims cannot be made conclusively as there is insufficient evidence to support them. Findings from a single study or a small sample cannot be generalized to entire populations. This is especially pronounced for claims related to cannabis regulation, as not enough time has passed since the regulation of recreational cannabis in Colorado, Washington State, and Uruguay to examine many of the impacts of these policy changes. These three common pitfalls are important to take into account when reading media reports and advocacy materials that suggest scientists have conclusively made some finding related to cannabis use or regulation. In many cases, due to the reasons outlined above, this will actually result in a misrepresentation of the scientific evidence. State of the Evidence: Cannabis Use and Regulation is comprised of two sections: Common Claims on Cannabis Use and Common Claims on Cannabis Regulation. Common Claims on Cannabis Use presents evidence on frequently heard claims about cannabis use, including claims on the addictive potential of cannabis, cannabis as a "gateway" drug, the potency of cannabis, and the impact of cannabis use on the lungs, heart, and brain (in terms of IQ, cognitive functioning, and risk of schizophrenia). Common Claims on Cannabis Regulation presents evidence on frequently heard claims about the impacts of cannabis regulation, including the impact of regulation on cannabis availability, impaired driving, the use of cannabis, drug crime, drug tourism, and "Big Marijuana." For each claim, the relevant available scientific evidence is presented and the strength of the scientific evidence in support of the claim is determined. Readers will notice that none of the claims are strongly supported by the scientific evidence, reinforcing the significant misrepresentation of evidence on cannabis use and regulation. Details: Toronto, ON: The Centre, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/State_of_the_Evidence_Cannabis_Use_and_Regulation-international-centre-for-science-in-drug-policy.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/State_of_the_Evidence_Cannabis_Use_and_Regulation-international-centre-for-science-in-drug-policy.pdf Shelf Number: 136611 Keywords: CannabisDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ReformMarijuana |
Author: Ledebur, Kathryn Title: Bolivian Drug Control Efforts: Genuine Progress, Daunting Challenges Summary: Following a landslide victory at the polls, Evo Morales became president of Bolivia in January 2006. Head of the coca-growers' federation, Morales was a long-standing foe of U.S. drug policy, and many observers anticipated a complete break in U.S.-Bolivian relations and hence an end to drug policy cooperation. Instead, both Morales and the George W. Bush administration initially kept the rhetoric at bay and developed an amicable enough bilateral relationship - though one that at times has been fraught with tension. Following Bolivia's expulsion in 2008 of the U.S. Ambassador, Philip Goldberg, for allegedly meddling in the country's internal affairs and encouraging civil unrest, and the subsequent expulsion of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the White House upped its criticism of the Bolivian government and for the past five years has issued a "determination" that Bolivia has "failed demonstrably during the previous 12 months to adhere to [its] obligations under international narcotics agreements." U.S. economic assistance for Bolivian drug control programs has slowed to a trickle. Nonetheless, in 2011 the two countries signed a new framework agreement to guide bilateral relations and are pending an exchange of ambassadors. Moreover, cooperation continues between the primary Bolivian drug control agency - the Ministry of Government's Vice Ministry of Social Defense and Controlled Substances - and the Narcotics Affairs Section (NAS) of the U.S. embassy. At the international level, Bolivia is seeking to reconcile its new constitution, which recognizes the right to use the coca leaf for traditional and legal purposes and recognizes coca as part of the country's national heritage, with its commitments to international conventions. In June 2011, the country denounced the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs as amended by the 1972 Protocol and announced its intention to re-accede with a reservation allowing for the traditional use of the coca leaf. (The 1961 Convention mistakenly classifies coca as a dangerous narcotic, along with cocaine.) Unless more than one-third of UN member states object by the January 10, 2013 deadline, the Bolivian reservation will be accepted and the country will once again be a full Party to the Single Convention. The approaching date for Bolivia's potential return to the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs provides an opportune moment to evaluate the Bolivian government's progress achieving its drug policy objectives. Moreover, the Morales administration has been in office for nearly six years, providing a clear track record to evaluate. Adopting a "coca yes, cocaine no" approach, Bolivia has sought to decrease the cultivation of coca - the raw material used in manufacturing cocaine - while increasing actions against cocaine production and drug trafficking organizations. In 2011, the land area devoted to coca cultivation in Bolivia dropped by 13 percent, according to U.S. government figures, in contrast to net increases in Peru and Colombia. Seizures of coca paste and cocaine and destruction of drug laboratories have steadily increased since President Morales took office. Yet despite the positive results achieved to date, the government faces increasing challenges as the amount of coca paste and cocaine flowing across its borders from Peru has increased, the production of cocaine in Bolivia itself has risen, and drug traffickers have diversified and expanded areas of production and transportation within the country. The Bolivian government has made significant progress facing the ongoing challenges of drug production and trafficking, in part due to the assistance provided by the European Union (EU), the United States, and others. The U.S. government should now recognize this progress in its annual determinations. The string of negative determinations are increasingly disconnected from reality in Bolivia and retain little credibility with the Bolivian government or with other governments in the region, which continue to see the annual U.S. rating as offensive and politically motivated. The signing of the framework agreement marked significant progress in U.S.-Bolivian bilateral relations. Both governments should build on that success by using the accord as a venue to discuss areas of concern, friction, and consensus. While differences will undoubtedly arise, it is in the best interests of both countries to maintain an open dialogue. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2012. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 16, 2015 at: http://www.wola.org/sites/default/files/AIN-WOLA%20Final%20Bolivia%20Coca%20Memo.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Bolivia URL: http://www.wola.org/sites/default/files/AIN-WOLA%20Final%20Bolivia%20Coca%20Memo.pdf Shelf Number: 136789 Keywords: CocaineDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug Trafficking |
Author: Neill, Katharine A. Title: Second Chances: The Economic and Social Benefits of Explanding Drug Diversion Programs in Harris County Summary: In recent years, the United States has experienced a sea change in drug policy. Along with the four states that have legalized recreational use of marijuana (Alaska, Colorado, Oregon, and Washington), many others have relaxed criminal penalties for nonviolent drug possession offenses. The federal government has taken similar steps, with the U.S. Department of Justice moving away from the steep mandatory minimum sentences that arose during the peak of the drug war, and the president himself commuting the sentences of individuals convicted of nonviolent drug offenses. The wave of drug reform has touched even the most conservative states in the country, including Texas. Though none ultimately would become law, a number of bills introduced during the state's 2015 legislative session would have reduced or even eliminated the criminal penalties associated with some drug offenses. As reform efforts have continued across Texas, the Harris County District Attorney's Office implemented its First Chance Intervention Program, which allows a defendant arrested for possession of two ounces or less of marijuana to be diverted from the criminal justice system if the arrest is his or her first offense. This report reviews the broader issues with current approaches to drug enforcement that have facilitated calls for reform, then demonstrates the need for drug policy reform in Harris County (Houston's home) prior to implementation of the First Chance Intervention Program (FCIP). Next, the report evaluates the FCIP and suggests ways in which policy outcomes can be improved through the program's expansion. Finally, the report concludes with a number of recommendations for Harris County going forward. Details: Houston, TX: Rice University, Baker Institute for Public Policy and Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 2, 2015 at: http://bakerinstitute.org/media/files/files/993306dd/DRUG-HarrisCountyDrugPolicy-092915.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://bakerinstitute.org/media/files/files/993306dd/DRUG-HarrisCountyDrugPolicy-092915.pdf Shelf Number: 136939 Keywords: Alternatives to IncarcerationDiversionDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyDrug ReformDrug Treatment Programs |
Author: Coyne, John Title: Methamphetamine: Focusing Australia's National Ice Strategy on the problem, not the symptoms Summary: In this report, law enforcement isn't focused on arrests, prosecutions, custodial offences or seizures, as none of those will have a guaranteed impact on the problem. The focus is on means to reduce the availability of drugs, the disruption of user behaviour and the integration of education and health initiatives. The report argues that the National Ice Strategy should consider three key points: 1.Integration. Drug strategies have a better chance of being successful when each of its initiatives are integrated into a strategically focussed harm reduction strategy. 2.Innovation. Education, health and enforcement stakeholder should be free from the limitations of wholly quantitative performance measures 3. Disruption. Initiatives to tackle the ice problem should be focussed towards the disruption of problems rather than the treatment of symptoms of the problem. Details: Barton, ACT, Australia: Australian Strategic Policy Institute, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2015 at: https://www.aspi.org.au/publications/methamphetamine-focusing-australias-national-ice-strategy-on-the-problem,-not-the-symptoms/SR82_ice.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://www.aspi.org.au/publications/methamphetamine-focusing-australias-national-ice-strategy-on-the-problem,-not-the-symptoms/SR82_ice.pdf Shelf Number: 136983 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyMethamphetamine |
Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Drug Control: Additional Performance Information Is Needed to Oversee the National Guard's State Counterdrug Program Summary: Since 1989 the National Guard has received hundreds of millions of dollars to help enhance the effectiveness of state-level counterdrug efforts by providing military support to assist interagency partners with their counterdrug activities. The program funds the drug interdiction priorities of each state Governor; counterdrug-related training to interagency partners at five counterdrug schools; and state-level counter-threat finance investigations, all of which are part of DOD's broader counterdrug efforts. Senate Report 113-176 included a provision for GAO to conduct an assessment of the state operations of the National Guard's counterdrug program. This report: (1) identifies the changes in funding for the program since fiscal year 2004, and (2) assesses the extent to which performance information is used to evaluate the program's activities. GAO analyzed the program's budgets and obligations data, performance measures, and program guidance, and interviewed knowledgeable officials. What GAO Recommends GAO recommends that DOD (1) identify additional information needed to evaluate the performance of state programs and oversee counterdrug schools' training; and (2) subsequently collect and use performance information to help inform funding distribution decisions to state programs and to conduct oversight of the training offered by the counterdrug schools. DOD concurred with GAO's recommendations. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2015. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-16-133: Accessed October 27, 2015 at: http://www.gao.gov/assets/680/673260.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.gao.gov/assets/680/673260.pdf Shelf Number: 137151 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug Enforcement |
Author: Global Commission on Drug Policy Title: The Negative Impact of Drug Control on Public Health: The Global Crisis of Avoidable Pain Summary: The international drug control system is stoking a global crisis of inequitable access to controlled medicines. Of the global population, an estimated 5.5 billion have poor to nonexistent access to opioid analgesics, in particular morphine, resulting in the avoidable pain and suffering of people around the world. At the last estimate, 92 percent of the world's supply of morphine was consumed by just 17 percent of the global population, that consumption primarily concentrated in the global north. Terminal cancer patients, end-stage AIDS patients, and women in labor suffering from uncontrolled pain are among the key impacted groups, with the World Health Organization (WHO) estimating that tens of millions suffer from unrelieved pain annually due to a lack of access to controlled medicines. In addition, only a fraction of people globally who inject drugs are able to access controlled medicines for treating opioid dependence. Under international drug control law and international human rights law, States have an obligation to ensure controlled medicines are made available to their populations; any restriction of access constitutes a violation of the right to health. Though a number of factors impose barriers to access, including weak healthcare systems and the lack of training of clinicians working on the ground, the international drug control system has been responsible for perpetuating the continual undersupply of controlled medicines. This scarcity is due to the prioritization, by governments and UN bodies alike, of preventing the diversion of controlled substances for illicit purposes over ensuring access for medical and scientific needs. For example, both the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) have a dual obligation to maintain a balance between preventing diversion and ensuring access, yet have historically favored the former. This has translated to the national level where some governments continually emphasize a criminal justice approach to drug control, rather than a public health one, all to the detriment of providing access to controlled medicines. In some countries, overly burdensome regulations for prescribing controlled medicines, something that can be linked to the UN drug conventions, create a situation where physicians must operate in a climate of fear and legal uncertainty, real or perceived. As a result, many are afraid of prescribing controlled medicines due to the risk of prosecution, or of being charged with professional misconduct for failing to adhere to stringent regimes. What's more, this environment contributes heavily to broader societal attitudes and the stigmatization of people who use controlled substances, licit or otherwise. The INCB and UNODC have begun to take steps to rectify this gross inequity of access around the world, and WHO's increasing involvement in the issue over the past decade is a key step in the right direction. However, there is considerable work to do to amend the damage caused by decades of placing a primacy on anti-diversion measures in drug control. With an increasing number of States and UN bodies drawing attention to the lack of access to controlled medicines, we are reaching a critical juncture, particularly with the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on drugs approaching in 2016. The time for concrete action on the issue is now. A new global initiative must be explored and greater power and funds must be handed to WHO, to lead on tackling inequitable access to controlled medicines. Without action, millions of people will continue to suffer unnecessarily. Details: Rio de Janeiro RJ Brasil: The Commission, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2015 at: http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/reports/ Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/reports/ Shelf Number: 137190 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy |
Author: Gallahue, Patrick Title: The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2015. The Extreme Fringe of Global Drug Policy Summary: This report looks at the death penalty for drugs in law and practice. It also considers critical developments on the issue. Among its findings are: >> There are at least 33 countries and territories that prescribe the death penalty for drugs in law. >> At least 10 countries have the death penalty for drugs as a mandatory sanction. >> In 2013, around 549 people were believed to have been executed for drugs. This is an estimate using figures provided by human rights monitors but it cannot be considered comprehensive and it is likely there are more executions than those recorded. >> If the estimates for China are accurate and remained constant for 2014, then there would have been at least 600 executions for drugs in 2014. The actual figure is also likely to be higher when countries like North Korea, for which there is no reliable data, are included. >> Executions for drugs took place in at least seven countries since 2010. This number is possibly higher but not by much. Very few countries in the world actually execute drug offenders with any frequency. >> As of 2015, there are believed to be almost 900 people on death row for drugs in Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Pakistan, and many hundreds more in China, Iran and Vietnam. While this report notes that there still are a troubling number of governments with capital drug laws in law very few states actually execute people for drugs. The number of people killed for drug-related offences is high but only because China, Iran and Saudi Arabia are aggressive executioners. The reality is that those governments that kill for drugs are an extreme fringe of the international community. One of the major developments in recent years on the death penalty for drugs, however, is that the international community is no longer standing idly by. The death penalty for drugs is distinct from many other capital offences as drug control is not confined to the borders of a particular country. The investigation, capture and prosecution of those who are executed may require assistance from partners around the world, including agencies based in countries that are opposed to the death penalty. After all, international drug control is a collective endeavour formalised by international agreements. The 1988 Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances promotes cross-border information-sharing between national agencies, joint trainings, technical and financial assistance between a variety of States Parties. The 1988 Convention formalised transnational cooperation in drug control and essentially 'internationalised' the war on drugs. In practice, this means a border control program between Iran and Pakistan could involve European Union donors, German police trainers, French equipment and British intelligence. Details: Harm Reduction International, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2015 at: http://www.ihra.net/files/2015/10/07/DeathPenaltyDrugs_Report_2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.ihra.net/files/2015/10/07/DeathPenaltyDrugs_Report_2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137193 Keywords: Capital PunishmentDeath PenaltyDrug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug Offenders |
Author: Parsons, Jim Title: A Natural Experiment in Reform: Analyzing Drug Policy Change In New York City, Final Report Summary: The Substance Use and Mental Health Program (SUMH) studied the impact of 2009 reforms to New York State's Rockefeller Drug Laws that eliminated mandatory minimum sentences for people convicted of a range of felony drug charges and expanded eligibility for diversion to treatment. Researchers compared cases pre and post reform to assess changes in the use of jail and prison, rates of diversion to treatment, racial disparities in sentencing, recidivism, and cost. This work, conducted under the auspices of the National Institute of Justice, included researchers from Vera's Substance Use and Mental Health Program and Cost-Benefit Analysis Unit, the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, and Rutgers University. The research team: - described sentencing outcomes by analyzing administrative data on felony drug cases indicted before and after the reforms, and conducted case file reviews and interviewed judges, prosecutors, and defense attorneys to explore the factors influencing charging and sentencing decisions; - compared recidivism outcomes for individuals charged with felony drug crimes before and after the reforms; and - conducted a cost-benefit analysis of the reforms. Details: Final Report to the National Institute of Justice, 2015. 274p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 14, 2016 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/248524.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/248524.pdf Shelf Number: 137576 Keywords: Cost-Benefit AnalysisDrug Abuse Policy (New York) Drug Enforcement Drug Law Reform Drug Policy Rockefeller Drug Laws |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "All This for a Joint": Tunisia's Repressive Drug Law and a Roadmap for Its Reform Summary: Tunisia's drug laws impose a mandatory sentence of at least one year in prison on anyone convicted of possession or consumption of any illegal drug, including cannabis. In 2015, there were 7,451 drug offenders in Tunisia prisons, around 5,200 of them convicted for marijuana-related offenses. Drug offenders made up 28% of the total prison population. Based on 47 interviews with people arrested or convicted for using cannabis, including artists, bloggers, students, and also young men in poor neighborhoods, the report documents the array of abuses that accompany enforcement of the drug law, including mistreatment during arrest and interrogation, humiliation during urine tests, searches of homes without judicial warrants, and the confinement of cannabis users in overcrowded, insalubrious prison cells with hardened criminals. The government has proposed to ease but not eliminate prison terms as punishment for drug use. While its draft law could reduce the human rights abuses that accompany enforcement of the current law, it does not go far enough. The report calls on the Tunisian government to revise the current draft by relying on non-criminal approaches for drug consumption. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/tunisia0216_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tunisia URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/tunisia0216_web.pdf Shelf Number: 137779 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyDrug Reform |
Author: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. Independent Evaluation Unit Title: Anti-organized crime and counter-narcotics enforcement in Cape Verde Project (ANTRAF) Summary: Cape Verde is an archipelago consisting of 10 islands (being one uninhabited) located at 500 kilometres off the coast of Senegal. According to 2010 Census, the country is home to almost 492 thousand people, out of which 39% is less than 18 years old. Most of the population (62%) now lives in the urban centres. In the early 2000s, Cape Verde was identified as a transit route for drug trafficking between Latin America and Europe. In the same period, internally, drug trafficking and abuse as well as all sorts of criminal behaviour were on the rise. In 2002, Cape Verde requested UNODC assistance to tackle drug trafficking and organized crime, which had turned into a real concern in the archipelago. The CAVE INTECRIN Programme (Cape Verde Integrated Crime and Narcotic Programme) was signed in 2005, as the result of a constructive dialogue developed with the relevant national authorities in 2003 and 2004. The objectives have been set out with a view to meeting both the request for technical assistance of the Government of Cape Verde and the overall mandates of UNODC, particularly in relation to its three main areas of operations, viz. anti-trafficking, reduction of uncivil behaviours, and rule of law. The ANTRAF project (CPV/S28) - subject of this evaluation - was part of the CAVE INTECRIN programme. The Government of Cape Verde and UNODC signed the CPV/S28 in September 2005, with an approved duration of 30 months (from January 2006 to March 2008) and a total budget of USD 5.8 million. As of 31 December 2011, the project had undergone to four revisions (one in 2009, two in 2010 and one in 2011), and it has been extended up to December 2014. The overall purpose for this evaluation is to assess whether the implementation of the CAVE ANTRAF CPV/S28 project has been contributing to meet the project's objectives, outcomes and outputs, so that lessons can be drawn and recommendations made, which in turn will constitute the basis for making decisions regarding instituting improvements to project planning, implementation, design and management. The evaluation used a mix of qualitative and quantitative approaches in order to analyse data, assess the status of outputs and outcomes, and triangulate evidence. The methods utilized in the evaluation were: desk review of relevant documents, interviews with key stakeholders, field visits, data analysis and focus group discussion. The main constraints of the evaluation were related to the availability of data; the time available for conducting the evaluation; the geographical coverage for the field visits that were limited to the capital of the country; the lack of inputs to perform an outcome and impact evaluation; and the political constraints related to the project's thematic areas. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2012. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 12, 2016 at: https://www.unodc.org/documents/evaluation/Independent_Project_Evaluations/2012/CPVS28_Eval_Report_Final_edited.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Cape Verde URL: https://www.unodc.org/documents/evaluation/Independent_Project_Evaluations/2012/CPVS28_Eval_Report_Final_edited.pdf Shelf Number: 137855 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug TraffickingMoney LaunderingOrganized Crime |
Author: London School of Economics and Political Science. LSE Expert Group on the Economics of Drug Policy Title: After the Drug Wars: report of the LSE Expert Group on the Economics of Drug Policy Summary: The post-'war on drug' era has begun. Prohibitionist policies must now take a back seat to the new, comprehensive, people-centred set of universal goals and targets that we know as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Nation states and the global drug regulatory system must shift to principles of sustainable development that include: public health, harm reduction of consumption and supply, access to essential medicines, and scientific experimentation with strict legal regulation. To enable this transformation, nation states should drastically de-prioritise the prohibitionist goals of the past. They must implement new comprehensive development policies dealing with the root causes of problems associated with illicit drugs. The 'war on drugs' caused the international community to prioritise prohibitionist policies over sustainable development at a terrible socioeconomic cost. As the United Nations Development Programme highlights in the discussion paper excerpted in this report, 'evidence indicates that drug control policies often leave an indelible footprint on sustainable human development processes and outcomes... [and] have fuelled the marginalisation of people linked with illicit drug use or markets.' This report recognises that key reforms within the global regulatory system will come from changes at the national and local levels. It highlights that the UN drug control treaties recommend an approach grounded in the 'health and welfare' of mankind. Further, it emphasises that human rights obligations have absolute supremacy over drug control goals and as such there is sufficient interpretive scope within the treaties to experiment with social scientific policies that can further global health and welfare. The world can shift away from counterproductive and ineffective drug policies. The UN General Assembly Special Session in 2016 is a key platform for driving debate. However, the ultimate impetus lies with countries to reform their policies based on evidence and local realities. This report provides a framework for achieving this shift. Details: London: LSE, 2016. 140p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 26, 2016 at: http://www.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/publications/reports/pdf/LSE-IDEAS-After-the-Drug-Wars.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/publications/reports/pdf/LSE-IDEAS-After-the-Drug-Wars.pdf Shelf Number: 137981 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyWar on Drugs |
Author: Saunders, Jessica Title: A Community-Based, Focused-Deterrence Approach to Closing Overt Drug Markets: A Process and Fidelity Evaluation of Seven Sites Summary: Overt drug markets are often associated with violence and property crime, as well as lower quality of life for nearby residents. Despite the considerable strain these markets can place on communities, efforts to close them can disrupt the delicate relationship between those who live in these communities and the criminal justice agencies charged with protecting them. In 2010, the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) funded Michigan State University (MSU) to train a cohort of seven jurisdictions to implement a community-based strategy that uses focused deterrence, community engagement, and incapacitation to reduce the crime and disorder associated with overt drug markets. The strategy was inspired by the High Point Drug Market Intervention and RAND was selected by the National Institute of Justice to evaluate these efforts. This process evaluation describes how well the seven sites adhered to the BJA model they were exposed to during the trainings, the barriers they encountered, and lessons learned from their experiences. Key Findings Successful Implementation Requires Strong Support from Law Enforcement and Prosecutors - Three sites did not make it to the call-in phase, with the common theme a lack of support at the highest levels of police departments or prosecutor's offices or the loss of initial support from leaders at these key agencies over time. - An initial commitment that is not sustained, or lack of strong commitment from one of these entities, may impede full implementation of the strategy. Team Members Should Have a Good Understanding of the Strategy Before Beginning the Process - A full understanding of the strategy from the outset will prevent avoidable missteps and will likely improve fidelity to the model. Team Turnover Should Be Expected and Addressed in Advance - Most of the teams experienced some turnover in the core membership, and in some cases, this put an end to the intervention. - Several team members mentioned that it was important to have multiple people from each sector familiar with the project in case someone changes positions. If Sites Plan to Track Dealers, an Action Plan Should Be Developed Prior to the Call-In - Some sites did not develop specific systems for tracking A-listers and B-listers, either from the outset or at all. This information is important for understanding the causal mechanisms underlying observed changes, keeping track of program costs, and successfully delivering on the deterrence message. - Some sites were not able to keep careful track of whether B-listers were complying with the terms of program, and some lacked specific requirements for B-lister participation. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2016. 113p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 8, 2016 at: http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR1000/RR1001/RAND_RR1001.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR1000/RR1001/RAND_RR1001.pdf Shelf Number: 138129 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug Markets |
Author: Mejia, Daniel Title: The Economics of the Drug War: Unaccounted Costs, Lost Lives, Missed Opportunities Summary: Fiscally minded policymakers should invest in drug policy reform. Many national drug control policies are centered on aggressive policing and military efforts to reduce drug supplies and punish drug consumers. But these policies come with a very high price tag, rarely resulting in sustained control of drug supply or demand. The economic wastefulness of the drug war is one of the most important motivations for reform. A new report from the Open Society Foundations, The Economics of the Drug War: Unaccounted Costs, Lost Lives, Missed Opportunities, documents both the wastefulness of ill-conceived investment in ineffective policies and the missed opportunity of failing to invest in effective policies and programs that embody good public health practice and human rights norms. The case of Colombia, for example, illustrates the futility-and the harms to individuals and society-of extremely expensive coca eradication efforts. For all the money spent, the efforts merely resulted in a geographical shift of coca production to new and sometimes more environmentally fragile locations. The environmental and health damage caused by aerial spraying of coca crops also negatively impacted the productivity of rural families. Many countries fail to invest in and scale up programs that yield significant economic returns in reduced crime, reduced death from overdose, reduced illness and injury from unsafe injection, and improved productivity of patients who are able to get on with their lives. Programs that provide clean injection equipment are among the most cost-effective interventions in all of public health because they prevent HIV, but too many governments still believe erroneously that they encourage drug use. And overincarceration for nonviolent drug offenses is a drain on public resources that fails to make a dent in drug markets. Health-centered drug policy conceived with human rights norms in mind is effective and cost-effective compared to many status quo approaches. This report explains why less punitive drug policy is good fiscal decision making. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2016. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 31, 2016 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/economics-drug-war-unaccounted-costs-lost-lives-missed-opportunities-20160229.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/economics-drug-war-unaccounted-costs-lost-lives-missed-opportunities-20160229.pdf Shelf Number: 138512 Keywords: Costs of Criminal JusticeDrug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyWar on Drugs |
Author: McSweeney, Kendra Title: The Impact of Drug Policy on the Environment Summary: Across the world, cultivators and traffickers of illicit drugs are wreaking ecological havoc-clearing fields from primary rainforest, piggy-backing drug smuggling with traffic in illegal hardwoods and endangered species, and laundering money in land deals that devastate protected forests. The international drug control system must share the blame for this devastation. Forty years of dogged adherence to drug crop eradication and drug interdiction policies have been instrumental in hounding drug farmers and traffickers into increasingly fragile landscapes. Although these policies have arguably done little to stem the cultivation and traffic of illicit drugs, it has done much to amplify the environmental devastation and degradation that accompanies them. Moreover, prohibitionist drug control policies keep the price of drugs high, ensuring that those involved in their traffic make good profits-profits that are speculatively laundered in the transformation of bio-and agro-diverse landscapes into cattle ranches and oil palm plantations. New research-much of it using newly available real-time satellite imagery of forest loss-is bringing into sharp focus the devastating ecological costs of conventional drug policies, and how these can profoundly undermine international policies designed to protect forests, mitigate climate change, and promote rural development. The Impact of Drug Policy on the Environment explores the environmental costs of conventional drug policies using the latest science, and provides recommendations for governments to recognize this problem, review current strategies, and explore new approaches to lessen this collateral environmental damage. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 31, 2016 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/reports/impact-drug-policy-environment Year: 2015 Country: International URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/reports/impact-drug-policy-environment Shelf Number: 20 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyOffenses Against the EnvironmentWar on Drugs |
Author: Csete, Joanne Title: Detention and Punishment in the Name of Drug Treatment Summary: In some countries, people who use, or are alleged to use, illicit drugs may be detained involuntarily after little or no legal process, ostensibly for the purpose of receiving drug "treatment" or "rehabilitation." These detentions are variously described as compulsory treatment centers, drug rehabilitation centers, detoxification centers, or centers for social education and labor. It is far from clear that all persons detained in this manner are drug-dependent or in need of treatment. If they are, there are international standards to guide treatment of drug-dependence, but drug detention centers often subject detainees to treatment methods that are scientifically unsound, punitive, cruel, inhuman, and degrading. In March 2012, 12 UN bodies-including the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), WHO, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the International Labour Organization, and the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights-jointly issued a call for the closure of compulsory drug detention centers and an expansion of voluntary, scientifically and medically appropriate forms of treating drug dependence in the health system. The 2012 joint UN statement on compulsory drug rehabilitation centers was a very important step, but a declaration from UN member states condemning these institutions and calling for their closure would advance the cause of ending the abuses they represent. Detention and Punishment in the Name of Drug Treatment highlights considerations that should be brought to bear in the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on the world drug problem, toward the goal of ending arbitrary detention and grave human rights abuses in the name of drug treatment. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 31, 2016 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/detention-and-punishment-name-drug-treatment-20160315.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/detention-and-punishment-name-drug-treatment-20160315.pdf Shelf Number: 138514 Keywords: Drug Abuse TreatmentDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy War on Drugs |
Author: Rolles, Steve Title: The Alternative World Drug Report. 2nd edition Summary: In April, the world will come together at the UN to discuss the future of international drug policy. It will be the first time that far-reaching drug policy reforms are meaningfully discussed at such a high level. The current enforcement-based, UN-led drug control system is coming under unparalleled scrutiny over its failure to deliver a promised "drug-free world", and for what the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) describes as its negative "unintended consequences". It is unacceptable that despite acknowledging these negative impacts, the UNODC does not include them in its annual World Drug Report, and neither the UN nor its member states have meaningfully assessed whether these unintended consequences outweigh the intended consequences. The second edition of the Alternative World Drug Report fills this gap by detailing the full range of negative impacts caused by the drug war. It demonstrates that the current approach is creating crime, harming health, and fatally undermining all "three pillars" of the UN's work - peace and security, development, and human rights. The stark failure of the current system has meant that alternative drug policy approaches are a growing reality. This report therefore explores a range of options for reform, including decriminalisation and legal regulation, that could deliver better outcomes,. The global prohibitionist consensus has broken, and cannot be fixed. This Alternative World Drug Report is intended to help policymakers shape what succeeds it Details: London: Transform Drug Policy Foundation, 2016. 192p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2016 at: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/AWDR-2nd-edition.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.countthecosts.org/sites/default/files/AWDR-2nd-edition.pdf Shelf Number: 138575 Keywords: Costs of CrimeCosts of Criminal JusticeDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyIllegal DrugsOrganized Crime |
Author: Buhringer, Gerhard Title: Comparative Analysis of Research into Illicit Drugs in the European Union: Full report Summary: The study was commissioned by the European Commission's Directorate-General for Justice, Freedom and Security (Justice-Liberte-Securite; DG JLS) with the following six objectives: (1) To map the key research areas, research disciplines and recent research trends, covering both drug demand and drug supply reduction, taking into account any important interrelations with related thematic areas (i.e. mental health and addiction, licit substance abuse, etc.). (2) To map and analyse the capacity, infrastructure and model of coordination of drug-related research in the member states (MS). An analysis of the participation of the national research communities in EU programmes should also be conducted. (3) To map and analyse the capacity, infrastructure and coordination of illicit drug-related research at European and international level, taking into account the drug-related research activities of the Pompidou Group of the Council of Europe and the World Health Organisation as well as the activities of significant private or semi-private research bodies. (4) To briefly describe - for comparative purposes - the drug-related research trends, capacity, infrastructure and model of coordination in the US, Canada and Australia as well as major research collaborations in the drug field with EU partners. (5) To identify strengths and weaknesses in EU drug-related research as well as gaps in the knowledge infrastructure in this field, always bearing in mind that the focus of this study covers both supply and demand of illicit drugs. (6) To assess options for strengthening - if necessary - the drug-related research infrastructure in EU. Details: Luxembourg : Publications Office, 2009.507p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 3, 2016 at: http://ec.europa.eu/justice/anti-drugs/files/drug-research-study-report_en.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Europe URL: http://ec.europa.eu/justice/anti-drugs/files/drug-research-study-report_en.pdf Shelf Number: 138902 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrugs and CrimeIllegal DrugsIllicit Drugs |
Author: Ragany, Meghan Title: Racial Disparity in Marijuana Policing in New Orleans Summary: In national research, self-reported marijuana use is similar across races, but in New Orleans, black people are disproportionately arrested for marijuana offenses, including simple possession. In recent years, some states have legalized marijuana, while the consequences for marijuana possession in Louisiana remain severe-under state law, repeated convictions for simple possession are punishable by multi-year prison sentences. This report illuminates through quantitative analysis the persistent racial disparities in marijuana policing from 2010 - 2015 and discusses the impacts of statutory and policy reforms the city has implemented to date. We are hopeful that these findings will guide state and local policymakers toward further improvements to lessen the harm even seemingly minor police encounters inflict on black communities, and inspire other jurisdictions to examine their own practices. Details: New Orleans: Vera Institute of Justice, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 21, 2016 at: https://storage.googleapis.com/vera-web-assets/downloads/Publications/racial-disparity-in-marijuana-policing-in-new-orleans/legacy_downloads/Racial-Disparity-Marijuana-Policing-Report-Web-July-2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://storage.googleapis.com/vera-web-assets/downloads/Publications/racial-disparity-in-marijuana-policing-in-new-orleans/legacy_downloads/Racial-Disparity-Marijuana-Policing-Report-Web-July-2016.pdf Shelf Number: 139756 Keywords: Drug EnforcementMarijuanaRacial DisparitiesRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement |
Author: Nguyen, Amanda Title: Developing Performance Metrics for Drug Enforcement: Evaluating the Efficacy of the MJTF Teams Using a Tiered and Priority Scoring System Summary: The Michigan State Police (MSP) strategic plan recognizes the role that illegal drug production, abuse, and trafficking plays in violent and property crime, accidental deaths, a nd drugged driving. Consequently, MSP has placed an emphasis on developing a statewide drug enforcement strategy that include s new metrics used to measure enforcement activities and to track progress toward reducing the level of illegal drug production, abuse, and trafficking and the associated public safety and health problems associated with illegal drugs. A key element of MSP's drug enforcement strategy is a series of multijurisdictional task forces (MJTF). Michigan's MJTFs are comprised of 22 teams that focus on drug - related crimes within specific regions of the state. Each team investigates drug crimes within their jurisdiction which comprises one or more surrounding counties. The MJTFs are based on the principles of bringing additional resources from multiple agencies, improving the coordination and communication across agencies, and being able to follow illegal drug activities across jurisdictional boundaries. As noted above, MSP's strategic plan has prioritized developing meaningful performance metrics for the MJTFs. A key element of the performance measures is to prioritize "harm" associated with illegal substances. Prior to the implementation of a new arrest scoring system based on "tiers," the previous scale of measurement for drug arrests was based on a level system that categorized offenders and drug quantities ranging from Level 1 (least harm) to Level III (most harm). In 2014, a new tier system with redefined categories was employed along with a scoring guide to transform raw arrest numbers into a point system. (Refer to Appendix A for Drug Trafficking Tier Definitions). The scoring guide used to accompany the new tier definitions was created based on a drug's amount of harm caused. Each drug category is assigned a priority value along with each trafficker tier also being assigned a point value. This new system allows for high priority drugs and higher tier arrests to be given more value than low priority drugs and lower tier arrests. The scoring guide is used to measure MJTF performance based on these arrest scores. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, Michigan Justice Statistics Center, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 26, 2016 at: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC_Developing-Performance-Metrics-for-Drug-Enforcement_May2016_FINAL-REPORT.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC_Developing-Performance-Metrics-for-Drug-Enforcement_May2016_FINAL-REPORT.pdf Shelf Number: 140043 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Trafficking |
Author: Reichert, Jessica Title: Drug trends and distribution in Illinois: A survey of drug task forces Summary: Drug trafficking is the cultivation, manufacture, distribution, and sale of drugs (UNODC, 2016). Drug distribution networks exist to oversee operations to obtain, transport, deliver, and finally sell to individuals in communities all over the United States (Johnson, 2003). Globally, money exchanged through the illicit drug trade is around $500 billion per year (UNDCP, 1998). Despite great risk, individuals in the in illegal drug trade are drawn to the potentially lucrative enterprise. However, the economic cost to U.S. society for drug distribution including criminal activity, as well as users' medical costs and lost productivity, was estimated at $76 billion per year (Parsons & Kamenca, 1992; UNDCP, 1998). In Illinois, the distribution of controlled substances is a significant problem. In 1995, the Office of the National Drug Control Policy established the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area program in Chicago (Chicago HIDTA, n.d.). Chicago HIDTA's mission is to enhance and coordinate drug control efforts among federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies in order to eliminate or reduce drug trafficking in critical regions in Illinois. In addition to establishing programs like HIDTA, drug task forces also were created to combat the distribution of controlled substances at the local level. Drug task forces arrest and prosecute drug offenders, identify and respond to emerging drug problems, and enhance interagency cooperation (Applied Research Services, Inc., 2014; Hollist et al., 2014). The Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority has supported drug task forces with federal funding for more than 20 years. Enlisting the participation of the 19 drug task force directors, this study sought to understand the extent of the drug problem in the jurisdictions covered by each drug task force. To do so, Authority researchers analyzed data from a survey administered to the 19 Authority-funded drug task forces on types of drugs frequency, trends, use, and distribution. Details: Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2016. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Drug%20distribution_Drug%20task%20forces%2008-17-16.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/Drug%20distribution_Drug%20task%20forces%2008-17-16.pdf Shelf Number: 147879 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Trafficking |
Author: U.S. National Heroin Task Force Title: National Heroin Task Force Final Report and Recommendations Summary: "The United States is in the grip of a national crisis - an unprecedented surge in the illicit use of prescription opioid medications and heroin. In 2014, 1.9 million people had a prescription opioid use disorder and nearly 600,000 had a heroin use disorder. The national data on overdose deaths are startling: in 2014, there were more than 27,000 overdose deaths involving prescription opioid medications and /or heroin. That is equivalent to an average of one death every 20 minutes. The opioid epidemic affects a broad cross-section of the United States population without regard to age, gender, race, ethnicity, or economic status. Living in a rural, suburban, or urban jurisdiction does not insulate an individual from the ravages of the opioid epidemic. Traditional law enforcement methods are a critical component of any counter-illicit drug strategy, but they will not resolve this crisis alone. The opioid crisis is also fundamentally a public health problem. The recommendations contained in this report are premised up on three principles: 1) public safety and public health authorities must integrate and harmonize their response to the misuse of prescription opioid medications and use of heroin; 2) policies regarding heroin use and misuse of prescription opioid medications must be grounded in a scientific understanding that substance use disorder is a chronic brain disease that can be prevented and treated; and 3) treatment and recovery services and support must be accessible and affordable. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice: U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2015. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2016 at: https://www.justice.gov/file/822231/download Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.justice.gov/file/822231/download Shelf Number: 140330 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyHeroinPrescription drug Abuse |
Author: New York State. Heroin and Opioid Task Force Title: Combatting the Heroin and Opioid Crisis Summary: Across the state the Task Force has heard from families who have loved ones addicted to heroin or other opioids, who have overdosed or have had serious health problems as a result of their addiction. Heroin overdose is now the leading cause of accidental death in the state. Between 2005 and 2014, upstate New York has seen an astonishing 222 percent increase in admissions to OASAS certified treatment programs among those 18 to 24 years of age for heroin and other opioids; Long Island has seen a 242 percent increase among the same age group for heroin and other opioids. In all, approximately 1.4 million New Yorkers suffer from a substance use disorder. Heroin and opioid addiction is now a major public health crisis in New York State. Further work must continue to fully realize the Governor's vision for a more responsive, accessible, and compassionate health care system for patients, as well as stronger education, prevention, and enforcement measures. The Task Force recommends that study and work on these issues continue as a high priority, so that New York can remain in the forefront when it comes to helping patients and their families. New York has taken important steps to address the urgent needs of those in critical condition and to prevent future generations from suffering from the disease of addiction. For the 2016 fiscal year, New York State allocated over $1.4 billion to the Office of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services (OASAS) to fight this battle including funding for 1,455 beds for patients in crisis; 2,221 beds for inpatient rehabilitation programs; 5,247 beds for intensive residential programs; 2,142 beds for community residential programs; 1,842 beds in supportive living programs; and 265 beds in residential rehabilitation programs for youth. Additionally, OASAS provides more than $74 million to fund prevention services through 165 providers serving communities in every county, including 1,400 schools across the state. The State has also enacted legislation to address this growing epidemic. In 2012 the State enacted the Prescription Drug Reform Act, overhauling the way prescription drugs are dispensed and tracked in New York to improve safeguards for drugs that are prone to abuse. The Act updated the Prescription Monitoring Program (PMP) Registry (also known as I-STOP) to require pharmacies to report information about dispensed controlled substances on a "real time" basis, as well as require health care practitioners to consult the PMP Registry before prescribing or dispensing certain controlled substances most prone to abuse and diversion. The Act also mandated electronic prescription of controlled substances, updated the Controlled Substances Schedules, improved education and awareness efforts for prescribers, and established a safe disposal program for prescription drugs. By the end of 2015, I-STOP had led to a 90 percent decrease in "doctor shopping" - when patients visit multiple prescribers and pharmacies to obtain prescriptions for controlled substances within a three-month time period. Earlier this year, New York State entered into an agreement with New Jersey to share PMP data both ways and prevent "doctor shopping" across state borders. In 2014, the State enacted legislation that granted Good Samaritan protections to individuals who administer an opioid antagonist like naloxone, expanded access to naloxone by allowing nonpatient-specific prescriptions, enacted insurance reforms to improve treatment options for individuals suffering from addiction, directed OASAS to create a wraparound services demonstration program to provide services to adolescents and adults for up to nine months after successful completion of a treatment program, and enhanced penalties to crack down on illegal drug distribution. Despite being on the forefront of nationally-recognized best practices, the epidemic continues to grow in New York. In response, Governor Andrew M. Cuomo convened a team of experienced healthcare providers, policy advocates, educators, parents, and New Yorkers in recovery to serve on a Heroin and Opioid Task Force and develop a comprehensive plan to bring the crisis under control. The Task Force's work was informed by two executive meetings, eight listening sessions across the state, and the 246 comments submitted through www.ny.gov/herointaskforce. This public process resulted in the following recommendations - broken into four areas: prevention, treatment, recovery, and enforcement - to continue to address the crisis. Details: Albany, NY: The Task Force, 2016. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19, 2016 at; https://www.governor.ny.gov/sites/governor.ny.gov/files/atoms/files/HeroinTaskForceReport_3.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.governor.ny.gov/sites/governor.ny.gov/files/atoms/files/HeroinTaskForceReport_3.pdf Shelf Number: 140350 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug TreatmentHeroinIllegal DrugsOpioidsPrescription Drug Abuse |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Every 25 Seconds: The Human Toll of Criminalizing Drug Use in the United States Summary: Every 25 seconds someone in the United States is arrested for possessing drugs for personal use. This amounts to more than 1.25 million arrests per year and makes drug possession the single most arrested crime in the country. Black and white adults use drugs at similar rates, but a Black adult is 2.5 times more likely to be arrested for drug possession. As a result of these arrests, on any given day at least 137,000 people are behind bars. Tens of thousands more are convicted, cycle through jails and prisons, and spend extended periods on probation and parole, often burdened with crippling debt from court-imposed fines and fees. Every 25 Seconds: The Human Toll of Criminalizing Drug Use in the United States documents the devastating harms caused by enforcement of drug possession laws. This joint report by Human Rights Watch and the American Civil Liberties Union is based on extensive new analysis of federal and state-level data, and over 365 interviews conducted primarily in Louisiana, Texas, Florida, and New York. Members of the public understandably want government to take actions to prevent the potential harms of drug use. Yet criminalization is not the answer. Four decades after the declaration of the "war on drugs," rates of drug use have not significantly decreased and treatment for drug dependence is often unavailable. Instead, criminalizing drug possession has caused tremendous harm - separating families; excluding people from job opportunities, public benefits, and voting; and exposing them to discrimination. Human Rights Watch and the ACLU urge federal and state authorities to end these harms by decriminalizing personal use and possession of all drugs. The report also provides detailed recommendations authorities should follow to minimize the harmful consequences of current laws and policies, until decriminalization is achieved. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 205p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/usdrug1016_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/usdrug1016_web.pdf Shelf Number: 144931 Keywords: DecriminalizationDrug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug PolicyDrug Policy Reform |
Author: Macdonald, Virginia Title: Drug Control and Harm Reduction in Thailand Summary: In South East Asia, Thailand is lauded for its success in reversing an HIV epidemic in the 1990s, particularly amongst sex workers. Thailand is also known for its success in significantly reducing opium cultivation, and implementing effective alternative development programmes for opium farmers. However, other aspects of the government's response to illicit drug markets in Thailand undermine these successes and have been characterised by the exclusion and marginalisation of people who use drugs, which has fuelled on-going epidemics of HIV and hepatitis C virus (HCV) among this population. The Thai government's response to drug use continues to be one of 'zero-tolerance', focused on eradicating drug consumption and production with the imposition of harsh punishment for drug-related crimes, ranging from compulsory detention to the death penalty. This response reflects the regional commitment to achieving a 'drug-free ASEAN by 2015'. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2013. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: IDPC Briefing Paper: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/566349360/library/IDPC-briefing-paper-Thailand-drug-policy-English.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Thailand URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/566349360/library/IDPC-briefing-paper-Thailand-drug-policy-English.pdf Shelf Number: 144866 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ReformOpium |
Author: Clark, Kyleigh M. Title: When Prohibition and Violence Collide: The Case of Mexico Summary: Some theorists have found a positive correlation between increased drug prohibition enforcement and a rise in violence. These studies focus on the United States and Colombia, arguing that prohibition amplifies violence, rather than decreasing it. Much like the United States and Colombia earlier in their histories, Mexico has recently experienced an escalation in violence. Since beginning a democratic transition in 2000, the Mexican government has intensified a war on drugs by strengthening the rule of law, battling corruption, and cooperating with the United States' drug war. This study, using a congruence method with process-tracing, will analyze the Mexican case in depth, with the goal of determining whether increased drug prohibition enforcement has escalated drug-related violence in Mexico, and what effect the violence has on the legitimacy of democracy itself in Mexico Details: Dayton, OH: Wright State University, 2011. 146p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: http://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2209&context=etd_all Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2209&context=etd_all Shelf Number: 146034 Keywords: Drug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug ProhibitionDrug-Related ViolenceWar on Drugs |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drug trafficking penalties across the European Union: a survey of expert opinion. Technical report Summary: The results of a study on national drug trafficking laws and their application in the Member States of the European Union are presented in this report. It is based on an analysis of the national laws and on the opinions of legal practitioners — judges, prosecutors and defence lawyers — from 26 countries. The penalties set out in national laws for trafficking cannabis, amphetamine, cocaine and heroin are compared with the sentencing outcomes expected by the legal practitioners, including penalties imposed and the estimated time likely to be spent in prison. Details: Lisbon, Portugal: Praca Europa, 2017. 132p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 1, 2017 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/system/files/publications/3573/Trafficking-penalties.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/system/files/publications/3573/Trafficking-penalties.pdf Shelf Number: 140778 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug TraffickersDrug TraffickingPunishmentSentencing |
Author: European Parliament. Directorate-General for Internal Policies. Policy Department C Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs Title: A Review and Assessment of EU Drug Policy Summary: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The challenges facing Europe in the field of drugs are still significant and have increased in complexity in recent years. In addition to the key issue of mortality and morbidity as a result of opioid use, new and emerging problems are being experienced across the EU. These include the creation of new psychoactive substances and the increasing dynamism of illicit drug markets. This study aims to provide evidence on international and EU approaches to drug policy, including these challenges and focusing on several case study countries. This evidence has been used to identify and develop policy proposals. Drug policy at the UN and EU levels The main tenets of the UN's approach to drugs are the 1961 UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the 1971 UN Convention on Psychotropic Substances and the 1988 UN Convention against illicit traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. A key UN policy document is the 2009 'Political Declaration and Plan of Action on International Cooperation towards an Integrated and Balanced Strategy to Counter the World Drug Problem'. This document details a set of goals to be achieved by 2019, including significant and measurable progress in eliminating the illicit cultivation of opium poppy, coca bush and cannabis plant, as well as actions to be implemented by countries across three main pillars. In April 2016, the UNGASS on the World Drug Problem was convened; a UN General Assembly special session seen as an important milestone in achieving the goals set out in the 2009 policy document. The UNGASS resulted in the adoption of the outcome document 'Our joint commitment to effectively addressing and countering the world drug problem. This document provided a range of operational recommendations and broadened the original pillar structure to 7 pillars (see chapter 2). Several new themes were added including drugs and health, drugs and human rights, new drug related challenges such as NPS and use of the internet, and international and development related cooperation. At the EU level, although the primary onus for developing drug policy and legislation remains with the Member States, there are a several legal bases for EU action, as stipulated in the Treaty of Lisbon. These cover the context of adopting minimum rules on the definition of criminal offences and sanctions on serious organised crime (Article 83 TFEU), public health (Article 168 TFEU), the internal market (Article 114 TFEU) and judicial cooperation in criminal matters (Articles 82-86 TFEU). In terms of EU policy, the most prominent current instrument is the EU Drugs Strategy 2013-2020. The Strategy provides the overarching political framework and priorities for EU drug policy. The EU Drugs Strategy has 5 main objectives, namely to reduce demand and harm, disrupt the drugs market, discourse and analysis, cooperation, and research and monitoring. The implementation of the Strategy's long-term objectives have been operationalised in 4- year Action Plans. In November 2015, the Commission adopted a report on the progress of the implementation of the EU Drugs Strategy and Action Plan. The mid-term evaluation of the first Action Plan (2013-2016) is due to be completed by the end of 2016 or, at the latest, early 2017. The findings from the mid-term evaluation and the Public Consultation, which was launched by the European Commission in March 2016, will inform the Commission's decision to propose a new Action Plan for 2017-2020. Recent EU legislative developments relate to a package of two proposals regarding new psychoactive substances. These proposals were put forward by the European Commission is 2013. As Member States expressed doubts in the Council concerning the choice of Article 114 TFEU as the legal basis for the proposed Regulation, inter-institutional negotiations of this legislative package were ongoing for more than two years. As a result, the Commission withdrew its proposal on 29 August 2016 and tabled a proposal amending the founding Regulation of the EMCDDA (Regulation (EC) No 1920/2006 on the EMCDDA). Under this proposal, deadlines for decision-making on NPS will be significantly reduced and Europol will take on a more active role in the risk assessment procedure and the Early Warning System (EWS), with a view to quicker identification and assessment of the involvement of criminal groups. The new proposal was welcomed by all Member States and was backed by the European Parliament's LIBE Committee on 17 November 2016. Details: Brussels: European Parliament, 2016. 224p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2017 at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2016/571400/IPOL_STU(2016)571400_EN.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2016/571400/IPOL_STU(2016)571400_EN.pdf Shelf Number: 144946 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug marketsDrug PolicyIllicit DrugsOrganized Crime |
Author: Global Commission on Drug Policy Title: Advancing Drug Policy Reform: A New Approach to Decriminalization Summary: Every year, hundreds of millions of people around the world use illicit drugs. Many do so for enjoyment, some to relieve pain, while others use for traditional, cultural or religious reasons. Despite the fact that drug use is both widespread and non-violent, the predominant approach of governments around the world is to criminalize those who use and/or possess drugs. Such policies are enacted with the false hope that, combined with efforts targeting the production and supply of drugs, the drug market and use can be eliminated. The harms created through implementing punitive drug laws cannot be overstated when it comes to both their severity and scope. On a daily basis, human rights abuses - from the death penalty and extrajudicial killings, to inhuman and coerced drug treatment - are committed around the world in the name of drug control, while strict drug laws have escalated public health crises in the form of HIV and hepatitis C epidemics. Furthermore, in a number of countries drug laws have caused severe prison overcrowding. These extensive damages wrought by a punitive approach to drugs and drug use fundamentally undermine the principle of human dignity and the rule of law, fracturing the relationship between States and their populations. In order to begin mitigating these widespread harms, governments must as a matter of urgency decriminalize the possession of drugs for personal use. Decriminalization is typically understood as the removal of a criminal record for drug possession for personal use offenses, with the optional imposition of civil penalties such as fines or administrative sanctions, or no penalty at all. Though some governments have already taken this approach, only a small number have implemented policies that have brought about positive outcomes for people who use drugs and society as a whole. What's more, these governments typically rely on penalizing people with civil sanctions. This approach does not go far enough. The Commission believes that for the principle of human dignity and the rule of law to be firmly upheld, there must be no penalty whatsoever imposed for low-level possession and/or consumption offenses. Beyond decriminalizing the possession of drugs for personal use, governments must implement alternatives to punishment for many low-level actors in the drug trade, including those who engage in social supply, drug couriers, and cultivators of illicit crops. Many of these people engage in the trade non-violently and may do so to alleviate their severe socio-economic marginalization. Punishing these groups is unjust and only serves to heighten their vulnerability. Ultimately, no longer criminalizing people who use drugs and addressing low-level actors with proportionate responses should be considered as a step toward bringing illicit drug markets under control through sensible regulation. Only then can the societal destruction caused by drug prohibition be properly mitigated. Drug use is, and always has been, a reality in all of our societies. For too long governments have waged a misguided war against the drug market and people who use drugs, handing down sanctions that are disproportionate, unjust and wholly unnecessary. The evidence of just how harmful punitive drug laws are is irrefutable. Governments can no longer ignore the need for a new approach. Details: Geneva, SWIT: The Commission, 2016. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2017 at: http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/GCDP-Report-2016-ENGLISH.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/GCDP-Report-2016-ENGLISH.pdf Shelf Number: 145125 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug DecriminalizationDrug EnforcementDrug Reform PolicyIllicit Drugs |
Author: Gberie, Lansana Title: Crime, Violence, and Politics: Drug Trafficking and Counternarcotics Policies in Mali and Guinea Summary: Key Findings • There has been a general increase in drug trafficking in West Africa. Regional institutions such as the Economic Community of West African States have made some effort to counter the impact of drug transit and consumption in the region, but this has had a limited effect in Guinea and Mali. • Guinea and Mali, along with the rest of the region, are reportedly experiencing increased local consumption of illicit drugs, which poses challenges related to treatment, harm reduction, security, and human rights. • In both Guinea and Mali, drug traffickers have exploited widespread poverty and corruption to co-opt government officials, military and law enforcement officers, and political and traditional leaders into an opportunistic network that underpins a very profitable criminal enterprise. • Both countries have experienced serious political turmoil that has brought to light the role drug trafficking has played in provoking internal unrest and coups d'état. • Mali, which experienced a major international intervention following a 2012 coup as well as Tuareg and Islamist uprisings in its northern regions, has passed numerous counter-narcotics measures into law. Generally punitive in approach, their implementation and enforcement have been lacking. • Guinea has proven to be highly resistant to changing its domestic counter-narcotics policies, most likely due to the penetration of drug traffickers in state institutions. Policy Recommendations • Both countries should adopt the recommendations made by a 2014 report by the West Africa Commission on Drugs (WACD), Not Just for Transit: Drugs, the State and Society in West Africa, which emphasized decriminalizing some degree of drug use and possession for personal use. • Mali is likely to support the approach proposed by the WACD at the 2016 Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS 2016), while Guinea has thus far taken no position on the UNGASS 2016 treaty review process. Details: Washington, DC: Brookings, 2016. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2017 at: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Gberie-Mali-and-Guinea-final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mali URL: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Gberie-Mali-and-Guinea-final.pdf Shelf Number: 146977 Keywords: CounternarcoticsDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllicit Drugs |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "License to Kill" : Philippine Police Killings in Duterte's "War on Drugs" Summary: Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's "war on drugs" has produced a campaign of unlawful killings by Philippine National Police personnel and unidentified "vigilantes" that has resulted in the deaths of more than 7,000 suspected drug users and dealers since July 1, 2016. Duterte's public endorsement of the campaign implicates him and other senior figures in possible incitement to violence, instigation of murder and in command responsibility for crimes against humanity. "License to Kill": Philippine Police Killings in Duterte’s “War on Drugs,” is based on several dozen interviews with family members of victims of police killings, witnesses, journalists and human rights activists. The report exposes the falsehood of official police reports that invariably assert self-defense to justify unlawful police killings. Instead, police routinely carry out extrajudicial killings of drug suspects and then cover-up those crimes. In several instances Human Rights Watch investigated, suspects in police custody were later found dead and classified by police as "found bodies," casting doubt on government assertions that most killings have been committed by vigilantes or rival drug gangs. The report also documents the lack of a cohesive approach by the Philippines’ allies, including the United States, Japan and the European Union, to pressure the government to stop these killings and to bring the perpetrators to justice. The report calls for Duterte to publicly denounce extrajudicial killings and press for the investigation and prosecution of police and other officials implicated in such abuses. In addition, the United Nations should launch an independent international investigation into the killings. Finally, the report urges foreign donors to immediately suspend any assistance or weapons sales to the police until the "drug war" killings end and meaningful investigations into those killings are underway. Details: New York: HRW, 2017. 134p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed march 2, 2017 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/philippines0317_web_1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Philippines URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/philippines0317_web_1.pdf Shelf Number: 141291 Keywords: Deadly ForceDrug EnforcementExtrajudicial ExecutionsPolice Use of ForceVigilantesWar on Drugs |
Author: Pope, Leah G. Title: A New Normal: Addressing Opioid Use through the Criminal Justice System Summary: The United States is experiencing an epidemic of drug overdose deaths that cuts across economic, racial, and geographic boundaries. In the midst of this devastation, people are struggling to find ways to save the lives of their community members. While the "war on drugs" created tough enforcement policies that resulted in a bloated justice system, there is increasing momentum for a smarter and more compassionate approach to people who use drugs. This report describes how some innovative jurisdictions are implementing harm reduction strategies in order to reduce overdose deaths, improve the well-being of justice system-involved people, and advance the health and safety of their communities. It shares perspectives from stakeholders in law enforcement, the court system, corrections agencies, drug policy, and the community about what strategies are being implemented, how they have overcome barriers, and what work remains to be done. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2017. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: https://www.vera.org/publication_downloads/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.vera.org/publication_downloads/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system.pdf Shelf Number: 145583 Keywords: Drug AbuseDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug Abuse PolicyiDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersOpioid |
Author: Gleicher, Lily Title: Illinois Drug Threat Assessment: A Survey of Police Chiefs and County Sheriffs Summary: In April 2016, Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority researchers administered an online survey to police chiefs and county sheriffs to better understand drug problems from an Illinois law enforcement perspective. Researchers sought to identify the greatest perceived drug threat and gather information on drug distribution, production/cultivation, transportation methods, availability, and demand with a focus on five substances: heroin, cocaine (crack and powder), methamphetamine, prescription drugs, and marijuana. The Authority collaborated with the Illinois Association of Chiefs of Police to help distribute the electronic survey to its police chief and county sheriff members. Authority researchers also conducted outreach by telephone to police chiefs and sheriffs in counties where drug arrests make up 67 percent or more of total arrests. A total of 83 local police chiefs (n=68) and county sheriffs (n=15) responded to the Illinois drug threat assessment survey. The sample represents agencies covering 35 percent of the total population in Illinois and made up 51 percent of the total drug arrests in Illinois in 2015. Overall, Illinois police chiefs and sheriffs most frequently identified heroin and prescription drugs as the greatest drug threats in their jurisdictions (see Figure). This observation is consistent with the 2016 National Drug Threat Assessment published by the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), indicating heroin, in particular, as the greatest drug threat in 2015. The survey results were also consistent with an Authority survey of directors of 19 Illinois multi-jurisdictional, law enforcement, drug task forces. The directors reported marijuana (n=19), heroin (n=18), and prescription drugs (n=16) as most problematic with regard to use and distribution. Respondents to the Illinois drug threat assessment also reported an increase in the distribution and transport of heroin, prescription drugs, and marijuana. Marijuana, heroin, and prescription drugs were reported as highly available, and this corresponded with respondents reports that demand for heroin, marijuana, and prescription drugs also increased. Heroin, prescription drugs, and methamphetamine were also identified as the greatest contributors to violent crime. Details: Chicago, IL: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2017. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 23, 2017 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/DTA_PDF_022717.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/assets/articles/DTA_PDF_022717.pdf Shelf Number: 144553 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug EnforcementDrug Offenders Violent Crime |
Author: Raffo Lopez, Leonardo Title: Law enforcement and drug trafficking networks: a simple model Summary: This article presents a theoretical model to explain the performance of illicit drug markets. The analytical framework is based on the oligopoly model of Poret and Tejedo (2006), but the latter is extended in a crucial respect: the influence of drug trafficking networks in the illicit drug markets is considered. The proposed model indicates that Poret and Tejedo were correct: the aggregate quantity of drugs sold is negatively affected by the intensity of the law enforcement policies applied and positively affected by the number of traffickers in the market. We also determined that the individual and aggregate sales in the market are positively affected by the network's average density. Our model is useful for explaining the failure of the war against drugs to halt the reproduction and expansion of illegal activities at a global level during the three past decades. Details: Cali, Colombia: Universidad del Valle, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Economicas, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper no. 162: Accessed April 8, 2017 at: http://lacer.lacea.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/53019/lacea2015_drug_trafficking_networks.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://lacer.lacea.org/bitstream/handle/123456789/53019/lacea2015_drug_trafficking_networks.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 144749 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug TraffickingIllegal Markets |
Author: Crawford, Catherine Title: United Kingdom Drug Situation: Focal Point Annual Report 2016 Summary: Executive summary - Overall drug prevalence in the general population is lower now than ten years ago, with cannabis being the main driver of that reduction. However, there has been little change in recent years. - The order of drugs most commonly reported by respondents has not changed much over this time, with cannabis most prevalent (6.5%) followed by powder cocaine (2.2%) and ecstasy/MDMA (1.5%), according to the most recent Crime Survey for England and Wales. - Seizures data suggests that herbal cannabis has come to dominate the market. While resin was involved in around two-thirds of cannabis seizures in 2000, it was involved in only five per cent in 2015/16. - On 26 May 2016, the Psychoactive Substances Act 2016 came into force in the UK, prohibiting the production, supply, import/export and possession on prison grounds of psychoactive substances, other than those exempted by the legislation. This act was brought in to tackle the trade in new psychoactive substances (NPS) which has steadily grown in recent years. Over 350 premises in the UK trading in NPS have either closed or stopped selling substances covered by the legislation. - In addition, synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists (SCRAs), a class of NPS whose use among the prison population and vulnerable people has caused concern, became controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 as Class B substances in December 2016. - Temporary class drug orders on methylphenidate-related compounds (including ethylphenidate) and methiopropamine have been remade for another 12 months. - Using the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) definition, which refers to deaths caused directly by the consumption of at least one illicit drug, the total number of drug-related deaths (DRDs) in the UK during 2014 was 2,655; a five per cent increase from 2013 and the highest number reported to date. - Due to substantial delays being typical between occurrence and registration of DRDs in England and Wales, UK-wide DRD figures are not yet available covering deaths occurring beyond 2014. However, published statistics for DRDs occurring in Scotland during 2015 showed a 15% increase on 2014. - Deaths registered in 2015 in England and Wales were notably higher than deaths registered in 2014. It is therefore likely that DRD figures for 2015 will set a new record. - Across the UK there were 2,304 deaths reported which featured an opioid (87% of UK cases). As in previous years, the substance with the largest number of associated deaths was heroin. In contrast to the UK as a whole, tramadol was the most commonly mentioned opioid drug in Northern Ireland. - The proportion of deaths involving cocaine has risen; however, many of these deaths are believed to be heroin users who also use crack cocaine. - The number of MDMA-associated deaths in England and Wales rose to 57 cases, returning to levels seen prior to the decrease in availability of MDMA in the late 2000s. - Over the last decade the average age of death has increased from 37.6 years in 2004 to 41.6 in 2014, with males being younger than females (40.3 years and 44.6 years respectively). The largest proportion of deaths in the UK in 2014 was in the 40-44 years age group. - There were 124,234 treatment presentations in the UK in 2015. This total includes for the first time, data from individuals presenting to treatment services in prisons in England. - Fifty per cent of all treatment presentations in the UK were for primary opioid use, with 26% of all service users presenting for treatment of cannabis use. However, among those who had never previously been in treatment, just under half (48%) of clients had a primary substance of cannabis, compared to 21% who presented for treatment of heroin. The proportions of users presenting for treatment of these substances appear to have stabilised over the past two years. - The primary drugs cited by those presenting to specialist substance misuse treatment services varied notably between each of the four countries of the UK. While almost half of treatment entrants cited heroin in England, Scotland and Wales, less than 10% did in Northern Ireland. - Benzodiazepines were cited as a primary problem substance in far greater proportion of cases in Scotland and Northern Ireland than in England or Wales, whereas Wales had a far higher proportion of clients citing amphetamines/methamphetamines than in any of the other countries. - Treatment data from prisons showed that 27,836 individuals presented to treatment services in English prisons in 2015, with 564 presenting in prison in Northern Ireland; approximately one-quarter of the treatment clients from each country. Heroin was the most common primary substance among clients in England, whereas cannabis was the most common substance in Northern Ireland. - The use of NPS, and SCRAs in particular, remains a growing concern in prisons in the UK. Surveys carried out in England, Wales and Scotland found that around 10% of prisoners reported use of SCRAs while in prison, behind cannabis with a prevalence at around 15%. - The Prisons and Probation Ombudsman has found 64 deaths that occurred in prisons in England and Wales between June 2013 and April 2016 that were associated with NPS. NPS use has also been associated with self-harm incidents, intimidation and violence. - National Take-Home Naloxone programmes continue to supply naloxone to those exiting prison in Scotland and Wales: there were 932 kits issued by NHS staff in prisons in Scotland, and 146 in Wales, in 2015/16. - Prevalence of HIV among people who inject drugs (PWID) participating in the Unlinked Anonymous Monitoring (UAM) survey in England, Wales and Northern Ireland in 2015 was one per cent (a similar level to recent years). HIV prevalence among 'recent initiates' to injecting substantially increased in 2015 to 2.6%, the highest level seen in the last ten years. However, this likely represents an increase in prevalence among men who have sex with men rather than among the wider population who inject drugs. - There were 50 new diagnoses of HIV among PWID reported from Scotland, compared with 17 in 2014. This increase was due to an outbreak of HIV in PWID in Glasgow. - Around 90% of the hepatitis C infections diagnosed in the UK are acquired through injecting drug use. The prevalence of hepatitis C among PWID has remained fairly stable over the last ten years, and was 50% in the UAM survey of PWID in 2015. - Hepatitis B prevalence rates have also remained stable for 2015 at 13%. This is half the level seen ten years ago, with the decrease likely to be due to the increased uptake of the hepatitis B vaccination among the PWID population. - The level of direct sharing of needles and syringes reported by participants in the UAM Survey of PWID has declined over the last decade from 28% in 2005 to 16% in 2015. However, levels of concern have increased around the harms associated with people who inject NPS such as mephedrone. One-third of participants in the UAM survey of PWID who were currently injecting mephedrone reported they had shared needles or syringes previously used by someone else. - An Independent review into the impact on employment outcomes of drug or alcohol addiction, and obesity was published in December 2016 and made a number of recommendations to promote employment of those with addictions, including that those making a claim should be required to attend a structured discussion with a healthcare professional on the impact of their health condition on their ability to work. - The Association for Young People's Health, in conjunction with Public Health England, published A public health approach to promoting young people's resilience, to aid policy makers and commissioners. Similarly, Mentor-ADEPIS published a briefing paper aimed at teachers and practitioners on how building resilience can prevent substance abuse. - The numbers of recorded incidents of possession and supply offences across the UK, and arrests for drug offences in England and Wales, have fallen in 2015/16, continuing the trends seen over the past five years. In 2015/16, 31,342 supply/trafficking offences and 157,271 possession offences were recorded in the UK. - Heroin purity has continued to rise since the low level seen in the early 2010s, and in 2015 was 44%, more than twice the purity seen in 2011 and 2012 when it reached its nadir. Similarly, cocaine purity, which was at its lowest in 2010, has risen since that time, and in 2015 was also 44%. - Street level price data from law enforcement agencies suggests that most recorded drug prices have remained stable in recent years. - The number of cannabis seizures in all forms in England and Wales in 2015/16 decreased, continuing the downwards trend seen in recent years. Cocaine, ecstasy and heroin seizure numbers all remained stable, while the number of crack seizures increased in 2015/16. Details: London: United Kingdom Focal Point at Public Health England, 2017. 180p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2017 at: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/2905931ukdrugsituation2016webaccessible.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/2905931ukdrugsituation2016webaccessible.pdf Shelf Number: 144988 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse and CrimeDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug TreatmentIllegal Drug Use |
Author: Loi, Valerio Title: Tendencies in World Imprisonment for Drug Related Crime Summary: The latest estimates on the world prison population indicate that 10.35 million people are incarcerated worldwide, according to calculations presented in February 2016. The assertion this figure can be correlated to the effects and outcomes of the global drug prohibition regime is the starting point of this chapter, which will try to give an overview of to what extent the use of criminal law has contributed to this figure on a global scale. Drug control policies with a strong emphasis on criminal law became a global reality particularly after the adoption of the 1988 UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychoactive Substances, which requires countries to suppress the illicit production, supply and consumption of drugs through criminal law. As an indirect result, it can be one of the main causes of imprisonments worldwide, as many countries have adopted legislation with prison sentences for all drugs related offences after signing this treaty. This emphasis on criminal law to deal with the drugs market has provoked thirty three countries to prescribe the death penalty for drug offences. And last but certainly not least, hundreds of thousands of people are locked up without any trial for lengthy periods of time in the name of drug treatment. The 2014 UNODC "World crime trends and emerging issues and responses in the field of crime prevention and criminal justice", of April 2014, shows the global trend on drug offences remains on the increase: drug trafficking grew by 11%, while offences related to drug possession increased over 18%, in the period 2003-2012. It is of high relevance to stress that most legislations do not distinguish between possessions of and traffic in drugs, possibly altering these figures even more towards the latter. Although exact figures lack, the 2014 World Drug Report indicates that, "worldwide, the large majority of drug use offences are associated with cannabis"; an indication that a large share of penal prosecutions globally is geared towards the cannabis market. Meanwhile, policy debates in different parts of the world reflect certain recognition of both the ineffectiveness of the current penal focus, especially for non-violent offences, such as possession for personal use and use, but sometimes including small scale traffic; and the degree of injustice being done to certain vulnerable population groups, such as single mothers, and people imprisoned abroad. This has lead in some countries to legislative reform and changing practice in the criminal justice system. Questioning the exclusive penal model is no longer taboo, and the need to restore the balance between punishment and care is long overdue. The following chapter will basically focus on the impact of the present drug laws enforcement in the world's prison systems. It won't be a mere recount of the share of detainees for drug crimes within the overall inmates' population, as far as data for that is available, according to geographical macro-regions. While assessing the main trends, we want to highlight the challenges and possible reform proposals of the present prison systems. Details: El Colectivo de Estudios Drogas y Derecho (CEDD), 2016. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2017 at: http://www.drogasyderecho.org/pses/restoi.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.drogasyderecho.org/pses/restoi.pdf Shelf Number: 145234 Keywords: Drug Control Drug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug TraffickingDrugs and CrimeImprisonmentPrison PopulationPrisoners |
Author: Beittel, June S. Title: Colombia's Changing Approach to Drug Policy Summary: Colombia is one of the largest producers of cocaine globally, and it also produces heroin bound for the United States. Counter-narcotics policy has long been a key component of the U.S.- Colombian relationship, which some analysts have described as "driven by drugs." Now, Colombia is changing its approach to counter-narcotics policy, which may have implications for the U.S.-Colombian relationship. U.S. concerns about illicit drug production and trafficking in Colombia arose in the 1970s but grew significantly when Colombia became the dominant producer of cocaine in the Andean region in the mid-to-late 1990s. The United States has worked closely with Colombia to eradicate drug crops and combat trafficking. Simultaneously, over the past 17 years, the United States has forged a partnership with Colombia - perhaps its closest bilateral relationship in Latin America - centered on helping Colombia recover its stability following a decades-long internal conflict with insurgencies of left-wing guerrillas and right-wing paramilitaries, whose longevity has been attributed, in part, to their role in the country's illicit drug trade. Between FY2000 and FY2016, the U.S. Congress appropriated more than $10 billion of bilateral foreign assistance to support a Colombian-written strategy known as Plan Colombia and its successor programs. In addition to counter-narcotics, the United States helped support security and development programs designed to stabilize Colombia's security situation and strengthen its democracy. A peace accord between the government of Colombia and the country's main leftist insurgent group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), was signed in late November 2016 after four years of formal peace talks. The Colombian Congress unanimously ratified the peace accord, which had been revised following the narrow rejection of an earlier accord in a national referendum in October 2016. The final peace agreement addresses important issues, such as illicit crop cultivation - a major source of FARC income-and rural development. According to President Juan Manuel Santos, the peace accord will draw former FARC members into efforts to counter illicit drug production and trafficking. In 2017, as Colombia begins to implement the final peace accord and demobilize the FARC, the country is facing a large increase in cocaine production. During the protracted peace negotiations with the FARC, the Colombian government altered its approach to drug policy. A major change was the decision to end aerial spraying to eradicate coca crops, which had been a central - albeit controversial - feature of U.S.-Colombian counter-drug cooperation for more than two decades. In addition, Colombia's counter-narcotics policies shifted in 2015 to a public health approach under President Santos. The shift was influenced by broader hemispheric trends to reform traditional anti-drug practices in ways that proponents claim can reduce human rights violations. On the supply side, Colombia's new drug policy gives significant attention to expanding alternative development and licit crop substitution while intensifying interdiction efforts. The revised drug policy approach promotes drug-use prevention and treatment for drug users. According to Colombian officials, the public health and prevention dimensions of the revised strategy will be led by Colombia's Health Ministry, in coordination with other agencies. This report examines how Colombia's drug policies have evolved in light of Colombia's peace agreement with the FARC and its changing counter-narcotics policy. It explores both policy and oversight concerns, such as - prospects for reducing coca and poppy cultivation under Colombia's new drug policy and the peace accord with the FARC; - the role of Colombian drug trafficking organizations, including powerful criminal groups containing former paramilitaries, in a post-peace accord environment; - U.S.-Colombian cooperation on counter-narcotics and Colombia's future role in regional anti-drug efforts; and - shifts in U.S. government assistance to support Colombia's revised drug policy and how Colombia's new policy converges with traditional U.S. priorities. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2017. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: R44779: Accessed May 8, 2017 at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R44779.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Colombia URL: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R44779.pdf Shelf Number: 145353 Keywords: CocaineDrug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllicit Drugs |
Author: Washington Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Urban Affairs Title: Racial Disparities in Arrests in the District of Columbia, 2009-2011: Implications for Civil Rights and Criminal Justice in the Nation's Capital Summary: At its founding in 1968, the Washington Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs sought to address issues of racial discrimination and their associated causes. Our work started with efforts to address issues of discrimination and poverty identified by the Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (known as the Kerner Commission) as the root causes of the riots that had erupted in cities across the country throughout the 1960s. Forty-five years later, the Washington Lawyers' Committee has developed a wide range of litigation and advocacy programs and projects addressing a broad range of civil rights and poverty concerns, including criminal justice reform and prisoners' rights. In 2006 the Committee joined forces with the DC Prisoners Project to make prisoners' rights a formal and major part of its work. The Washington Lawyers' Committee has long been concerned by the impact of the drug laws and drug policies on the population it serves, and the Committee's view has been that drug abuse and addiction are most appropriately treated primarily as public health concerns rather than criminal matters. While litigation efforts to win judicial recognition of this principle were unsuccessful in the 1970s, the Committee's pilot program at that time demonstrated the importance of legal support and expanded treatment for addicted individuals. This report grows out of increasing concern that broader aspects of our local and national criminal justice systems - even beyond questions relating to drug policies - reflect significant racial disparities that raise important questions of public policy and civil rights concerns. In order to further explore these issues, the Committee convened a panel of senior and retired judges, and enlisted the support of a team of attorneys at the firm of Covington & Burling LLP, to obtain and analyze a comprehensive set of arrest data for the District of Columbia covering the years 2009, 2010 and 2011. Together, the Washington Lawyers' Committee, Covington & Burling LLP, and the judicial review committee have analyzed and reviewed the data. While we leave it to readers to draw their own conclusions, it is the view of this report's authors and advisors that the statistics contained here should serve as a wake-up call to Washington, D.C. residents and policymakers. These findings speak to the need for residents and policymakers to take a deeper look at some of the civil rights implications of our drug, public health and public safety policies. Details: Washington, DC: The Committee, 2013. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 10, 2017 at: https://www.washlaw.org/pdf/wlc_report_racial_disparities.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.washlaw.org/pdf/wlc_report_racial_disparities.pdf Shelf Number: 129381 Keywords: Arrests and ApprehensionsDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyRacial DisparitiesRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement |
Author: European Commission. Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs Title: Mid-term assessment of the EU drugs strategy 2013-2020 and final evaluation of the action plan on drugs 2013-2016 Summary: This evaluation assesses the degree of implementation of the EU Drugs Strategy 2013-2020 and the Action Plan 2013-2016 in terms of outputs and, to the extent possible, impacts. It looks at the extent to which the objectives of the EU Drugs Strategy have been achieved, highlighting the areas where progress has been made and those where progress is lagging. In addition, the evaluation aims to provide evidence to support the Commission's decision about whether to propose a new Action Plan for the period 2017-2020, and if so, what changes would be needed compared to the current plan. In accordance with the Better Regulation guidelines, the evaluation addresses 13 research questions that relate to the criteria of effectiveness, efficiency, relevance and coherence of the EU Drugs Strategy and the Action Plan as well as their EU added value. The evaluation addresses all parts of the Strategy; the two policy areas (or 'pillars') of drug demand and drug supply reduction, and the three cross-cutting themes of coordination, international cooperation, and information, research, monitoring and evaluation. This summary describes how the data were collected for the evaluation (and the limitations to those data), sets out the main findings in relation to each of the 13 research questions and presents some cross-cutting conclusions which highlight key messages from across the evaluation criteria. Lastly, it lists the 20 recommendations made by the evaluation Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2016. 280p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 11, 2017 at: https://bookshop.europa.eu/en/search/Filter?SearchParameter=%26%40QueryTerm%3D*%26Author%3DEmilie%2BBalbirnie Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: https://bookshop.europa.eu/en/search/Filter?SearchParameter=%26%40QueryTerm%3D*%26Author%3DEmilie%2BBalbirnie Shelf Number: 145413 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug Trafficking |
Author: Luong, Hai Thanh Title: Transnational Narcotics Trafficking and Law Enforcement: A Vietnam Perspective Summary: Close proximity to the major production zones, porous borderlands, mountainous frontiers and long coastlines offer advantageous conditions for trafficking narcotics. The illicit drug situation has become much more complex in Vietnam with the growth in amphetaminetype stimulants production and trade. Even so, empirical research and analysis of the organization and operation of transnational narcotics trafficking (TransNT) remains limited. The purpose of this thesis is to present the first detailed inquiry into the nature of TransNT across the border between Lao PDR and Vietnam using an exploratory approach which draws upon qualitative and quantitative methods. In particular, the thesis presents findings from case studies of cross-border trafficking between Vietnam and Lao PDR in the period of 2003-2013 combined with interview and survey data from criminal investigation police and drug-related crimes officers (CIPDRC) from six border provinces who are directly and indirectly involved in investigating these cases. The findings of this study indicate that drug markets in Vietnam are not controlled by monopolistic, hierarchical organizations or 'cartels'. The structures of TransNT entities operating across the Lao-Vietnam border are small, based on family ties and fellow-countrymen relations, are fluid and loosely organized. They are very adaptable and sophisticated with diverse modus operandi and multiple divisions of labour. This presents particular challenges to law enforcement agencies (LAEs). This thesis questions to capacity of Vietnam's police to enforce the government's zero-tolerance anti-narcotics policy. The study highlights practical problems and specific barriers in combating TransNT. LEAs in Vietnam and Lao People's Democratic Republic (PDR) operate without effective mechanisms to cooperate and share information. It is also the case that traffickers often have more sophisticated equipment at their disposal to help them avoid arrest. Police forces work within national structures and yet are faced with the task of combatting transnational crime. This reality affects law enforcement capacity at a national as well as regional level, but Association of the Southeast Asian Nations member states have yet to establish effective structures for dealing with this non-traditional security challenge. Based on these findings, therefore, the thesis proposes recommendations to enhancing the effectiveness of LEAs in dealing with TransNT across Vietnam's border with Lao PDR. Details: Melbourne, AUS: School of Global, Urban and Social Studies, College of Design and Social Context, RMIT University, 2017. 417p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 16, 2017 at: https://researchbank.rmit.edu.au/eserv/rmit:162002/Luong.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Vietnam URL: https://researchbank.rmit.edu.au/eserv/rmit:162002/Luong.pdf Shelf Number: 145478 Keywords: Border SecurityDrug EnforcementDrug marketsDrug TraffickingIllicit Drugs |
Author: Levi, Michael Title: Drug Law Enforcement and Financial Investigation Strategies Summary: Since the 1980s, there has been a major push in rhetoric and institution-building, emphasizing the centrality of attacking the financial lifeblood of drug trafficking networks and organised economic crimes. Much progress has been made in legislation and the creation of financial intelligence units. However, there are volumes of commentary and legal analysis, but almost nowhere in the world is there any systematic analysis of law enforcement or criminal justice inputs or outputs, let alone of outcomes in terms of reduced crimes of any kind or reduced harms arising from the 'organised' nature of crime. Much depends on how plausible it is that the sources of funds can be represented as being licit when saving or investing: but a global, well-advertised set of financial intermediaries exist upon whom to experiment, and expectations of being reported following failed attempts may be quite low. Judging from the continued involvement of major banks in negligently or actively facilitating a variety of suspected illicit activities, and the relative impunity of institutions that are 'too big to be prosecuted', normal risk perceptions of relevant parts of financial institutions are not nearly high enough to deter all serious noncompliance to AML regulation, though without increasing perceived and/or actual detection risks and reducing elapsed time to action, raising sanctions alone may not work. This report makes no claim to be offering a certain route to success, but is offering an overview of some better and some false steps that have been undertaken in the field of drug law enforcement and financial investigation strategies. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Modernising Drug Law Enforcement Report 5: Accessed May 18, 2017 at: https://www.tni.org/files/MDLE-5-drug-law-enforcement-financial-investigation-strategies_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: https://www.tni.org/files/MDLE-5-drug-law-enforcement-financial-investigation-strategies_0.pdf Shelf Number: 131377 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ReformDrug TraffickingFinancial InvestigationsMoney LaunderingOrganized Crime |
Author: Monaghan, Geoffrey Title: Practical implications of policing alternatives to arrest and prosecution for minor cannabis offences Summary: The purpose of this report is not to present a comparative study of legal rules and policies pertaining to cannabis in these or other countries, but to examine an issue largely neglected in the academic literature and by those advocating drug policy reform: namely the practical implications of policing and enforcing these developments. The report provides an overview of some of the many difficulties that may - and do - confront police services when tasked to implement such measures (including the exercise of discretion) through examination of the rules and experiences of four jurisdictions, namely, Australia, England and Wales, Portugal and Switzerland. Along with some examples from the USA, specific aspects of each case study are scrutinised with the intention of highlighting points likely to be of interest to policy makers and practitioners alike. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2013. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Modernising drug law enforcement - Report 4: Accessed May 19, 2017 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/566349360/library/MDLE-report-4_Practical-implications-of-policing-alternatives-to-arrest.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/566349360/library/MDLE-report-4_Practical-implications-of-policing-alternatives-to-arrest.pdf Shelf Number: 131376 Keywords: CannabisDrug EnforcementDrug PolicyDrug ReformMarijuana |
Author: Shanahan, Marian Title: Police diversion for cannabis offences: Assessing outcomes and cost-effectiveness Summary: Police diversion is widely utilised as an intervention for minor cannabis offending in Australia. This study compared the cost-effectiveness and outcomes of three kinds of diversions- cautions, expiation and warnings - with the traditional criminal justice system response of charging the offender. A sample of 998 people who had recently had contact with police for cannabis use or possession completed an online survey, with those who were diverted reporting reduced drug use and offending compared with those who were charged. The study supports previous findings that diversion for minor cannabis offences can save money and lead to better social consequences. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2017. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 531: Accessed June 5, 2017 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi532.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi532.pdf Shelf Number: 145925 Keywords: Cost Analysis Diversion Drug EnforcementPolice Discretion Police Diversion |
Author: Geller, Amanda Title: Pot as Pretext: Marijuana, Race and the New Disorder in New York City Street Policing Summary: Although possession of small quantities of marijuana has been decriminalized in New York State since the late 1970s, arrests for marijuana possession in New York City have increased more than tenfold since the mid-1990s, and remain high more than ten years later. This rise has been a notable component of the City's "Order Maintenance Policing" strategy, designed to aggressively target low-level offenses, usually through street interdictions known as "Stop, Question, and Frisk" activity. The researchers analyzed data on 2.2 million stops and arrests carried out from 2004 to 2008, and identified significant racial disparities in the implementation of marijuana enforcement. The racial imbalance in marijuana enforcement in black neighborhoods suggest a "doubling down" of street-level policing in places already subject to heightened scrutiny in the search for weapons, a link which suggests that the policing of marijuana may be a pretext in the search for guns. However, the researchers show no significant relationship between marijuana enforcement activity and the likelihood of seizing firearms or other weapons. The racial skew, questionable constitutionality, and limited efficiency of marijuana enforcement in detecting serious crimes suggest that non-white New Yorkers bear a racial tax from contemporary policing strategy, a social cost not offset by any substantial observed benefits to public safety. Details: New York: Columbia University, 2010. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Geller_and_Fagan_Pot_As_Pretext_July_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Geller_and_Fagan_Pot_As_Pretext_July_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 146208 Keywords: Drug Decriminalization Drug EnforcementDrug Policy Drugs and Crime Marijuana |
Author: Mawani, Fatima Title: Measuring Illicit Cannabis Seizures in Canada: Methods, Practices and Recommendations Summary: The measurement of illicit cannabis seizures in Canada was not previously studied in detail. Measuring seizures is important because the data can be analyzed to develop an understanding of many areas of cannabis regulation and enforcement - from trends in criminal methods or enforcement efficiency, to the size and value of illicit markets. This report examines the current methods of measuring the metric of cannabis seizures in Canada, with particular attention paid to the way seizure information is recorded by law enforcement officials. A discussion of potential improvements to the way Canada currently measures the metric of cannabis seizures is presented, including a critical review of which analyses could be undertaken if improvements to seizure reporting were introduced. Details: Ottawa: Public Safety Canada, 2017. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: RESEARCH REPORT: 2017-R002: Accessed September 7, 2017 at: https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/2017-r002/2017-r002-en.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Canada URL: https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/2017-r002/2017-r002-en.pdf Shelf Number: 147141 Keywords: CannabisDrug EnforcementIllegal DrugsIllicit marketsMarijuana |
Author: Cox, Robynn Title: Financing the War on Drugs: The Impact of law Enforcement Grants on Racial Disparities in Drug Arrests Summary: We estimate the effectiveness of the Edward Byrne Memorial State and Local Law Enforcement Assistance Program, a grant program authorized under the 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act to combat illicit drug abuse and to improve the criminal justice system, on racial bias in policing. Funds for the Byrne Grant program could be used for a variety of purposes to combat drug crimes, as well as violent and other drug related crimes. The event-study analysis suggests that implementation of this grant resulted in an increase in police hiring and an increase in arrests for drug trafficking. Post-treatment effect implies a 107 percent increase in white arrests for drug sales compared to a 44 percent increase for blacks 6 years after the first grant is received. However, due to historical racial differences in drug arrests, the substantial increase in white drug arrest still results in large racial disparities in drug arrests. This is supported by weighted least squares regression estimates that show, for every $100 increase in Byrne Grant funding, arrests for drug trafficking increased by roughly 22 per 100,000 white residents and by 101 arrests per 100,000 black residents. The results provide strong evidence that federal involvement in narcotic control and trafficking lead to an increase in drug arrests; disproportionally affecting blacks. Details: Los Angeles: University of Southern California, 2017. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: CESR-Schaeffer Working Paper No. 2017-005: Accessed November 20, 2017 at: Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 148280 Keywords: ArrestsDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersRacial BiasRacial DisparitiesWar on Drugs |
Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS-3): Maryland - Site 4 of 4 Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides timely information about emerging drug use in criminal justice populations in local communities by collecting and re-testing urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by local criminal justice testing programs. CDEWS or local staff sample specimens that are ready to be discarded and send them to an independent laboratory for testing for an expanded panel of over 150 drugs. By using already collected de-identified urine specimens, CDEWS is able to provide a relatively quick and inexpensive snapshot of the types of drugs recently used by participating populations. The CDEWS methodology has now been piloted in twelve jurisdictions and the results are provided in five reports already released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP). This report presents findings from adult parolees and probationers in a single jurisdiction -- Maryland -- as part 4 of 4 sites for the third CDEWS Study, called CDEWS-3. This study was conducted somewhat differently from prior CDEWS studies. This is because we wanted to replicate the findings from a study we had conducted in Maryland in 2008. And second, because of the opioid epidemic in Maryland, the State asked us to collect and analyze a separate large sample of specimens statewide that had tested positive for opiates by the laboratory used by the Maryland Division of Parole and Probation (DPP). With the strong support of the DPP, we collected two samples of specimens: the Maryland Regional Sample (N=288) and the Opiate Positive (Opiate+) Sample (N=202 statewide). Specimens were classified as CJS+ (tested positive for any drug) or CJS- (tested negative for all drugs) according to the results from the DPP laboratory's 4-drug screen. The findings from the Maryland Regional Sample indicated that most of the persons who had tested positive for one of the drugs in the CDEWS larger test panel had also tested positive for one of the four drugs in the DPP drug screen. However, approximately one in ten CJS+ specimens also contained antidepressants, synthetic cannabinoids (SC), methadone and/or other licit pharmaceutical opioids, drugs not tested for by the limited DPP screen. The additional drugs the CDEWS lab detected may not have practical significance for the DPP, given that most of these specimens did test positive for a drug in the DPP's limited screen. It is not possible to tell from the urinalyses if the persons taking the licit drugs were doing so legally under a physician's supervision. In contrast, 15% of the specimens that the DPP screen indicated did not contain a drug (CJS-) contained an opioid. Methadone and buprenorphine were among the opioids most found in CJS specimens and it is possible that these persons were receiving treatment with these drugs. Antidepressants were identified in as many CJS- specimens as CJS+ specimens (9%). SC was found in CJS- specimens but these metabolites were less common than in CJS+ specimens. These results suggest that in this population, persons were unlikely to be using SC to avoid detection by the standard DPP tests. The comparisons of probationers/parolees in this study and our earlier study in 2008 show considerable agreement in the drugs detected. The primary changes were a decline in cocaine (36% to 17%) and buprenorphine (15% to 7%) and an increase in codeine (3% to 13%) among CJS+ specimens. The increase in codeine positives may be the result of the increased sensitivity of the tests used in the current study. The results from the Opiate+ Sample strongly indicated that probationers/parolees who had tested positive for opiates by the DPP screen were likely to be using a variety of legal and illegal opioids in addition to non-opioid drugs. About one in three also used cocaine, one fifth used marijuana and/or benzodiazepines and about one quarter used a prescription opioid other than morphine or codeine. These results therefore have important implications for the testing used by physicians and diagnosticians who need to know if patients are using other drugs. Use of multiple opioids at the same time may lead to serious health complications and even death. We also conducted special analyses of the combined specimens found in either sample to be positive for fentanyl, synthetic cannabinoids, or codeine. Perhaps some of the most meaningful results in this study were those showing the large number of opioid and non-opioid drugs found in the fentanyl+ specimens. The 21 specimens positive for fentanyl each contained an average of 5 different drugs, most prominently morphine, codeine, 6-MAM (heroin), cocaine, and/or hydromorphone. The findings for fentanyl+ specimens were similar to those described above for the entire sample of Opiate+ specimens and our recent study of 136 persons who died of a fentanyl related overdose in New Hampshire. It is clear that probationers/parolees in Maryland who screen positive for any opioids are likely to be using a variety of other opioid and non-opioid drugs. These findings suggest that treatment will be more effective if one identifies and focuses on the totality of drugs the person may be using. Our analysis of the combined sample of all specimens positive for SC supported the findings from our previous CDEWS studies that found multiple SC metabolites in specimens. Surprisingly, specimens from the current study often contained both new and older generation SC metabolites. Given the unpredictable composition of synthetic cannabinoids (also known as Spice or K2) being marketed, it is not possible for users to know what chemicals they are consuming and to predict the effects. SC was less likely to be found in the Maryland samples compared to other CDEWS study samples, and few persons who tested CJS- in the Maryland Regional Sample were found to test positive for SC. Probationers in Maryland may therefore be less likely than other populations CDEWS has studied to use SC to avoid screening positive by the CJS test screens, which do not typically test for SC. We also found that 70% of the Opiate+ specimens contained codeine and that codeine was found across the state. In addition, codeine was detected in 81% of fentanyl+ specimens from the combined Opiate+ and Maryland Regional samples. Acetylcodeine, which metabolizes into codeine, is often produced as an impurity of illicit heroin synthesis, which may explain the large percentage of specimens positive for codeine given that almost all of the specimens also contained morphine. It is also possible that some of the codeine positives were the result of the direct use of codeine. We suspected that some of the codeine detected might have been caused by the use of "Purple Drank", a mixture of codeine syrup and promethazine typically sold as a cough suppressant, that has been reported in Maryland. However, only 4% of the codeine positive specimens contained promethazine. Given that the half-life of promethazine is longer than that of codeine, one would expect to have detected promethazine in these specimens had "Purple Drank" been the source of the codeine. It is also possible that the codeine may have resulted from codeine extracted from pills containing the drug. Additional research is needed to learn more about the codeine that was detected in 60% or more of probationers across all regions of Maryland and how the use of codeine may relate to the State's current opioid epidemic. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy Executive Office of the President, 2017. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/finalreport_cdews3_mdapproved.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/finalreport_cdews3_mdapproved.pdf Shelf Number: 148578 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug OffendersDrug TestingIllicit Drugs ParoleesProbationersUrine Testing |
Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS-3): Honolulu, Hawaii - Site 1 of 4 Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides timely information about emerging drug use in criminal justice populations in local communities by collecting and re‐testing urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by local criminal justice testing programs. CDEWS or local staff sample specimens that are ready to be discarded and send them to an independent laboratory for testing for an expanded panel of drugs. By using already collected de‐identified urine specimens, CDEWS can provide a relatively quick and inexpensive snapshot of the types of drugs recently used by participating populations. The CDEWS methodology has been implemented in five jurisdictions and the results are contained in two reports already released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (Wish et al., 2013, 2015). We introduce here a new report format that contains the findings from a single jurisdiction - the Hawaii's Opportunity Probation with Enforcement (HOPE) and General Supervision (GS) probationer populations in Honolulu, Hawaii - as part 1 of 4 sites for the third CDEWS Study, called CDEWS‐3. In 2004, Judge Steven Alm launched the HOPE program in Hawaii. HOPE enrolls higher risk felony probationers with serious criminal histories and extensive substance abuse histories in a program that includes frequent urine drug monitoring coupled with brief jail sanctions for drug violations (The Institute for Behavior and Health, Inc., 2015). With Judge Alm's strong support, local staff were able to provide anonymous urine specimens previously collected from a sample of adult male probationers from the HOPE program (n=194) and the neighboring GS probation program (n=143), which were then sent to the CDEWS independent laboratory for expanded testing. While the onsite screens used by the HOPE and GS probation programs only tests for 6 drugs, the CDEWS independent laboratory tested for over 150 legal and illegal drugs. The expanded testing showed that the current onsite test screens used by these programs had identified most of the drug users in the HOPE and GS probationer programs. The most common drugs found were methamphetamine and amphetamine. Any additional legal and illegal drugs detected by the CDEWS independent laboratory were primarily detected in specimens that had previously tested positive for at least one of the drugs in the standard local onsite screens. The major exception was methamphetamine, which was detected in a minority of the specimens that had tested negative for all drugs, including methamphetamine, by the onsite criminal justice system (CJS) drug screens. Subsequent analyses suggested that this under‐detection was because the onsite screens for methamphetamine were less sensitive than the tests utilized by the CDEWS independent laboratory. We had hypothesized that the HOPE probationers might be more likely than GS probationers to turn to synthetic cannabinoids (SCs) to evade detection, because of the HOPE program's focus on sanctioning people for "dirty" urines. While SCs were found only in specimens that had tested negative by the CJS onsite drug screens, few specimens (2% or less) from HOPE or GS probationers tested positive for SC. However, the SC metabolites that were detected were later generation SC metabolites recently added to the CDEWS‐3 laboratory test panel. None of these later generation metabolites could have been detected by either the onsite or laboratory SC screens used by the GS and HOPE probation programs at the time of the study. This finding attests to the need for jurisdictions to routinely update their test panels for synthetic drugs, whose formulations tend to change rapidly. Although SC use was found in some probationers in this jurisdiction in Hawaii, SCs may not be as large a problem as was found in some prior CDEWS studies. Nevertheless, the Hawaii HOPE and GS programs may want to consider expanding their SC test panel to include the newer SC metabolites (AB‐PINACA, 5F‐AB‐PINACA, AB‐CHMINACA (metab 4), 5F‐AMB) that were detected in their populations. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy, Executive Office of the President, 2016 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/cdews3_hawaii_final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/cdews3_hawaii_final.pdf Shelf Number: 148580 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug TestingUrine Testing |
Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS-3): Ohio -- Site 2 of 4 Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides timely information about emerging drug use in criminal justice populations in local communities by collecting and re‐testing urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by criminal justice testing programs. CDEWS or local staff sample specimens that are ready to be discarded and send them de‐ identified to an independent laboratory for testing for an expanded panel of drugs. The CDEWS methodology has been implemented previously in five jurisdictions with non‐prison populations (Wish et al., 2013; Wish et al., 2015). This report describes the first CDEWS study of prison inmates, conducted in the Belmont and Ross Correctional Institutions for adult males in Ohio. This report is the second of 4 reports that are part of the third CDEWS Study, CDEWS‐3. Urine drug testing is conducted in these facilities on the basis of the inmate's assignment to one of three test groups: Random, For Cause, and treatment Program testing. Specimens are tested by the correctional institution for a panel of 8 drugs. Specimens that had tested positive (CJS+) or negative (CJS‐) for any drug by the prison drug screen were selected from each of the test groups for inclusion in the study. A total of 108 usable specimens were obtained from Belmont and 85 specimens from Ross. The most dramatic findings from this study involved the detection of two types of prescription drugs in both institutions, buprenorphine, a prescribed opioid used to treat substance use disorder for opioids, and antidepressants. Buprenorphine is not prescribed for treatment in these institutions and it is not clear how much of the antidepressants detected were prescribed by the physicians at the prison. While marijuana use was detected in these institutions, it is noteworthy that not a single specimen tested positive for a synthetic cannabinoid. In contrast to other criminal populations studied by CDEWS in other locations, there was no evidence of synthetic cannabinoid use to avoid detection by the prison's drug testing program. This study demonstrated that the CDEWS methodology could be adapted for prison settings. While the use of buprenorphine and marijuana was already being detected by these institutions' testing programs, the extensive use of antidepressants uncovered may be a new finding. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy Executive Office of the President, 2016. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 6, 2017 at: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/pubs/finalreport-cdews3-oh-v31-final-for-distribution.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/pubs/finalreport-cdews3-oh-v31-final-for-distribution.pdf Shelf Number: 148740 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Testing Illicit DrugsUrine Testing |
Author: Indiana. Governor's Task Force on Drug Enforcement, Treatment, and Prevention Title: Final Report: Governor's Task Force on Drug Enforcement, Treatment, and Prevention Summary: Following the national trend, Indiana is experiencing an unprecedented crisis of substance use disorders (SUD), with 9.19% of adults reporting illicit drug use in the past month and 4.34% of adults reporting nonmedical use (i.e., use by individuals who were not prescribed the drug or a use that does not comply with the prescription) of pain relievers in the past year, consistent with increasing national rates of 9.84% and 4.0%, respectively. Further, nearly six times as many Hoosiers died from drug overdose in 2014 as did in 2000 (twice the national rate), making Indiana residents more likely to die from a drug overdose than an automobile accident. As in many other states, evidence indicates that a sharp increase in nonmedical use of prescription opioid pain medications is a key driver. As these medications have similar chemical properties as heroin, and the latter is often cheaper and easier to obtain, many prescription opioid abusers have also begun using heroin, resulting in further abuse, overdose deaths, and an increase in the incidence of HIV infections associated with needle sharing. The state has made considerable efforts to combat this crisis in recent years. For example, recognizing that SUD is a driver of incarceration rates, the state successfully made a statutory change to divert addicted, non-violent offenders to community services. In addition, Governor Pence's successful negotiation of the Healthy Indiana Plan (HIP 2.0) waiver is providing expanded coverage to nearly 400,000 previously uninsured Hoosiers. Moreover, implementation of evidence-based prevention measures including, but not limited to, overdose reversal drug access and prescription monitoring have saved lives and reduced the number of people who develop opioid disorders. Despite these efforts, a recent HIV epidemic in rural Southeastern Indiana has shed new light on the state's drug crisis. In 2015, communities in and around Scott County reported an extraordinarily high number of people with new HIV diagnoses. Where only five individuals had been diagnosed with HIV in the entire county over the preceding 10 years, as of November 28, 2016, there have been 210 individuals diagnosed with HIV since the beginning of 2015. On September 1, 2015, Governor Mike Pence issued Executive Order 15-09, establishing the Governor's Task Force on Drug Enforcement, Treatment, and Prevention ("Task Force") to identify best practices and make informed recommendations to the administration. The multidisciplinary Task Force was designed to assess statewide resources and available programs; "encourage collaboration among agencies[;] and identify local models that may be extended to other areas of the State." Through a series of regional public meetings, the Task Force heard public testimony from a variety of stakeholders, including individuals directly affected by SUD, local and state government officials, clinical providers, law enforcement officials, and community leaders. In addition, the Task Force assessed Indiana's capacity to respond to the crisis and reviewed both state and national best practices in the area of SUD enforcement, treatment, and prevention. A full list of recommendations made by the Task Force can be found in Appendix A. The findings within this report demonstrate the complexity of the disease of addiction and the challenges faced by the state that require a comprehensive and integrated approach to enforcement, treatment, and prevention. Prior to publication of this report, the Indiana General Assembly passed, and Governor Pence signed into law, Senate Enrolled Act 271, which established the Indiana Commission to Combat Drug Abuse (ICCDA). The ICCDA will be responsible for coordinating SUD prevention, treatment, and enforcement throughout the state beginning in 2017, transitioning from and building on the work accomplished by the Task Force. Details: Indianapolis: Governor's Office, 2016. 106p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 8, 2017 at: http://www.in.gov/cji/files/Task%20Force%202015%20Final%20Report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.in.gov/cji/files/Task%20Force%202015%20Final%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 148782 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Prevention Drug Abuse Treatment Drug EnforcementPrescription Drug Abuse Substance Abuse Substance Abuse Treatment |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drug squads: units specialised in drug law enforcement in Europe: Situation in the EU Member States, Norway and Turkey in 2015 Summary: In 2014, the EMCDDA took the decision to carry out a limited follow-up study of the EMCDDA Paper Drug squads: units specialised in drug law enforcement in Europe (EMCDDA, 2013), with the aim of monitoring possible changes and trends in drug supply reduction resulting from law enforcement activities. An abbreviated version of the data collection questionnaire employed in the original study was used for reporting by reference persons from the 28 EU Member States, Norway and Turkey. The reference persons were also given the opportunity to provide additional information and comments. The European drug law enforcement landscape in 2015 is broadly similar to the situation in 2012. The total number of drug squads in Europe has remained stable (1 187 squads in 2012 versus 1 133 in 2015), as has the number of staff allocated to drug squads. Although the number of law enforcement officers decreased by 10 % between 2012 and 2015 (from 17 720 to 15 870), the total number of staff employed in European drug squads increased slightly (from 19-490 to 20-515 staff members). Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2017. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 18, 2018 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/system/files/publications/7143/Drug%20squads%202017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/system/files/publications/7143/Drug%20squads%202017.pdf Shelf Number: 148857 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Enforcement Drug Markets Illicit DrugsLaw Enforcement |
Author: Pulido Moreno, Rodrigo Title: Cannabis in Uruguay. A case study of the regulated cannabis market in Uruguay Summary: This study deals with the impact of the legislative bill that enabled the creation of a regulated cannabis market in Uruguay as a means to combat organized crime in the country. This study will also explore the hypothesis that this legislative bill changed the legal character of criminality as well as reformulating narcotic issues from being a criminal issue into a public health issue. Analyzing the very specific case of Uruguay's current narcotic policies becomes a means to explore the ideas that constitute Law Nr 19.172 "Marijuana and its derivatives" which might be indicative of the attitudes in society regarding criminality. This ties into the new iteration of the dichotomy between law and democracy as a result of this legislative reform in Uruguay and the possible new role of legal theory in a democratic country which is discussed in this article. Details: Stockholm: Department of Romance Studies and Classics Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Stockholm, 2017. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed April 17, 2018 at: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1069404/FULLTEXT01.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Uruguay URL: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1069404/FULLTEXT01.pdf Shelf Number: 149841 Keywords: CannabisDrug EnforcementDrug MarketsDrug PolicyMarijuana |
Author: Ramirez, Socorro Title: Drug Policy in the Andes: Seeking Humane and Effective Alternatives Summary: The Andean-United States Dialogue Forum, which is supported by the Carter Center and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), met in 2010 and 2011 with the participation of 35 prominent citizens who are involved in diverse social processes and the shaping of public opinion and dialogue with governments. Participants came from a variety of sectors in six countries (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, the United States and Venezuela). The working group on drug policy and organized crime was established at the first meeting of the Forum and implemented a plan for national consultations through meetings, events and interviews in the five Andean countries, to analyze drug policy successes, failures and alternatives. Two members of the working group, Socorro Ramirez and Coletta Youngers, were asked to develop a report as a contribution to the current discussion of the issue and efforts to develop effective, humane policies. Fifty years after signing the United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs and 40 years after the U.S. government declared a "war on drugs," many obstacles remain despite the partial successes of efforts to counter the problem. Organized crime tied to drug trafficking continues to rise, aggravating violence that involves gangs and hired assassins, murders and arms trafficking. These criminal organizations take advantage of all forms of illicit interaction with the state: corruption, impunity and infiltration. They also try to block action by police and the courts by co-opting or assassinating public officials, legislators and prosecutors. A growing symbiosis between the state and organized crime spreads insecurity and weakens democratic institutions. The election of Barack Obama raised expectations that Washington would acknowledge the urgent need for a change in drug policy. It is fair to highlight a shift in language and tone under the Obama administration, which has stopped using the term "war on drugs" and has acknowledged the need to treat drug use as a public health problem. It is also noteworthy that the White House is taking a less interventionist stance in response to alternatives emerging in the region. Specific policy reforms have yet to be defined, however. The regional dynamic has changed with the "left turn" that has occurred in the majority of South American countries, as well as the diversification in these countries' international relations. Countries are seeking their own platform, such as the Andean Community (CAN) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), to discuss policies and respond to priority issues on the international agenda. The limitations of the current drug policy is causing increasing frustration within and between countries and is leading policy makers, experts and activists in the region to seek new strategies to contain the escalation of illicit markets and minimize the harm done to people, communities and states by drug production and use. The work of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy and of the Global Commission on Drug Policy has begun to break the taboo that has blocked progress in discussions of policy assessment and alternatives. In the present report, the authors describe a series of alternatives being considered and, in some cases, implemented in Latin America. These alternative policies are reflected in the following recommendations. The authors recommend that governments, shapers of public opinion and civil society in the Andean countries: Take the proposals of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy and the Global Commission on Drug Policy as points of departure when formulating drug policy and launch an educational and media campaign to help remove ideological biases from the debate while promoting a more evidence-based and regional approach to drug policy. Include additional state institutions (not just those related to police or military activities) in this shared task, along with the widest possible range of eminent individuals, communications media, health experts, non-governmental organizations, civil society and community organizations, churches and academics. Support the Global Commission on Drug Policy's call for a deeper debate on new approaches that focus on reducing the harm caused to the most vulnerable sectors of society affected by the production, trafficking and consumption of drugs, which would benefit the Andean countries in their efforts to develop humane and effective policies. Take into consideration efforts to implement new policies based on specific national situations and local cultural or social circumstances. Support the August 10, 2009 declaration by the governments of the UNASUR countries, in which they "recognize that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural manifestation of the Bolivian people which must be respected by the international community." Strengthen dialogue and agreements among the Andean countries and within the frameworks of CAN and UNASUR and ensure the participation of civil society in these regional entities; implement UNASUR's South American Council on the World Drug Problem; and hold a regional meeting to discuss the development of a common agenda on drug policy. Implement solid drug use prevention, treatment and harm-reduction policies that respect human rights and offer adequate care to those who need it, treat drug use as a public health problem rather than a crime, and allocate the necessary resources to achieve this goal. Support the recommendation of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy to evaluate "the convenience of decriminalizing the possession of cannabis for personal use." Decriminalize personal consumption, use alternatives to incarceration for perpetrators of minor, non-violent crimes, and apply humanitarian considerations to confront the devastating impact the increase of women incarcerated for drug trafficking is having on their lives, their families and their communities. Advance towards an agreement among the Andean countries to end the forced eradication of small farmers' crops and redirect resources toward rural development. Adopt an "alternative livelihoods" approach that involves an appropriate sequence of actions: once other sources of income are established, crops for illegal markets can be reduced. This strategy implies decriminalizing relations with small farmers, instead making them partners in the effort to foster integrated rural development. Redirect law-enforcement efforts toward dismantling criminal organizations and networks linked to drug trafficking; improve and target intelligence activities; transform the exercise of politics; strengthen institutions; confront corruption and empower communities-especially those located in border areas. Strengthen mechanisms to protect democratic institutions from the corrosive influence of illicit political financing from drug trafficking by leveling the electoral playing field through measures such as public financing for parties and candidates, financial transparency during campaigns and sanctions against parties that include confirmed "narco-candidates" on their tickets. Details: Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance - International; Atlanta, GA: The Carter Center, 2011. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 24, 2018 at: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/book-drug-policy-in-the-andes.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Latin America URL: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/book-drug-policy-in-the-andes.pdf Shelf Number: 149881 Keywords: Drug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug Policy ReformDrug TraffickingOrganized Crime |
Author: Guerrero Castro, Javier Enrique Title: Maritime Interdiction in the War on Drugs in Colombia: Practices, Technologies and Technological Innovation Summary: Since the early 1990s, maritime routes have been considered to be the main method used by Colombian smugglers to transport illicit drugs to consumer or transhipment countries. Smugglers purchase off the shelf solutions to transport illicit drugs, such as go-fast boats and communication equipment, but also invest in developing their own artefacts, such as makeshift submersible and semisubmersible artefacts, narcosubmarines. The Colombian Navy has adopted several strategies and adapted several technologies in their attempt to control the flows of illicit drugs. In this research I present an overview of the 'co-evolution' of drug trafficking technologies and the techniques and technologies used by the Colombian Navy to counter the activities of drug smugglers, emphasizing the process of self-building artefacts by smugglers and local responses by the Navy personnel. The diversity of smugglers artefacts are analysed as a result of local knowledge and dispersed peerinnovation. Novel uses of old technologies and practices of interdiction arise as the result of different forms of learning, among them a local form of knowledge 'malicia indigena' (local cunning). The procurement and use of interdiction boats and operational strategies by the Navy are shaped by interaction of two arenas: the arena of practice - the knowledge and experience of local commanders and their perceptions of interdiction events; and, the arena of command, which focuses on producing tangible results in order to reassert the Navy as a capable counterdrug agency. This thesis offers insights from Science and Technology Studies to the understanding of the 'War on Drugs, and in particular the Biography of Artifacts and Practices, perspective that combines historical and to ethnographic methods to engage different moments and locales. Special attention was given to the uneven access to information between different settings and the consequences of this asymmetry both for the research and also for the actors involved in the process. The empirical findings and theoretical insights contribute to understanding drug smuggling and military organisations and Enforcement Agencies in ways that can inform public policies regarding illicit drug control. Details: Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, 2017. 345p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 23, 2018 at: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1842/22950/Guerrero2017.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y Year: 2017 Country: Colombia URL: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1842/22950/Guerrero2017.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 150324 Keywords: Drug ControlDrug EnforcementDrug InterdictionDrug TraffickingSmugglingWar on Drugs |
Author: U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy Title: High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas Program Report to Congress Summary: Pursuant to the requirements of Section 707 of the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) Reauthorization Act of 1998, as amended by Section 301 of the ONDCP Reauthorization Act of 2006, P.L. 109-469, ONDCP is providing Congress with this report on the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas (HIDTAs). In order to present a national overview and individual HIDTA focus, this report provides background information and addresses three Congressional reporting requirements in one cohesive and coordinated document. This document is divided into an Executive Summary, Strategic Objectives, and five primary sections: 1. HIDTA Program Background Information The HIDTA program provides assistance to Federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies operating in areas determined to be critical drug trafficking regions of the Nation. There are currently 28 regional HIDTAs which include approximately 16 percent of all counties in the United States and 60 percent of the population. HIDTA-designated counties are located in 45 states plus Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the District of Columbia. Through the HIDTA program, representatives of Federal, state, local, and tribal agencies in each HIDTA region coordinate and collaborate to address the specific drug threats of that region. 2. National HIDTA Program Evaluation This report provides Congress with an evaluation of HIDTA performance. ONDCP has established two goals for the HIDTA program which address program effectiveness, program efficiency, and program management. These goals also reflect the continued refinement of the process ONDCP has developed to manage and measure HIDTA performance. The first goal is to reduce drug availability by assisting Federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies participating in HIDTAs to dismantle and disrupt drug trafficking organizations. The second goal is to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of HIDTA initiatives. In order to report on their achievement of these goals, each HIDTA is required to provide the following four documents pertaining to its geographical area, on which its performance evaluation is based: 1) Threat Assessment; 2) Strategy; 3) Initiative Budget Proposals; and 4) Annual Report. 3. Assessment of Law Enforcement Intelligence Sharing in the HIDTA Program This report outlines the formal processes of the HIDTA program to assess law enforcement intelligence and information sharing, and highlights the formal evaluation and review process of the HIDTA program, including policy and budget guidance; FY 2009 funding levels for intelligence; processes for sharing Federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement information; and the measures needed to achieve effective sharing of information. The HIDTA program has 57 operational intelligence and information sharing initiatives. Each HIDTA capitalizes on the combined resources of the Federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement communities. The HIDTAs prepare and review threat assessments and apply the appropriate law enforcement response to combat illegal drug activity in our Nation. 4. Assessment of Drug Enforcement Task Forces in HIDTAs Regardless of the method of funding task forces (e.g., HIDTA, Justice Action Grant (JAG)/Byrne-sponsored), the 28 HIDTAs provide a coordination umbrella for Federal, state, local, and tribal drug law enforcement efforts; foster a strategy-driven systemic approach to integrate and synchronize efforts; facilitate efficiency, effectiveness, and cooperation among and between various agencies; and focus on outcomes and impacts. Using both formal and informal methods of coordination among drug enforcement task forces, the HIDTAs act as neutral centers to manage, deconflict, analyze, and report on drug enforcement activities in their respective regions. 5. Individual HIDTA Reports To address the specific reporting requirements, an analysis of each HIDTA is included in this report. These reports are succinct descriptions of the individual HIDTAs and their responses to the Congressional report requirements. For more comprehensive information on an individual HIDTA's performance in addressing specific drug threats, ONDCP can provide, upon request, that HIDTA's Annual Report, Strategy, or Threat Assessment. Details: Washington, DC: ONDCP, 2010. 184p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 8, 2018 at: https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/hidta_2011.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/hidta_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 150507 Keywords: CollaborationDrug Control PolicyDrug EnforcementDrug TraffickingIllegal DrugsInformation Sharing |
Author: Shiner, Michael Title: The Colour of Injustice: 'Race', drugs and law enforcement in England and Wales Summary: Stop and search focuses on low-level drug offences - Use of stop and search has fallen sharply, dropping by 75 per cent from 2010/11 to 2016/17. - Stop and search has become increasingly concentrated on suspected drug offences, most of which involve low-level possession. Half of all stop-searches were targeted at drugs in 2010/11, rising to almost two-thirds by 2016/17. - The intensity of the focus on drugs varies sharply between forces: 82 per cent of stop-searches during 2016/17 were for drugs in Merseyside compared with 46 per cent in Durham. - Substantial variations are evident between forces with similar crime-relevant profiles, suggesting they are largely a function of differences in police policy and decision-making. - Police forces are making operational decisions to target low-level drug possession offences over other, more serious, offences. Stop and search is more disproportionate than ever - The number of stop and searches has fallen sharply for all ethnic groups, but has fallen most sharply for white people even though they had relatively modest rates of exposure at the outset. - Disproportionality has increased as the use of stop and search has fallen, indicating that residual use of the powers is more heavily concentrated on black and minority ethnic groups. - Black people were stopped and searched at more than eight times the rate of white people in 2016/17. Asian people and those in the 'mixed' group were stopped and searched at more than twice the rate of white people. - Black people were stopped and searched for drugs at almost nine times the rate of white people, while Asian people and those in the 'mixed' group were stop-searched for drugs at almost three times the rate of white people. - The 'find' rate for drugs is lower for black than white people, suggesting that such searches are carried out on the basis of weaker 'grounds' for black people. Variations across forces point to discrimination - Forces vary sharply in their overall use of stop and search as well as their rates of disproportionality. Such differences are evident between forces with similar crime-relevant profiles, suggesting they are largely a function of police policy and decision-making. - High rates of stop and search in London are an important driver of ethnic disproportionality because a large proportion of the black and minority ethnic population live in the capital - Black people were stopped and searched at a higher rate than white people by every force in England and Wales during 2016/17. Disproportionality ratios varied from 1.7 in Durham to 20.4 in Dorset for all stop-searches; and from 1.7 in Cleveland to 26.5 in Dorset for drug searches. - Some forces have substantially reduced their use of stop and search without seeing a corresponding increase in disproportionality. Other forces have combined much more modest reductions in stop and search with high, and increasing, rates of disproportionality. London data point to patterns of geographic and individual profiling - Overall rates of stop and search are higher among inner than outer London boroughs. - Variations between boroughs are strongly linked to levels of deprivation. Overall rates of stop and search are highest in more deprived boroughs with considerable inequality. - Rates of stop and search appear to be more sensitive to deprivation and inequality than crime. The concentration of stop and search in deprived boroughs cannot be explained by patterns of drug use, including cannabis use. - The concentration of stop and search in boroughs with high levels of deprivation and inequality fuels disproportionality because people from black and some other minority ethnic groups tend to live in such areas in relatively large numbers. - 'Race' complicates and confounds the general relationship between stop and search and deprivation. Rates of stop and search for black people do not vary with levels of deprivation. - Disproportionality is highest in relatively wealthy and affluent boroughs. White people are subject to very low rates of stop and search in such locations, while black people continue to experience heightened rates of intervention. This pattern is consistent with ethnic profiling because it indicates that black people are being singled out for suspicion. Arrests and out of court disposals exacerbate ethnic disparities - Stop and search was responsible for 39 per cent of all arrests for drugs in 2016/17 compared with 3 per cent of arrests for other offences. - The rate at which stop and search identifies stolen or prohibited items is similar for all ethnic groups, though the 'find rate' for drug searches is lower for black than white people. - The rate at which further action is taken, leading to a criminal justice outcome, is similar for all ethnic groups, but there are marked differences in the type of action taken. - Black people are more likely to be arrested as a result of stop and search than white people, but less likely to be given an out of court disposal. This means black people are more likely to be prosecuted. - Penalty notices for disorder (PNDs) or 'on the street- fines are the only out of court disposal that black people receive at higher rate than white people. Unlike other out of court disposals, PNDs do not require an admission of guilt. - The number of arrests from stop and search has fallen much more sharply for white than black people. Arrests from drug searches halved for white people between 2010/11 and 2016/17, but remained stable for black people. - Stop and search accounts for a much larger proportion of arrests of black than white people: 17 per cent compared with 5 per cent for all offences; and 57 per cent compared with 31 per cent for drug offences. Such disparities suggest that the disproportionate application of stop and search is largely a function of police policy and decision-making rather than crime. Sentencing decisions perpetuating injustice - Ethnic disparities introduced by stop and search and other forms of police activity follow through to prosecution, conviction and sentencing. - Black people were prosecuted for drug offences at more than eight times the rate of white people in 2017. This compared with almost four times the rate for all indictable offences. - More black people were prosecuted for cannabis possession than supply of Class A or B substances combined. The balance was reversed for white people. - Black and Asian people were convicted of cannabis possession at 11.8 and 2.4 times the rate white people despite their lower rates of self-reported use, providing prima facie evidence of discrimination. - Black people made up a quarter of those convicted of cannabis possession even though they comprise less than 4 per cent of the population. - Black people were sentenced to immediate custody for drug offences at 9.1 times the rate of white people, but given suspended sentences at 5.6 times the rate of white people. Details: London: StopWatch, Release, International Drug Policy Unit, 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2018 at: https://www.release.org.uk/sites/default/files/pdf/publications/The%20Colour%20of%20Injustice.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.release.org.uk/sites/default/files/pdf/publications/The%20Colour%20of%20Injustice.pdf Shelf Number: 153151 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersRacial DisparitiesRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementStop and Search |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Drug Enforcement Administration Title: 2018 National Drug Threat Assessment Summary: The 2018 National Drug Threat Assessment (NDTA)1 is a comprehensive strategic assessment of the threat posed to the United States by domestic and international drug trafficking and the abuse of illicit drugs. The report combines federal, state, local, and tribal law enforcement reporting; public health data; open source reporting; and intelligence from other government agencies to determine which substances and criminal organizations represent the greatest threat to the United States. Illicit drugs, as well as the transnational and domestic criminal organizations who traffic them, continue to represent significant threats to public health, law enforcement, and national security in the United States. Drug poisoning deaths are the leading cause of injury death in the United States; they are currently at their highest ever recorded level and, every year since 2011, have outnumbered deaths by firearms, motor vehicle crashes, suicide, and homicide. In 2016, approximately 174 people died every day from drug poisoning (see Figure 1). The opioid threat (controlled prescription drugs, synthetic opioids, and heroin) has reached epidemic levels and currently shows no signs of abating, affecting large portions of the United States. Meanwhile, as the ongoing opioid crisis justly receives national attention, the methamphetamine threat remains prevalent; the cocaine threat has rebounded; new psychoactive substances (NPS) are still challenging; and the domestic marijuana situation continues to evolve. Controlled Prescription Drugs (CPDs): CPDs are still responsible for the most drug-involved overdose deaths and are the second most commonly abused substance in the United States. As CPD abuse has increased significantly, traffickers are now disguising other opioids as CPDs in attempts to gain access to new users. Most individuals who report misuse of prescription pain relievers cite physical pain as the most common reason for abuse; these misused pain relievers are most frequently obtained from a friend or relative. Heroin: Heroin use and availability continue to increase in the United States. The occurrence of heroin mixed with fentanyl is also increasing. Mexico remains the primary source of heroin available in the United States according to all available sources of intelligence, including law enforcement investigations and scientific data. Further, significant increases in opium poppy cultivation and heroin production in Mexico allow Mexican TCOs to supply high-purity, low-cost heroin, even as U.S. demand has continued to increase. Fentanyl and Other Synthetic Opioids: Illicit fentanyl and other synthetic opioids - primarily sourced from China and Mexico - are now the most lethal category of opioids used in the United States. Traffickers- wittingly or unwittingly- are increasingly selling fentanyl to users without mixing it with any other controlled substances and are also increasingly selling fentanyl in the form of counterfeit prescription pills. Fentanyl suppliers will continue to experiment with new fentanyl-related substances and adjust supplies in attempts to circumvent new regulations imposed by the United States, China, and Mexico. Cocaine: Cocaine availability and use in the United States have rebounded, in large part due to the significant increases in coca cultivation and cocaine production in Colombia. As a result, past-year cocaine initiates and cocaine-involved overdose deaths are exceeding 2007 benchmark levels. Simultaneously, the increasing presence of fentanyl in the cocaine supply, likely related to the ongoing opioid crisis, is exacerbating the re-merging cocaine threat. Methamphetamine: Methamphetamine remains prevalent and widely available, with most of the methamphetamine available in the United States being produced in Mexico and smuggled across the Southwest Border (SWB). Domestic production occurs at much lower levels than in Mexico, and seizures of domestic methamphetamine laboratories have declined steadily for many years. Marijuana: Marijuana remains the most commonly used illicit drug in the United States. The overall landscape continues to evolve; although still illegal under Federal law, more states have passed legislation regarding the possession, use, and cultivation of marijuana and its associated products. Although seizure amounts coming across the SWB have decreased in recent years, Mexico remains the most significant foreign source for marijuana available in the United States. Domestic marijuana production continues to increase, as does the availability and production of marijuana-related products. New Psychoactive Substances (NPS): The number of new NPS continues to increase worldwide, but remains a limited threat in the United States compared to other widely available illicit drugs. China remains the primary source for the synthetic cannabinoids and synthetic cathinones that are trafficked into the United States. The availability and popularity of specific NPS in the United States continues to change every year, as traffickers experiment with new and unregulated substances. Mexican Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCOs): Mexican TCOs remain the greatest criminal drug threat to the United States; no other group is currently positioned to challenge them. The Sinaloa Cartel maintains the most expansive footprint in the United States, while Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generacion's (CJNG) domestic presence has significantly expanded in the past few years. Although 2017 drug-related murders in Mexico surpassed previous levels of violence, U.S.-based Mexican TCO members generally refrain from extending inter-cartel conflicts domestically. Colombian TCOs: Colombian TCOs' majority control over the production and supply of cocaine to Mexican TCOs allows Colombian TCOs to maintain an indirect influence on U.S. drug markets. Smaller Colombian TCOs still directly supply wholesale quantities of cocaine and heroin to Northeast and East Coast drug markets. Dominican TCOs: Dominican TCOs dominate the mid-level distribution of cocaine and white powder heroin in major drug markets throughout the Northeast, and predominate at the highest levels of the heroin and fentanyl trade in certain areas of the region. They also engage in some street-level sales. Dominican TCOs work in collaboration with foreign suppliers to have cocaine and heroin shipped directly to the continental United States and its territories from Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, and the Dominican Republic. Family members and friends of Dominican nationality or American citizens of Dominican descent comprise the majority of Dominican TCOs, insulating them from outside threats. Asian TCOs: Asian TCOs specialize in international money laundering by transferring funds to and from China and Hong Kong through the use of front companies and other money laundering methods. Asian TCOs continue to operate indoor marijuana grow houses in states with legal personal-use marijuana laws and also remain the 3,4-Methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA, commonly known as Ecstasy) source of supply in U.S. markets by trafficking MDMA from clandestine laboratories in Canada into the United States. Gangs: National and neighborhood-based street gangs and prison gangs continue to dominate the market for the street-sales and distribution of illicit drugs in their respective territories throughout the country. Struggle for control of these lucrative drug trafficking territories continues to be the largest factor fueling the street-gang violence facing local communities. Meanwhile, some street gangs are working in conjunction with rival gangs in order to increase their drug revenues, while individual members of assorted street gangs have profited by forming relationships with friends and family associated with Mexican cartels. Illicit Finance: TCOs' primary methods for laundering illicit proceeds have largely remained the same over the past several years. However, the amount of bulk cash seized has been steadily decreasing. This is a possible indication of TCOs' increasing reliance on innovative money laundering methods. Virtual currencies, such as Bitcoin, are becoming increasingly mainstream and offer traffickers a relatively secure method for moving illicit proceeds around the world with much less risk compared to traditional methods. Details: Washington, DC: DEA, 2018. 164p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 14, 2018 at: https://www.dea.gov/sites/default/files/2018-11/DIR-032-18%202018%20NDTA%20final%20low%20resolution.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.dea.gov/sites/default/files/2018-11/DIR-032-18%202018%20NDTA%20final%20low%20resolution.pdf Shelf Number: 153464 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug CartelsDrug Enforcement Drug Trafficking GangsIllicit DrugsOpioid CrisisOrganized Crime |
Author: Alabama Appleseed Title: Alabama's War on Marijuana: Assessing the Fiscal and Human Toll of Criminalization Summary: Kiasha Hughes dreamed of becoming a medical assistant. Now, she works an overnight shift at a chicken plant to support her children. Nick Gibson was on track to graduate from the University of Alabama. Now, he works at a fast-food restaurant. Wesley Shelton spent 15 months in jail and ended up with a felony conviction - for having $10 worth of marijuana. Like thousands of others, they're casualties of Alabama's war on marijuana - a war the state ferociously wages with draconian laws that criminalize otherwise law-abiding people for possessing a substance that's legal for recreational or medicinal use in states where more than half of all Americans live. In Alabama, a person caught with only a few grams of marijuana can face incarceration and thousands of dollars in fines and court costs. They can lose their driver's license and have difficulty finding a job or getting financial aid for college. This war on marijuana is one whose often life-altering consequences fall most heavily on black people - a population still living in the shadow of Jim Crow. Alabama's laws are not only overly harsh, they also place enormous discretion in the hands of law enforcement, creating an uneven system of justice and leaving plenty of room for abuse. This year in Etowah County, for example, law enforcement officials charged a man with drug trafficking after adding the total weight of marijuana-infused butter to the few grams of marijuana he possessed, so they could reach the 2.2-pound threshold for a trafficking charge. Marijuana prohibition also has tremendous economic and public safety costs. The state is simply shooting itself in the pocketbook, wasting valuable taxpayer dollars and adding a tremendous burden to the courts and public safety resources. This report is the first to analyze data on marijuana-related arrests in Alabama, broken down by race, age, gender and location. It includes a thorough fiscal analysis of the state's enforcement costs. It also exposes how the administrative burden of enforcing marijuana laws leaves vital state agencies without the resources necessary to quickly test evidence related to violent crimes with serious public safety implications, such as sexual assault. The study finds that in Alabama: - The overwhelming majority of people arrested for marijuana offenses from 2012 to 2016 - 89 percent - were arrested for possession. In 2016, 92 percent of all people arrested for marijuana offenses were arrested for possession. - Alabama spent an estimated $22 million enforcing the prohibition against marijuana possession in 2016 - enough to fund 191 additional preschool classrooms, 571 more K-12 teachers or 628 more Alabama Department of Corrections officers. - Black people were approximately four times as likely as white people to be arrested for marijuana possession (both misdemeanors and felonies) in 2016 - and five times as likely to be arrested for felony possession. These racial disparities exist despite robust evidence that white and black people use marijuana at roughly the same rate. - In at least seven law enforcement jurisdictions, black people were 10 or more times as likely as white people to be arrested for marijuana possession. - In 2016, police made more arrests for marijuana possession (2,351) than for robbery, for which they made 1,314 arrests - despite the fact that there were 4,557 reported robberies that year. - The enforcement of marijuana possession laws creates a crippling backlog at the state agency tasked with analyzing forensic evidence in all criminal cases, including violent crimes. As of March 31, 2018, the Alabama Department of Forensic Sciences had about 10,000 pending marijuana cases, creating a nine-month waiting period for analyses of drug samples. At the same time, the department had a backlog of 1,121 biology/DNA cases, including about 550 "crimes against persons" cases such as homicide, sexual assault and robbery. While Alabama continues to criminalize people who use marijuana either recreationally or medicinally, an increasing number of states have come to treat marijuana like alcohol and tobacco. Nine states and the District of Columbia now allow recreational use. The early evidence strongly suggests that this approach benefits public safety and the criminal justice system. In those states, arrests for marijuana possession have been virtually eliminated, freeing up officers to focus on crimes of violence. Drunken-driving arrests are down as well. And, there's no evidence of a spike in crime or increased marijuana use among youth. These states have also enjoyed a corresponding fiscal and economic windfall. Across the country, thousands of jobs are being created where marijuana has been legalized. Three of the states where it has been legal the longest - Colorado, Washington and Oregon - have thus far collected a total of $1.3 billion in new revenue. And, as the human toll discussed throughout this report falls disproportionately on black people, legalization offers an opportunity to begin to address the disproportionate harms that Alabama's criminal justice system causes to its African-American population. It's time for Alabama to join an increasing number of states in taking a commonsense, fiscally responsible approach to marijuana policy. Details: Montgomery, Alabama: Alabama Appleseed Center for Law and Justice, 2018. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 30, 2019 at: https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/marijuana_law/2018/10/alabamas-war-on-marijuana-assessing-the-fiscal-and-human-toll-of-criminalization.html Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/com_decriminalization_of_marijuana_web_final.pdf Shelf Number: 154308 Keywords: African AmericansDrug EnforcementDrug LegalizationMarijuanaMarijuana ProhibitionRacial DisparitiesSubstance AbuseWar on Drugs |
Author: Health Poverty Action Title: Punishing poverty - How the failed 'war on drugs' harms vulnerable communities: Case studies of Brazil and India Summary: Around the world the so called 'war on drugs' is collapsing. Many countries are replacing the prohibition of illicit drugs, with new approaches which prioritise and protect people's health and wellbeing. Whilst reform is underway, it is not happening nearly fast enough or reaching far enough. The prohibitionist criminal justice approach that has dominated drug policy for the past 50 years continues to destroy livelihoods and claim lives. The people most affected aren't those in charge of the drugs trade. Instead, it's those caught up at the lowest levels in a trade that is destroying their lives and communities, particularly in the global south. Prohibition has failed to reduce the world's supply of illicit drugs. Meanwhile the heavy handed and often militarised law enforcement approach that often goes with it - directed primarily at those involved at the lowest level in the production and supply of illicit drugs - has fueled poverty, inequality, corruption and violence. This is felt most sharply by marginalised communities and women who engage in the small-scale trade out of necessity or lack of alternatives. In these contexts of significant vulnerability, powerlessness and poverty, the drugs trade can offer a decent income or means of survival, where no other exists. Details: London: HPC, 2019. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2019 at: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Punishing-poverty-research-report-WEB.pdf Year: 2019 Country: International URL: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Punishing-poverty-research-report-WEB.pdf Shelf Number: 154489 Keywords: BrazilDrug EnforcementDrug OffendersDrug Policy ReformIllicit DrugsIndiaPovertyWar on Drugs |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Wastewater Analysis and Drugs: A European multi-city study Summary: The findings of the largest European project to date in the emerging science of wastewater analysis are taken up in this 'Perspective on drugs'. The project in question analysed wastewater in around 60 European cities and towns (hereinafter referred to as 'cities') to explore the drug-taking habits of those who live in them. The results provide a valuable snapshot of the drug flow through the cities involved, revealing marked geographical variations. Details: Lisbon: EMCDDA, 2018. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Perspectives on Drugs: Accessed March 5, 2019 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/pods/waste-water-analysis_en Year: 2018 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/pods/waste-water-analysis_en Shelf Number: 154817 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug EnforcementIllicit DrugsWastewater Analysis |