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Date: August 17, 2024 Sat
Time: 2:48 am
Time: 2:48 am
Results for police misconduct
181 results foundAuthor: Delgado, Fernando Riberio Title: Lethal Force: Police Violence and Public Security in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo Summary: The Brazilian states of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo have been plagued for years by violent crime, much of it carried out by illegal drug-trafficking gangs. Reducing this violence and containing these gangs represents a daunting and at times dangerous challenge for the police forces. Too often, however, rather than curbing the violence, police officers in both states have contributed to it through the unjustifiable use of lethal force. The Rio and Sao Paulo police have together killed more than 11,000 people since 2003. In nearly all these cases, the officers involved have reported the shootings as legitimate acts of self-defense. In Brazil, these cases are referred to as "resistance" killings. Given that police officers in both states do face real threats of violence from gang members, many of these "resistance" killings are likely the result of the use of legitimate force by the police. Many others, however, are clearly not. After a comprehensive, two-year investigation into policing practices in Rio and Sao Paulo, Human Rights Watch has concluded that a substantial portion of the alleged resistance killings reported in both states are unlawful extrajudicial executions. In addition, some police officers are members of "death squads" or, in the case of Rio, illegal armed militias, which together are responsible for hundreds of murders each year. In many purported resistance killings and killings by death squads, police officers take steps to cover-up the true nature of the killing, and police investigators often fail to take necessary steps to determine what has taken place, helping to ensure that criminal responsibilty cannot be established and that those responsible remain unpunished. Impunity for extrajudicial executions committed by police officers remains the norm. A principal cause of this chronic impunity is the fact that the criminal justice systems in both states rely almost entirely on police investigators to resolve these cases. So long as this arrangement remains unchanged, police impunity will prevail, police killing rates will stay high, and the states' legitimate efforts to curb violence and lawlessness will suffer. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009 Source: Year: 2009 Country: Brazil URL: Shelf Number: 117402 Keywords: Police MisconductPolice Use of ForceViolent Crime |
Author: Bencomo, Clarisa Title: Entrenching Impunity: Moldova's Response to Police Violence During the April 2009 Post-Election Demonstrations Summary: Moldovan police beat and otherwise ill-treated at least 300 peaceful protesters of the nearly 700 they detained following the parliamentary elections in April, according to this report released by the Soros Foundation--Moldova. In at least 100 cases, the ill treatment took place inside police commissariates. This report documents personal accounts of people who suffered beatings, sleep deprivation and verbal abuse at the hands of police after the April demonstrations. This report is the most extensive collection of information available to date on the number of individuals police apprehended during the April events. Peaceful demonstrations to protest the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in April turned violent when a small number of rogue elements in the crow; by the evening of April 7 they started a horrible campaign of mass arrests, which lasted a few days. The report also offers recommendations for the new government to end impunity and restore confidence in the justice system. They include creating a truly independent public commission to continue investigations into the events in April, make public recommendations for reforms, and promote accountability. Details: Chisinau, Moldova: Ed. Cartier, 2009 Source: Open Society Institute; Soros Foundation--Moldova Year: 2009 Country: Moldova URL: Shelf Number: 117404 Keywords: Human RightsPolice MisconductViolent Crime |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Offers of Gifts and Benefits to Victoria Police Employees Summary: This report discusses the ethical issues for police who accept gratuities. It highlights the need for an effective policy and practice framework to guide police in how to repond to offers of gifts or benefits and recommends guidelines for such a framework. Details: Melbourne: Government Printer, 2009. 21p. Source: Internet Resource; Parliamantary paper; session 2006-2009, no. 199 Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 117618 Keywords: Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Early Intervention Systems for Police Agencies Summary: This research paper examines the use of early intervention systems as a tool for improving police performance and reducing police misconduct. The paper defines early intervention systems and discusses their uses, components, effectiveness and limitations. Details: Melbourne: Office of Police Integrity, 2009(?). 20p. Source: OPI Research Paper No. 1 Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 117384 Keywords: Police MisconductPolice Performance |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Risk Mitigation in High-Risk Environments: Street Sex Workers Summary: This discussion paper examines one facet of the 'Areas of Operational Emphasis' of the Office of Police Integrity for the period 30 June 2008 until 1 July 2009. The focus of this project was the identification of systemic policing risks associated with policing illegal aspects of the sex industry. It concluded with the recommendation for the development of standards, in concert with Victoria Police, to guide police officers officially interacting with street sex workers. The paper draws from case studies where deficits in appropriate and rigorous management, work practices, and ethical decision-making have contributed to police corruption, risk to organizational reputation and to human rights violations between police officers and sex workers. Details: Melbourne: Office of Police Integrity, 2008. 44p. Source: Internet Resource; OPI Discussion Paper no. 1 Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 117580 Keywords: Police EthicsPolice MisconductProstitution |
Author: Open Society Justice Initiative Title: Profiling Minorities: A Study of Stop-and-Search Practices in Paris Summary: This report states that police officers in Paris consistently stop people on the basis of ethnicity and dress rather than on the basis of suspicious individual behavior. This report documents over 500 police stops over a one-year period and across five locations in and around the Gare du Nord train station and Chatelet-Les Halles commuter rail stations. Data show that blacks and Arabs were more likely to be stopped than whites. The report offers a number of recommendations to address the issue. Details: New York: Open Society Institute, 2009. 77p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: France URL: Shelf Number: 116378 Keywords: Police MisconductRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement (France) |
Author: Shah, Naureen Title: Broken system: dysfunction, abuse, and impunity in the Indian Police. Summary: This report documents a range of human rights violations committed by police, including arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and extrajudicial killings. The report is based on interviews with more than 80 police officers of varying ranks, 60 victims of police abuses, and numerous discussions with experts and civil society activists. It documents the failings of state police forces that operate outside the law, lack sufficient ethical and professional standards, are overstretched and outmatched by criminal elements, and unable to cope with increasing demands and public expectations. Field research was conducted in 19 police stations in Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Himachal, Pradesh, and the capital, Delhi. Details: New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, 2009 Source: Internet Source Year: 2009 Country: India URL: Shelf Number: 116186 Keywords: AsiaPolice BehaviorPolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolice OfficersTorture |
Author: Azfar, Omar Title: Police Corruption, Crime and Crime Reporting: A Simultaneous Equations Approach Summary: This study examines the causal relationship between police corruption, crime and crime reporting, using data from the International Crime Victimization Survey. Using a simultaneous equations approach the study found a number of intuitive relationships, which are statistically significant. The clearest of these is that crime reporting reduces police corruption. Details: Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2008. 35p. Source: Internet Resource; NUPI Working Paper 743 Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118574 Keywords: Crime ReportingPolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Prasad, Devika Title: Complaints Authority: Police Accountability in Action Summary: In late 2006, the Supreme Court of India ordered the creation of Police Complaints Authorities, along with other directions towards systemic police reform, across the country. This report provides an assessment of the first year of operation of India's newly created Police Complaints Authorities, for the year 2008. Primarily, this report offers a broad analysis of legislative provisions, background information on the Authorities which are functioning on the ground, and highlights weaknesses in legislation and practice. It ends by presenting specific recommendations for the improved functioning of these bodies. Details: New Delhi: Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 2009. 80p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: India URL: Shelf Number: 118725 Keywords: Police EthicsPolice MisconductPolice Reform |
Author: Ramrakha, Taran Title: Project Odin: Identifying and Managing High Risk Officers in the NSW Police Force Summary: In February 2007, the Police Integrity Commission commenced a project examining the practice of identifying and managing high risk officers in the New South Wales Police Force. By the term high risk officer, the Commission means officers who because of their histories pose a risk of engaging in misconduct. The project was undertaken by the Commission to develop a better understanding of how NSW Police Force commands identify and manage these officers and to recommend improvement, if required. To the extent that the term high risk officer is used by NSW Police Force commands to identify officers with conduct risks, the project was also concerned with assessing the effectiveness of that practice. This report presents the research findings of the project as well as the recommendations. Details: Sydney: Police Integrity Commission, 2009. 149p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118707 Keywords: Police Ethics (New South Wales)Police Misconduct |
Author: People, Julie Title: Improper Associations in the NSW Police Force: A Review of Compliance with Policies and Guidelines Summary: The aim of this study was to determine the extent to which New South Wales police officers are complying with the Conflicts of Interest (Improper Associations) Policy and Guidelines with regards to declaring their improper associations. An improper association is defined as an association between an employee and a person, group or organization that is involved (or perceived to be involved) in an activity that is incompatible with the NSW Police Force's role to uphold the law. In other words, an improper association is an association between a NSW Police Force employee and a person who is a known criminal, or is suspected or perceived to be involved in criminal activities. The results showed a poor level of compliance with the policy. Very few police officers with a known improper association made a written declaration regarding their association. Recommendations for improving compliance with the policy are outlined in this paper. Details: Sydney: NSW Police Integrity Commission, 2010. 18p. Source: Internet Resource; Research and Issues Papers, No. 05 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118784 Keywords: Police Ethics (New South Wales)Police Misconduct |
Author: Stone, Christopher Title: An Assessment of the Community Ombudsman Oversight Panel Summary: In March 2007, Boston Mayor Thomas Merino created the Community Ombudsman Oversight Panel (CO-OP) by Executive Order. The CO-OP serves as an appeals body to review complaints against police officers found to be "not sustained," "unfounded," or "exonerated" by the Boston Police Department. As of September 2008, approximately one year after the CO-OP began operation, only 7 out of 116 complainants eligible to appeal had appealed the finding. This report examines who so few complainants submit appeals through the CO-OP, and makes several recommendations based on the survey findings. Details: Cambridge, MA: Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management, Harvard Kennedy School, 2009. 27p., app. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118723 Keywords: Complaints Against PoliceOmbudsmanPolice Misconduct |
Author: Stone, Christopher Title: Policing Los Angeles Under a Consent Decree: The Dynamics of Change at the LAPD Summary: After a decade of policing crises that began with the beating of Rodney King in 1991 and culminated in the Rampart police corruption scandal in 1999, the U.S. Department of Justice announced in May 2000 that it had accumulated enough evidence to sue the City of Los Angeles over a pattern-and-practice of police misconduct. Later that year, the city government entered a "consent decree" promising to adopt scores of reform measures under the supervision of the Federal Court. This study concludes that the the LAPD has significantly redeemed itself in the eyes of the public. A full 83 percent of city residents say the LAPD is doing a good or excellent job - up from 71 percent two years ago. The study found that the quality and quantity of law enforcement has improved since 2002 even as police used less serious force each year since 2004. Details: Cambridge, MA: Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management, Harvard Kennedy School, 2009. 68p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118799 Keywords: 129782Police AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolice Use of Force (Los Angeles) |
Author: Center for Constitutional Rights Title: Racial Disparity in NYPD Stops-and-Frisks: The Center for Constitutional Rights Preliminary Report on UF-250 Data from 2005 through June 2008. Summary: This report presents the following preliminary findings: 1) The NYPD's use of stop-and-frisk is on the rise; 2) The NYPD continues to disproportionately stop and frisk Black and Latino individuals; 3) Blacks and Latinos are more likely to be frisked after an NYPD-initiatited stop than Whites; 4) Blacks and Latinos are more likely to have physical force used against them during a NYPD-initiatied stop than Whites; 5) Stops-and-frisks result in a minimal weapons yield and/or contraband yield; and 6) The proportion of stops-and-frisks by race does not correspond with rates of arrest of summons. Details: New York: Center for Constitutional Rights, 2009. 20p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119179 Keywords: Police DiscretionPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolicing (New York City)Racial ProfilingSearches and Seizures |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Office of Community Oriented Policing Services Title: Standards and Guidelines for Internal Affairs: Recommendations from a Community of Practice Summary: The Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) convened the National Internal Affairs Community of Practice group comprising the LAPD and 11 major city and county law enforcement agencies. The purpose was to share and develop standards, recommendations, and best practices in Internal Affairs work, discuss differences and similarities in practice, and look at various approaches to improving individual and collective agencies' Internal Affairs practices. This report is the result of the group's work. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2009. 76p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119259 Keywords: Internal AffairsPolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolicing |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Office of Community Oriented Policing Services Title: Building Trust Between the Police and the Citizens They Serve: An Internal Affairs Promising Practices Guide for Local Law Enforcement Summary: This report focuses on the pivotal role of the Internal Affairs function as one component of an agency-wide professional standards effort in building trust between law enforcement agencies, their staff, and the communities they are sworn to protect and service. The guide addresses the Internal Affairs function from complaint processing to decision-making, discipline, notification, and community transparency, as well as building an effective Internal Affairs approach for any size agency. It also looks at the Internal Affairs process from the citizen's viewpoint, presenting information on how local agencies can be accountable to their citizens through trust-building initiatives and other activities. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2009. 124p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119258 Keywords: Internal AffairsPolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolice-Community Relations |
Author: New South Wales. Police Integrity Commission Title: Operation Lantana: Report to Parliament Summary: Operation Lantana involved allegations that two NSW Police Force officers had been involved in a ‘drug rip’, where they seized drugs and sold them for their own financial benefit. The Commission held a public hearing in February 2009 as a part of this investigation. Details: Sydney: NSW Police Integrity Commission, 2009. 50p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118812 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Improving Victorian Policing Services Through Effective Complaint Handling Summary: This report examined Victoria Police's alternative dispute resolution system, known as the Management Intervention Model, utilised in up to 30 per cent of police complaints. The report details a number of recommendations to improve the complaints handling process. Details: Melbourne: Victorian Government Printer, 2008. 53p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 115365 Keywords: Complaints Against PoliceDispute SettlementPolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: Inglis, Geoff Title: Confidence in the Police Complaints System: A Survye of the General Population in 2009. Summary: This annual survey measures trends in public confidence concerning the complaints system in the U.K. by surveying a representative sample of the general population. The survey asks about: contact with the police; willingness to complain; barriers against complaining; and ways in which members of the public may wish to complain awareness of the IPCC. Details: London: Independent Police Complaints Commission, 2010. 49p. Source: Internet Resource; IPCC Research and Statistics Series: Paper 17 Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119396 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice MisconductPolicing (U.K.) |
Author: Kotwal, Navaz Title: GOA State Police Complaints Authority: Analysing Accountability in Action Summary: In April 2007, the government of Goa announced the setting up of a Police Complaints Authority at the state level. It has little resemblance to what the Supreme Court had directed in terms of its composition or mandate. The Court had envisioned an agency that would be independent of the police and the government with people on it selected carefully through a procedure that was open and transparent and not one that had government nominees. The present report gives a broad and holistic analysis of the functioning of the Goa Police Complaints Authority. The report ends with a set of recommendations for the government as well as the Authority that will help towards the strengthening of the Authority. Details: New Delhi: Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 2010. 39p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: India URL: Shelf Number: 119443 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice AccountabilityPolice Corruption (India)Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Sensitive and Confidential Information in a Police Environment Summary: This discussion paper arose from extensive research and literature reviews into a number of leak enquiries involving police information. In the process of developing an understanding of the nature of information leaking by police officers, the Office of Police Integrity (OPI) researchers identified a paucity of knowledge within the Australian law enforcement environment. Unauthorised and inappropriate use of information by police officers is a form of misconduct that must result in serious consequences for all officers involved. This paper aims to provide an insight into and generate discussion about the factors influencing leaking behaviour, and to provide options for its prevention, management and treatment. The paper will also use case illustrations from OPI’s own investigation files and from the experiences of Victoria Police, to highlight the risks of misconduct and corruption. Details: Melbourne: Office of Police Integrity, 2010. 37p. Source: Internet Resource; Discussion Paper no. 2 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 119463 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Ceja Task Force Drug Related Corruption: Third and Final Report Summary: "In October 2006, the work of the Ceja Task Force drew to a close with the fifth successful prosecution for drug related offences of a former member of the now disbanded Victoria Police Drug Squad. Following the delivery of the verdict in that case, a third and final review of the operations of the Task Force was commissioned. The review examined the background, methodology and achievements of the Ceja Task Force." Details: Melbourne: Victorian Government Printer, 2007. 35p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 10, 2010 at http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=86 Year: 2007 Country: Australia URL: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=86 Shelf Number: 117838 Keywords: Drug OffensesPolice Corruption (Victoria, Australia)Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Queensland. Crime and Misconduct Commission Title: CMC Review of the Queensland Police Service's Palm Island Review Summary: This report is a review by the Crime and Misconduct Commission (CMC) of an internal investigation by the Queensland Police and examines the initial police investigation into the events surrounding the death of Mulrunji on Palm Island on 19 November 2004. The Commission review found that both the initial police investigation and the subsequent internal police review were seriously flawed, and that the conduct of the officers involved warranted consideration of disciplinary proceedings for misconduct. Details: Brisbane: Crime and Misconduct Commission, 2010. 216p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2010 at: http://www.cmc.qld.gov.au/data/portal/00000005/content/13053001276649217949.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.cmc.qld.gov.au/data/portal/00000005/content/13053001276649217949.pdf Shelf Number: 119662 Keywords: Deaths in CustodyPolice Misconduct |
Author: Neild, Rachel Title: USAID Program Brief: Anticorruption and Police Integrity Summary: For those who work in the promotion of democracy and governance, the issue of fighting police corruption is essential. If basic human rights are to be protected and people are to live in safe and secure communities, the policing function must serve—and be seen as serving—the needs of the people. When those sworn to uphold the law engage in corruption themselves, it saps citizen confidence in democratic institutions—and could foster cynicism toward the notion of democracy itself. That said, police corruption is nearly always a function of larger systemic problems caused by the lack of overall transparency, the absence of checks and balances, weak rule of law and fragile institutions. This program brief is designed to “unpack” police corruption contextually, and to identify specific concerns that—in light of the societal role and special powers of the police—should be considered when developing programmatic responses. Seldom is the case where a stand-alone police corruption program is advisable. The most successful programs will be comprehensive and employ multiple strategies. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development, 2007. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2010 at: http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/democracy_and_governance/publications/pdfs/AC_and_Police_Integrity.pdf Year: 2007 Country: International URL: http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/democracy_and_governance/publications/pdfs/AC_and_Police_Integrity.pdf Shelf Number: 119694 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: Lyday, Corbin Title: Corruption Assessment for Jamaica Summary: In 2007, a newly-elected Government came to power in Jamaica with a strong anti-corruption focus. It has appointed new reform champions to key positions—particularly in the police and customs—to join other recent change agents. Together, these new officials have begun to use their statutory authority quickly and aggressively to uncover illicit wealth and non-compliance with laws and regulation, or to shake up existing law enforcement institutions and practices. Within the first 6 months of 2008, nearly 50 members of the Jamaican Constabulary Force (JCF)—the most visible arm of both the problem and potential solution — were arrested and charged with offenses linked to corruption. While most of those have been low-ranking officers, the Office of the Contractor General has documented credible allegations of large-scale violations of public procurement regulations. Other higher-ranking allegations are sure to follow. In July 2008, public opinion polls for the first time listed corruption as the second-most serious problem facing Jamaica, behind crime and violence. Because independent media have followed recent developments carefully and systematically, there is a growing recognition by Jamaican society that such violations are not merely the result of mismanagement or incompetence, but a direct product of a political system that rewards patronage at the expense of transparency. While the way forward may not be clear, there is a growing sense society must take action against corruption in order to win the ‘other’ battles of crime, violence, and the squeeze on the country’s treasury made more acute by huge new increases in energy and food prices. The anti-corruption spotlight has been switched to the ‘on’ position and is now likely to stay that way for the foreseeable future, even as the Government of Jamaica (GOJ) pursues new anti-crime measures and alternative means to enhance food and fuel security. The most visible champions have taken the reins within a small number of public sector agencies and ministries, such as the Anti-Corruption Branch of the JCF, the Customs Department, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions and the Office of the Contractor-General. But their influence in the current environment arguably goes beyond narrow mandates. Indeed, their continued success or failure rests heavily on the degree to which they can secure non-partisan, publicized support for their efforts from the country’s top political leadership as well as on the operational competence of their own organizations, especially at mid-levels. Indirectly, it also depends on the vigor with which the country’s systems of justice can investigate, arraign, prosecute and convict key ‘big fish’ accused of corruption. Their combined success at more or less the same time will send a powerful message to a cynical and uneasy society that business as usual will simply not be tolerated. The dynamics of these efforts are complicated and potentially dangerous. As the state moves to tighten procurement, clean up ‘ghost worker’ lists, move from low-level to higher-level targeting of corrupt police and public officials on a non-partisan basis, and move toward political party accountability, it will encounter fierce resistance. Many believe that the assassination of Jamaica Urban Transit Company (JUTC) Chairman Douglas Chambers in July 2008 can be construed to mean that the underworld has thrown down the gauntlet against this effort to ‘take back’ the state. Because both Jamaica’s state and society will need help and encouragement to continue to do the right thing, this Assessment urges 3-4 short-term examples of financial and organizational support from USAID/Jamaica including: immediate convening of a national integrity roundtable; personnel secondment; short-term mid-level leadership development; and the engagement of society toward corruption awareness. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Agency for International Development, 2008. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2010 at: http://usaid-comet.org/reports/Jamaica%20Corruption%20Assessment%20Report%20%209-11-08.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Jamaica URL: http://usaid-comet.org/reports/Jamaica%20Corruption%20Assessment%20Report%20%209-11-08.pdf Shelf Number: 119695 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductPolitical Corruption |
Author: Sabet, Daniel Title: Police Reform in Mexico: Advances and Persistent Obstacles Summary: At no time in Mexico’s history has there been a greater need for professional police forces. The current security crisis, which resulted in an estimated 6,587 organized crime related killings in 2009, has brought police reform to the top of the national agenda. While law enforcement should be the primary tool to address the country’s crime problems, the police are viewed as part of the problem rather than part of the solution. A brief review of the daily newspapers reveals problems such as (1) corruption and collusion with organized crime, (2) abuses of human rights in the form of torture, unwarranted search and seizure, violations to due process, and inversion of the presumption of innocence, and (3) ineffectiveness exemplified by the inability to stem the violence, poor investigation and intelligence gathering capabilities, and high rates of impunity. Evidence of these three problems has produced a deep seeded lack of confidence in the police, which ironically makes the police even less effective and further perpetuates corruption and abuse. Addressing Mexico’s security crisis will require creating an effective police force operating within the confines of the law. This chapter seeks to provide an overview of police reform in Mexico and elucidate the obstacles to institutional change. The chapter begins with an introduction to policing in Mexico and offers a brief exploration of the evidence of corruption, abuse, and ineffectiveness that plague Mexico’s various and numerous police departments. The analysis briefly considers the different approaches to reform, including a limited discretion approach, professionalization, and militarization. I then offer an overview of reform during the last three federal administrations: Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León (1994-2000), Vicente Fox Quesada (2000-2006), and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa (2006-2012). The analysis concludes that considerable advances have been made but is forced to recognize that the fundamental problems of corruption, abuse, and ineffectiveness remain. To understand why, I explore the considerable obstacles that continue to serve as a challenge to reform efforts. Details: Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Mexico Institute; San Diego, CA: University of San Diego, Trans-Border Institute, 2010. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Series on U.S.-Mexico Security Collaboration: Accessed August 30, 2010 at: http://wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/Police%20Reform%20in%20Mexico.%20Sabet.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Mexico URL: http://wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/Police%20Reform%20in%20Mexico.%20Sabet.pdf Shelf Number: 119706 Keywords: Organized CrimePolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolicing |
Author: Faull, Andrew Title: Corruption and the South African Police Service: A Review and Its Implications Summary: In 2002 the South African Police Service’s (SAPS) anti-corruption unit was shut down after six years of apparently successful work. Since then the organisation has struggled to develop and implement a new corruption combating plan. While it is arguably impossible to measure the extent of corruption in the SAPS, research points to a correlation between rising public perceptions of police corruption and a loss of faith in policing institutions. Corruption thus threatens the legitimacy of one of the country’s central structures of justice. In 2007 the SAPS was due to roll out a barrage of anti-corruption measures as part of an ambitious plan to clamp down on corruption in its ranks. In light of these developments this paper provides an overview of previous research on corruption in the organisation together with an introduction to SAPS’s latest approach to corruption busting. This paper represents an independently funded collaboration between the Crime and Justice and Corruption and Governance Programmes at the Institute for Security Studies. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Securitiy Studies, 2007. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: ISS Paper 150: Accessed September 3, 2010 at: http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/PAPER150PDF.PDF Year: 2007 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/PAPER150PDF.PDF Shelf Number: 110194 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Jamaicans for Justice Title: Killing Impunity: Fatal Police Shootings and Extrajudicial Executions in Jamaica: 2005-2007 Summary: This report updates prior studies on the practice of fatal police shootings and extrajudicial executions in Jamaica, as well as the pattern of impunity that feeds it. In addition to providing the latest empirical evidence on police killings, we examine the recent functioning of the authorities, mechanisms, and procedures charged under Jamaican law with ensuring that police who exceed their legal mandate in the use of lethal force are held accountable. Details: Kingston, Jamaica: Jamaicans for Justice; Washington, DC: International Human Rights Clinic, George Washington University Law School, 2008. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2010 at: http://www.jamaicansforjustice.org/docs/08063025G0.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.jamaicansforjustice.org/docs/08063025G0.pdf Shelf Number: 119943 Keywords: Extrajudicial ExecutionsPolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Review of the Investigation of Deaths Associated with Police Contact Summary: This paper identifies issues raised during OPI's review of the investigation of deaths associated with police contact. It also provides an overview of the review process, including OPI’s progress to date. A final report is expected to be tabled in the Victorian Parliament in 2011. Details: Melbourne: Office of Police Integrity, 2010. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 6, 2010 at: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=19&m=12&t=1 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=19&m=12&t=1 Shelf Number: 120383 Keywords: Police MisconductPolice Use of Force (Australia) |
Author: Korsell, Lars Title: Police Encounters with Organised Crime: A Research Project About Unlawful Influence Summary: Currently, the Swedish police are mobilising against organised crime (Ministry of Justice Ds 2009:38). Two hundred police officers have been allocated to fight this form of criminality; action groups are being set up regionally, in eight locations throughout the country, and centrally, at the National Criminal Police. The police information service is being expanded, and regional intelligence centres (RUC) with collaborating authorities will soon be found in eight locations throughout the country. Profits from organised crime are also being focused on, and the police are carrying out an “asset-centered” fight against crime in collaboration with other authorities. The efforts are focusing both on preventing new recruitment and on prosecuting established members. In addition, it is an ambition to create channels to facilitate persons defecting from criminal gangs. Organised crime thus appears to be an area of high priority. But measures give rise to countermeasures. One strategy is for organised crime to become even more cautious and invisible, investing in security and avoid contact with authorities. Another tactic, and much more rare, is to fight back, using unlawful influence, which is what this report is about. The term unlawful influence means harassment, threats, criminal damage and violence, but also corruption aimed at exerting influence over the discharge of work duties. It might, for instance, be about ensuring that the police do not carry out a check or apprehend someone. In other cases, they may want to make police employees act in a manner favourable to the influencer, such as passing on secret information. As unlawful influence can take many forms, and thus be aimed at police employees carrying out different tasks, the investigation covers both police officers and civilian employees. The expression does not cover all the instances of threats and violence to which police employees are subjected, but only those that the individuals in question feel fill a more qualified purpose – to influence them in the execution of their work. The following research project studies unlawful influence against police employees by individuals linked to some kind of organised crime. In this report, the expression “organised crime” covers groups with varying degrees of organisation, from youth gangs who are on the margins of criminal networks to specialised networks concentrating on a particular type of illegal product or service. In between, there are suburban gangs, biker gangs, prison gangs and political extremist groups. A characteristic of the central actors within organised crime is that their criminality constitutes a “profession”, where persons have reached differing levels of achievement. Details: Stockholm: Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention, 2009. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: A Summary of Report 2009:7: Accessed December 13, 2010 at: http://www.bra.se/extra/measurepoint/?module_instance=4&name=Police%20encounters_with_organised_crime_summary.pdf&url=/dynamaster/file_archive/090729/ddda7c0ce88218cefffbd041636217eb/Police%2520encounters%255fwith%255forganised%255fcrime%255fsummary.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Sweden URL: http://www.bra.se/extra/measurepoint/?module_instance=4&name=Police%20encounters_with_organised_crime_summary.pdf&url=/dynamaster/file_archive/090729/ddda7c0ce88218cefffbd041636217eb/Police%2520encounters%255fwith%255forganis Shelf Number: 120488 Keywords: GangsOrganized Crime (Sweden)Police CorruptionPolice Misconduct |
Author: Morayef, Heba Title: Work on Him Until He Confesses: Impunity for Torture in Egypt Summary: Torture is widespread in Egypt—used by law enforcement officers for Criminal Investigations and State Security Investigations (SSI) in a deliberate and systematic manner to glean confessions and information or to punish both criminal and political detainees. Since most torture cases are not prosecuted, police abuse is common and law enforcement officers are free to act with impunity. For example, SSI officers are not permitted to detain people but frequently carry out enforced disappearances and interrogate and abuse suspects. The government maintains that incidents of torture are isolated and that it investigates each one. While prosecutors open investigation files on each formal complaint, a number of factors prevent most cases progressing to court, including police intimidation of victims and witnesses who pursue complaints, the prosecution’s limited resources and lack of independence, an inadequate legal framework, and the fact that police from the same unit as the alleged perpetrator are responsible for gathering evidence and summoning witnesses. This report documents the obstacles that exist to prosecuting law enforcement officers for torture and finds the government is failing to provide torture victims effective remedy, or to deter such abuses in the future by holding perpetrators accountable. “Work on Him until He Confesses” urges the Egyptian government to investigate all credible allegations of torture and ill-treatment, even in the absence of a formal complaint. Prosecutors should conduct these inquiries promptly, impartially, and thoroughly, ensuring they investigate all those allegedly responsible, including superiors, and without involving alleged abusers in gathering evidence. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2011 at: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2011/01/30/work-him-until-he-confesses-0 Year: 2011 Country: Egypt URL: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2011/01/30/work-him-until-he-confesses-0 Shelf Number: 120670 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForceTorture (Egypt) |
Author: MacAlister, David Title: Police-Involved Deaths: The Failure of Self-Investigation Summary: Police-involved deaths have attracted considerable media and public attention in recent years. Few issues involving the conduct of government are of such significance as those arising in this context. In order for the government to maintain legitimacy, there must be clear and effective oversight of such matters to maintain public confidence in the government in general, the criminal justice system more particularly, and especially in the police. A 2009 Angus Reid poll found that, amongst British Columbians, 61 percent of those surveyed indicated their confidence in the RCMP had declined (CTV News, 2009). This decrease in confidence followed on the heels of a number of incidents involving alleged police wrongdoing, including several incidents in which individuals died in police custody. This report focuses on deaths in actual police custody. However, some cases involve similar issues although the individual is not in actual custody. For example, Frank Paul was not in actual police custody at the time of his death, yet his death after being deposited and abandoned in an alley by police clearly merits attention in the same context as deaths that actually arise in police custody. When the police take individuals under their charge, they are required to provide them with an adequate level of care. Details: Vancouver, BC: B.C. Civil Liberties Association, 2010(?). 103p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2011 at: http://www.bccla.org/othercontent/Police_involved_deaths.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://www.bccla.org/othercontent/Police_involved_deaths.pdf Shelf Number: 120760 Keywords: Deaths in CustodyPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force (Canada) |
Author: Ndebele, Thuthukani Title: Broken Blue Line: The Involvement of the South African Police Force in Serious and Violent Crime in South Africa Summary: South Africans have become accustomed to media reports alleging the involvement of policemen or 'people dressed in police uniforms' in serious crimes. The Institute and its Unit for Risk Analysis have become increasingly concerned at the number and nature of these reports. To try and determine the scale of the problem, the Institute assigned a researcher to source as much information as possible on the involvement of police officers in committing crime. The results were alarming. The Institute consulted journalists, media reports, and information from the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD). Within a week, a list of over 100 separate incidents alleging and/or confirming the police's involvement in serious crimes was drawn up. The Institute's researchers stopped looking for more incidents after compiling this list of the initial 100. This report provides an analysis of these 100 incidents and proposes a number of policy interventions for the Government to consider. The Institute has been encouraged that the administration of President Jacob Zuma has done away with much of the crime denialism that characterised the Mbeki era and also that General Bheki Cele seems sincere about re-instilling discipline and order in his police. This report is conceived to capitalise on these positive developments and to support legislators and the police in making better policing policy in South Africa. The report will be made available to MPs, MPLs, the South African Police Force, and the media. Top tier Institute subscribers can log in to download the report below. Other users and interested parties may purchase the report online. Details: Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2011 at: http://www.sairr.org.za/services/publications/occasional-reports/files/001%20-%20Broken%20Blue%20Line%20-11.02.2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.sairr.org.za/services/publications/occasional-reports/files/001%20-%20Broken%20Blue%20Line%20-11.02.2011.pdf Shelf Number: 120844 Keywords: Police Corruption Police Misconduct Police Use of Force |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: Data in Focus Report: Police Stops and Minorities Summary: EU-MIDIS, the first EU-wide survey to ask immigrant and ethnic minority groups about their experiences of discrimination and criminal victimisation in everyday life shows that: •Minorities were stopped by the police more often than the majority groups living in the same neighbourhoods in Belgium, Germany, Greece, Spain, France and Hungary. This was not the case in the Slovak Republic, Bulgaria, Italy or Romania. Some minority groups are particularly heavily policed – for example Roma respondents in Greece who were stopped by the police experienced on average nearly 6 stops in a 12 month period. •Majority respondents tend to think that the police are respectful towards them, whereas more minority respondents indicate that the police are disrespectful. For example, in Belgium, 85% of majority population respondents considered that the police were respectful towards them during their last police stop, compared to 42% of North African respondents and 55% of Turkish respondents. •Minority groups who perceive they were stopped by the police on the basis of their ethnic or immigrant background have a lower level of trust in the police than minorities who were stopped and considered it to be unrelated to their minority background. Every second minority victim of assault, threat or serious harassment said they did not report these incidents to the police because they were not confident the police would do anything about them. Details: Vienna: FRA, 2010. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Data in Focus Report 04: Accessed February 24, 2011 at: http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/EU-MIDIS-police.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/EU-MIDIS-police.pdf Shelf Number: 120863 Keywords: DiscriminationMinoritiesPolice MisconductPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (Europe) |
Author: Eby, David Title: Small Town Justice: A Report on the RCMP in Northern and Rural British Columbia Summary: The Association has been aware of issues arising in British Columbia’s north involving the RCMP for years. From concerns about repeated deaths in custody in New Hazleton three years ago, to the deaths of Ian Bush, Kevin St. Arnaud, Clayton Wiley, and other incidents of both high and low profile, the north has continually been seen by the BCCLA as being home to a disproportionate number of extremely concerning incidents given the relatively low population density, the relatively low violent crime rates, and the cooperation that one would otherwise expect between smaller detachments and the communities they serve. With what can fairly be described as a year that has challenged the ideas that the RCMP appropriately involves itself in provincial policing in British Columbia, and that they are succeeding or even meeting expectations in this role, very few British Columbians are aware that the provincial government is planning to sign a contract with the RCMP for another 20 years of policing. Given our organizational concerns about high profile incidents of misconduct, a lengthy public record indicating provincial dissatisfaction with the status quo, and indications that the province was proceeding with little fanfare to sign on with the RCMP for another 20 years, the Association decided to conduct a series of workshops across the province on the issue of policing in British Columbia, starting in the province’s north. These consultative workshops were designed to deliver education on how policing is delivered in B.C., police accountability and rights issues, and to consult with marginalized northern communities on what they like about the RCMP, what they dislike about the RCMP, and how they feel about the RCMP contract and what the province should do about it. This report is the product of those workshops. As we suspected going into this process, we have identified many issues that should be included in this contract negotiation that are documented in the subject matter of this report, not the least of which is the complete exclusion of aboriginal communities from the negotiating process. We urge the Provincial government and the RCMP to consider these matters as they move forward. Details: Vancouver, BC: British Columbia Civil Liberties Association, 2011. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2011 at: http://www.theprovince.com/pdf/rcmpnortherntourreport.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://www.theprovince.com/pdf/rcmpnortherntourreport.pdf Shelf Number: 120996 Keywords: Community PolicingPolice AdministrationPolice MisconductRoyal Canadian Mounted Police (Canada) |
Author: International Bar Association. Human Rights Institute Title: Partisan Policing: An Obstacle to Human Rights and Democracy in Zimbabwe Summary: This is the executive summary of the report of a fact-finding visit to the Republic of Zimbabwe by experts on behalf of the International Bar Association Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) between 11-18 August 2007. The fact-finding visit was prompted by increasing international, regional and domestic concerns at the apparent erosion of the rule of law in Zimbabwe. These concerns related to unlawful police action in the country, police excesses and brutality and the intimidation of civilians, human rights activists, the organised legal profession, trade unions and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The delegation was sent to investigate the status of the rule of law and administration of justice in that country and, in particular, the role of the police in the administration of justice. The issues were to be analysed within constitutional and relevant regional and international standards, and the administration of justice processes in Zimbabwe. The particular focus area was the role of the police in the administration of justice. Specifically, to evaluate the relationship between the police, lawyers and prosecutors, and to prepare a report on the situation in Zimbabwe for dissemination. The report contains recommendations for the immediate and long term measures necessary to protect and uphold the rule of law and administration of justice in Zimbabwe and prevent impunity for human rights violations. Details: London: International Bar Association, 2007. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 15, 2011 at: www.ibanet.org Year: 2007 Country: Zimbabwe URL: Shelf Number: 121006 Keywords: Human RightsPolice AdministrationPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolicing (Zimbabwe) |
Author: Macaulay, Fiona Title: Problems of Police Oversight in Brazil Summary: This paper analyses the problem of subjecting the Brazilian police to truly effective control and oversight. It highlights three key dimensions of police accountability within the Brazilian context -- transparência, fiscalização and responsabilidade -- through which to measure the effectiveness of oversight mechanisms. The paper then analyses the strengths and weaknesses of the current institutional mechanisms of police control, focusing on the military police courts, the internal affairs departments of the police, and the police ombudsmen’s offices and the prosecution service. Finally the problem of accountability is set within a wider historical, social and cultural context. Details: Oxford, UK: University of Oxford, Centre for Brazilian Studies, 2002. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper CBS-33-02: http://www.brazil.ox.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/9398/Macaulay33.pdf Year: 2002 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.brazil.ox.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/9398/Macaulay33.pdf Shelf Number: 121005 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice MisconductPolicing (Brazil) |
Author: Hannan, Maria Title: Deaths In or Following Police Custody: An Examination of the Cases 1998/99 - 2008/09 Summary: Deaths in or following police custody are a controversial area of policing, and they represent some of the most high profile cases handled by the IPCC. They impact on trust and confidence in the police, particularly in Black and minority ethnic communities. The number of deaths in or following police custody is relatively small, but each death represents a tragedy. Despite the high profile nature of this area relatively little research has been conducted into it, or were carried out some time ago. Forces have a statutory duty to refer all deaths following police contact, including those that occur in or following police custody, to the IPCC. The IPCC reports on these deaths as part of our annual statistics into deaths during or following police contact. This study examines deaths in or following custody over an extensive period in order to identify trends, and, most importantly, the lessons that can be learnt for policy and practice to prevent future tragedies. The research used completed investigations to gather data on all 333 deaths which occurred between 1998/99 and 2008/09. The study looks at trends in the incidents, and examines a range of themes – the use of restraint, mental health and suicide, alcohol and drugs, risk assessment and medical provision, and investigation and investigations outcomes. The final report makes a series of recommendations for police forces and the health service which aim to improve policy and practice in this area. Details: London: Independent Police Complaints Commission, 2010. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: IPCC Research Series Paper:17: Accessed March 23, 2011 at: http://www.ipcc.gov.uk/Pages/deathscustodystudy.aspx Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.ipcc.gov.uk/Pages/deathscustodystudy.aspx Shelf Number: 121103 Keywords: Deaths in Custody (U.K.)Police MisconductPolice Use of ForceRisk Assessment |
Author: African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum Title: An Audit of Police Oversight in Africa Summary: This audit is provided to give insight into the diversity of police oversight on the African continent and the challenges it faces. Through this publication APCOF also seeks to raise awareness on the importance of policing oversight in the ongoing efforts to promote reform or transform police agencies into organisations that are effective and efficient but also respectful of peoples’ and human rights. The field is dynamic and this audit should be seen as a work in progress. The audit was undertaken over a period of two years as four separate studies into police oversight in the Northern, Western, Eastern and Southern African regions. The report is structured to provide a brief background to the country and its political and legal system, an overview of the police and the oversight mechanisms over the police. Details: Cape Town, South Africa: African Minds, 2008. 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2011 at: http://www.africanminds.co.za/books/An%20Audit%20of%20Police%20Oversight%20in%20Africa.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Africa URL: http://www.africanminds.co.za/books/An%20Audit%20of%20Police%20Oversight%20in%20Africa.pdf Shelf Number: 121227 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolicing (Africa) |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Civil Rights Division Title: Investigation of the New Orleans Police Department Summary: The New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) has long been a troubled agency. Basic elements of effective policing — clear policies, training, accountability, and confidence of the citizenry —have been absent for years. Far too often, officers show a lack of respect for the civil rights and dignity of the people of New Orleans. While the majority of the force is hardworking and committed to public safety, too many officers of every rank either do not understand or choose to ignore the boundaries of constitutional policing. Some argue that, given the difficulty of police work, officers must at times police harshly and bend the rules when a community is confronted with seemingly intransigent high levels of crime. Policing is undeniably difficult; however, experience and study in the policing field have made it clear that bending the rules and ignoring the Constitution makes effective policing much more challenging. NOPD’s failure to ensure that its officers routinely respect the Constitution and the rule of law undermines trust within the very communities whose cooperation the Department most needs to enforce the law and prevent crime. As systematic violations of civil rights erode public confidence, policing becomes more difficult, less safe, and less effective, and crime increases. The deficiencies in the way NOPD polices the City are not simply individual, but structural as well. For too long, the Department has been largely indifferent to widespread violations of law and policy by its officers. NOPD does not have in place the basic systems known to improve public safety, ensure constitutional practices, and promote public confidence. We found that the deficiencies that lead to constitutional violations span the operation of the entire Department, from how officers are recruited, trained, supervised, and held accountable, to the operation of Paid Details. In the absence of mechanisms to protect and promote civil rights, officers too frequently use excessive force and conduct illegal stops, searches and arrests with impunity. In addition, the Department’s culture tolerates and encourages under-enforcement and under-investigation of violence against women. The Department has failed to take meaningful steps to counteract and eradicate bias based on race, ethnicity, and LGBT status in its policing practices, and has failed to provide critical policing services to language minority communities. The problems in NOPD developed over a long period of time and will take time to address and correct. The Department must develop and implement new policies and protocols, train its officers in effective and constitutional policing, and institutionalize systems to ensure accountability, foster police-community partnerships, improve the quality of policing to all parts of the City, and eliminate unlawful bias from all levels of NOPD policing decisions. Recommendations on achieving these changes are attached to this Report. We look forward to working with NOPD and the City of New Orleans to address the violations of constitutional and federal law that we identified, by developing and implementing a comprehensive blueprint for sustainable reform that will: (1) reduce crime; (2) ensure respect for the Constitution and the rule of law; and (3) restore public confidence in NOPD. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 2011. 158p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 8, 2011 at: http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/spl/nopd_report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/spl/nopd_report.pdf Shelf Number: 121279 Keywords: DiscriminationGender BiasPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice Recruitment and SelectionPolice ReformPolice Use of ForcePolice-Community RelationsPolicing (New Orleans) |
Author: Worden, Robert E. Title: Citizen Oversight of the Ashton Police: Perceptions of Police Clients and Complainants, 2003 Summary: Created by legislation that was signed into law in July of 2000, the Ashton Citizens’ Police Review Board (CPRB) became operational in May of 2001. The same legislation that created the CPRB also provided for a contractor “to conduct surveys of complainants concerning the level of their satisfaction with the process and to conduct surveys of the community to get feedback concerning the CPRB and the Police Department.” The Hindelang Criminal Justice Research Center assumed responsibility for these surveys, and this is the third report prepared and submitted in fulfillment of this mandate. The surveys were designed to measure conditions on which citizen oversight may have effects. These conditions include: • the perceived receptivity of the complaint review system to complaints; • the perceived efficacy of the complaint review system; • the rate at which perceived misconduct is reported to authorities; • police performance in interactions with citizens, and hence citizens’ assessments of police services; • the satisfaction of complainants with their experiences with the complaint review system; and • the fairness of complaint review, as it is judged by complainants. Hence this survey research routinely examines the perceptions and subjective experiences of three constituencies: police clients; complainants; and officers. “Clients” are those people who have direct contact with the police. Most complaints about the police arise from clients’ interactions with the police. Clients are therefore the community whose feedback about the police is most valuable for citizen oversight. Samples of clients are interviewed about their perceptions of complaint review, their contact with the police, and if they were dissatisfied with that contact, whether they took action to complain, and to whom. Complainants are interviewed about their goals in filing a complaint, their subjective experiences with the intake and investigation processes, their perceptions of the fairness with which the complaint was handled, and their satisfaction with the outcome of the complaint review. Because officers also have an important and legitimate stake in complaint review, officers against whom complaints have been filed are surveyed concerning their subjective experiences with the investigation process, their perceptions of the fairness with which the complaint was handled, and their satisfaction with the outcome of the complaint review. This report serves three analytical objectives. The first is to update the information on the conditions on which citizen oversight may have effects and, where it is possible, to examine changes in these conditions over time. A second objective is to provide information, based on client survey data, that is pertinent to the CPRB’s concern about “unprofessional behavior and discourteous conduct.” A third objective is to provide evidence on patterns of performance, more generally, in the interest of deepening our understanding of the problems that underlie complaints about the police. Details: Albany, NY: The John F. Finn Institute for Public Safety, Inc., 2008. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 19, 2011 at: http://finninstitute.org/uploads/Citizen%20Oversight%20of%20the%20Ashton%20Police,%202003.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://finninstitute.org/uploads/Citizen%20Oversight%20of%20the%20Ashton%20Police,%202003.pdf Shelf Number: 119865 Keywords: Citizen OversightComplaints Against PolicePolice Misconduct |
Author: Metropolitan Police Authority Title: MPA Stockwell Scrutiny Summary: The shooting dead of Jean Charles de Menezes was a tragedy that should never have happened, whatever the circumstances were at the time. And there is no doubt the circumstances were unprecedented. Suicide bombers had successfully attacked London on 7 July, there had been another attempt on 21 July, and police were urgently following up leads in their attempt to prevent further atrocities. The operation that led to the death of Mr de Menezes was one of many complex operations that had to be run simultaneously absorbing resources from across the country. The purpose of this report was not to re-examine the events leading up to this tragedy – the Metropolitan Police Authority (MPA) is not empowered to do this – but to reassure ourselves, and Londoners, that the Metropolitan Police Service has responded appropriately to the recommendations made by the IPCC, so that the sequence of events that led to the fatal shooting does not reoccur. Details: London: Metropolitan Police Authority, 2008. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2011 at: http://www.justice4jean.org/Stockwell-Scrutiny-Report.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justice4jean.org/Stockwell-Scrutiny-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 121616 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice MisconductPolice Use of Force (U.K.) |
Author: Gorta, Angela Title: Project Manta: Report 2 -- Managing Command Misconduct Risks Summary: One of the Police Integrity Commission’s (the Commission’s) principal functions is to prevent police corruption and other forms of police misconduct. Unlike detecting and investigating misconduct, preventing police misconduct requires intervening before the misconduct occurs. Consistent with this, in 2007 the Commission commenced a project, codenamed Project Manta. In Project Manta, the Commission sought to draw an analogy between Occupational Health and Safety and the task of minimising corruption and other forms of serious police misconduct. Just as Occupational Health and Safety strategies seek to minimise employee accidents and maximise employee safety by identifying and managing workplace hazards and associated risks independent of the particular individuals who occupy the positions, Project Manta seeks to inform strategies to minimise police misconduct by examining how NSW Police Force commands identify, communicate and manage those aspects of policing which may pose integrity hazards or vulnerabilities for misconduct, independent of the particular individuals who occupy the positions. Such integrity hazards or command vulnerabilities and their associated risks (referred to as ‘misconduct risks’ in this report) may arise from the types of work police undertake, staffing profiles and other aspects of the policing environment which may increase the likelihood of some officers engaging in misconduct. This is the second of two reports arising from Project Manta. An earlier report, Project Manta Report 1: Identification and Communication of Command Misconduct Risks (Police Integrity Commission 2009), examined the nature of the misconduct risks faced by individual commands and the identification and communication of these misconduct risks. Amongst other things, this first report considered how differences in policing environments and types of work undertaken might affect the misconduct risks to which commands may be susceptible. It examined strategies that may assist commands identify their most important misconduct risks and communicate these risks to assist their officers to recognise these risks and respond appropriately. This second report concerns the ways that NSW Police Force commands manage or treat their corruption and other serious misconduct risks. In relation to treating corruption and other serious misconduct risks, Project Manta sought to contribute to the prevention of police misconduct by: examining the misconduct risk treatment, monitoring and review processes in place in a sample of commands to identify strengths, as well as areas for improvement, in current processes attempting to identify examples of good practice in misconduct risk management and misconduct prevention employed by individual commands that could be disseminated to other commands. Project Manta concentrates on activities at the command level because the NSW Police Force assigns responsibility for misconduct risk management to the commands. Details: Sydney: Police Integrity Commission, 2011. 178p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2011 at: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/Manta%202%20Report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/Manta%202%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 121728 Keywords: Police Corruption (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Queensland. Crime and Misconduct Commission Title: The Ethical Perceptions and Attitudes of Queensland Police Service Recruits and First Year Constables 1995–2008 Summary: Since 1995, the Criminal Justice Commission (CJC)/Crime and Misconduct Commission (CMC) has been administering police ethics surveys to recruits and first year constables (FYCs) in the Queensland Police Service (QPS). In this time, we have surveyed 1150 recruits and 1463 FYCs at the Oxley and Townsville campuses of the QPS Academy. Our research aims to gauge respondents’ attitudes to and perceptions of a range of issues related to police ethics and misconduct, and to track any changes over time. The ethics survey attempts to overcome some of the limitations of studying police misconduct and corruption by focusing on key issues related to the integrity of the police service as a whole, rather than individual behaviour. In particular, the survey aims to answer the following questions: How informed do recruits and FYCs feel about ethical issues and the QPS complaints and disciplinary process? • How serious do recruits and FYCs regard misconduct and corruption to be? • Do recruits and FYCs perceive a high likelihood of misconduct and corruption being detected in the QPS? • How willing are recruits and FYCs to say that they would report misconduct and corruption? • What do recruits and FYCs say about the culture of the QPS? • How do recruits and FYCs view the QPS’s approach to management and discipline? The main part of the survey is based on a series of misconduct scenarios that police officers may encounter during their careers. Although the survey directly assesses the ethical perceptions of recruits and FYCs only, the results also serve as a useful guide to the overall ethical climate of the QPS. It is envisaged that the answers to the above questions will help the QPS evaluate the success of its ethical awareness programs and inform decisions about the ethics education and training of its officers. More generally, conducting regular ethics surveys has been identified as a potential corruption prevention measure. By answering these questions and identifying attitudes that may predispose police agencies towards unethical behaviour, the results of our ethics survey can assist QPS management to implement strategies to control and prevent misconduct and corruption. The purpose of this report is to describe the results of all of the surveys undertaken by the CMC between 1995 and 2008. It focuses particularly on the overall views of recruits and FYCs about police misconduct, and examines whether these views have changed since 1995. It also considers recruits’ and FYCs’ perceptions of the culture of the QPS and its approach to discipline, management and ethics. The report highlights a number of positive findings and improvements over time, while also identifying some areas that require further attention. Details: Brisbane: Crime and Misconduct Commission, 2010. 174p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 20, 2011 at: http://www.cmc.qld.gov.au/data/portal/00000005/content/25310001288920372445.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.cmc.qld.gov.au/data/portal/00000005/content/25310001288920372445.pdf Shelf Number: 121775 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice Ethics (Australia)Police MisconductPolice Training |
Author: Stephens, Darrel W. Title: Police Discipline: A Case for Change Summary: This paper describes the challenges law enforcement agencies nationwide experience with current disciplinary procedures and offers alternate approaches that can improve internal morale and external relationships with the community. The author also highlights proactive approaches (such as education-based discipline, mediation, peer review, and early intervention) that some agencies are employing to manage and/or reform officer behavior. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Kennedy School, Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management, 2011. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: New Perspectives in Policing: Accessed June 27, 2011 at: http://ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/234052.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/234052.pdf Shelf Number: 121838 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice BehaviorPolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolice, Disciplinary Procedures (U.S.) |
Author: Gorta, Angela Title: Preventing Corruption: Lessons from Occupational Health and Safety Summary: Unlike detecting and investigating corruption, preventing corruption requires intervening before the corrupt conduct occurs. However, the best ways to intervene are not always clear. This Research and Issues Paper illustrates practical ways of intervening to prevent or minimise corrupt conduct before it occurs by considering the similarities between the task of minimising corruption and the task of minimising workplace accidents. It identifies ten lessons from Occupational Health and Safety strategies for those who wish to prevent corruption and other forms of serious misconduct. While not a panacea, comparing corruption prevention strategies with Occupational Health and Safety strategies provides a useful way of both thinking about and communicating how to prevent corrupt conduct. Details: Sydney: NSW Police Integrity Commission, 2011. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Research and Issues Papers, No. 8: Accessed June 28, 2011 at: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/News.aspx?NewsId=49 Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/News.aspx?NewsId=49 Shelf Number: 121875 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice Corruption (Australia)Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Kirsch, Nadja Title: Corruption Risks Associated with the Execution of Search Warrants: A Review of Compliance with NSW Police Force Policies and Guidelines Summary: This paper examines how well the NSW Police Force is managing the corruption risks associated with search warrants. The PIC reviewed a sample of 98 search warrants to assess the extent to which officers are complying with NSW Police Force Standing Operating Procedures – Search Warrants. The paper contains recommendations for improving compliance with key aspects of the Standing Operating Procedures, in particular the filming of searches and record-keeping. Details: Sydney: New South Wales Police Integrity Commission, 2011. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Research and Issues Paper, No. 07: Accessed July 1, 2011 at: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/News/OstaraFinal.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/News/OstaraFinal.pdf Shelf Number: 121935 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice Corruption (Australia)Police MisconductSearch Warrants |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Improving Victoria Police Discipline and Complaint Handling Systems: A Progress Report Summary: This report reviews Victoria Police’s implementation of OPI’s previous recommendations for the Victoria Police complaints and discipline systems. The report outlines progress so far and provides an updated model for continued improvement in the areas of police discipline and complaints management. Details: Melbourne: Office of Police Integrity, 2011. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 6, 2011 at: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/ Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/ Shelf Number: 121971 Keywords: Police Discipline (Australia)Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Dewey, Matias Title: Fragile States, Robust Structures: Illegal Police Protection in Buenos Aires Summary: Weakness is a quality frequently ascribed to Latin American states. This diagnosis proves faulty since it is possible to find resistant structures inside those states that perpetuate such weaknesses. This article shows that this is the case in regards to the police force of the province of Buenos Aires. Here, I will demonstrate that the police have specialized in selling a service available to criminals and criminal organizations: illegal protection. With information taken from in‐depth interviews and official documents, I will show that this protection – contrary to the views of Charles Tilly and Diego Gambetta – is characterized by a temporary suspension of the rule of law. Details: Hamburg, Germany: German Institute of Global and Area Studies, 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: GIGA Working Papers, No. 169: Accessed August 5, 2011 at: http://www.giga-hamburg.de/dl/download.php?d=/content/publikationen/pdf/wp169_dewey.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Argentina URL: http://www.giga-hamburg.de/dl/download.php?d=/content/publikationen/pdf/wp169_dewey.pdf Shelf Number: 122307 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductRule of Law (Buenos Aires) |
Author: Fric, Pavol Title: Crossing the Thin Llue Line: An international annual review of anti-corruption strategies in the police. 2001 edition. Summary: No matter what form it takes, corruption inside the police force poses one of the gravest dangers to the democratic functioning of society. The police should be an institution that protects citizens and society from those who snub law and order. However, due to the nature of the work performed by police officers (24/7 direct contact with both the public and the criminal underworld), they are prime targets for those who want to break the law and avoid prosecution. And when, instead of following the rule of law, police officers themselves break the law or lure other citizens into doing so, their actions create many problems, eroding the public’s faith in the rule of law, justice, and democratic institutions. Unfortunately, the amount of empirical information available on the corruption of police officers and the measures undertaken in order to fight this threat is rather limited. We are uncertain whether to blame this on a lack of interest among independent researchers in the field, or on the proverbial "blue wall of silence" from police officers. Nevertheless, this lacuna has led us to the idea of launching an annual review to re-evaluate the anti-corruption strategies within police forces world-wide. We believe that, by making such information publicly available, "crossing the thin blue line" will become more difficult. This year's review consists of the results of experts' investigations and case studies opinionated by distinguished experts. The first part of this study discusses in general outlines the anti-corruption strategies employed by selected countries, the possible factors influencing the choice of the strategies undertaken and the effectiveness of the specific measures used in the fight against police corruption. Countries' profiles, including detailed information about anti-corruption strategies applied in 25 countries and information about specific examples of corrupt behaviour by police officers, are presented in the second part of the study. The third part is conceptualised as an expansion of the survey's results. We have asked a distinguished international circle of experts in the field to offer their opinion on the case studies written by a investigative journalist familiar with police corruption. These experts' task was to map out an effective strategy or elements of a strategy that would help to diminish or minimise the occurrence of corrupt behaviour. Details: Prague: Transparency International, 2001. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 10, 2011 at: http://old.transparency.cz/pdf/crossing.pdf Year: 2001 Country: International URL: http://old.transparency.cz/pdf/crossing.pdf Shelf Number: 122355 Keywords: Blue Wall of SilenceCorruptionPolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Managing Conflict of Interest in Victoria Police Summary: This report uses case studies based on OPI investigations to highlight a recurring theme underlying much of our work – a persistent failure by some within Victoria Police to properly identify and appropriately deal with conflict of interest. Conflict of interest can arise in many ways for those in positions of power, especially police. Because of their broad powers and the variety of their work, it is likely that the work of many police will at times intersect with their personal interests. However, police must never allow personal interest to affect their police work. They must be impartial and must never be seen to act in a way that is motivated by personal interest rather than professional duty. Compounding the challenge for police is the risk they will be perceived as being biased or unfair, even when they themselves feel sure of their own integrity. To maintain community confidence, police must not only act impartially; they must ensure that a reasonable observer would not be able to infer any improper influence. OPI has investigated cases where failure to recognise and deal with conflict of interest caused police to make mistakes which they then lied about and covered up. Covering up a mistake arising out of a conflict of interest heightens the perception of deliberate wrongdoing, when the individual involved may simply have been struggling to manage a genuinely difficult situation. Sometimes a conflict of interest cannot be avoided. The existence of a conflict is not in itself wrong. Rather than pretending a conflict doesn’t exist or, worse still, ignoring it and covering it up, police should focus on recognising, acknowledging and managing it. The case studies in this report are provided as cautionary tales. These and other OPI investigations have shown that a number of police – even those who recognise conflict of interest – are not sufficiently equipped with strategies to deal with it. An improved understanding and application of Victoria Police values will benefit many who find themselves in difficult but sometimes unavoidable situations. Integrity, with its emphasis on fairness; professionalism, with its emphasis on transparency; leadership, which entails guidance for less experienced police; and support, which requires care for the well-being of colleagues – these values are at the heart of conflict of interest management. Details: Melbourne: Victorian Government Printer, 2010. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 16, 2011 at: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=19&m=12&t=1 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=19&m=12&t=1 Shelf Number: 122404 Keywords: Police Ethics (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Subramanian, K.S. Title: Are the Indian Police A Law Unto Themselves? Summary: ‘Are the India Police Law unto Themselves?’, looks into the functions of the police institutions from human right perspective. It reports that superiors “constantly converted” subordinate police officers into instruments of human rights violation and torture. The report also envisages clear separation of the investigation function from law and order, importance of gender training and the tackling of caste biases of cops. The NSW report is also critical of the Central and State governments for their lack of enthusiasm in implementing Supreme Court directives on human rights. The report also recommends improved working conditions, training and equipment; creating a work culture that rewards respect for human rights and professional conduct; a system to investigate complaints of police abuse; a law against torture; and repeal of laws that enable police to function with impunity. Details: New Delhi: National Social Watch Coalition, 2011. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2011 at: http://socialwatchindia.net/publications/perspective-papers/social-watch-india-perspective-series-vol.-3/view Year: 2011 Country: India URL: http://socialwatchindia.net/publications/perspective-papers/social-watch-india-perspective-series-vol.-3/view Shelf Number: 122573 Keywords: Complaints Against PoliceHuman RightsPolice MisconductPolicing (India) |
Author: Asch, Beth J. Title: Mitigating Corruption in Government Security Forces: The Role of Institutions, Incentives, and Personnel Management in Mexico Summary: Mexico has undertaken reforms in recent years to professionalize its police. This report draws on the literature on corruption and personnel incentives and analyzes information related to police reform in Mexico. It addresses questions about the roots of corruption and the tools that could be used to mitigate corruption, with a focus on compensation and personnel management policies. It also provides an initial assessment about the effects of Mexico’s attempts at reform. The results suggest progress on some fronts. Although police corruption has remained generally stable at a high level, compared with corruption levels in other organizations, it appears to have fallen. The types of reforms being introduced are consistent with the literature on incentive mechanisms for effective workforce management, though evidence is absent on their effectiveness. The authors argue that continuity in elected officials and their policies, coordination within and between levels of government, and transparency and accountability can contribute to reducing police corruption. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2011. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 7, 2011 at: http://www.rand.org/pubs/technical_reports/TR906.html Year: 2011 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.rand.org/pubs/technical_reports/TR906.html Shelf Number: 122671 Keywords: Police Corruption (Mexico)Police MisconductPolice ReformPolicing |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Civil Rights Division Title: Investigation of the Puerto Rico Police Department Summary: The Puerto Rico Police Department is Puerto Rico’s primary law enforcement agency. Its mission is critical: To protect and serve the residents of Puerto Rico by designing and implementing policies and practices that control crime, ensure respect for the Constitution and the rule of law, and enable the Department to enjoy the respect and confidence of the public. Many hard working and dedicated PRPD officers serve the public with distinction under often challenging conditions. Unfortunately, PRPD is broken in a number of critical and fundamental respects that are clearly actionable under the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, 42 U.S.C. § 14141 (“Section 14141”). Based on our extensive investigation, we find reasonable cause to believe that PRPD officers engage in a pattern and practice of: • excessive force in violation of the Fourth Amendment; • unreasonable force and other misconduct designed to suppress the exercise of protected First Amendment rights; and • unlawful searches and seizures in violation of the Fourth Amendment. In addition to these findings, our investigation uncovered other deficiencies of serious concern. In particular, there is troubling evidence that PRPD frequently fails to police sex crimes and incidents of domestic violence, and engages in discriminatory policing practices that target individuals of Dominican descent in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Safe Streets Act, and Title VI. At this time, we do not make a formal finding of a pattern and practice violation in these areas, in part because PRPD does not adequately collect data to evaluate these issues. However, we are quite concerned that PRPD lacks basic systems of accountability to ensure that all individuals are treated equally by PRPD officers, regardless of race, ethnicity, national origin, or sex as required by federal law. Furthermore, our investigation raises serious concerns that PRPD policies and practices are woefully inadequate to prevent and address domestic violence committed by PRPD officers. We find that these deficiencies will lead to constitutional violations unless they are addressed. PRPD’s continued failure to keep necessary data in light of our findings and despite knowledge of these indicators of a very serious problem, may constitute a pattern and practice that violates federal law. We recognize that PRPD faces significant challenges as Puerto Rico’s primary law enforcement agency. The unconstitutional acts that we have identified arise at a time of crisis in public safety. Contrary to national trends, violent crime increased overall in Puerto Rico by 17% from 2007 to 2009. In 2010, Puerto Rico saw the second highest number of murders in its history, a trend that is escalating in 2011. The clearance rate for murders remains below the national average. Some Puerto Rico officials maintain that drug trafficking and social deterioration are fueling the wave of violent crime. However, increasing crime cannot be used to justify continued civil rights violations or the failure to implement meaningful reforms. Constitutional policing and effective law enforcement are inextricably bound. Public safety depends on the trust and cooperation of the community, which in turn depends on constitutional police practices that respect civil rights. Our previous efforts in working with large police departments strongly suggest that by addressing the civil rights concerns we raise in this report, the Commonwealth will not only meet its constitutional duty, but also reduce crime, improve public safety, and increase community confidence. i For many years, victims’ families, civic leaders, legislators, and civil rights advocates have voiced concerns over chronic mistreatment by police. For example, over the past decade, various legislative measures have called for comprehensive investigations of police misconduct, greater education and training, and an accounting of public funds spent on civil rights lawsuits against the Commonwealth. Other grass-roots and advocacy organizations have sent letters to Puerto Rico officials denouncing allegations of discrimination against people of Dominican descent, and civic and professional organizations have issued investigative reports detailing numerous civil rights violations at the hands of police. PRPD officers have also called for agency reforms. One police affinity group representing thousands of officers attributed widespread low morale among officers to verbal abuse from supervisors, indifference to officers’ personal problems, lack of support and training, absence of motivational and educational activities, deficient equipment and materials, and late payment. The public’s demands for remedial action are fueled in part by the appalling number of officer arrests and convictions for serious misconduct and criminal activity. Among these are: the killing of family members by two police officers in the “Massacre of Las Piedras” in 2007; the videotaped shooting of a civilian by a Tactical Operations Unit (“TOU”) officer during a birthday celebration in Humacao in 2007; the shooting death of a PRPD lieutenant by a sergeant at a police station in Yabucoa in 2007; the conviction of multiple officers assigned to the Mayagüez Drug Unit for planting drugs in 2008; the conviction of the director of the Special Arrests and Extraditions Unit and several of his officers on drug-related charges in 2009; the conviction of a lieutenant directing the weapons registry at PRPD headquarters as part of an illegal gun licensing scheme in 2009; the indiscriminate use of batons and chemical irritants against protesters at the Capitol in June 2010; the shooting death of an unarmed young man who was reportedly aiding police following a robbery in September 2010; and the arrest of 61 PRPD officers as part of the largest police corruption operation in the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (“FBI”) history in October 2010. In the report that follows, we discuss the wide range of issues that were the focus of our investigation and the findings that result from our review. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division, 116 p., app.; Executive Summary Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 4, 2011 at: http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/spl/documents/prpd_exec_summ.pdf (executive summary) Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/spl/documents/prpd_exec_summ.pdf (executive summary) Shelf Number: 122984 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice AdministrationPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolicing (Puerto Rico)ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Amnesty International Title: No Evidence of a Crime: Paying the Price for Police Impunity in Ukraine Summary: Human rights abuses are practised systematically by the police in Ukraine, despite increasing efforts to combat the problem and growing public outrage. institutional failings and high levels of corruption in the Ministry of Internal Affairs mean that people who come into contact with the police are at risk of a wide range of abuses, from verbal attacks to torture and other ill-treatment, including fatal injuries. investigations into these events are often delayed, ineffective and biased, which only encourages the police in a culture of impunity. This report is a result of interviews carried out by Amnesty International in March and April 2011 with victims, lawyers and human rights defenders. It includes case histories, analyses the problem of torture and ill-treatment in Ukraine and makes recommendations to the government. Amnesty International makes a variety of recommendations which will help the government fulfil its international obligation to combat torture and other ill-treatment. These include: the establishment of a fully resourced, independent agency to investigate all allegations of human rights violations by law enforcement officers, including the police; better safeguards for detainees in police custody; and the establishment of an independent organization with powers to monitor places of detention. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2011. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 18, 2011 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR50/009/2011/en/8b104ee8-689f-4bc3-9fb2-2c68916be33b/eur500092011en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Ukraine URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR50/009/2011/en/8b104ee8-689f-4bc3-9fb2-2c68916be33b/eur500092011en.pdf Shelf Number: 123043 Keywords: Human Rights (Ukraine)Police CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForceTorture |
Author: Bandes, Susan Title: After Innocence: Framing Wrongful Convictions Summary: Concern over wrongful convictions has led to an innocence movement that has managed to bridge ideological divides, rouse the public to action, and achieve unprecedented success in reforming the operation of the death penalty. This movement is now at a critical juncture. Exonerations based on DNA evidence are beginning to decline, and the public's attention is beginning to stray. Yet there is an enormous amount of work left to be done. In this short essay, written as part of the symposium Beyond Biology: Wrongful Convictions in a Post-DNA World, I explore the debate over the content of the category wrongful convictions. The definition of persons who should be considered wrongfully convicted is hotly contested by both supporters and opponents of capital punishment. Delineating the category also raises another highly controversial issue: how to characterize the governmental conduct that leads to these miscarriages of justice. I consider whether it remains helpful to organize our thinking about injustice in capital cases around the notion of wrongful convictions. Does framing the problem in this way help or hinder the larger debate about what is wrong with the death penalty and how to fix it? I suggest that though we should learn from the successes of the wrongful convictions movement, we need to look beyond innocence and find ways to evoke outrage at a broader spectrum of injustice. I also explore a conundrum about framing police and prosecutorial misconduct. Although it is sometimes essential to identify and condemn intentional misconduct, the focus on malice and intent can be ineffective and even counterproductive. The challenge is to find ways to communicate concern for more than just the innocent, and to communicate the dangers of systemic governmental misconduct that defies traditional definitions of blameworthiness. As we consider the evolving shape of the death penalty reform effort, we should explore why certain ways of framing injustice have so much power. Details: Chicago: University of Chicago, Law School, 2008. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: John M. Olin Law & Economics Working Paper No. 379 (2d Series); Public Law and Legal Theory Working Paper NO. 201: Accessed October 29, 2011 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1034472 Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1034472 Shelf Number: 123170 Keywords: Capital PunishmentPolice MisconductWrongful Convictions |
Author: Bayley, David Title: Police Corruption: What Past Scandals Teach about Current Challenges Summary: Police corruption is an international problem. Historically, police misconduct has been a factor in the development of police institutions worldwide, but it is a particular problem in counterinsurgency and peacekeeping operations, such as the U.S.-led North Atlantic Treaty Organization police training program in Afghanistan. There, police abuse and corruption appear endemic and have caused some Afghans to seek the assistance of the Taliban against their own government. The most reliable and extensive knowledge about police corruption in the world’s English-speaking countries is found in the reports of specially appointed blue-ribbon commissions, independent of government, created for the sole purpose of conducting investigations of police corruption. To reduce police corruption, the commissions recommend creating external oversight over the police with a special focus on integrity, improving recruitment and training, leadership from supervisors of all ranks about integrity, holding all commanders responsible for the misbehavior of subordinates, and changing the organization’s culture to tolerate misbehavior less. The remedies proposed by the commissions, however, rely on a set of contextual conditions not commonly found in countries emerging from conflict or facing serious threats to their security. This report suggests triage and bootstraps as strategies for reducing police corruption in countries with security threats. Triage involves targeting assistance in countries where there are solid prospects for tipping police practice in the desired direction. Bootstraps involves using reform within the police itself as a lever to encourage systemic social and political reform in countries in crisis or emerging from conflict. Details: Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2011. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 9, 2011 at: http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR%20294.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.usip.org/files/resources/SR%20294.pdf Shelf Number: 123268 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Reform |
Author: Jenks, David Title: Examining Police Integrity: Categorizing Corruption Vignettes Summary: A growing body of literature on police officer integrity focuses on their perceptions of corruption vignettes. The current analysis examines those vignettes using a factor analysis of Klockars’ et. al. survey data of police officers in the United States. Results indicate that the historically used vignettes cluster into two factors, one that reflects more serious, and one that reflects less serious, corrupt behavior. The vignettes regarding an off-duty business and accepting free meals and other gratuities may not be perceived as corruption. Implications for research and practice are discussed. Details: Geneva: DCAF (Center for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces), 2012. 22p. Source: IPES/DCAF Working Paper No. 40 Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 123866 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice Corruption (U.S.)Police MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Faull, Andrew Title: Police Officials’ Perceptions of Corruption and Integrity Management at three Gauteng SAPS Stations in 2009 Summary: When asked in 2009 to qualify his perception that corruption was a serious problem pervading the South African Police Service (SAPS), a captain replied, ‘You read about it every day.’ His belief that corruption exists on a large scale throughout the organisation in which he has based his career was shared by 66 of the 77 respondents interviewed for this paper. Are these perceptions fair? What do they suggest about how members perceive the integrity of their colleagues and organisation? What impact do they have on organisational morale? What are the forces shaping these perceptions and what is being done to improve matters? This paper explores and compares the manner in which corruption, fraud and integrity management manifested within SAPS stations in 2009. It examines employee perceptions of police corruption and the causal factors that may influence the prevalence or control of corruption and integrity violations. The research was conducted at three Gauteng priority stations during the first six months of 2009 at a time when the SAPS was finalising and attempting to implement the Corruption and Fraud Prevention Plan (CFPP). Launched late in 2008, the CFPP was the first organisation-wide corruption prevention strategy developed since the closure of the Anti-Corruption Unit in 2002. It has since developed into what is called the Anti-Corruption Strategy to be launched in December 2011; post-2009 developments, however, are not discussed in this paper. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Institute of Security Studies, 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: ISS Paper 228: Accessed February 6, 2012 at: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?ots591=0c54e3b3-1e9c-be1e-2c24-a6a8c7060233&lng=en&ord582=grp2&id=136169 Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?ots591=0c54e3b3-1e9c-be1e-2c24-a6a8c7060233&lng=en&ord582=grp2&id=136169 Shelf Number: 123999 Keywords: Police Corruption (South Africa)Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: Indonesia: The Deadly Cost of Poor Policing Summary: Indonesian communities are increasingly turning to violence to retaliate against the police for abuses, real or perceived. Some 40 attacks on police stations and personnel since August 2010 are clear evidence that community policing, the centrepoint of the police reform agenda, is not working; police are too quick to shoot, usually with live ammunition; and little progress has been made toward police accountability. In the absence of urgent reforms and mechanisms to address local grievances, public hostility is likely to grow. Police are supposed to be helping prevent conflict but too often they are contributing to its outbreak. Cultural, structural, individual, financial and educational barriers within the institution hinder behavioural change. Applicants join the police to wield power and earn money, and once on the force, there are few incentives, financial or professional, to build rapport with the communities they are supposed to serve. Policy directives on community policing from 2005 and 2008 have not trickled down to the sub-district precincts (kepolisian sektor, polsek), and those field officers who are committed to building good relations have limited impact because of frequent rotations. Community hostility is the cumulative result of police brutality; unwarranted demands for money; perceived arrogance; and lack of accountability, especially in cases of fatal shootings. Failure to investigate or punish errant officers triggers mob action, often involving arson, while community resistance to the arrest of those responsible for such violence intensifies if the police in question go free. The problem is compounded by the staffing of precincts with poorly-trained graduates of provincial police schools who receive inadequate firearms training, let alone instruction in community policing. In many cases, local elected officials have to take on the burden of negotiating a way out of the police-community standoff because there are no available institutional mechanisms to resolve grievances. This report looks in detail at three cases of community attacks on police stations that occurred in 2010 and 2011. All started from complaints about excessive use of force. In Buol, Central Sulawesi, citizens destroyed police facilities and forced police families to leave town after seven men were shot dead during a mass protest against the death of a teenager in police custody. This is one of the few cases in which officers were brought to court, but only because of the high death toll and media attention. One was acquitted, two were given slap-on-the-wrist sentences, and some two dozen others faced minor disciplinary sanctions. Many questions remain unanswered. In Kampar, Riau, residents vandalised a precinct after the arrest and beating of an innocent clan elder at a market. He was accused of illegal gambling because he was jotting numbers on a piece of paper, when in fact he was noting product prices. Trivial arrests like this frequently occur because police are rewarded for favourable crime statistics: the more arrests they make, regardless of the severity of the crime, the better they are seen to be doing their job. In Bantaeng, South Sulawesi, villagers attacked a precinct after a deadly police raid on alleged gamblers at a wedding party that killed one. The raiders did not come from that precinct, but it was the nearest one to the dead man’s home. Police claim they opened fire because they believed anger among the wedding guests over the gambling arrests put their commander’s life in danger. In fact they seem to have shot wildly in the dark without being able to see what they were shooting at. These incidents are emblematic of a much broader problem; the Indonesian government should stop treating them as isolated incidents. They represent a systemic failure which will continue to undermine the credibility of the police pledge to “serve and protect” the people and encourage further deadly violence unless the underlying causes of community hostility are addressed. Details: Brussels, Belgium: International Crisis Group, 2012. 32p. Source: Crisis Group Asia Report No. 218: Internet Resource: Accessed February 17, 2012 at http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/218%20Indonesia%20--%20The%20Deadly%20Cost%20of%20Poor%20Policing.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Indonesia URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/218%20Indonesia%20--%20The%20Deadly%20Cost%20of%20Poor%20Policing.pdf Shelf Number: 124161 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolice-Community RelationsPolicing (Indonesia) |
Author: Victoria (Australia). Office of Police Integrity Title: Information Security and the Victoria Police State Surveillance Unit Summary: This report deals with the outcome of a review that was commissioned under section 44 (1)(c) of the Police Integrity Act 2008 regarding the information security practices, procedures and policies in place at the Victoria Police State Surveillance Unit. The review was commissioned following the discovery in 2008 that the State Surveillance Unit was the probable source of the unauthorised release of a 68-page document, containing highly sensitive law enforcement data. The purpose of the review was to identify what, if any, measures need to be taken to prevent future unauthorised disclosure of law enforcement data from the Victoria Police State Surveillance Unit. Details: Melbourne: Government Printer, 2010. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2012 at: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=16&m=8&t=1 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.opi.vic.gov.au/index.php?i=16&m=8&t=1 Shelf Number: 117582 Keywords: Information SecurityInformation SystemsPolice EthicsPolice Integrity (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Bruce, David Title: The Law for Sale: Endemic Corruption in the Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department Summary: This report focuses on corruption in the Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department (JMPD). Corruption in traffic enforcement is an issue of special concern. It is widespread and it conveys an implicit message when practised as brazenly as it is by some police officers involved in traffic enforcement, amongst them members of the JMPD. The message is that corruption is acceptable; and that it is a matter of indifference to government representatives. This undermines the credibility of the state system and of any aspirations towards advancing the rule of law. The report starts by discussing survey data from Stats SA that indicates that upwards of 150 000 drivers in Johannesburg are asked to pay bribes annually. The results of two Lead SA surveys are also discussed indicating that corruption in traffic enforcement is especially prominent in Johannesburg and thereby implicating the JMPD. The report then focuses on the experiences of drivers in Johannesburg regarding corruption. It describes what it calls ‘the JMPD routine’ – a technique for soliciting bribes that is widely used by JMPD members. JMPD corruption does not only involve the soliciting of bribes but also involves other forms of criminality that include extortion and acts of robbery that involve snatching or otherwise taking money or other possessions from people who have been stopped. Cases are also reported of JMPD members demanding sexual favours in lieu of ‘payment’. The research on which this report is based found that corruption permeates most areas of the functioning of the JMPD including licensing and the policing of informal traders. These latter JMPD functions will be the subject of future Corruption Watch reports. This report however focuses on corruption in traffic enforcement. The report concludes that the scale of the problem is of such a nature that it is possible that the majority (more than 50%) of JMPD members are involved in corruption. This means that there are unlikely to be any JMPD members who could not identify, by name, several of their colleagues who are involved in bribery; even though they may not be corrupt themselves. Although corruption is acknowledged to be a problem, leadership of the JMPD and representatives of the City of Johannesburg severely understate its scale, insisting that only a small minority of JMPD members are directly implicated in corrupt activities. Data on the small number of cases investigated by the JMPD’s Internal Affairs division is put forward as representative of the scale of the problem, despite persuasive evidence gathered by researchers and the media, as well as the experience of the Johannesburg citizenry, that JMPD corruption is rampant. When the issue of corruption is raised with JMPD leaders their response is also frequently to portray it as a problem that is created by the public. While it is true that many members of the public willingly involve themselves in corrupt transactions, it may be assumed that most people would be afraid to offer bribes if they feared that JMPD members would take action against them for doing so. However, the exact allocation of responsibility between members of the JMPD and the public for the problem of corruption is a secondary matter in this report. The key point is that it is the Johannesburg Metropolitan government and the JMPD who are responsible for maintaining law and order on the roads of Johannesburg and who thus who bear the principal responsibility for addressing corruption. The scale of corruption in fact demonstrates that there are systemic weaknesses in current responses to corruption within the JMPD. An important manifestation of these weaknesses is that although there is an internal investigative and disciplinary system, it is clearly not meeting the demands being placed on it. For example, the JMPD has up to this point never been able to answer questions about how many, if any, members who are involved in corruption have been found guilty in disciplinary proceedings and dismissed from the JMPD. The report concludes with recommendations for addressing this complex problem. However, any effort in this direction must begin by the leadership of the city and the JMPD acknowledging the scale of the problem. Details: Parklands, South Africa: Corruption Watch, 2012. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2012 at: http://us-cdn.creamermedia.co.za/assets/articles/attachments/39016_corruption_watch_report_final.pdf Year: 2012 Country: South Africa URL: http://us-cdn.creamermedia.co.za/assets/articles/attachments/39016_corruption_watch_report_final.pdf Shelf Number: 125116 Keywords: BribesPolice Corruption (South Africa)Police MisconductTraffic Enforcement |
Author: New Hampshire. Attorney General Title: Attorney General’s Review of the March 2, 2010 Incident at the Strange Brew Tavern in Manchester, New Hampshire Summary: On July 15, 2010, the Attorney General announced that the Department of Justice would undertake a comprehensive review of all the facts and circumstances surrounding the March 2, 2010 incident at the Strange Brew Tavern in Manchester, New Hampshire involving four off-duty Manchester police officers and a civilian to determine if any crimes were committed. Details: Concord, NH: Attorney General, 2011. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2012 at: http://doj.nh.gov/criminal/documents/strange-brew-incident-report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://doj.nh.gov/criminal/documents/strange-brew-incident-report.pdf Shelf Number: 125374 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime, DisorderDisorderly MisconductPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victoria. Office of Police Integrity Title: Victoria Police: Recurring Themes in the Management of High Profile Investigations Summary: This report sets out the findings of an OPI review of Victoria Police’s management of investigations, in particular, the management of ‘high profile’ cases – those cases which attract a high level of media attention. A recurring feature of many Victoria Police investigations is the unauthorised release of confidential information or ‘leaking’. Details: Melbourne: Victorian Government Printer, 2012. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2012 at: Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 125453 Keywords: Confidential InformationCriminal InvestigationsPolice Investigations (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Police Violence in Greece: Not Just 'Isolated Incidents' Summary: Amnesty International has received a large number of allegations of human rights violations committed by law enforcement officials in Greece. Excessive force is used against largely peaceful protesters and journalists covering demonstrations, and there are frequent reports of ill-treatment of individuals during arrest or detention, including those belonging to vulnerable sectors of society. While the authorities accept that such violations occur, they have classed them as “isolated incidents” and fail to acknowledge the extent of this systemic problem. Moreover, police and judicial authorities frequently fail to conduct prompt and thorough investigations, and victims are unwilling to report abuses owing to a lack of confidence in the criminal justice system. As long as these deterrents remain absent, police are effectively free to repeat these crimes with impunity. Drawing on a wide range of material, Amnesty International makes urgent recommendations to the Greek authorities for implementation in law and practice. These include ensuring police exercise restraint and identify themselves clearly during demonstrations, improving safeguards for those in custody and creating a truly independent and effective police complaints mechanism. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2012. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 5, 2012 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR25/005/2012/en/edbf2deb-ae15-4409-b9ee-ee6c62b3f32b/eur250052012en.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Greece URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR25/005/2012/en/edbf2deb-ae15-4409-b9ee-ee6c62b3f32b/eur250052012en.pdf Shelf Number: 125479 Keywords: Police Brutality (Greece)Police MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Kochel, Tammy Rinehard Title: Legitimacy as a Mechanism for Police to Promote Collective Efficacy and Reduce Crime and Disorder Summary: Prior research showed that when collective efficacy is strong, it mediates the effects of concentrated disadvantage, and neighborhoods experience less crime. An untested theory about legitimacy suggests that legal institutions may be a catalyst for neighborhoods to improve collective efficacy. Legitimacy theory claims that when societies grant legal institutions legitimacy, people internalize rules and laws upheld by legal institutions, socialize others to those rules and laws, and adhere to the formal authority of legal institutions, which reduces crime. This dissertation is interested in the process by which people socialize others to rules and laws in the form of collective efficacy, examining whether views about police behaviors are related to legal institution legitimacy and collective efficacy. I theorized that police can improve legal institution legitimacy by delivering high quality services and minimizing misconduct, thus strengthening collective efficacy in neighborhoods and reducing crime and disorder. Conducting the research in Trinidad and Tobago extends the boundaries of prior research on collective efficacy and legitimacy beyond the United States, Britain, and other developed nations, into a developing nation that is wrestling with difficult challenges, including widespread disadvantage, inadequate infrastructure, acute violence, corruption, and cynicism and distrust among its people. Trinidad’s circumstances provided the opportunity to examine the linkages between police misbehavior and legal institutions and community outcomes in an environment fraught with challenges for police and neighborhoods to overcome. Additionally, in this context, I studied the linkages between delivering higher quality services and legal institution legitimacy, collective efficacy, and crime and disorder, even when the overall level of services is constrained to be low. I found that police behavior in Trinidad and Tobago has important consequences for legal institution legitimacy and for neighborhood outcomes. The results support that police may contribute to and utilize neighborhood collective efficacy as a lever to reduce crime and disorder problems. The results, however, do not (in general) support that the mechanism through which police accomplish this is legal institution legitimacy. The conclusions uphold the strong relationship between collective efficacy and crime and disorder, but leave in doubt whether legal institution legitimacy provides a pathway for increasing collective efficacy. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University, Department of Administration of Justice, 2009. 219p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed July 19, 2012 at: http://digilib.gmu.edu:8080/dspace/bitstream/1920/4525/1/Kochel_Tammy.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://digilib.gmu.edu:8080/dspace/bitstream/1920/4525/1/Kochel_Tammy.pdf Shelf Number: 125683 Keywords: Collective EfficacyNeighborhoods and CrimePolice BehaviorPolice Legitimacy (U.S.)Police MisconductPolice-Citizen Interactions |
Author: Small Arms Survey Title: A Heavy Hand: The Use of Force by India’s Police Summary: India has approximately 2.4 million men and women in official policing, and their use of force is regulated both by the laws of the country and by internal rules and procedures. But there is growing consensus within India about the need for police reform. A Heavy Hand: The Use of Force by India’s Police—a new Issue Brief from the Small Arms Survey’s India Armed Violence Assessment project (IAVA)—examines the laws governing police use of force, the situations in which force is employed, the cultural factors that affect policing, lethal violence, and the prospects for effective reform. The Issue Brief’s findings include: Police are not sufficiently trained to deal with violence and challenges to their authority. Their salaries are low, with few perks, which helps foster a culture of corruption. Reported incidents of police firing on civilians rose from 791 in 2004 to 1,421 in 2010. The number of civilians killed in these incidents fell, but reported injuries grew. Indian law grants extraordinary discretionary powers of arrest to police officers. 'Encounter killings' by police—in which faked confrontations are used to justify extra-judiciary killings—are often perceived as an acceptable response to crime or terrorism. Incidents of excessive use of force by police are unlikely to be addressed until major reforms in the criminal justice system are put in place. Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2012. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: India Armed Violence Assessment, Issue Brief, No. 3: Accessed August 13, 2012 at: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB3-A-Heavy-Hand.pdf Year: 2012 Country: India URL: http://www.india-ava.org/fileadmin/docs/pubs/IAVA-IB3-A-Heavy-Hand.pdf Shelf Number: 125996 Keywords: Armed Violence (India)Police MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolicing |
Author: Prenzler, Tim Title: Rethinking Police Gifts and Benefits Policies Summary: This paper reviews policing policies and practices on the receipt of gratuities, and considers when and how such gifts may be considered to impair police integrity and reputation. The acceptance of gifts and benefits – or ‘gratuities’ – has been described as ‘a police image problem that doesn’t seem to go away’ . This assertion was borne out recently in the ‘phone hacking scandal’ in the United Kingdom, when the Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner of the London Metropolitan Police resigned following allegations that officers were compromised in their investigations by improper associations with newspaper executives and reporters; including acceptance of lunches, other hospitality and gifts. The scandal prompted a review of standards related to police relationships by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, which concluded, amongst other things, that policies on gifts and benefits were under-developed and under-enforced, and that a nationally consistent approach was needed. On a smaller scale, a recent corruption inquiry in Queensland – ‘Operation Tesco’ – revealed improper associations between police and criminals, facilitated in part through officers frequenting licensed premises while off duty, enjoying free entry and free drinks. These cases highlight how wider scandals or controversies over police conduct often bring lower level integrity issues to light, such as acceptance of gifts and benefits. For many people, the most prominent examples are likely to be half-price meals offered by fast food outlets. However, the practice can include free entry to nightclubs and sporting venues, free or subsidised travel for police on public transport, and gifts to procurement officers by companies tendering for police business. With these issues in mind, this CEPS Briefing Paper reviews the available research on the topic. The conclusions are that police acceptance of gifts and hospitality (however worthy or innocent the intention of the donors) can adversely affect the fair and impartial delivery of police services. The practice also has a strongly negative effect on public perceptions of police integrity and public confidence in police. A strict policy regime is required that prohibits anything other than the most minor gratuities offered on an incidental basis in circumstances where no obligation or expectation can be implied or perceived. Standards need to be clarified and communicated, and backed up by strict and consistent enforcement. A ‘disciplinary matrix’ is recommended as the most likely means of ensuring compliance through a graduated response to incidents of non-compliance. Details: Nathan, QLD: ARC Centre of Excellence in Policing and Security, Griffith University, 2012. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper, Issue 14: Accessed August 16, 2012 at: http://www.ceps.edu.au/CMS/Uploads/file/issue%2014%20Rethinking%20Police%20Gifts%20and%20benefits%20policiesWEB.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.ceps.edu.au/CMS/Uploads/file/issue%2014%20Rethinking%20Police%20Gifts%20and%20benefits%20policiesWEB.pdf Shelf Number: 126043 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice GratuitiesPolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: International Advisory Commission of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative Title: Police Accountability: Too Important to Neglect, Too Urgent to Delay Summary: Some of the best policing in the world is found in the Commonwealth, and also some of the worst. But by and large, its 1.8 billion people do not have the policing they deserve. Police reform is too important to neglect and too urgent to delay. In too many countries, governments are failing in their primary duty to provide the public with an honest, efficient, effective police service that ensures the rule of law and an environment of safety and security. Today, membership to the Commonwealth is premised on countries practising democracy - and democratic governance requires democratic policing. The only legitimate policing is policing that helps create an environment free from fear and conducive to the realisation of people's human rights, particularly those that promote unfettered political activity, which is the hallmark of a democracy. Nevertheless, barring a few honourable exceptions, there is too much wrong with policing in the Commonwealth for the association and its member states to persist in closing their eyes to the fact that the continued presence of unreformed policing - powerful, unaccountable, coercive, biased, and corrupt - remains a badge of a long gone colonial subservience rather than a mark of confident sovereignty. Common colonial antecedents provide Commonwealth police structures a core resemblance but post-colonial histories have shaped present day policing in each country. The strengths and capabilities of police in the Commonwealth are now as diverse as the association itself. Sizes vary from less than 500 in tiny Dominica to more than a million in India. More importantly, population to police ratios vary: in South Africa for instance, there is one police officer per 404 people1; whereas in Bangladesh, it's one officer for every 1,200 people2. Some have huge financial and human resources to back them, while others must struggle to afford even basic stationery. Some - for example, Nigeria, Kenya and Canada - usually carry no lethal arms while others like South Africa, Jamaica, Sierra Leone and Northern Ireland routinely go armed. Some, like Malaysia, Trinidad and Tobago, and Fiji are strongly centralised while others are decentralised to state, provincial or local levels, such as Nigeria and the United Kingdom (UK). Some countries have a combination of national, state and local police forces. Canada and Australia, for instance, both have a federal police organisation, as well as state-level police organisations and Canada also has municipal police organisations. South Africa has one national police service and five separate municipal police services. India has 35 police forces and a proliferating number of paramilitaries and specialist forces, some directly under the control of the states while the ones at the centre fall under central government control. The evolution of policing values has also been influenced by individual national histories. In a few countries policing has benefited from relative affluence and long unbroken periods of peace and stability. Elsewhere policing has been negatively influenced by long periods of dictatorship, apartheid, one party rule, coups, internal conflicts, overweening executives, militarisation and politicisation and everywhere policing is now being shaped by the recent preoccupation with terrorism. But perhaps above all, poor policing in unreformed jurisdictions has been perpetuated and even fostered by the temptation of ruling regimes - elected or self-perpetuating - to retain a force wholly in its control and designed to suppress opponents and dissent with a heavy hand. Such police have proved especially valuable apparatus in retaining power at election time when rivalries and threat perceptions are heightened. The regime bias in policing has helped ruling elites topple governments as has happened in the Solomon Islands, retain them in the Maldives and assist in keeping them safe from challenge in many more. Details: New Delhi: Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 2005. 116p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2012 at: http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/publications/chogm/chogm_2005/chogm_2005_full_report.pdf Year: 2005 Country: International URL: http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/publications/chogm/chogm_2005/chogm_2005_full_report.pdf Shelf Number: 114626 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolicing (Commonwealth Nations) |
Author: Zschoche, Ruth Title: A Multilevel Model of Police Corruption: Anomie, Decoupling, and Moral Disengagement Summary: Police corruption is a primary concern for law enforcement agencies. The purpose of this study was to identify factors that could predict the likelihood of police officer susceptibility to corruption. Data was collected through surveys of 1083 officers within eight U.S. police agencies that were participating in the National Police Research Platform funded by the National Institute of Justice. The data were analyzed using multilevel structural equation and base multilevel models. The theoretical model for this study addressed susceptibility to corruption on both the departmental (clusters) and individual officer levels. Four main constructs were utilized in this study. Acceptance of deviant norms was the outcome variable operationalizing susceptibility to corruption. Anomie was a departmental predictor operationalizing expectations that socially accepted goals could not be accomplished through socially acceptable means. Decoupling was a departmental predictor measuring the extent to which departmental pragmatic goals were out of alignment with official ethical codes. Moral disengagement was the individual predictor operationalizing the ability to use cognitive mechanisms to excuse unethical decision-making. Departments higher in anomie and decoupling were hypothesized to have higher acceptance of deviant norms that condone corruption. Officers with higher levels of moral disengagement were also expected to have a greater acceptance of deviant norms. The departmental environment was expected to have more influence than individual officer traits such that anomie and decoupling would moderate the effects of moral disengagement within departments. The results demonstrated the promise of the multilevel theoretical model. Anomie was a strong predictor of acceptance of deviant norms. Moral disengagement was also a moderately strong predictor of acceptance of deviant norms in the base multilevel models. Anomie moderated the effect of moral disengagement to some degree, although it had no impact on the slope between acceptance of deviant norms and moral disengagement. Differences between departmental subgroups indicated how officer assignments and demographic characteristics may impact susceptibility to corruption. Study limitations related primarily to the multilevel structural equation model, scale construction, and sampling. Limitations are addressed as regards their general relevance to theory and methodology. Implications of the results for policy and future research are discussed. Details: Tampa, FL: Department of Criminology, College of Behavioral and Social Sciences, University of South Florida, 2011. 283p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed December 1, 2012 at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4617&context=etd Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4617&context=etd Shelf Number: 127097 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Bobb, Merrick, J. Title: Managing the Risk of Misconduct for the King County Sheriff’s Office Summary: This report, Managing the Risk of Misconduct for the King County Sheriff’s Office, focuses on that agency's ("KCSO" or "Department") internal oversight of investigations of use of force and employee misconduct. We found that the investigations into misconduct of KCSO employees were of a high quality. It was clear what happened in the investigations and key interviews were conducted of suspects and witnesses. While the investigations of KCSO employees were of high quality, we nonetheless concluded that they could be improved. Thus, we found that KCSO's Internal Investigations Unit (IIU) functions well in its investigations. We could not, however, say the same about internal reviews and critiques of shootings and other uses of force. We reviewed all shootings occurring during 2005-2011. In none of those instances was a shooting held to be out of policy. After analyzing KCSO records, we recommend that the KCSO should create a Use of Force Review Board for all lethal and all non-lethal uses of force involving a KCSO employee, and that a parallel team of specially trained investigators should “roll out” to the on-scene investigations of significant uses of force. The recommended Use of Force Review Board should include three members: the head of training at KCSO, a citizen representative, and a rotating Chief. Additionally, we recommend that the Director of the Office of Law Enforcement Oversight (OLEO) have one nonvoting place on the Use of Force Review Board. The Use of Force Review Board should: Replace the Shooting Review Board Document all votes by members Meet reasonable yet speedy deadlines Release a statement after each review explaining how the Board arrived at its decision. The Director or another member from the OLEO team should roll out to deputy-involved shootings and other serious uses of force to question KCSO employees and conduct interviews, and take such further steps as may be necessary to fulfill OLEO's duties set forth in the ordinance. This report also includes recommendations for policy changes and other procedural reforms. We recommend changing the general use of force policy, Taser policy, and OC or pepper spray deployment policies, as well as policies for handling of high-risk individuals, firing to and from motor vehicles, and bean-bag deployment. We also recommend ending the 72 hour time period for KCSO employees to make a statement regarding their role in a use of force incident, and to instead take the statement immediately after an opportunity is given for the individual to consult with an attorney or union representative but before the individual is relieved of duty. The statement should be face-to-face and recorded and transcribed as part of an interview. If possible, the suspect should give an interview regarding the incident. Following use of force incidents, particularly in deputy-involved shooting cases, we recommend that the Department clearly record the date when the criminal investigation has begun and concluded, and that all internal deadlines following use of force incidents be adhered to. We found that the analysis of shooting incidents was incomplete and did not look at the incident in question from the perspective of administrative policy, tactical and strategic issues, discipline, and training. Moreover, interviews of the shooter and witness deputies, if taken at all, were missing from the files provided us. Thus, we recommend that uses of force incidents be better documented and that these records be retained indefinitely. Other aspects of the report cover investigations of alleged misconduct of KCSO employees, improvements to the early warning tracking system, and a discussion of the Office of Law Enforcement Oversight’s role for KCSO. We also criticize the 180-day provision in which to complete an administrative investigation. For particularly complex cases, or for a large docket of cases, the shortness of the deadline could mean that investigations do not conclude in time and discipline for misconduct cannot be meted out. The report concludes in a discussion of the 3 functions of OLEO and recommends that this office be bolstered in its staffing, structure, and authority. Details: Los Angeles: Police Assessment Resource Center (PARC), 2012. 78p. Source: Accessed December 3, 2012 at: http://kingcounty.gov/operations/oleo/reports.aspx Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://kingcounty.gov/operations/oleo/reports.aspx Shelf Number: 127110 Keywords: Police MisconductPolice Use of ForceSheriff's Departments |
Author: National Immigration Forum Title: Misbehavior at the Border: Are Those Who Control Immigration Out of Control Themselves? Summary: This paper looks at corruption and misconduct documented within the Border Patrol and its parent agency, Customs and Border Protection. With rapid growth, high turnover and a high new agent to experienced agent ration, there are questions about the adequacy of training and supervision. Another problem stems from the fact that the Inspector General’s office, which investigates many complaints against CBP agents, has not been properly resourced to keep pace with its workload. Details: Washington, DC: National Immigration Forum, 2012. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 13, 2013 at http://www.immigrationforum.org/images/uploads/2012/CBP_Misconduct.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.immigrationforum.org/images/uploads/2012/CBP_Misconduct.pdf Shelf Number: 127270 Keywords: Border SecurityCorruptionCustoms AgenciesImmigration EnforcementPolice Misconduct |
Author: Faull, Andrew Title: Professionalism and the South African Police Service: What is it and how can it help build safer communities? Summary: This paper explores developments in the concept of police professionalism that have emerged in South Africa in recent years. It considers professionalism in relation to comparable historical and contemporary developments in the US and UK, and consolidates the different ways in which these are currently manifesting in South Africa. Adding to the current discourse, it suggests that a professional South African Police Service (SAPS) should include a clearly defined, minimalist mandate. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2012. 24p. Source: Institute for Security Studies Paper No. 240: Internet Resource: Accessed January 13, 2013 at http://www.issafrica.org/uploads/Paper240.pdf Year: 2012 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.issafrica.org/uploads/Paper240.pdf Shelf Number: 127271 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice Oversight (South Africa)Police Professionalism (South Africa) |
Author: Wilkinson, Peter Title: Benchmarking Police Integrity Programmes Summary: The ‘Benchmarking Police Integrity Programmes’ report sets out TI-UK’s views on what constitutes good organisational integrity practice and how this could be applied to the police. The paper then comments on how the ACPO review, ‘Managing Police Integrity’, compared with TI-UK’s view on good practice. It identifies recommendations for improvement in policy integrity programmes. The core finding identified in TI-UK’s report is that there is considerable variability in the quality of integrity systems and governance in police forces in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland. ACPO therefore needs to ensure that: • common standards, that are robust, clear and consistent, are embedded across Forces; • those standards should be characterised by clarity and consistency. In addition, TI-UK made eight other recommendations: • Model integrity code: ACPO should build on its work in developing a model police integrity code supported by tools and resources to be applied in a consistent manner across Forces; • Clarity and consistency: All those who manage integrity programmes or are governed by them should be able to easily understand their roles, obligations, procedures and rights, and the integrity programmes should also be clear to the public and other stakeholders; • Positive integrity management: ACPO should assist Forces to move from a reactive approach to a stance of active promotion of integrity, based on the principle of zero tolerance of corruption; • Common systems: Forces should implement common robust systems supported by guidance and tools to ensure that risks are identified, monitored, and managed; • Governance: ACPO must consider how necessary independent oversight can be brought into and embedded within the governance process; • Disciplinary measures: Further consideration should be given to disciplinary measures in the context of The Police (Conduct) Arrangements of 2008 - a good practice integrity programme should be founded on a zero tolerance approach to integrity violations. Any relaxation of disciplinary measures could undermine an effective integrity programme; • Public reporting: ACPO should take the lead in developing a common nation-wide standard for public reporting by Forces; • Comprehensive and continuous approach to risk assessment: The risk assessment process should be reviewed and strengthened to ensure that the process is robust, comprehensive and up-to-date in capturing emerging or changing risks such as those related to outsourcing, procurement, secondary employment and post-service employment. Details: London: Transparency International UK, 2012. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 29, 2013 at: http://www.transparency.org.uk/our-work/publications/10-publications/473-benchmarking-police-integrity-programmes Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.transparency.org.uk/our-work/publications/10-publications/473-benchmarking-police-integrity-programmes Shelf Number: 127421 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Integrity(U.K.)Police Misconduct |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Police Reform in Kenya: "A Drop in the Ocean" Summary: Kenya is in the midst of an ambitious reform programme, including wholesale reform of its police force, and as the country approaches the March 2013 general elections, the sense of urgency around the implementation of police reform is palpable. Laws passed in 2011 contain an ambitious framework for police reform, which, if fully implemented would overhaul the structure of the police force to address shortcomings which permit and perpetuate impunity for police abuses, establish an independent police oversight authority for the first time and new standards of conduct for the police. However, while some measures have been undertaken, many of the most important reforms have yet to be carried forward raising concerns of a lack of political will to implement the reform agenda. The Acts guiding the police reform have not been put into practice in time for the general elections. As a result, the very same policing structures blamed by many for serious human rights violations during the 2007-2008 post-election violence remain in place for the 2013 elections. The lack of progress in implementing the reform agenda increases the risk of human rights abuses and limits the preparedness of the police to handle such abuses in a fair and effective manner. The police were incapable of preventing, containing and managing the 2007-2008 post-election violence and some police actively engaged in human rights violations. In this report, Amnesty International urges the Government of Kenya to fully commit to the police reform process. By taking immediate steps ahead of the March 2013 elections, and by prioritizing the implementation of reform immediately after the elections, the Government of Kenya can finally end the impunity which the police have enjoyed for far too long. It must not miss this opportunity. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2013. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 19, 2013 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR32/001/2013/en/9c3fb77e-16e2-49e0-94ec-d3c9f0e9f9e2/afr320012013en.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Kenya URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR32/001/2013/en/9c3fb77e-16e2-49e0-94ec-d3c9f0e9f9e2/afr320012013en.pdf Shelf Number: 127650 Keywords: PolicePolice AdministrationPolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolicing (Kenya) |
Author: Great Britain. HM Inspectorate of Constabulary Title: Revisiting Police Relationships: Progress Report Summary: In 2011, we published Without Fear or Favour, which looked at instances of undue influence, inappropriate contractual arrangements and other abuses of power in police relationships with the media and other parties. While we found no evidence of endemic corruption in police relationships, we did not issue a clean bill of health. This revisit found that, while forces have made some progress, particularly around putting in place processes and policies to manage threats to integrity, more needs to be done. Details: London: HMIC, 2012. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 1, 2013 at: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/revisiting-police-relationships.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.hmic.gov.uk/media/revisiting-police-relationships.pdf Shelf Number: 127742 Keywords: CorruptionPolice AdministrationPolice Behavior (U.K.)Police MisconductPolice-Community RelationsPublic Opinion |
Author: Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Home Affairs Committee Title: Undercover Policing: Interim Report. Thirteenth Report of Session 2012–13. Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Summary: Introduction 1. At the beginning of 2011, the Crown Prosecution Service halted criminal proceedings against six people who had been due to stand trial at Nottingham Crown Court on charges related to a conspiracy to sabotage a coal-fired power station at Ratcliffe-on-Soar. The CPS was concerned that Nottinghamshire Police had failed to comply with their pre-trial disclosure obligations. The convictions of another 20 activists who had been involved in the same protest were quashed by the Court of Appeal in July of that year.[1] The material which had not been disclosed related principally to the work of an undercover police officer, Mark Kennedy, of the National Public Order Intelligence Unit.[2] It was PC Kennedy, who had spent seven years living undercover among various environmental and other activist groups, who had alerted police to the proposed action against the power station.[3] The Court of Appeal found that PC Kennedy "was involved in activities which went much further than the authorisation he was given", which "appeared to show him as ... arguably, an agent provocateur".[4] 2. In the days following the collapse of the Nottingham case, it became clear that activists had themselves identified PC Kennedy as an undercover officer in October 2010.[5] It subsequently emerged that PC Kennedy had had at least one long-term, intimate sexual relationship with a woman involved with one of the groups he had infiltrated. Throughout this relationship, his partner knew him by his adopted persona of "Mark Stone"; this was not just a false name, but a completely fabricated persona (or "legend") invented by Mr Kennedy, with a false back-story, identity and cover occupation. 3. In the following months, further allegations of undercover police officers either acting beyond their authorisation, or taking action which was authorised but should not have been, appeared in the media. It was alleged that several officers had long-term, intimate relationships with members of the groups they had infiltrated. One officer was said to have fathered a child in such a relationship before disappearing. It was reported that an undercover officer had planted a bomb on behalf of an animal rights group and that another had been prosecuted under his assumed persona, had given evidence on oath, and had participated in confidential lawyer-client discussions with his co-defendants. 4. These claims related to the work of three police units, dating back to at least the 1980s: a) The National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU), formed by the Metropolitan Police Service in 1999 to address campaigns and public protest which generate violence and disruption. b) The National Extremism Tactical Co-ordination Unit, which was established by the Chief Constable of Cambridgeshire in 2004. c) The Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), formed by the Metropolitan Police in 1968 to focus on anti-nuclear and anti-Vietnam-war protest, as well as Irish terrorism. The Squad was disbanded in 2008. In 2006, these units were placed under the control of Association of Chief Police Officers' newly-appointed National Coordinator for Domestic Extremism (under the umbrella title of "National Domestic Extremism Unit"), before being transferred to the Metropolitan Police in 2010, in response to concerns from HM Inspectorate of Constabulary and ACPO itself about weak governance and oversight. 5. In October 2011 and January 2012, five women who had had intimate, sexual relationships with undercover police officers, and one man whose partner had had such a relationship, brought claims in the High Court against the Association of Chief Police Officers, the Metropolitan Police and South Wales Police. The claims were made under the Human Rights Act and under common law. In January 2013, Mr Justice Tugendhat ruled that the claims under the Human Rights Act fell within the jurisdiction of the Investigatory Powers Tribunal (IPT), but that the claims for damages at common law did not. Proceedings in the High Court were stayed pending the determination of proceedings in the IPT.[6] 6. We make no comment on the lawfulness or otherwise of the actions of the officers in these cases, but the terrible impact on the lives of those women who had relationships with undercover officers is beyond doubt. The committee invited the women involved to give evidence and they requested that they give evidence in private. Exceptionally, the committee agreed to do so. One witness told us that I have, for the last 13 years, questioned my own judgment and it has impacted seriously on my ability to trust, and that has impacted on my current relationship and other subsequent relationships. It has also distorted my perceptions of love and my perceptions of sex, and it has had a massive impact on my political activity.[7] Another witness described her feelings on discovering that her former partner was a police officer: It felt like the ground had shifted beneath me and my sense of what was reality and what wasn't was completely turned on its head.[8] 7. The officers themselves were not unaffected by these relationships. As one witness told us: It is my feeling that there was psychological damage caused on both sides and that there was very little regard shown for anybody's psychological welfare in this situation, apart from the person making the operational decisions who was distant enough from it.[9] 8. These cases raise troubling questions about public policy and the legal framework within which undercover police operations are authorised, which we believe require urgent action by the Government. We are therefore producing this short, interim report to highlight our concerns, although we propose to return to the subject in due course. Details: London: The Stationery Office Limited, 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 26, 2013 at: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/837.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/837/837.pdf Shelf Number: 128130 Keywords: Police MisconductUndercover Policing (U.K.) |
Author: Patel, Faiza Title: A Proposal for an NYPD Inspector General Summary: Over the last decade, the New York City Police Department (NYPD), like state and local law enforcement agencies around the country, has become increasingly involved in collecting counterterrorism intelligence. But the NYPD’s counterterrorism and intelligence gathering operations are unique among municipal police departments, both in size and character. The magnitude of these operations vastly exceeds that of similar efforts in other major cities: In 2010, the NYPD’s budget for counterterrorism and intelligence was over $100 million and the two divisions reportedly employed 1000 officers. Equally important, while New York City police cooperate with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) on counterterrorism matters, they also conduct intelligence operations and investigations completely separate from federal authorities. The creation of this stand-alone capability was a stated goal of Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly, and is an accomplishment frequently highlighted by the Department. Unlike the FBI and other national intelligence agencies, the NYPD’s sizable counterterrorism and intelligence operations operate largely free from independent oversight. Currently, oversight of the NYPD – as conducted by the Department’s Internal Affairs Bureau, the Commission to Combat Police Corruption and the Civilian Complaint Review Board – focuses almost exclusively on police corruption and individual police misconduct. The City-wide Department of Investigation similarly focuses on corruption, incompetence, and misconduct in 300 municipal agencies and, in any event, does not cover the police. The City Council has supervisory jurisdiction over the police, but has rarely examined its intelligence operations. Control mechanisms established by a 1980s consent decree largely have been eliminated. In the federal system, Congressional supervision informed by reports from independent inspectors general has been a crucial tool for increasing transparency, accountability, and effectiveness in the realm of intelligence and counterterrorism. This oversight system was developed in the wake of the 1970s Congressional investigations into the FBI’s and the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) illegal collection of intelligence about Americans, and both agencies have operated for decades under its strictures. Even after the September 11th attacks, this system continues to function well and has, in fact, been strengthened. The FBI, in particular, has benefitted from a robust inspector general who has contributed to the effectiveness of its counterterrorism programs through reviews of issues ranging from the need for the Bureau to develop a comprehensive risk assessment of the terrorist threat to its use of the new intelligence techniques that have been authorized over the last decade. Given that the NYPD has built an intelligence and counterterrorism capability more in line with the FBI than a traditional urban police force, it is time to build an oversight structure that is appropriate for its size and functions. An independent inspector general should be established for the NYPD. This would be an enormous step forward for police accountability and oversight for several reasons: • ENSURING TRANSPARENCY – The inspector general would be in a position to make policing more transparent, thus allowing the Mayor and the City Council to better exercise their oversight responsibilities and increase public confidence in policing. Reliable information about how policies and legal constraints are implemented is especially important in the context of intelligence operations, the specifics of which are often necessarily concealed. • PROTECTING CIVIL LIBERTIES – As the NYPD continues its important work of keeping New Yorkers safe, the inspector general would have the mandate, expertise, and perspective to make sure that it does so consistent with our constitutionally guaranteed liberties. • REFORMING FROM WITHIN – The inspector general would be in a position to work with the police cooperatively to address any problems in the Department’s operations and to keep track of progress. Details: New York: Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2013 at: http://www.brennancenter.org/publication/proposal-nypd-inspector-general Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.brennancenter.org/publication/proposal-nypd-inspector-general Shelf Number: 128363 Keywords: Counter-TerrorismIntelligence GatheringPolice (New York City, U.S.)Police CorruptionPolice MisconductStop and Frisk |
Author: Thomas, Kylie Title: The Power of Naming: ‘Senseless Violence’ and Violent Law in Post-Apartheid South Africa Summary: This report focuses on vigilantism, on the practice of ‘necklacing’ as a form of punishment, and on police violence in South Africa post-apartheid. The report engages with a series of questions about how popular forms of justice are imagined and enacted and about what the persistence of forms of violent punishment that originated during apartheid signifies in South Africa today. The report explores some of the complex reasons why people understand violence to be a means for achieving justice. It considers issues related to collective violence, violence connected to service delivery protests, and violence widely understood by perpetrators, onlookers, and researchers to be punitive in intent. It contests the idea that such forms of violence are ‘senseless’, arguing that to do so is to evade the question of how violence is bound to the political order, both past and present. Details: Cape Town: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation and Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape, 2012. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2013 at: http://www.csvr.org.za/images/docs/VTP3/k_thomas_the_power_of_naming_senseless_violence_and_violent_law_in_post_apartheid_sa.pdf Year: 2012 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.csvr.org.za/images/docs/VTP3/k_thomas_the_power_of_naming_senseless_violence_and_violent_law_in_post_apartheid_sa.pdf Shelf Number: 128413 Keywords: Police MisconductVigilantism (South Africa)ViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Slogogin, Christopher Title: A Comparative Perspective on the Exclusionary Rule in Search and Seizure Cases Summary: The modern United States Supreme Court views the exclusionary rule as a means of deterring police conduct that unduly infringes privacy or autonomy interests. But in years past the Court also proffered two other reasons for exclusion: the importance of ensuring the integrity of the legal system (primarily by avoiding judicial complicity with police illegality) and the need to vindicate constitutional guarantees. Some version of one or both of the latter two rationales also appears to be the primary motivation behind the exclusionary rules in other countries. In contrast to the United States, however, in most of these countries exclusion is not very common. Those countries that focus on systemic integrity take into account not only the de-legitimizing impact of failing to exclude illegally seized evidence but also the truth-denigrating effect of excluding evidence. Those countries that focus on vindicating fundamental rights tend to define those rights narrowly, or undercut the vindication rationale in various other ways. After describing these developments, this paper examines, from both empirical and theoretical perspectives, the difficulties that arise in applying the deterrence, systemic integrity,and rights vindication models of the rule and concludes with thoughts about the possible alternatives to exclusion, the ways in which the exclusionary remedy can be refined, and the interaction of the exclusionary rule with substantive search and seizure law. Details: Nashville, TC: Vanderbilt University Law School, 2013. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Vanderbilt University Law School Public Law & Legal Theory Working Paper Number 13-21: Accessed May 9, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2247746 Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2247746 Shelf Number: 128688 Keywords: Criminal LawExclusionary RulePolice MisconductSearch and Seizure |
Author: Dharmapala, Dhammika Title: Punitive Police? Agency Costs, Law Enforcement, and Criminal Procedure Summary: Criminal law enforcement depends on the actions of public agents such as police officers, but there is no standard economic model of police as public agents. We seek to remedy this deficiency by offering an agency model of police behavior. We begin by explaining why the standard contracting solutions are unlikely to work. Instead, we follow recent literature exploring intrinsic motivation and posit heterogeneity in the preferences of potential agents. Drawing on experimental evidence on punishment preferences (so-called “altruistic punishment”), in which subjects reveal a preference for punishing wrongdoers, our model identifies circumstances in which “punitive” individuals (with stronger-than-average punishment preferences) will self-select into law enforcement jobs that offer the opportunity to punish (or facilitate the punishment of) wrongdoers. Such “punitive” agents will accept a lower salary and be less likely to shirk, but create agency costs associated with their excessive zeal (relative to the public’s preferences) in searching, seizing, and punishing suspects. Under plausible assumptions, the public chooses to hire punitive police agents, while submitting them to monitoring by other agents (such as the judiciary) with average punishment preferences. Thus, two kinds of agents are better than one. We explore various implications for police shirking, corruption, and the content of the criminal procedure rights that the judiciary enforces. Details: Chicago: University of Chicago Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics, 2013. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: University of Chicago Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics Research Paper No. 644 : Accessed June 26, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2278597 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2278597 Shelf Number: 129167 Keywords: Criminal ProcedurePolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolicing |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum Title: Civil Rights Investigations of Local Police: Lessons Learned Summary: On July 24, 2012, U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder announced a plan to overhaul the New Orleans Police Department that was broader in scope and more detailed than any other consent decree the DOJ had issued since it was given the authority 18 years earlier to investigate local police departments. The 2012 New Orleans consent decree is expected to last at least five years and cost more than $11 million, though the agreement likely will take longer and cost more to carry out, if recent patterns of DOJ involvement with local law enforcement agencies are any indication. The shape and substance of recently issued consent decrees, in Seattle as well as New Orleans, share little resemblance to the first one the DOJ obtained involving a major metropolitan police force. These consent decrees were made possible by the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, which gives DOJ’s Civil Rights Division authority to investigate state and local law enforcement agencies that it believes have unconstitutional policies or engage in unconstitutional patterns or practices of conduct. The law is intended to address systemic issues, rather than individual complaints. The alleged misconduct cannot be an isolated incident. And there is no private right of action under the 1994 law; only the Justice Department is given authority to launch investigations and litigation under this statute. The law arms DOJ with the authority to file civil lawsuits against local governments in order to force them to adopt reforms. However, cities typically settle these cases before they go to trial or before a lawsuit is filed. More than 25 police departments have experienced some form of DOJ involvement in the past two decades. When Pittsburgh—the first major case—came under a consent decree in 1997, the mandate focused on two particular areas of policing, produced generalized requirements, and lasted a relatively tidy five years. Some later investigations and reform processes have taken 10 years or more. But one constant in the DOJ’s oversight of police departments accused of discriminatory and unconstitutional activity is the primary types of wrongdoing that have triggered federal involvement: improper use of force by police, unlawful stops and searches, and biased policing. That’s what recently brought DOJ attention to police departments in New Orleans and Seattle. That’s what initiated DOJ involvement in Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, Detroit and Cincinnati in the early 2000s. And that’s what brought Pittsburgh under DOJ’s watch in 1997. Details: Washington, DC: PERF, 2013. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Critical Issues in Policing Series: Accessed July 18, 2013 at: http://policeforum.org/library/critical-issues-in-policing-series/CivilRightsInvestigationsofLocalPolice.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://policeforum.org/library/critical-issues-in-policing-series/CivilRightsInvestigationsofLocalPolice.pdf Shelf Number: 129450 Keywords: Civil RightsPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force (U.S.) |
Author: New South Wales. Ombudsman Title: Consorting issues paper: review of the use of the consorting provisions by the NSW Police Force Summary: Consorting with criminals has been an offence in NSW since the late 1920s; however over the years the offence has fallen into disuse. On 9 April 2012 a 'modernised' version of the offence of consorting commenced in NSW. The new consorting provisions are contained in Division 7, Part 3A of the Crimes Act 1900. It is now a criminal offence to continue to associate with two people who have both previously been convicted of an indictable offence if you have been warned by police about their convictions and advised that to continue to associate with them is an offence. Consorting now includes associating in person and communicating by telephone, email or by other electronic means. The offence attracts a possible three year prison sentence and/or a $16,500 fine (150 penalty units). The consorting provisions have been widely used across NSW, although the majority of uses have occurred in the Sydney metropolitan area. The first 12 months of police data indicates in excess of 1,000 official police warnings have been issued, although only 16 charges have been laid. The constitutionality of the provisions is currently subject to challenge in the NSW Court of Appeal with a hearing date of 5 November 2013. Between late 2011 and early 2012 there was a spate of shootings across Sydney. Media coverage of these incidents was extensive and heightened public concern about escalating gun violence and its suspected connection to the activities of criminal gangs. While most categories of crime involving firearms have significantly decreased or remained stable since 1995, the number of incidents of drive-by shootings more than doubled from 41 in 1995 to 100 in 2011. According to recent analysis by the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research: ... the trends in discharge firearm into premises, shoot with intent and unlawfully discharge firearm, individually and in total, have not shown statistically significant increases in the 2 years, 5 years, 10 years or 15 years up to December 2012. Generally speaking the pattern has been one of surges in the frequency of such incidence followed by periods of relative quiescence; ... On 14 and 15 of February 2012, the government introduced a package of reforms designed to 'combat organised crime in further support of police in their war on drive-by shootings'. The reforms included the Crimes Amendment (Consorting and Organised Crime) Bill 2012; the Crimes (Criminal Organisations Control) Bill 2012; and the Firearms Amendment (Ammunition Control) Bill 2012. Details: Sydney: NSW Ombudsman, 2013. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 11, 2013 at: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ombo.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/12996/Consorting-Issues-Paper-Review-of-the-use-of-the-consorting-provisions-by-the-NSW-Police-Force.pdf Shelf Number: 131711 Keywords: Drive-By ShootingsGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceHomicidesOrganized Crime (Australia)Police Misconduct |
Author: Dinning, Brooke Title: Project Cyril: Using the NSW Police Force Complaints System to Identify System Problems and Solutions Summary: In addition to providing a mechanism for determining whether or not there is evidence an individual officer has engaged in misconduct or criminal offences, the effective investigation and analysis of complaints can enable police agencies to identify systemic or organisational factors which may have contributed to the conduct under investigation. Research & Issues Paper no. 10 looks at how the NSW Police Force (NSWPF) complaints system is used to identify system problems and develop solutions so as to prevent future misconduct. Such solutions include improving policies, procedures, training, and communication and management practices. This paper contains the Commission's recommendations as to how the identification of system problems and solutions through the NSWPF complaints system may be improved. Details: Sydney: NSW Police Integrity Commission, 2014. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Research and Issues Paper, no. 10: Accessed March 11, 2014 at: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/Project%20Cyril%20Research%20&%20Issues%20Paper.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/Project%20Cyril%20Research%20&%20Issues%20Paper.pdf Shelf Number: 131848 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Spain: The Right to Protest Under Threat Summary: In Spain, the economic crisis, austerity measures and cuts in basic social services have led thousands of people to take to the streets in recent years. Despite the peaceful nature of the overwhelming majority of demonstrations, there were reports of excessive use of force and ill-treatment by police, an increase in the number of fines being issued for participating in protests and abuses by law enforcement officials against journalists reporting on the rallies. The Spanish authorities have also expressed their intention to impose further restrictions on the holding of demonstrations, proposing amendments to the legislation directly affecting the exercise of this right. This report lays out Amnesty International's concerns in relation to the restrictions imposed on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in the context of demonstrations in Spain. It concludes that police used excessive force both through the misuse of anti-riot equipment during demonstrations and while detaining protestors. The report documents cases of ill-treatment of individuals under police custody, and highlights a number of concerns about the inadequate investigations being carried out by the authorities into alleged human rights violations committed by law enforcement officials. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2014. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2014 at: http://www.amnesty.ch/de/laender/europa-zentralasien/spanien/dok/2014/demonstrationsfreiheit-unter-druck/bericht-spain-the-right-to-protest-under-threat-.-april-2014.-84-seiten Year: 2014 Country: Spain URL: http://www.amnesty.ch/de/laender/europa-zentralasien/spanien/dok/2014/demonstrationsfreiheit-unter-druck/bericht-spain-the-right-to-protest-under-threat-.-april-2014.-84-seiten Shelf Number: 132256 Keywords: Demonstrations and ProtestsHuman RightsPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Fachner, George Title: Collaborative Reform Model: Six-Month Assessment Report of the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department Summary: In January 2012, under growing community concern and scrutiny of its use of deadly force practices, the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department (LVMPD) agreed to take part in an initiative by the U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), known as the "Collaborative Reform Model." As part of this initiative, LVMPD agreed to an in-depth assessment of its use of deadly force policies and practices. In support, the COPS Office and CNA would assist the LVMPD in adopting national standards and best practices as they relate to officer involved shootings, while insuring that LVMPD's implementation was comprehensive and integrated. CNA conducted the assessment, focusing on four issue areas: 1) policy and procedures; 2) training and tactics; 3) investigation and documentation; and 4) external review. CNA completed the assessment in November 2012, which resulted in a total of 75 reforms and recommendations. These included both new recommendations from the team and reforms that LVMPD initiated prior to and during the assessment process. CNA published and distributed the final report, Collaborative Reform Model: A Review of Officer-Involved Shootings in the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department (referred to as the "2012 report" in the remainder of this document), throughout LVMPD and the community. However, the publication of the 2012 report did not complete the process. The COPS Office, CNA, and LVMPD continue in their collaboration in order to ensure that LVMPD implements the recommended reforms as committed to by the sheriff. It has been 18 months since the beginning of the reform process, and seven months since the reforms have been recommended. Beginning in January 2013, the COPS Office and CNA have been assessing LVMPD's progress in implementing the remaining 41 recommendations. There are a total of 80 agency reforms: 89% (71) are complete or in progress; 11% (9) are incomplete or have not been assessed because the assessors were unable to make a judgment due to insufficient information available at the time of this report. This status report is the first of two that CNA will publish on LVMPD's progress. The purpose of this status report is to inform all stakeholders (i.e., LVMPD, the U.S. Department of Justice, and the Las Vegas community) of LVMPD's progress to date. Details: Washington, DC: CNA Analysis & Solutions; U.S. Department of Justice, Community Oriented Policing Services, 2013. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2014 at: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/research/LVMPD_6Months.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/research/LVMPD_6Months.pdf Shelf Number: 132469 Keywords: Police BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolice Use of Force (U.S.) |
Author: Main, Alexander Title: Still Waiting for Justice: An Assessment of the Honduran Public Ministry's Investigation of the May 11, 2012 Killings in Ahuas, Honduras Summary: On May 11, 2012, a joint Honduran and U.S. counternarcotics operation in the remote Ahuas municipality of northeastern Honduras resulted in the killing of four indigenous villagers with no apparent ties to drug trafficking. The four individuals - a 14-year-old boy, two women and a young man - were traveling in a small passenger boat when they were shot and killed by counternarcotics agents. Three other boat passengers were badly injured. According to Honduran authorities, the operation included 13 Honduran police agents, four State Department helicopters with mounted machine guns, eight U.S. government-contracted pilots and 10 U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents. In February 2013, DEA spokeswoman Dawn Dearden stated that the Honduran investigation of the incident had "concluded that DEA agents did not fire a single round" and that "the conduct of DEA personnel was consistent with current DEA protocols, policies and procedures." Though 58 members of Congress recently requested a U.S. investigation of the Ahuas killings, a State Department spokesperson has said "there will be no separate investigation." In the following issue brief we take a look at how the Honduran Public Ministry's investigation of the incident was conducted and examine the report on the investigation that the Honduran Attorney General (Fiscal general in Spanish) submitted to the State Department. We find that both the investigation and report have serious flaws including major omissions of key testimony and forensic exams, a one-sided description and analysis of events, and "observations" (in lieu of conclusions) that aren't supported by the evidence that is cited. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Economic and Policy Research and Rights Action, 2013. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 6, 2014 at: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/honduras-ahuas-2013-04.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Honduras URL: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/honduras-ahuas-2013-04.pdf Shelf Number: 132907 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Trafficking (Honduras)HomicidesPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "No Money, No Justice": Police Corruption and Abuse in Liberia Summary: Police corruption in Liberia undermines access to justice, results in human rights violations, and compromises the establishment of the rule of law in this post-conflict country. Liberian victims of crimes must pay authorities at every stage of a case investigation. Because of the prevalence of police corruption, "justice is not for the poor" is a catchphrase of many Liberians who say wealth, not guilt, often determines the outcome of criminal cases. "No Money, No Justice": Police Corruption and Abuse in Liberia documents the impact of police corruption on the administration of justice. Motorcycle taxi drivers, street sellers, and taxi drivers - whose work keeps them on the streets - are particularly vulnerable to bribery demands from the police. Police officers often arbitrarily arrest and detain and rob these workers, who typically live in poverty. Liberian police officers themselves face numerous challenges in performing their jobs. They lack essential resources, such as fuel for vehicles, and work long hours for low salaries. Commanders pressure their subordinates to make payments up the chain of command, particularly in exchange for promotion. The post-war United Nations presence in Liberia has helped reduce the incidence of torture in detention, but has not made inroads on corruption and abuses connected with extortion. To strengthen respect for basic rights and the rule of law in Liberia, Human Rights Watch calls on the Liberian government to bolster police accountability mechanisms and fulfill its promise of establishing an independent oversight board for the police. In addition, the government and foreign donors should investigate persistent logistics shortfalls that contribute to police officers preying upon the public for material support. Finally, government officials in Liberia should emphasize accountability and good governance in the security sector as essential to the country's promised post-conflict development. Details: New York: HRW, 2013. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2014 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/liberia0813_forUpload_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Liberia URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/liberia0813_forUpload_0.pdf Shelf Number: 129901 Keywords: Human Rights AbusesPolice AccountabilityPolice Corruption (Liberia)Police MisconductPolicing |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Public Insecurity: Deaths in Custody and Police Brutality in Vietnam Summary: Police brutality, including deaths in police custody, is a regular source of public concern in Vietnam. The problem is so pervasive that even the heavily controlled state media frequently publishes reports about police abuse. Yet extensive government censorship has prevented more in-depth analysis about the problem and its causes, which include a culture of impunity for police officers and their superiors. Public Insecurity explores a large number of illustrative cases of officially acknowledged killings, alleged suicides, unexplained custodial deaths, torture, and beatings in police custody. Many victims are people merely accused of petty crimes, domestic disputes, and traffic violations. Factors contributing to Vietnam's epidemic of police brutality include the politicization of Vietnam's security services, inadequate professional training, particularly of the Commune Police, the absence of a strong legal system or independent judiciary, and insufficient freedom for the local and national media to act as an effective check against official misdeeds. One positive development is the rise of increasingly independent bloggers and citizen journalists who report on police abuses, making it impossible for the authorities to hide this problem from the public and, on occasion, leading to prosecution of police officers. Public Insecurity offers a series of common-sense recommendations to address the prevalence of police abuse in Vietnam. These include: - the establishment of an independent police complaints commission, - high-level support for prompt and impartial investigations and prosecutions of police abuse and misconduct, - adoption of a zero tolerance policy within the police for abuse, - enhancement of the role of legal counsel for suspects and detainees, - better training for police at all levels, particularly for commune police, - installation of cameras in interrogation and detention facilities, and - freedom of expression for journalists and on the Internet. Details: New York: HRW, 2014. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2014 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/vietnam0914_ForUpload_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Vietnam URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/vietnam0914_ForUpload_0.pdf Shelf Number: 133368 Keywords: Deaths in Custody (Vietnam)Human Rights AbusesPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPrisoners |
Author: Vila, Bryan Title: Developing A Common Metric For Evaluating Police Performance In Deadly Force Situations Summary: There is a critical lack of scientific evidence about whether deadly force management, accountability and training practices actually have an impact on police officer performance in deadly force encounters, the strength of such impact, or whether alternative approaches to managing deadly force could be more effective. The primary cause of this lack is that current tools for evaluating officer-involved shootings are too coarse or ambiguous to adequately measure such highly variable and complex events. There also are substantial differences in how key issues associated with police deadly encounters are conceptualized, even by subject matter experts, how agencies can or should train for them, and what officers should - or reasonably can - be held accountable for. As a consequence, trainers and policy makers have generally been limited by subjective or rough assessments of deadly force performance or how challenging a deadly force situation was. Our research addressed this problem by using a novel pairing of two well-established research methods, Thurstone scaling and concept mapping. With them, we developed measurement scales that dramatically improve our ability to measure police officer performance in deadly force encounters. We expect that these metrics will make it possible to better evaluate the impact of management and training practices, refine them, and make assessment of accountability more just and reasonable. Details: Final Report to the U.S. Department of Justice, 2014. 178p. Source: Accessed September 29, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/247985.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/247985.pdf Shelf Number: 133476 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice AccountabilityPolice DiscretionPolice EducationPolice MisconductPolice PerformancePolice Use of Force (U.S.) |
Author: National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Title: Born Suspect: Stop-and-Frisk Abuses & the Continued Fight to End Racial Profiling in America Summary: For more than a century the NAACP has been engaged in the fight for a more fair and effective system of policing in America. Indeed, the first case the Association took on after its inception in 1910 involved defending a sharecropper from an illegal police raid on his farm. And to date, there are more than a dozen national resolutions that emphasize the organization's commitment to advocate for greater law enforcement accountability. Yet, the recent death of young men of color, including Eric Garner in Staten Island, New York and Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri-both unarmed African American men-at the hands of police officers reveals that the battle for justice and accountability continues. In 2012, following the death of teenager Trayvon Martin, and building on the renewed national conversation about racial profiling that ensued as a result of this tragedy, and also on the momentum of decades of advocacy to fight stop-and-frisk abuses in New York City, the NAACP helped leverage a successful collaborative campaign to pass anti-racial profiling and police accountability measures in New York City. In Born Suspect, the New York campaign is used as a framework to open a dialogue on racial profiling across the country. To do this, the NAACP conducted the most up-to-date analysis of state racial profiling laws, analyzing these policies to ascertain whether they include the necessary components to make these policies effective and enforceable. This analysis found that: - 20 state laws do not explicitly prohibit racial profiling - 30 states have some form of racial profiling laws on the books - 17 state laws ban the use of pretextual traffic stops - 17 states criminalize violations of their anti-profiling laws - 3 states allow individuals to seek injunctive relief to stop officers or police departments from racial profiling - 17 states require mandatory data collection for all stops and searches; 15 require analysis and publication of racial profiling data - 17 states require the creation of commissions to review and respond to complaints of racial profiling - No states meet all of the NAACP criteria of an effective racial profiling law Born Suspect also focuses on successful efforts in passing legislation in the New York City Council to determine and recommend effective campaign building tools and strategy components for advocates across the country. These include: - Diverse and Strategic Coalition Building that highlights the need for building a campaign collaboratively with all stakeholders and impacted communities - Grassroots Mobilizing and Advocacy that speaks to the need for activating and empowering community members to serve as change agents - Grasstops Advocacy that ensures strategic participation of high-level, well-recognized community leaders, public figures, and opinion makers - Legislative Advocacy that highlights the need to connect voters to their elected official to advocate for the passage of reform bills - Media & Social Media Strategy that describes the importance of a well-planned and well thought out communications plan that relies on both social and traditional media In addition to providing information on state laws and a roadmap for planning a successful anti-racial profiling campaign, Born Suspect also makes several specific recommendations for advocates, including: - Advocating for Passage of the national End Racial Profiling Act (ERPA), first introduced in both houses of the United States Congress in June of 2001. The bill aims to: o Ban racial profiling at all levels of government o Provide provisions for data collection and monitoring o Include enhanced and funded training on racial profiling o Provide for sanctions and remedies for violations of the law - Calling on the Department of Justice to update the Guidance Regarding the Use of Race by Federal Law Enforcement Agencies, first issued in June of 2003. Though a good first step at the time, the Guidance is long overdue for an update to address its many shortcomings. Specifically, the NAACP calls for an updated Guidance to: o Cover profiling based on national origin, religion, sexual orientation, gender, and gender identity o Eliminate loopholes allowing profiling to occur under the guise of "national security" and at US borders o Apply to all federal law enforcement activity, including actions by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and by the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) o Apply to every state or local agency receiving funds from, or working in cooperation with, federal law enforcement agencies o Explicitly state that the ban on profiling applies to data collection analysis, assessment, and predicated investigations carried out by law enforcement agencies subject to the DOJ Guidance o Include enforcement mechanisms o Advocate for strengthening existing anti-racial profiling policy or introducing new measures at the state and local levels Born Suspect also provides several other resources for advocates including: - A detailed description of various components of an effective anti-profiling law - A model racial profiling bill - An Action Alert on the End Racial Profiling Act - Components of an effective Civilian Police Review Board - A sample Police Misconduct Incident Documentation Form Details: Baltimore, MD: NAACP, 2014. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2014 at: http://naacp.3cdn.net/443b9cbc69a3ef1aab_ygfm66yd7.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://naacp.3cdn.net/443b9cbc69a3ef1aab_ygfm66yd7.pdf Shelf Number: 133910 Keywords: Police MisconductRacial Profiling (U.S.)Racial Profiling in Law EnforcementStop-and-Frisk |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union Foundation of Massachusetts Title: Black, Brown and Targeted: A Report on Boston Police Department Street Encounters from 2007-2010 Summary: The Boston Police Department (BPD) has used racially biased policing, as shown by data from reports of 200,000+ encounters between BPD officers and civilians from 2007-2010. According to researchers, the data show that police targeted Blacks in 63.3% of encounters- while Blacks make up less than a quarter of Boston's population. This racial disparity cannot be explained away by BPD efforts to target crime. The researchers' preliminary statistical analysis found that the racial composition of Boston neighborhoods drove police-civilian encounters even after controlling for crime rates and other factors. They also found that Blacks were more likely than whites to be subjected to repeat police-civilian encounters and to be frisked or searched, even after controlling for civilians' alleged gang involvement and history of prior arrest. The bottom line is that race was a significant factor driving the BPD's stop-and-frisk practices Details: Boston: ACLU, 2014. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 15, 2014 at: https://www.aclum.org/sites/all/files/images/education/stopandfrisk/black_brown_and_targeted_online.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.aclum.org/sites/all/files/images/education/stopandfrisk/black_brown_and_targeted_online.pdf Shelf Number: 133958 Keywords: Police MisconductRacial Profiling (Boston)Racial Profiling in Law EnforcementStop-and-Frisk |
Author: Amnesty International Title: On the Streets of America: Human Rights Abuses in Ferguson Summary: Michael Brown, an 18-year-old unarmed African American man, was fatally shot by police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri on August 9, 2014. Brown's death set off a long-overdue conversation on race, policing and justice as well as protests that, as of this publication, are ongoing. The events in Ferguson have also raised a range of human rights concerns, including the right to life, the use of lethal force by law enforcement, the right to freedom from discrimination and the rights to freedom of expression and assembly. Amnesty International wrote to Ferguson Police Department on August 12 and the Department of Justice (DOJ) on August 13, reminding authorities of their international human rights obligations. On August 14, a delegation of Amnesty International observers was deployed to Ferguson. This briefing outlines some of the human rights abuses and other policing failures witnessed by those observers and include key recommendations on the use of lethal force by law enforcement officers and the policing of protests. Details: New York: Amnesty International USA, 2014. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2014 at: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/onthestreetsofamericaamnestyinternational.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/onthestreetsofamericaamnestyinternational.pdf Shelf Number: 133933 Keywords: Human Rights AbusesPolice DiscretionPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force (U.S.) |
Author: Peters, Danya J. Title: Public Acquiescence of Police Brutality and Extrajudicial Killings in Sao Paulo, Brazil Summary: The purpose of the current research was to take a social psychological approach to understanding public acquiescence and support for extra legal police violence in Brazil. Data were drawn from research conducted by NEV- CEPID/FAPESP. The sample consisted of 1000 youth and adults age 16 and greater in the city of Sao Paulo who were representative of the general population based on sex, age, education level, occupation, and geographic area (with an oversampling of people from violent neighborhoods). T-tests and ANOVA techniques were utilized to explore group differences in support for citizen and police extra-legal violence based on race, social class, and gender. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was then used to estimate a mediational model of the relationships between environmental influences (direct and indirect victimization, as well as the presence of neighborhood incivilities), general justice related judgments and paradigms (the justice system as inefficient and ineffective, the traditional human rights paradigm, and the emerging human rights paradigm) and support for specific kinds of extra legal violence (support for citizen vigilante justice, support for procedural violence by the police, and support for retributive violence by the police). As hypothesized, direct victimization, indirect victimization, and neighborhood incivilities were all positively associated with fear of crime. In turn, fear of crime was negatively associated with adopting the emerging human rights paradigm and positively associated with viewing the justice system as inefficient and ineffective. Unexpectedly, fear of crime was not associated with a more traditional human rights paradigm. However, the emerging human rights paradigm was negatively associated with support for citizen vigilante justice, as well as support for procedural and retributive violence by the police. Conversely, the traditional human rights paradigm was positively associated with support for all three types of violence. Furthermore, viewing the justice system as inefficient and ineffective was positively associated with support for citizen vigilant justice and retributive violence, but, unexpectedly, was not related to support for procedural violence. Theoretical implications of the results are discussed. Details: Reno, NV: University of Nevada, Reno, 2006. 125p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed November 21, 2014 at: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down159.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.nevusp.org/downloads/down159.pdf Shelf Number: 134184 Keywords: Extrajudicial HomicidesHomicidesPolice Brutality (Brazil)Police MisconductPolice Use of ForceUrban AreasVigilantismViolence |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Operation Likofi: Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo Summary: On November 15, 2013, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo launched "Operation Likofi," a police operation in Congo's capital, Kinshasa, aimed at ending crime by members of organized criminal gangs known as "kuluna." Gen. Celestin Kanyama, currently the police commissioner for all of Kinshasa, was the primary commander of the operation. Over the course of three months, police officers who participated in the operation extrajudicially executed at least 51 young men and teenage boys and forcibly disappeared 33 others. In raids across the city, police in uniform, often with black masks covering their faces, and with no arrest warrants, dragged suspected kuluna at gunpoint out of their homes at night. In many cases, the police shot and killed the unarmed youth outside their homes, while others were apprehended and executed in the open markets where they slept or worked or in nearby fields or empty lots. Many others were taken to unknown locations and forcibly disappeared. Police warned family members and witnesses not to speak out about what happened, denied them access to their relatives' bodies and prevented them from holding funerals. Congolese journalists were threatened when they attempted to document or broadcast information about Operation Likofi killings. Operation Likofi: Police Killings and Enforced Disappearances in Kinshasa is based on interviews conducted in Kinshasa with over 100 witnesses to abuses, family members of victims, police officers who participated in Operation Likofi, government officials, and others. Human Rights Watch calls on the Congolese government to hold those responsible for these abuses to account. General Kanyama should be suspended immediately pending a judicial investigation. The government should also provide information to family members on the fate or whereabouts of the victims. Details: Hew York: HRW, 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc1114_forUpload_0.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Congo, Democratic Republic URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/drc1114_forUpload_0.pdf Shelf Number: 134403 Keywords: DisappearancesGangsHomicidesOrganized CrimePolice Brutality (Congo, Democratic Republic)Police MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Summary: "No answers, no apology" was how a mother described the response of the police in Malaysia to her inquiries about her son who was shot to death by police officers. Her experience is echoed by many other families whose relatives have been killed or injured by the Malaysian police. Based on in-depth interviews in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, and in Selangor, Johor, Kelantan, and Perak, this report documents failures by Malaysian authorities to adequately investigate allegations of deaths and mistreatment of persons in police custody, unjustified shootings, and excessive use of force in dispersing peaceful public demonstrations. There is typically no meaningful accountability for the police officers and officials implicated in such abuses. The police do not effectively investigate allegations of misconduct and the government has shown no inclination to ensure they do so. This impunity is facilitated by the lack of a robust, independent oversight body focused specifically on police accountability, and the police force's poor record of cooperation with existing oversight bodies, including the national human rights commission, SUHAKAM. Police secrecy about internal policies, such as standing orders on the use of force and firearms, further frustrates external investigations. Police need to be accountable to the public and should demonstrate that their policies and practices conform to international human rights standards. External pressure and oversight are important in improving accountability, and police leadership and effective supervision are critical to preventing abuse and misconduct. Human Rights Watch recommends that the Malaysian government create an independent, external commission tasked solely to receive and investigate complaints about police misconduct and abuse. Police authorities should establish an ombudsman's office empowered to receive and follow up on complaints of police abuse and take disciplinary action against officers. Those authorities should also share internal police standing orders with external oversight bodies and reform those orders to bring them into compliance with international human rights standards. Details: New York: HRW, 2014. 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 22, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/malaysia0414_ForUpload.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Malaysia URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/malaysia0414_ForUpload.pdf Shelf Number: 134443 Keywords: Human Rights Abuses (Malaysia)Police AccountabilityPolice BrutalityPolice InvestigationsPolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Great Britain. Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Constabulary Title: Integrity Matters: An inspection of arrangements to ensure integrity and to provide the capability to tackle corruption in policing Summary: In our 2014/15 inspection programme, HMIC committed to carry out an inspection of police integrity and leadership. In March 2014, the Home Secretary asked HMIC to look at the anti-corruption capability of forces as part of the inspection, including the ability of professional standards departments to gather regular, actionable, intelligence on corruption matters. In April 2014, the Home Secretary wrote again to HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary in relation to reports into past investigations of corruption carried out by the Metropolitan Police Service, and asked that these reports be considered fully in this inspection. This report sets out our findings, and considers previous counter-corruption work in the Metropolitan Police Service. Details: London: HMIC, 2015. 226p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2015 at: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/police-integrity-and-corruption-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/police-integrity-and-corruption-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 134551 Keywords: Police Behavior Police Corruption (U.K.) Police Misconduct |
Author: Newburn, Tim Title: Literature review - Police integrity and corruption Summary: There is a sizeable body of literature that attempts to wrestle with the thorny issue of how 'corruption' might be defined. There is little need to review it all here, though the matter cannot be ignored entirely. What follows is a brief outline of why the issue of definition is of some concern, and an outline of the key terms used throughout this short review. In short, there have been two main ways of approaching the issue of corruption. One looks at the different forms of behaviour and attempts to distinguish those actions that might be considered corrupt. The second seeks to construct a definition that can be used to separate corrupt from non-corrupt acts. In truth neither is entirely satisfactory. The problem is that corruption is fundamentally an ethical issue. The simple but uncomfortable fact is that complex ethical problems are an inherent part of policing. The consequence is that complete clarity around conduct is impossible. However, recognising this, and being prepared to discuss openly the problems and the complexities necessarily involved in policing, is an important part of the process of developing coherent administrative policy responses to such issues. Details: London: HMIC, 2015. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2015 at: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/pic-literature-review.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/pic-literature-review.pdf Shelf Number: 134552 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice Corruption (U.K.)Police EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Civil Rights Division Title: Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department Summary: The Civil Rights Division of the United States Department of Justice opened its investigation of the Ferguson Police Department (FPD) on September 4, 2014. This investigation was initiated under the pattern-or-practice provision of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, 42 U.S.C. - 14141, the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, 42 U.S.C. - 3789d (Safe Streets Act), and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. - 2000d (Title VI). This investigation has revealed a pattern or practice of unlawful conduct within the Ferguson Police Department that violates the First, Fourth, and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, and federal statutory law. Over the course of the investigation, we interviewed City officials, including City Manager John Shaw, Mayor James Knowles, Chief of Police Thomas Jackson, Municipal Judge Ronald Brockmeyer, the Municipal Court Clerk, Ferguson's Finance Director, half of FPD's sworn officers, and others. We spent, collectively, approximately 100 person-days onsite in Ferguson. We participated in ride-alongs with on-duty officers, reviewed over 35,000 pages of police records as well as thousands of emails and other electronic materials provided by the police department. Enlisting the assistance of statistical experts, we analyzed FPD's data on stops, searches, citations, and arrests, as well as data collected by the municipal court. We observed four separate sessions of Ferguson Municipal Court, interviewing dozens of people charged with local offenses, and we reviewed third-party studies regarding municipal court practices in Ferguson and St. Louis County more broadly. As in all of our investigations, we sought to engage the local community, conducting hundreds of in-person and telephone interviews of individuals who reside in Ferguson or who have had interactions with the police department. We contacted ten neighborhood associations and met with each group that responded to us, as well as several other community groups and advocacy organizations. Throughout the investigation, we relied on two police chiefs who accompanied us to Ferguson and who themselves interviewed City and police officials, spoke with community members, and reviewed FPD policies and incident reports. Ferguson's law enforcement practices are shaped by the City's focus on revenue rather than by public safety needs. This emphasis on revenue has compromised the institutional character of Ferguson's police department, contributing to a pattern of unconstitutional policing, and has also shaped its municipal court, leading to procedures that raise due process concerns and inflict unnecessary harm on members of the Ferguson community. Further, Ferguson's police and municipal court practices both reflect and exacerbate existing racial bias, including racial stereotypes. Ferguson's own data establish clear racial disparities that adversely impact African Americans. The evidence shows that discriminatory intent is part of the reason for these disparities. Over time, Ferguson's police and municipal court practices have sown deep mistrust between parts of the community and the police department, undermining law enforcement legitimacy among African Americans in particular. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2015. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2015 at: http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/opa/press-releases/attachments/2015/03/04/ferguson_police_department_report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/opa/press-releases/attachments/2015/03/04/ferguson_police_department_report.pdf Shelf Number: 134756 Keywords: BiasDiscriminationPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force (Missouri)Racial DisparitiesRacial Profiling |
Author: King, Denise Rodriguez Title: The Collaborative Reform Model: A Review of Use of Force Policies, Processes, and Practices in the Spokane Police Department Summary: The proper investigation and review of use of force (UOF) incidents, especially those involving deadly force, can have a significant impact on a police department's legitimacy and relationship with the community. The negative effects and impact of an improper investigation and limited transparency are most apparent in the Spokane Police Department's (SPD) investigation of the 2006 Otto Zehm deadly force incident. This incident created an uproar and conflict within the community, and it led to a federal investigation and a civil lawsuit. Six years after the incident, the civil lawsuit was settled, and the officer involved was sentenced to 51 months in federal prison. In spite of the settlement and sentencing of the officer, there is still an opinion within the community that the department has done little to change the internal culture that led to the officer's use of deadly force and the improper investigation of that force. Eight years after the Otto Zehm incident, the police-community relationship continues to be frayed. New leadership within the police department and an organizational restructuring are signs of positive progress; however, both the department and the community agree that continued change and improvement are needed to repair the scars left by events such as the 2006 deadly force incident. In fall 2012, Chief Frank Straub, only months after being sworn in as the new police chief, requested that the U.S. Department of Justice's Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) assess the SPD's use of force policies, processes, and practices. The COPS Office responded and tasked the CNA Corporation to conduct this assessment under the COPS Office's Collaborative Reform Initiative for Technical Assistance (CRI-TA) program. The goal of this review was to improve the use of force processes in the SPD, taking into account national standards, best practices, existing research, and community expectations. The objectives of the review were as follows: - Examine the SPD's use of force policies and procedures compared with national best practices and existing research, identify areas for improvement, and provide recommendations. - Analyze a sample of use of force investigation files from 2009 through 2013 and identify trends, strengths, and weaknesses. - Examine the role of the ombudsman in use of force investigations compared with national best practices and existing research. - Improve the SPD organization's culture as it relates to use of force, in order to build trust with the community. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2014. 132p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2015 at: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0751-pub.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0751-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 134772 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductPolice Policies and PracticesPolice ReformPolice Use of Force (Spokane, Washington) |
Author: Fachner, George Title: Collaborative Reform Model: Final Assessment Report of the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department Summary: In January 2012, under growing community concern and scrutiny of its use of deadly force practices, the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department (LVMPD) agreed to take part in an initiative sponsored by the U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office), known as the "Collaborative Reform Model." As part of this initiative, LVMPD agreed to an in-depth assessment of its use of deadly force policies and practices. In support, the COPS Office and CNA would assist the LVMPD in adopting national standards and best practices as they relate to officer-involved shootings (OIS), while ensuring that LVMPD's implementation was comprehensive and integrated. CNA conducted the assessment, focusing on four issue areas: (1) policy and procedures, (2) training and tactics, (3) investigation and documentation, and (4) external review. CNA completed the assessment in November 2012, which documented a total of 75 reforms and recommendations. These included both new recommendations from the assessment team and reforms that LVMPD initiated before and during the assessment process. CNA published the final report, Collaborative Reform Model: A Review of Officer-Involved Shootings in the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department (referred to as the "2012 report" throughout the remainder of this report) in November 2012. The publication of the 2012 report did not complete the process. Sustainable policy and organizational change requires careful planning, implementation, and monitoring. The COPS Office, CNA, and LVMPD have continued in their collaboration throughout 2013. The COPS Office asked CNA to document reforms previously completed by LVMPD and to actively monitor those that resulted from the 2012 report. In September, CNA and the COPS Office published Collaborative Reform Model: Six-Month Status Report of the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department. The six-month report showed that LVMPD had made significant progress. A total of 56 reforms had been completed by the department and another 15 were in progress. This report is the final assessment of LVMPD with respect to the Collaborative Reform Model. It has been two years since the beginning of the reform process, and one year since the reforms were recommended. The purpose of this report is to inform all stakeholders and interested parties of the progress made toward reforming LVMPD's policies and practices with respect to OISs. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 9, 2015 at: http://www.lvmpd.com/Portals/0/OIO/LVMPD_Collab_Reform_Final_Report_v6-final.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.lvmpd.com/Portals/0/OIO/LVMPD_Collab_Reform_Final_Report_v6-final.pdf Shelf Number: 134774 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice Brutality Police Misconduct Police Reform Police Use of Force (U.S.) |
Author: Fachner, George Title: Collaborative Reform Initiative - An Assessment of Deadly Force in the Philadelphia Police Department Summary: In 2013, in response to an increase in officer-involved shootings, Philadelphia Police Commissioner Charles Ramsey requested technical assistance from the COPS Office. Launched in November 2013, the Collaborative Reform Initiative in Philadelphia focuses on the use of deadly force over a seven-year period. The COPS Office's training and technical assistance provider for the assessment, CNA, reviewed hundreds of departmental policies, manuals and training plans; conducted 164 interviews with community members and department civilian and sworn personnel; facilitated focus groups with city and department stakeholders; and directly observed operations, including the use of force review board hearings of 20 officer involved shooting incidents. Through its 48 findings, the assessment identifies serious deficiencies in the department's use of force policies and training, including a failure to maintain a certified field training program; deficient, inconsistent supervision and operational control of officer involved shooting investigations and crime scenes; and oversight and accountability practices in need of improvement, the most notable being the need for the department to fully cooperate with the Police Advisory Commission. To address these issues, the report prescribes 91 recommendations to help the department improve with respect to the use of force and implement industry best practices. The COPS Office will work with the Philadelphia Police Department over the next 18 months to help them implement these recommendations and will provide two progress reports during this time. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2015. 188p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 25, 2015 at: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0753-pub.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0753-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 135005 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice BehaviorPolice BrutalityPolice DiscretionPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force (Philadelphia) |
Author: Pyman, Mark Title: Arresting corruption in the police. The global experience of police corruption reform efforts Summary: This report is the result of a survey of global experience of police anti-corruption reforms. It analyses police corruption and looks at reforms that were undertaken to tackle it. The report offers a way to analyse police corruption more systematically through a 'police typology', and looks at examples of police reform in 10 countries around the globe: Australia, Afghanistan, China, Georgia, Honduras, Jamaica, Kenya, Serbia, Singapore, and Venezuela. Details: London: Transparency International, UK, 2012. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2015 at: http://issuu.com/tidefence/docs/2012-11_arrestingcorruptioninpolice Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://issuu.com/tidefence/docs/2012-11_arrestingcorruptioninpolice Shelf Number: 135137 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolice Reform |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) Title: Critical Response Technical Assessment Review: Police Accountability - Findings and National implications of an assessment of the San Diego Police Department Summary: Over the last several years, the San Diego Police Department (SDPD) has faced cases of criminal misconduct by police officers, including sexual assaults of women by on-duty officers. In one case, Officer Anthony Arevalos was charged with 21 felony charges related to the sexual assault and victimization of eight women while he was on duty between 2009 and 2012. Arevalos was one of 10 SDPD officers to come under investigation for criminal misconduct on charges including rape, domestic violence, driving under the influence, and sexual battery during a three-month span in early 2011. Out of the 10 cases, six resulted in the arrest of officers. In 2014, another SDPD officer was arrested and pled guilty to two counts of felony false imprisonment and three counts of misdemeanor sexual battery involving four victims. The fact that these officers committed these crimes and that the crimes were committed over a period of years and went undetected for so long outraged the San Diego community and resulted in headlines nationwide about the scandal in what had previously been regarded as a well-respected police department. At a May 2011 press conference following the arrest of Arevalos, then Chief of Police William Lansdowne apologized to the San Diego community on behalf of the police department and announced a seven-point plan to prevent recurrences of misconduct and criminal acts by officers. The Lansdowne plan included measures such as strengthening the internal affairs unit, establishing a 24/7 confidential complaint hotline, and evaluating the department's early identification and intervention system (EIIS), which is intended to provide early alerts to police supervisors about potentially problematic behavior by officers. By February 2013, the San Diego City Council was informed that the SDPD had fully implemented Chief Lansdowne's seven-point plan. In early 2014, new allegations of criminal sexual misconduct by two additional SDPD officers refocused attention on the issue of misconduct within the SDPD and left many individuals questioning the full implementation of the seven-point plan and the department's ability to effectively police itself even with the plan in place. In response, Chief Lansdowne announced that he would seek outside assistance to review the SDPD's systems for detecting and preventing misconduct, evaluate how the department had handled the misconduct cases, and recommend reform measures. This report is the result of that external review. Details: Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2015. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2015 at: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0756-pub.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0756-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 135510 Keywords: Police Accountability (San Diego)Police AdministrationPolice BehaviorPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Tiger Chairs and Cell Bosses: Police Torture of Criminal Suspents in China Summary: After cases of police brutality against criminal suspects emerged in 2009 and 2010, China's government announced new measures to curb torture and wrongful convictions. These included restrictions on the conduct of interrogations and prohibitions on using detainee "cell bosses" to oversee other detainees. The Ministry of Public Security claims that the use of coerced confessions has dropped significantly as a result of the reforms. Tiger Chairs and Cell Bosses- based primarily on an analysis of hundreds of newly published court decisions and interviews with recent detainees, family members, lawyers, and former officials-finds that the measures adopted between 2009 and 2013 have not gone nearly far enough to fully address abusive interrogations. Some police officers deliberately thwart the new protections by taking detainees from official detention facilities or by using torture methods that leave no visible injuries. Procurators and judges may ignore clear evidence of mistreatment, rendering China's new "exclusionary rule" - which prohibits the use of evidence directly obtained through torture - of little benefit. Police torture of suspects in pre-trial detention remains a serious concern. Former detainees described physical and psychological torture, including being forced to spend days shackled to a "tiger chair," hung by the wrists, and deprived of sleep for prolonged periods. While measures adopted since 2009 appear to have reduced certain abuses, they are being grafted onto a criminal justice system that still offers police numerous opportunities to abuse suspects and affords the police enormous power to resist any judicial supervision. Absent more fundamental reforms in the Chinese criminal justice system that empower defense lawyers, the judiciary, and independent monitors, the elimination of routine torture and ill-treatment is unlikely. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 143p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 13, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/china0515_ForUpload.pdf Year: 2015 Country: China URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/china0515_ForUpload.pdf Shelf Number: 135632 Keywords: Human Rights AbusesPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePrisoner AbusePrisonersTorture |
Author: South African Institute of Race Relations Title: Broken Blue Line 2: The Involvement of the South African Police Service in Serious and Violent Crime in South Africa Summary: This is the second report of the Broken Blue Line project - the first having been published by the IRR in 2011. As in 2011 this 2015 report examines the extent to which the police are involved in perpetrating criminal violence. There should be no need for such a report as the police should be our primary line of defence against criminal violence. However, as you will read, in too many cases that line of defence has broken down and the supposed defenders have become perpetrators. As long as the police service remains a home to violent criminals it is very unlikely that South Africa will experience a sustained and significant decline in serious and violent crime. It is essential therefore that pressure be brought to bear on political authorities to take police criminality seriously and deal with it effectively. Creating such pressure is also one of the most effective means by which South Africa can support the efforts of hard working and committed members of the police service. Details: Johannesburg: IRR, 2015. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 20, 2015 at: http://irr.org.za/reports-and-publications/occasional-reports/files/broken-blue-line-2-february-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: South Africa URL: http://irr.org.za/reports-and-publications/occasional-reports/files/broken-blue-line-2-february-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 135732 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Police Executive Research Forum Title: Use of Force Policy and Practices Study for Cleveland Division of Police Summary: The Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) was retained by the Cleveland Division of Police (CDP) to conduct a comprehensive review of the Division's policies and practices related to the use of force. This study was conducted in two phases. In the first phase, PERF subject matter experts reviewed all of the Division's written policies and procedures related to the use of force, recommended changes where appropriate, and then evaluated policy changes made by the Division. The purpose of the review was to recommend that the Division implement use of force policies and procedures that were in line with current best practices. The following policies were designated by the Police Division for PERF review: - Standard Operating Procedure Manual: The Use of Deadly Force Investigation Team (UDFIT Manual) - GPO 1.1.22 Deadly Force Investigation Team (UDFIT) - GPO 1.3.16 Integrity Control Section Call-up Teams - GPO 2.1.01 Use of Force - GPO 2.1.02 Beanbag Shotguns - GPO 2.1.03 Firearm Discharge Investigations - GPO 2.1.04 Animal Incidents - GPO 2.1.05 Weapon Clearing Trap (Device used to safely clear weapons). - GPO 2.1.06 Taser - Electronic Control Device (ECD) The policy review and development process was conducted over a period beginning in January 2012 and concluding in September 2012. Working meetings were held with CDP officials to review existing policies, deliberate on potential use of force policy changes, review and discuss PERF's recommended changes, then review and formalize policy changes made by the CDP. The second phase of the study, which began in September of 2012, evaluated how the Division currently manages department processes that affect use of force practices, and the extent to which CDP has implemented use of force policies, procedures, directives and training. During this phase, PERF staff met with members of the CDP; subject matter experts evaluated the Division's use of force training, reporting, supervision, and investigations; and national law enforcement leaders facing similar challenges as in Cleveland were brought in to provide consultation for the Mayor and key appointees and the command staff of the Cleveland Division of Police. PERF's findings and recommendations are described in this report. The intended outcome of the study is to provide the Division with a roadmap to evaluate and strengthen (where necessary) how the Division controls and manages the use of force by officers. PERF performed the following tasks for the collection of information related to CDP's use of force issues: 1. An examination of existing policies related to police use of force. 2. Use of the following policy modification process - PERF made recommendations to revise existing use of force policies; those recommendations were reviewed by the CDP; the Division revised policies as they deemed appropriate; PERF performed a second review and commented on the modified policies; all input was used by the CDP to finalize changes to policies. 3. A review of a sample of use of use of force reports filed by Cleveland police officers. 4. An examination of a sample of internal investigation reports regarding the use of force. 5. Interviews with supervisory and command level personnel regarding use of force training, reporting, supervision, investigations and aftercare. Details: Washington, DC: PERF, 2013. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed May 26, 2015 at: http://archive.wkyc.com/assetpool/documents/130828031751_Use%20of%20Force%20Report.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://archive.wkyc.com/assetpool/documents/130828031751_Use%20of%20Force%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 129787 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice Policies and PracticesPolice Use of Force |
Author: Faull, Andrew Title: City Blues: Corruption and Corruption Management in South Africa's Metropolitan Police Departments Summary: Police in South Africa are increasingly perceived as being corrupt. Research indicates that corruption is especially prevalent in the area of traffic regulation enforcement which, in the major urban centres, is primarily the responsibility of Metropolitan Police Departments (MPDs). As organs of local municipal councils, MPDs are also responsible for general crime prevention and crowd management, as well as other joint duties with the South African Police Service (SAPS). Metro Police Departments are set up and structured in partnership with local councils under relevant national legislation. From one local council to the next there is scope for considerable variation in approach to matters, including the control of corruption. This paper sheds light on how corruption (or 'integrity management' as it is sometimes called) is approached within each of the six major metro police departments. Section 1 gives background on corruption among metropolitan police generally and reviews relevant survey data. Section 2 gives a detailed profile of each of the departments and their approaches to corruption management. The last section sums up and compares the various approaches to controlling corruption and offers suggestions on how this could be improved. Details: Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2008. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: ISS Paper 170: Accessed June 3, 2015 at: http://dspace.africaportal.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/31193/1/PAPER170.pdf?1 Year: 2008 Country: South Africa URL: http://dspace.africaportal.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/31193/1/PAPER170.pdf?1 Shelf Number: 135877 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: Victorian Ombudsman Title: Investigation into allegations of improper conduct by officers of VicRoads Summary: This report sets out the investigation into a protected disclosure complaint referred by IBAC to the Ombudsman in October 2014. The discloser alleged that it is 'normal practice' for VicRoads Transport Safety Services staff caught speeding in VicRoads vehicles to avoid a fine by claiming unjustifiable exemptions. In effect, the allegation was that some VicRoads staff break the road rules with impunity. Victorian road rules are clear: road users may not exceed the speed limit, unless the special exemptions for drivers of police, emergency, enforcement and escort vehicles apply. The rationale for both the road rules and the exemptions is unarguably about public safety. The investigation found that the allegation was substantiated. We found that some VicRoads enforcement officers routinely exceeded the speed limit in VicRoads vehicles without displaying lights or sirens, as required by the road rules. There must be serious doubt about whether at least some of these speeding vehicles were engaged in enforcement activity at all. Not only did some staff routinely break the rules, the process for investigating infringements and approving exemptions was seriously deficient. Exemptions were approved on no or minimal evidence, and with no or minimal rationale. Senior staff responsible for approving exemptions were not even aware that lights or sirens were necessary. The result was that VicRoads enforcement officers bore no consequences despite committing offences for which any member of the public would get a ticket and points off their licence. One of VicRoads' key aims is the safety of the road system for all road users. Yet this investigation reveals internal failures which could jeopardise the safety of both VicRoads officers and the Victorian public. The investigation also exposed a culture within a key unit of VicRoads of ignoring the legislation they are responsible for enforcing. One VicRoads enforcement officer told us they "can't do their jobs" if they did not break the law. People with the power to enforce the law and impose penalties on others must be held to the highest possible standards when it comes to their own conduct. It is a worrying state of affairs when those charged with enforcing the rules not only flout them, but have no qualm in doing so. The investigation was limited to one area of VicRoads Transport Safety Services, examining 18 of the 40 infringements recorded against VicRoads vehicles over a two-year period. Given the problems identified in this region, the lack of internal controls to monitor exemptions and the confused data, I am recommending that VicRoads review all exemptions approved in the past three years and take appropriate action in relation to any staff who either incurred or approved an exemption inappropriately. VicRoads' Chief Executive Officer has told me he is committed to addressing the issues, both cultural and specific, highlighted in this report. Concerns about this area of VicRoads have been raised by the Ombudsman before, including in my predecessor's 2013 annual report. As a result, a new leadership team was put in place, and I am advised that robust action has been and will continue to be taken to ensure high standards of good conduct. VicRoads should be leading the way on road safety, and public servants should not forget that they lead by example. This potentially dangerous and unfair practice came to light as a result of a whistleblower coming forward. Reporting wrongdoing is the first step to rooting it out. Details: Melbourne: Victorian government printer, 2015. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 8, 2015 at: https://www.ombudsman.vic.gov.au/getattachment/5d31ce88-4c24-4398-ba42-e740f79fdcf1//publications/parliamentary-reports/investigation-into-allegations-of-improper-con-(3).aspx Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://www.ombudsman.vic.gov.au/getattachment/5d31ce88-4c24-4398-ba42-e740f79fdcf1//publications/parliamentary-reports/investigation-into-allegations-of-improper-con-(3).aspx Shelf Number: 135968 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice MisconductTraffic OffensesWhistleblowing |
Author: Roth, Lenny Title: External oversight of police conduct Summary: The importance of having a system of external oversight of police conduct was highlighted by the Wood Royal Commission into the NSW Police Service in the mid-1990s. The external oversight model that has been in place in NSW since that time has involved two key agencies: the NSW Ombudsman, which primarily oversees the way in which NSW Police deals with complaints, and the Police Integrity Commission, which investigates serious police misconduct as well as overseeing the way in which other agencies investigate such misconduct. In recent times, the effectiveness of this system has been called into question. In February 2015, a Legislative Council Select Committee report referred to "dysfunction" within the system and recommended that a further committee inquiry be held on reforming the system, "with a view to establishing a single, well-resourced police oversight body". The NSW Government has since appointed former Shadow Attorney-General, Andrew Tink, to review the police oversight system, including examining options for a single civilian oversight model. The terms of reference for the review were released on 21 May and Mr Tink has been asked to report by 31 August 2015. This paper revisits the Wood Royal Commission report, examines the current system in NSW, and discusses the many reviews of the system that have taken place over the past decade. It also outlines the police oversight models in other Australian jurisdictions and in the United Kingdom. In summary: - The Commonwealth has a very similar model to NSW. South Australia also has a multi-agency model but it comprises a Police Ombudsman and the Independent Commissioner Against Corruption (this system is also currently under review). - Victoria, Queensland and Western Australia have a single agency model, in the form of a general anti-corruption commission. - In England and Wales, there is a single agency, the Independent Police Complaints Commission, which was set up in 2004 and investigates serious complaints and critical incidents. Reports have expressed concern at the IPCC's lack of resources and the effectiveness of the complaints. Details: Sydney: NSW Parliamentary Research Service, 2015. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper No. 6/2015: Accessed July 13, 2015 at: http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/publications.nsf/0/74D5A9F61C454021CA257E5B001EF114/$File/External%20oversight%20of%20police%20conduct.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/publications.nsf/0/74D5A9F61C454021CA257E5B001EF114/$File/External%20oversight%20of%20police%20conduct.pdf Shelf Number: 136016 Keywords: Complaints Against the PolicePolice CorruptionPolice IntegrityPolice MisconductPolice Oversight |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Generation Jail: Egypt's Youth Go From Protest to Prison Summary: A continuing onslaught against young activists by the Egyptian authorities is a blatant attempt to crush the spirit of the country's bravest and brightest young minds, and nip in the bud any future threat to their rule, said Amnesty International in a new briefing published today. Generation Jail: Egypt's Youth Go From Protest to Prison focuses on the cases of 14 young people who are among thousands who have been arbitrarily arrested, detained and jailed in Egypt over the past two years in connection with protests. The briefing shows that the country has reverted fully to being a police state. Details: London: AI, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2015 at: https://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/2015-06_-_generation_jail_with_pictures.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Egypt URL: https://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/2015-06_-_generation_jail_with_pictures.pdf Shelf Number: 136017 Keywords: Human RightsJuvenile DetentionPolice MisconductProtestors |
Author: Croslin, Chike Title: Independent Lens: Toward Transparency, Accountability, and Effectiveness in Police Tactics, Summary: Mandating that police wear body-worn cameras can help to improve relations between police and communities, and ensure greater accountability for police actions. But these requirements must be carefully and thoughtfully implemented within a much wider set of policy and practical policing reforms. These are the conclusions drawn from a new report released by the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice titled Independent Lens: Toward Transparency, Accountability, and Effectiveness in Police Tactics, that explores the potential and limitations of body-worn cameras for police. Recent police shootings of unarmed civilians, incidents of police misconduct, high levels of complaints against police, and costly settlements have highlighted the divisions that exist between police and residents, and the lack of trust that frequently exists between police and the communities they serve, particularly communities of color. In response, many are calling for new laws to require police officers to wear body-worn cameras to record their interactions with the public. Because this technology is relatively new and still largely untested, there exist myriad questions about the legality, usefulness, and effectiveness of such requirements" Independent Lens takes a close look at these questions, and concludes that body-worn cameras, when appropriately integrated into existing police practices and supported by a detailed regulatory architecture, can be a key tool for reinvigorating community policing and reducing costs stemming from complaints, litigation, and settlements." However, the report also cautions policymakers of the limitations of body-worn camera technology. Such devices do not address the need for deeper reforms within police departments, such as additional training of police officers, greater monitoring of the effects of implicit racial bias, and shifts in agency incentive structures away from arrests and toward greater public safety. Details: Cambridge, MA: Harvard Black Law Students Association, 2015. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2015 at: http://www.charleshamiltonhouston.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Independent-Lens-Cvr-Guts.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.charleshamiltonhouston.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Independent-Lens-Cvr-Guts.pdf Shelf Number: 136073 Keywords: Body-Worn CamerasPolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductPolice Policies and PracticesPolice Use of ForcePolice-Community Relations |
Author: Hagedorn, John M. Title: Crime, Corruption and Cover-ups in the Chicago Police Department Summary: The Chicago Police Department has a legacy of both heroism and corruption. On the one hand, the department's officers risk their lives on a daily basis to enforce the law, protect the public and preserve the peace. On the other hand, Chicago has a checkered history of police scandals and an embarrassingly long list of police officers who have crossed the line to engage in brutality, corruption and criminal activity. An analysis of five decades of news reports reveals that since 1960, a total of 295 Chicago Police officers have been convicted of serious crimes, such as drug dealing, beatings of civilians, destroying evidence, protecting mobsters, theft and murder. Moreover, the listing of police convicted of crimes undoubtedly underestimates the problem of corruption in the Chicago Police Department (CPD). The list does not include undetected and unreported illegal activity, serious misconduct resulting in internal disciplinary action, and officers who retire rather than face charges. Our analysis of police corruption in Chicago yields four major findings. First, corruption has long persisted within the CPD and continues to be a serious problem. There have been 102 convictions of Chicago police since the beginning of 2000. Second, police officers often resist reporting crimes and misconduct committed by fellow officers. The "blue code of silence," while difficult to prove, is an integral part of the department's culture and it exacerbates the corruption problems. However last November, a federal jury found that the City of Chicago and its police culture were partially responsible for Officer Anthony Abbate's brutal beating of a female bartender. After the civil trial to assess damages, the victim's attorney declared, "We proved a code of silence at every level in the Chicago Police Department." Third, overtime a large portion of police corruption has shifted from policemen aiding and abetting mobsters and organized crime to officers involved with drugs dealers and street gangs. Since the year 2000, a total of 47 Chicago law enforcement officers were convicted of drug and gang related crimes. The department's war on drugs puts police officers, especially those working undercover, in dangerous situations where they must cooperate with criminals to catch criminals. These endeavors require that CPD superiors provide a high degree of leadership and oversight to keep officers on the straight and narrow. Fourth, internal and external sources of authority, including police superintendents and Mayors, have up to now failed to provide adequate anti-corruption oversight and leadership. The case of Lieutenant Jon Burge, Commander of Area 2 Detective Division, accused of torturing suspects to extract confessions is the most notorious, high-profile example of the lack of accountability in the department involving several state's attorneys and mayors. The "blue wall of silence" protected Burge and his many accomplices. Despite numerous courts overturning convictions and several media exposes, the CPD leadership and Mayor's office denied and evaded evidence that Burge and 64 other officers tortured more than 100 African-American suspects over several decades. In addition, dozens, if not hundreds, of police officers, who were present at the stations while the torture occurred or who heard about it from coworkers, failed to report the torture to the proper authorities. The Cook County State's Attorney never prosecuted a single officer for any crimes related to torture. And, there is no evidence that the Police Department ever disciplined any officer for failing to come forward with information about the tortures. Finally, the United States Attorney stepped in and prosecuted Jon Burge. Last year, he was convicted in federal court, not for torture but for lying about it under oath. The dozens of other police officers involved in the torture cases were not prosecuted. By 2012, the statute of limitation had expired. In this report, as well as in the previous six anti-corruption reports published by the Political Science Department, public corruption has been defined as an illegal or unethical act committed by a public official for his or her self interest rather than for the public good. While we relied on a set of 295 criminal convictions of police offices to analyze and classify police corruption, it should be noted that most unethical behavior and non-criminal misconduct also fits the definition of corruption. Also while some non-criminal misconduct committed by individual officers may not its self be "corruption," it is often swept under the rug or covered-upped by the department to avoid embarrassment. Toleration of such misconduct is definitely "corruption." Toleration of corruption, or at least resigned acceptance, appears to be the order of the day for at least the past 50 years. The department's Internal Affairs Division (IAD), the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA), Police Board (PB), the department's top brass, the Mayor's office, and State Attorneys have all failed to aggressively and effectively reign in police corruption. In recent years, only the U.S. Attorney's Office has made a serious effort to curb police corruption. Details: Chicago: University of Illinois at Chicago, Department of Political Science, 2013. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Anti-Corruption Report No. 7: http://pols.uic.edu/docs/default-source/chicago_politics/anti-corruption_reports/policecorruption.pdf?sfvrsn=2 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://pols.uic.edu/docs/default-source/chicago_politics/anti-corruption_reports/policecorruption.pdf?sfvrsn=2 Shelf Number: 136164 Keywords: Blue Wall of SilencePolice CorruptionPolice EthicsPolice Misconduct |
Author: Marin, Andre Title: Oversight Unseen: Investigation into the Special Investigations Unit's operational effectiveness and credibility Summary: Canada received considerable unfavourable international attention last fall when millions witnessed the graphic video images of the last terrifying moments in the life of Robert Dziekanski. After a long and delayed international flight from his native Poland, Mr. Dziekanski arrived at Vancouver Airport, only to spend hours wandering hopelessly, unable to communicate or to obtain the assistance he needed to exit and meet up with his mother. As Mr. Dziekanski became increasingly confused and agitated, RCMP officers arrived and, within minutes, stunned him with a Taser. He was then restrained, and died shortly thereafter. In the aftermath of this tragedy, public accusations were made of cover-up and police using excessive force. People demanded assurance that the truth surrounding his ill-fated encounter with police would be revealed, and many voiced distrust of any investigation that would involve police investigating police. To Ontario's great credit, incidents in this province involving serious injury and death of civilians resulting from police contact are not investigated by police officials, but by the Special Investigations Unit (SIU), a civilian criminal investigative agency. Created in 1990, the SIU's existence is a testament to the strength of democratic principles in this province, and the value our government has placed on reinforcing public confidence in policing. Unfortunately, over the past two years, several serious concerns have been raised by individuals, families, lawyers and community advocates who complained to my Office about the credibility and effectiveness of the SIU. As previous independent reviews have documented, the SIU's early history was marked by successive governments failing to provide it with adequate resources, and by police officials aggressively resisting its oversight. While its resources have increased over time, and regulatory requirements now more clearly define police obligations, my investigation found that the Special Investigations Unit continues to struggle to assert its authority, maintain its balance against powerful police interests, and carry out its mandate effectively. The SIU is still very much a fledgling organization. It does not have its own constituting legislation, its mandate lacks clarity, it is administratively and technically challenged and it is dependent on the Ministry of the Attorney General. In turn, the Ministry of the Attorney General has relied on the SIU to soothe police and community sensibilities and to ward off controversy. But in doing so, it performance is subjectively evaluated and rewarded, compromising the SIU's structural integrity and independence. Its credibility as an independent investigative agency is further undermined by the predominant presence and continuing police links of former police officials within the SIU. It is so steeped in police culture that it has, at times, even tolerated the blatant display of police insignia and police affiliation. In addition to lacking the necessary statutory authority to act decisively when police officials fail to comply with regulatory requirements, the SIU often ignores the tools it does have, such as public censure, and adopts an impotent stance in the face of police challenge. Delays in police providing notice of incidents, in disclosing notes, and in submitting to interviews are endemic. Rather than vigorously inquiring into and documenting delays and other evidence of police resistance, the SIU deals with issues of police non-co-operation as isolated incidents. It ignores systemic implications and attempts to solve individual problems through a conciliatory approach. The SIU has not only become complacent about ensuring that police officials follow the rules, it has bought into the fallacious argument that SIU investigations aren't like other criminal cases, and that it is acceptable to treat police witnesses differently from civilians. Police interviews are rarely held within the regulatory time frames, and are all too often postponed - for weeks, sometimes even months. The SIU will not inconvenience officers or police forces by interviewing officers off duty. When it encounters overt resistance from police officials, the SIU pursues a low-key diplomatic approach that flies under the public radar. If disagreement cannot be resolved, the SIU more often than not simply accepts defeat. The SIU also fails to respond to incidents with rigour and urgency - at times inexplicably overlooking the closest investigators, and following routines that result in precious investigative minutes, sometimes hours, being lost. It has become mired in its own internal events, and introspective focus. The SIU's system of oversight is out of balance. It must not only ensure accountability of police conduct, but be perceived by the public as doing so. At present, the public is expected to trust that the SIU conducts thorough and objective investigations and accept that its decisions are well founded when it decides, for example, not to charge officers. But much remains hidden from public view, including Director's reports and significant policy issues. In order to properly serve the function it was created to fulfill, greater transparency is required with respect to the SIU's investigative outcomes, as well as those of the police disciplinary system triggered by SIU investigations. In theory, the SIU is a fundamental pillar of accountability in Ontario. However, the reality is that the SIU is capable of much more than it is achieving at present. It is incumbent on government to provide the agencies it creates with the means to fully accomplish their mandates. The citizens of Ontario are entitled to a Special Investigations Unit with the necessary resources and tools to be the best that it can be. With that in mind, I have made 46 recommendations in this report, addressed at improving the system. The first 25 recommendations focus on the SIU itself. I believe that there is much that the SIU can do on its own to enhance and inject more rigour into its investigative practices, and its response to challenges to its authority. I have also made recommendations to address the issues created by a lingering police culture within the SIU, and to achieve greater transparency. Details: Ottawa: Ombudsman Ontario, 2008. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 5, 2015 at: http://www.siu.on.ca/pdfs/marin_report_2008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Canada URL: http://www.siu.on.ca/pdfs/marin_report_2008.pdf Shelf Number: 136686 Keywords: Complaints Against the PoliceInvestigationsOmbudsmanPolice AccountabilityPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice OversightPolice Use of Force |
Author: Ferguson Commission Title: Forward through Ferguson: A path toward racial equity Summary: The Ferguson Commission is an independent group appointed by Missouri Governor Jay Nixon on November 18, 2014, to conduct a "thorough, wide-ranging and unflinching study of the social and economic conditions that impede progress, equality and safety in the St. Louis region." The need to address these conditions was underscored by the unrest in the wake of the death of Michael Brown, Jr. in Ferguson on August 9, 2014. The Commission's Charge The Commission, composed of 16 diverse volunteer leaders, was charged with the following: To examine the underlying causes of these conditions, including poverty, education, governance, and law enforcement; To engage with local citizens, area organizations, national thought leaders, institutions, and experts to develop a thorough and comprehensive understanding of the concerns related to these conditions; and To issue an unflinching report containing specific, practical policy recommendations for making the region a stronger, fairer place for everyone to live. This is that report. Details: Ferguson, MO: The Commission, 2015. 198p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 18, 2015 at: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2413166/fergusoncommissionreport-091415.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/2413166/fergusoncommissionreport-091415.pdf Shelf Number: 136831 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePublic SafetyRacial EqualitySocioeconomic Conditions and Crime |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "As Though We Are Not Human Beings": Police Brutality against Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Macedonia Summary: Men, women, and children - many from Syria, Somalia, and Afghanistan - have experienced police violence and inhumane, degrading treatment and arbitrary detention in Macedonia, a key transit country along the Western Balkans migration route into the European Union. Many migrants and asylum seekers have already made an arduous journey, boarding overcrowded vessels to cross the Aegean Sea or making the land border crossings from Turkey to Greece planning to travel onwards to northern EU countries. They typically reached Macedonia after walking for several days, often without enough food, water, or proper clothing. Many apprehended by the police in Macedonia were beaten with police batons, punched, kicked, and verbally insulted. They were either summarily returned to Greece amid more abuse or taken straight to detention where they were held in appalling conditions. As Though We Are Not Human Beings, based on interviews with migrants and asylum seekers, experts, and government officials, documents physical and verbal abuse at the hands of Macedonian officials at the border with Greece and ill-treatment by police guards in the Gazi Baba detention center, including physical and verbal abuse as well as gender-based violence. In addition to ill-treatment in Gazi Baba, the report finds that migrants and asylum seekers have been arbitrarily detained in Macedonia in inhumane and degrading conditions, including overcrowding; insufficient access to food and drinking water; and unhygienic and unsanitary conditions. The report calls on Macedonian authorities to stop police abuse, promptly investigate allegations of ill-treatment, and cease arbitrarily detaining migrants and asylum seekers in degrading conditions. It also calls on the European Union to press Macedonia to improve its treatment of migrants and asylum seekers and to assist with Macedonian authorities to respect the human rights of migrants and asylum seekers present in the country. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 25, 2015 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/macedonia0915_4up.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Macedonia URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/macedonia0915_4up.pdf Shelf Number: 136881 Keywords: Asylum SeekersImmigrant DetentionImmigrantsPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "We Live in Constant Fear": Lack of Accountability for Police Abuse in Sri Lanka Summary: Back Blurb: Police in Sri Lanka regularly use torture and other ill-treatment, including severe beatings, electric shock, and painful stress positions, in violation of domestic and international law. This misuse of force has been applied not only in counter-insurgency cases, but to criminal suspects in custody and to peaceful protesters demonstrating on city streets. Police abuses during routine law enforcement point to an endemic culture of abuse - one not solely linked to the country's civil war that ended in 2009. "We Live in Constant Fear" - Lack of Accountability for Police Abuse in Sri Lanka documents efforts over many years by families to obtain justice for their loved ones who died in police custody as well as very recent cases. The report demonstrates how a pervasive lack of accountability has allowed torture to go unchecked. Procedural safeguards to protect detainees against mistreatment are simply ignored or bypassed. Even when victims later report their cases, the legal system is slow to respond, and tends to show deference to the police. A new government elected in January 2015 has promised major reforms, and there is now an opportunity to rein in police abuse. The government needs to send the message that deviation from legal safeguards will not be tolerated. Human Rights Watch calls on Sri Lankas government to create an independent oversight authority over the police and adopt other concrete steps to reduce rights violations. The government should also amend police rules and manuals to be consistent with international law. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2015 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/srilanka1015_4up_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Sri Lanka URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/srilanka1015_4up_0.pdf Shelf Number: 137143 Keywords: Police AbusePolice AccountabilityPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Like We Are Not Nepali": Protest and Police Crackdown in the Terai Region of Nepal Summary: Starting in late August 2015, protests over Nepal's new constitution in the southern Terai region turned violent, with protesters in some instances attacking defenseless police, and police in many instances using excessive force. Some 45 people were killed. The protesters, from long-marginalized Tharu and Madhesi communities, objected to the proposed new constitution, notably its delineation of federal provinces that many believed would further entrench their marginalization. "Like We Are Not Nepali" documents 25 of the killings, including of 9 police officers and 16 members of the public, in five Terai districts between August 24 and September 11, 2015. Human Rights Watch found no evidence that any of the victims was posing a threat to another at the time he was killed, indicating that the authorities violated international standards on the use of force in policing. Human Rights Watch calls on Nepali officials to ensure that security forces immediately cease the use of disproportionate force against protesters and establish an independent mechanism for investigating the killings. It urges protesters and protest leaders to take all feasible steps to ensure that all protests are peaceful, and fully cooperate with the authorities in ensuring those responsible for serious crimes are brought to justice. All sides to the underlying political dispute, including protesters and the government, should avoid any action which could incite communal tensions. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2015 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/nepal1015_forupload.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Nepal URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/nepal1015_forupload.pdf Shelf Number: 137144 Keywords: Police MisconductPolice Use of ForceProtest Movements |
Author: Thompson II, Richard M. Title: Police Use of Force: Rules, Remedies, and Reforms Summary: Several high-profile police shootings and other law enforcement-related deaths in the United States have sparked intense protests throughout the country and a fierce debate in Congress concerning the appropriate level of force police officers should wield in a society that equally values public safety and the lives of each of its citizens under law. These incidents have been the subject of several congressional hearings, have prompted the introduction of various legislative measures, and have catalyzed a new civil rights movement in the United States aimed at reforming the criminal justice system. Reformers claim that police work too closely with local prosecutors resulting in insufficient oversight and have called for greater involvement by the federal government. The law enforcement community and its supporters have countered that these recent deaths are anomalous in otherwise exemplary police conduct, and that placing the federal government in direct regulation of state and local police would present an unwarranted intrusion into state and local affairs. To provide legal context for this debate, this report will address three overarching questions: (1) what are the constitutional rules governing an officer's use of force; (2) what role has Congress played in providing a remedy for a violation of these rules; and (3) what are the potential reforms to these rules and remedies? Rules. In a line of cases beginning in the mid-1980s, the Supreme Court ruled that all claims of excessive force occurring during an arrest or investigatory stop-deadly or otherwise-are governed by the Fourth Amendment's prohibition against unreasonable seizures. Under prevailing judicial precedent, all uses of force must be "objectively reasonable" based on the totality of the circumstances viewed through the lens of the officer in the field. This requires a fact-intensive inquiry that is not easily reduced to categorical rules, but some general trends can be discerned from the case law. For instance, the courts have been deferential to officers in the field who are required to make split-second decisions in dangerous situations. Also, officers need not use the least intrusive means to effectuate a seizure so long as their actions are reasonable. Remedies. In an effort to provide teeth to federal constitutional restraints, Congress has enacted three federal statutes that accord various remedies for police use of excessive force. First is the federal criminal statute, 18 U.S.C. 242, which prohibits officers from willfully depriving another of a constitutional right while acting under color of law. Enacted shortly after the Civil War, many have argued that Section 242's specific intent mens rea requirement is too high a threshold to provide an adequate deterrence to excessive force. Moreover, the federal circuit courts are split on how to apply this test, with some requiring a strict form of intent and others permitting a reckless disregard jury instruction. Second is the federal civil rights statute, 42 U.S.C. 1983, which provides a civil cause of action for deprivations of one's constitutional rights. While generally viewed as successful in providing monetary damages to those injured by officers in the field, the doctrine of qualified immunity has frequently shielded officers from liability when the law was not "clearly established" at the time. Third is the more recently enacted "pattern or practice" statute, 42 U.S.C. 14141, which authorizes the Attorney General to sue local municipalities whose police forces have engaged in a pattern of excessive force under the Fourth Amendment. Reforms. Various reform bills have been introduced in the 114th Congress to provide additional restraints on police use of force, including the Excessive Use of Force Prevention Act of 2015 (H.R. 2052), which would criminalize the use of chokeholds, and the Police Accountability Act of 2015 (H.R. 1102), which would create a new federal crime for certain homicides committed by law enforcement officers. Additionally, several bills would place requirements on states to report use of force statistics to the federal government. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2015. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: R44256: Accessed November 6, 2015 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44256.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44256.pdf Shelf Number: 137208 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice Decision MakingPolice DiscretionPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Dordevic, Sasa Title: Corruption at the Serbian Border Police Summary: The main goal of this study is to assess corruption in the Serbian Border Police. Data has been collected on the basis of answers of the Border Police Directorate (UGP) and Internal Affairs Sector of the Police (SUKP) to a questionnaire which was made by the Centre for the Study of Democracy and modified by the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. In addition to this, a focus group was made up of representatives of these two organizational parts of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MoI), and four interviews were conducted with police employees and representatives of civil society organizations. The opinions of citizens, police employees and police trade union members on the level of corruption at the Serbian Border Police were analyzed in the first part of the text. After that, an assessment of corruption at the Serbian Border Police was presented. Then, anti-corruption mechanisms currently used by the Serbian Border Police Directorate were analyzed. As the author points out, the topic of corruption in the border police is important because Serbia is a transit country which borders four EU member-states. The consequences are multifold. The goal of many criminal groups is to conquer the market of the European Union, whose economy is improving after several years of economic crisis. Serbia is a part of the Balkan route, which is well-known to criminal groups. Also, a common feature of a vast majority of migrants is that they illegally cross several international borders to reach Serbia and enter this country in the same way. In the process, they use the services of organized groups of smugglers who charge them a high price in order to help them to cross the border and to secure accommodation in transit countries. One also needs to add to this a strong intensity of international traffic in Serbia, particularly during the summer period, which is favorable for "petty" corruption. All this helps to strengthen corruption pressure on the Serbian Border Police. Details: Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 16, 2015 at: http://www.bezbednost.org/upload/document/corruption_at_the_serbian_border_police.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Serbia and Montenegro URL: http://www.bezbednost.org/upload/document/corruption_at_the_serbian_border_police.pdf Shelf Number: 137295 Keywords: Border Patrol Border Police Border Security Immigration Enforcement Police Corruption Police Misconduct |
Author: New York (City). Department of Investigation Title: Police Use of Force in New York City: Findings and Recommendations on NYPD's Policies and Practices Summary: Use of force is a defining issue in modern policing. Police officers, by the very nature of their duties, are entrusted, empowered, and at times obligated by local governments to use force against citizens when appropriate. In exchange for this grant of power, communities and their police departments require that the use of force be governed by a set of standards. These standards stem from the premise that the force used must be reasonable, an idea rooted in the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States. Reasonable use of force and constitutional policing require equal treatment of all individuals, proper application of force, and accountability for the conduct of police officers. Following the death of Eric Garner in Staten Island in 2014 and others across the nation, there has been a public call for greater accountability when police officers use force that appears neither reasonable nor proportional. Police departments and police accountability agencies across the country have taken up the issue of use of force in an effort to improve policing and ensure that all officers are worthy of the tremendous power and trust afforded them by their communities. In January 2015, the New York City Department of Investigation's Office of the Inspector General for the New York City Police Department (OIG-NYPD) released its first report, Observations on Accountability and Transparency in Ten NYPD Chokehold Cases (Chokehold Report). In that report, OIG-NYPD found that the New York City Police Department (NYPD) disciplinary system was complex, multi-tiered, and often delivered inconsistent results in cases involving chokeholds. OIG-NYPD promised to further investigate NYPD's use of force by reviewing a larger sample of force investigations. This Report, which is a larger and more sophisticated inquiry into use of force, fulfills that promise. Many of the issues addressed in the Chokehold Report surface again in this larger data set. This Report examines five aspects of use of force within NYPD: (1) trends; (2) reporting; (3) de-escalation; (4) training; and (5) discipline. The Report begins by highlighting data and trends from excessive or unnecessary force cases substantiated by the Civilian Complaint Review Board (CCRB). CCRB substantiated 207 allegations of force in 179 cases between 2010 and 2014, a notably modest number, given the size of NYPD, and a positive indication of the NYPD's restraint. OIG-NYPD's review involved only non-deadly force cases investigated by CCRB, as no lethal force was used in the 179 substantiated cases. As discussed below, this investigation demonstrates several issues of real concern. Because accountability begins with access to reliable data, this Report describes how NYPD does and does not track use-of-force data, and how the usefulness of that information can be improved by adopting a more precise use-of-force policy coupled with standardized force reporting. This Report next presents the findings of an independent analysis of force cases where some officers not only missed the opportunity to de-escalate the incident, but took measures which affirmatively escalated the encounter. Given these findings, the Report examines policies of other law enforcement agencies regarding de-escalation tactics and reviews what NYPD is currently doing to address excessive force and de-escalation through training. The Report then suggests ways in which training and policy can be improved with respect to de-escalation tactics and other related skills. Lastly, this Report analyzes and evaluates NYPD's disciplinary system, including a close review of cases where OIG-NYPD, through independent review, determined that the use of force was not reasonable by any standard and not justified by any exigent circumstances or the need to protect an officer's or the public's safety. Historically, NYPD has frequently failed to discipline officers who use force without justification. This Report thus offers recommendations to improve the disciplinary process so that officers who use excessive force are properly held accountable. Details: New York: NYC Department of Investigation, 2015. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 28, 2016 at: http://www.nyc.gov/html/oignypd/assets/downloads/pdf/oig_nypd_use_of_force_report_-_oct_1_2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nyc.gov/html/oignypd/assets/downloads/pdf/oig_nypd_use_of_force_report_-_oct_1_2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137708 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice AccountabilityPolice BrutalityPolice DiscretionPolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductPolice Policies and ProceduresPolice TrainingPolice Use of Force |
Author: New York City Department of Investigation Title: Observations on Accountability and Transparency in Ten NYPD Chokehold Cases Summary: Section 203-11 of the Patrol Guide, which governs "Use of Force," explicitly and unequivocally prohibits members of the New York City Police Department ("NYPD") from using "chokeholds" in their interactions with the public: Members of the New York City Police Department will NOT use chokeholds. A chokehold shall include, but is not limited to, any pressure to the throat or windpipe, which may prevent or hinder breathing or reduce intake of air. Patrol Guide 203-11 (emphasis in original). The death of a Staten Island man, Eric Garner, on July 17, 2014, after he was brought to the ground by an officer's arm around his neck in the course of an arrest, cast a spotlight on the use of chokeholds by NYPD officers and the enforcement of the chokehold prohibition under Section 203-11. Mr. Garner's death generated widespread public outcry, elevated chokeholds as a major concern within the rubric of the use of force, and prompted a flurry of videos purportedly showing NYPD officers using chokeholds in a variety of encounters with members of the public. The decision by a grand jury, on December 3, 2014, not to issue an indictment in the Garner case only increases the need for independent administrative review of these issues. In response to Mr. Garner's death, the Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD ("OIG-NYPD") conducted a focused review of the ten most recent cases where the Civilian Complaint Review Board ("CCRB") determined that NYPD officers used "chokeholds." What OIG-NYPD found raises questions not only about the way in which NYPD has enforced the chokehold ban in recent years, but also, far more importantly, about the disciplinary process in general and interactions between NYPD and CCRB. While no definitive conclusions regarding the use of chokeholds can or should be drawn from the finite universe of cases reviewed here, OIG-NYPD's study sheds light on areas where further careful analysis and study are warranted: how discipline is determined and imposed in use-of-force cases, gaps in inter- and intra-agency communication during the investigation of use-of-force cases, and officer training regarding communication skills, de-escalation strategies, and the use of force. This focused review, in effect, presents a road map of key policing issues with regard to the use of force that OIG-NYPD intends to explore and probe more deeply in the coming months. Details: New York NYC Department of Investigation, Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD, 2015. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 26, 2016 at: http://www.nyc.gov/html/oignypd/assets/downloads/pdf/chokehold_report_1-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.nyc.gov/html/oignypd/assets/downloads/pdf/chokehold_report_1-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137709 Keywords: Complaints Against Police Police Accountability Police Brutality Police Discretion Police Legitimacy Police Misconduct Police Policies and Procedures Police TrainingPolice Use of Force |
Author: Rappaport, John Title: How Private Insurers Regulate Public Police Summary: A string of deadly police-citizen encounters, made public on an unprecedented scale, has thrust American policing into the crucible of political conflict. New social movements have taken to the streets, while legislators have introduced a wide array of reform proposals. Optimism is elusive, though, as the police are notoriously difficult to change. One powerful policy lever, however, has been overlooked: police liability insurance. Based on primary sources new to legal literature and interviews with nearly thirty insurance industry representatives, civil rights litigators, municipal attorneys, and consultants, this Article shows how liability insurers are capable of effecting meaningful change within the agencies they insure - a majority of police agencies nationwide. The Article is the first to describe and assess the contemporary market for liability insurance in the policing context; in particular, the effects of insurance on police behavior. While not ignoring the familiar (and potentially serious) problem of moral hazard, the Article focuses on the ways in which insurers perform a traditionally governmental "regulatory" role as they work to manage risk. Insurers get police agencies to adopt or amend written departmental policies on subjects like the use of force and strip searches, to change the way they train their officers, and even to fire problem officers, from the beat up to the chief. One implication of these findings is that the state might regulate the police by regulating insurers. In this spirit, the Article considers several unconventional legal reforms that could reduce police misconduct, including a mandate that all municipalities purchase insurance coverage, a ban on "first-dollar" (no-deductible) policies that may reduce municipal care, and a requirement that small municipalities pool their risks and resources before buying insurance on the commercial market. At bottom, the Article establishes that liability insurance has profound significance to any comprehensive program of police reform. The Article also makes three important theoretical contributions to legal scholarship. First, it inverts the ordinary model of governance as public regulation of private action, observing that here, private insurers regulate public police. Second, it illustrates how insurers not only enforce the Constitution, but also construct its meaning. Among other things, in the hands of insurers, liability for constitutional violations and other police misconduct becomes "loss" to the police agency, which must be "controlled." Perhaps surprisingly, by denaturing the law in this way and stripping it of its moral valence, insurers may actually advance the law's aims. Finally, the Article helps to pry open the black box of deterrence. In fact, given widespread indemnification of both individual and entity liability for constitutional torts committed by police, an understanding of how insurers manage police risk is essential to any persuasive theory of civil deterrence of police misconduct. Details: Chicago: University of Chicago Law School, 2016. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: U of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 562; University of Chicago Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics Research Paper No. 746: Accessed March 5, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2733783 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2733783 Shelf Number: 138105 Keywords: Police LiabilityPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolice-Citizen Encounters |
Author: Freelon, Deen Title: Beyond the Hashtags: #Ferguson, #Blacklivesmatter, and the online struggle for offline justice Summary: IN 2014, A DEDICATED ACTIVIST MOVEMENT "Black Lives Matter (BLM)" ignited an urgent national conversation about police killings of unarmed Black citizens. Online tools have been anecdotally credited as critical in this effort, but researchers are only beginning to evaluate this claim. This research report examines the movement's uses of online media in 2014 and 2015. To do so, we analyze three types of data: 40.8 million tweets, over 100,000 web links, and 40 interviews of BLM activists and allies. Most of the report is devoted to detailing our findings, which include: - Although the #Blacklivesmatter hashtag was created in July 2013, it was rarely used through the summer of 2014 and did not come to signify a movement until the months after the Ferguson protests. -Social media posts by activists were essential in initially spreading Michael Brown's story nationally. - Protesters and their supporters were generally able to circulate their own narratives without relying on mainstream news outlets. - There are six major communities that consistently discussed police brutality on Twitter in 2014 and 2015: Black Lives Matter, Anonymous/Bipartisan Report, Black Entertainers, Conservatives, Mainstream News, and Young Black Twitter. - The vast majority of the communities we observed supported justice for the victims and decisively denounced police brutality. - Black youth discussed police brutality frequently, but in ways that differed substantially from how activists discussed it. - Evidence that activists succeeded in educating casual observers came in two main forms: expressions of awe and disbelief at the violent police reactions to the Ferguson protests, and conservative admissions of police brutality in the Eric Garner and Walter Scott cases. - The primary goals of social media use among our interviewees were education, amplification of marginalized voices, and structural police reform. In our concluding section, we reflect on the practical importance and implications of our findings. We hope this report contributes to the specific conversation about how Black Lives Matter and related movements have used online tools as well as to broader conversations about the general capacity of such tools to facilitate social and political change. Details: Washington, DC: Center for Media and Social Impact, American University, 2016. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 5, 2016 at: http://www.cmsimpact.org/sites/default/files/beyond_the_hashtags_2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.cmsimpact.org/sites/default/files/beyond_the_hashtags_2016.pdf Shelf Number: 138109 Keywords: Deadly ForceMedia CampaignsPolice AccountabilityPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolice Use of ForceSocial Media |
Author: New South Wales. Police Integrity Commission Title: Project Mobula: Review of NSW Police Force strategies to identify & manage misconduct risks Summary: Project Mobula, a five-year follow-up to the Commissions Project Manta, examines command practices to determine how well these practices assisted commands to (i) identify and manage their misconduct risks and (ii) provide practical advice to help their officers recognise the misconduct risks they may face and respond appropriately when they encounter such risks. It continues the Commissions focus on NSW Police Force strategies to identify, communicate and manage misconduct risks at the command level, referred to by the NSW Police Force as 'corruption resistance planning'. Like Project Manta, Project Mobula uses an approach to preventing serious officer misconduct that is modelled on the way organisations go about preventing workplace deaths and injuries. The results and observations in Project Mobula are based on a review of 55 sets of corruption resistance plans from a sample of 25 NSW Police Force commands, interviews with 25 command representatives, analysis of three versions of corporate guidelines, and information from Professional Standards Command on how between 2012 and 2015 it has proactively changed the ways it worked with commands to assist them with their corruption resistance planning. Details: Sydney: NSW Police Integrity Commission, 2015. 242p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 24, 2016 at: https://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/Project%20Mobula%20Report%202015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://www.pic.nsw.gov.au/files/reports/Project%20Mobula%20Report%202015.pdf Shelf Number: 138402 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice EthidsPolice MisconductPolicy Integrity |
Author: Stinson, Philip M. Title: Violence-related Police Crime Arrests in the United States, 2005-2011 Summary: - Police violence is behavior by any police officer-acting pursuant to their authority and/or power as a sworn law enforcement officer- that includes any use of physical force, whether justified or not (Sherman, 1980). - Situational risk faced by officers influence an officer's decision to use coercive force, non-deadly force, and/or to employ deadly force (e.g., Alpert & Smith, 1999; Fyfe, 1981; Terrill, 2003). - Officer-involved domestic violence (OIDV) remains a problem (Stinson & Liederbach, 2013). Details: Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University, 2015. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Presented at the Annual Conference of Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, Orlando, Florida March 5, 2015 Accessed March 30, 2016 at: http://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=crim_just_pub Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=crim_just_pub Shelf Number: 138502 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolice Violence |
Author: Australian Federal Police Title: Project APEX: A strategic assessment of corruption risk factors in ACT Policing Summary: This report presents the outcomes of Project Apex - a joint integrity initiative of the Chief Police Officer of ACT Policing and the Integrity Commissioner, involving also the Professional Standards team of the Australian Federal Police (AFP). Any investigation of corrupt conduct should involve questioning whether particular observed conduct is a 'one-off' or indicative of a wider problem. For instance, external drivers (such as the economy, organised crime, price of illicit drugs, changes in societal behaviours) or internal factors (such as workplace culture or shortcomings in the integrity framework) are issues to consider. Accordingly, Project Apex sought to establish what is in the ACT Policing 'basket of risks', and which (if any) of these issues might be a cause for concern. It also sought to identify how resilient (or 'pressure-sensitive') the AFP's integrity framework is in withstanding the identified risks. This Project Apex report is a point-in-time picture of ACT Policing's exposure to corruption risk factors, having regard to past, current and emerging issues. A key issue was to find ways to 'read the prevailing culture on the ground'. Accordingly, the report also sets out various risk analysis methods and tools, developed during the project. The Project Apex Team comprised experienced corruption prevention, intelligence and operational staff from the AFP and the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity. It found that ACT Policing is professional and ethical, and aims to have a high level of corruption awareness and a strong commitment to professional standards. In addition, the AFP's integrity framework and anti-corruption measures provide a robust platform to assist ACT Policing in managing the integrity risks that arise from its law enforcement functions. However, corruption risk - like organised crime - is dynamic and changes in response to the environment. Drivers for corrupt conduct will continue to emerge, and must be anticipated and dealt with. As with comparable police forces, ACT Policing needs to maintain its vigilance against corruption, and continue to be adaptable in identifying and responding to corruption risks. The Project Apex Team found that, presently, the main integrity risk in ACT Policing concerns opportunistic corruption (individual susceptibility) and situational corruption (misplaced loyalties). This finding implies that the best defences will be: - supervisors (the 'front-line' of corruption control) who are alert to the signs that corrupt conduct may be occurring and well-placed to exercise control over the working environment; - heightening staff awareness of risk-taking behaviour which may be an 'early warning' sign of susceptibility to corruption or other misconduct; and - fair processes and robust checking mechanisms. Details: Canberra: ACLEI, 2014. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 12, 2016 at: https://www.aclei.gov.au/sites/g/files/net846/f/documents/Reports%20submissions%20and%20speeches/Project%20Apex%20A%20strategic%20assessment%20of%20corruption%20risk%20factors%20in%20ACT%20Policing%20a%20joint%20project%20by%20ACLEI%20and%20the%20AFP.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: https://www.aclei.gov.au/sites/g/files/net846/f/documents/Reports%20submissions%20and%20speeches/Project%20Apex%20A%20strategic%20assessment%20of%20corruption%20risk%20factors%20in%20ACT%20Policing%20a%20joint%20project%20by% Shelf Number: 138636 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: Police Accountability Task Force (Chicago) Title: Police Accountability Task Force. Recommendations for Reform: Restoring Trust between the Chicago Police and the Communities they Serve: Report Summary: The Police Accountability Task Force arose amidst a significant and historic public outcry. The outcry brought people into the streets, on social media and on other venues to say in a very clear voice that they had reached a breaking point with the entire local law enforcement infrastructure. People were and are demanding accountability and real and lasting change. The outcry was not localized in any particular neighborhood or demographic, although communities of color and those ravaged by crime added some of the most poignant commentary. The Task Force immediately understood that one of our most important responsibilities was to actively seek out, listen and respond to voices from all over Chicago who had much to say about their personal and often painful experiences with the Chicago Police Department ("CPD"), the Independent Police Review Authority ("IPRA") and other parts of the local policing infrastructure, as well as their frustrations and lack of confidence in political actors. What we have heard has been humbling. As we dug deeper into the complaints of so many about the callous and disrespectful way in which they had been treated by some officers, we also understood that we had an important duty to lay bare the systemic and sanctioned practices that led to the deaths of fellow citizens and the deprivation of the rights of so many others. We have borne witness to many hard truths which have profound and lasting impacts on the lives and hopes of individuals and communities. Our recommendations are intended to be responsive to the people, empower the people and to specifically identify a range of changes that are essential to building trust, accountability and lasting change. As part of our work, the Task Force heard from many current and former CPD officers who are dedicated public servants, committed to performing their duties lawfully and making Chicago a safer place for all of its residents. Serving as a police officer is a challenging and often dangerous job. The police face an increasingly daunting challenge in crime fighting. Illegal guns flood the streets of the same neighborhoods that are devastated by crime, poverty and unemployment. We as a society cannot expect the police to cure every ill in Chicago's neighborhoods. Yet we put significant pressure on them to solve and prevent crime, as well as to address the manifestations of a number of other daunting social and economic challenges beyond their charge and capacity to manage, let alone solve. Still, a keen appreciation of and sensitivity to these broader issues is critical to effective law enforcement and positive community-police relations. The findings and recommendations in this report are not meant to disregard or undervalue the efforts of the many dedicated CPD officers who show up to work every day to serve and protect the community. The challenge is creating a partnership between the police and the community that is premised upon respect and recognizes that our collective fates are very much intertwined. Simply put, a more professional, engaged and respectful police force benefits us all. We cannot and have not shied away from identifying systemic problems or challenges that undermine the efforts of those officers who are sincerely committed to doing their jobs the right way. To be sure, individual officers must own responsibility for not merely their actions each day, but also the reverberating and sometimes corrosive and lingering effect of those actions on citizens. And ultimately, the responsibility for setting the correct course lies with CPD leadership itself. The City and in particular CPD would do well to embrace the necessary changes to address the systemic problems in CPD and not simply hope that this storm will pass. It will not and ignoring this opportunity will exacerbate Details: Chicago: The Task Force, 2016. 190p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 28, 2016 at: https://chicagopatf.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/PATF_Final_Report_4_13_16-1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://chicagopatf.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/PATF_Final_Report_4_13_16-1.pdf Shelf Number: 138830 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice IntegrityPolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductPolice PerformancePolice Reform |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Civil Rights Division Title: Investigation of the Newark Police Department Summary: The Justice Department announced today it has reached a comprehensive settlement with the city of Newark, New Jersey, that will bring wide-ranging reforms and changes to the Newark Police Department (NPD). The agreement, which is subject to court approval, resolves the department's findings that NPD has engaged in a pattern or practice of unconstitutional stops, searches, arrests, use of excessive force and theft by officers in violation of the First, Fourth and 14th Amendments. The proposed consent decree also resolves the department's findings that NPD's law enforcement practices had a disparate impact on minorities in Newark. The Justice Department's findings were announced in July 2014 following a comprehensive investigation into the NPD started in May 2011. The investigation also found that this pattern of constitutional violations has eroded public confidence in the police. As a result, public safety suffers and the job of delivering police services was more difficult and more dangerous. Under the consent decree, the city of Newark and NPD will implement comprehensive reforms in 12 substantive areas. The agreement ensures that: -NPD will improve officer training to ensure that officers develop the necessary technical and practical skills required to carry out NPD directives consistently. -NPD will revise search and seizure policies, training and supervision to ensure that all stops, searches and arrests are conducted in accordance with the Constitution and in a manner that takes into account community priorities. -NPD will integrate bias-free policing principles into all levels of the organization, including comprehensive training of officers and supervisors. -NPD will reform use of force policies, including requirements for using de-escalation techniques whenever possible and appropriate, prohibiting retaliatory force and ensuring mandatory reporting and investigation standards following use of force. -NPD will deploy in-car and body-worn cameras to promote accountability, instill community confidence and improve law enforcement records. -NPD will implement measures to prevent theft of property by officers, including robust reporting and complete accounting of property or evidenced seized. -Office of Professional Standards investigators will be appropriately qualified and trained. Investigations of civilian complaints will be conducted in an objective, thorough and timely manner. -Newark will create a civilian oversight entity to give voice to and pursue concerns of its residents. -NPD will develop protocols for conducting compliance reviews and integrity audits. -NPD will implement steps to ensure that the disciplinary process is fair and consistent. -NPD will improve records management and early intervention systems and collect data on all uses of force and investigatory stops, searches and arrests, and develop a protocol for the comprehensive analysis of the data. The information will be publicly reported. -NPD will strengthen its public information programs to ensure that members of the public are informed of NPDs progress toward reform. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2016 at: https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/usao-nj/legacy/2014/07/22/NPD%20Findings%20Report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/usao-nj/legacy/2014/07/22/NPD%20Findings%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 138958 Keywords: Police BehaviorPolice CorruptionPolice DisciplinePolice EthicsPolice IntegrityPolice MisconductPolice Reform |
Author: Adil, Kamran Title: How is Police Violence Legitimized in Pakistan? Summary: People come into contact with the criminal justice system in Pakistan largely through the police, and therefore, much of the outcome of the system is dependent on the interaction among the different components of the system. The police functions that are assigned by the law can broadly be divided into riot control and investigation of criminal cases categories. Whereas the use of force for riot control is sanctioned by the law - with some limitations, it is totally prohibited for the purposes of investigation. Nevertheless, police violence is regularly applied in the second category and it is prevalent in three forms: (a) the use of force to extract evidence for prosecution, (b) the use of force as a police strategy by undertaking extrajudicial killings to control crime, and (c) the use of force to ensure compliance with the orders of courts, especially in the suo motu jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Through interviews with judges, prosecutors, defense attorneys and police officers, the research shows that with all three forms of violence, interactions between the various parties involved in the criminal justice system of Pakistan legitimize the use of force. Details: Bielefeld, Germany: Universitat Bielefeld, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Violence Research and Development Project - Papers - No. 9: Accessed June 11, 2016 at: http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/icvr/docs/adil.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Pakistan URL: http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/icvr/docs/adil.pdf Shelf Number: 139375 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice EthicsPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Ayman Kaddah, Doaa Title: "The Egyptian people can only be governed by the Whip (Korbaak)": Narratives that justify and legitimize police violence in Egypt Summary: Police violence in Egypt has long been criticized for its role in human rights violations. However, no prior research has examined how citizens justify and legitimize police violence in Egypt. Therefore, the overall objective of this research project is to reconstruct my interlocutors' justifications for police violence. My main questions were: Do they condemn or justify police violence? Against who should, in their opinion, be police violence deployed, and in which context is it necessary? The main research instrument was unstructured interviews with interlocutors residing in Cairo. A maximum and opportunistic sampling strategy was used to bring heterogeneity to the data. The results highlight a dominant theme that runs through the majority of my interlocutors' narratives, where there is a consensus that the Egyptian people can only be governed by the whip (korbaak). This dominant theme will be unpacked within the specificities of the interlocutors' narratives as well as within its relationship to the establishment of laws. In addition, I will draw on similar concepts in relevant empirical and theoretical publications in order to explain the rationale behind the dominant theme. Details: Bielefeld, Germany: Universitat Bielefeld, 2015. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Violence Research and Development Project - Papers - No. 8: Accessed June 11, 2016 at: http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/icvr/docs/ayman.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Egypt URL: http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/icvr/docs/ayman.pdf Shelf Number: 139378 Keywords: Police Brutality Police MisconductPolice Use of Force Police Violence |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union Title: Island of Impunity: Puerto Rico's Outlaw Police Force Summary: A report released by the ACLU in June 2012 concludes that the Puerto Rico Police Department is plagued by a culture of unrestrained abuse and impunity. The PRPD - which, with over 17,000 officers, is the second-largest police department in the U.S - is charged with policing the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. In July 2013, the U.S. Justice Department entered into a legally binding consent decree with the Puerto Rican government that requires sweeping reforms to end the widespread police brutality on the island. Learn more about the historic agreement here. After a comprehensive six-month investigation of policing practices in Puerto Rico, building on eight years of work by the ACLU of Puerto Rico documenting cases of police brutality, the ACLU concluded that the PRPD commits serious and rampant abuses in violation Puerto Ricans' constitutional and human rights, including: - Use of excessive and lethal force against civilians, especially in poor and Black neighborhoods and Dominican communities, often resulting in serious injury and death. Read More. - Violent suppression of peaceful protestors using batons, rubber bullets, and a toxic form of tear gas that was phased out by mainland U.S. police departments in the 1960's. Read More. - Failure to protect victims of domestic violence and to investigate reported crimes of domestic violence, rape, and other gender-based crimes. The ACLU's research shows that these abuses do not represent isolated incidents or aberrant behavior by a few rogue officers, but that such police brutality is pervasive and systemic, island-wide and ongoing. In fact, our research has found that the PRPD's disciplinary, investigatory, and reporting systems prevent accountability. Read more. The report offers numerous detailed recommendations, including: - The Justice Department should enter into a court-enforceable and court-monitored agreement with the PRPD. - The PRPD should develop and implement policies on the use of force, improved training, the investigation of civilian complaints of police abuse, and the discipline of officers. - Puerto Rico's legislature should create an independent and effective oversight body to monitor the PRPD. The ACLU's report comes nine months after the release of a scathing U.S. Justice Department report on the PRPD, which found a pattern and practice of constitutional violations by the department, including widespread use of excessive force. The Justice Department investigation, the findings of which were long-delayed, focused on 2004 to 2008. The ACLU's report focuses on incidents from 2007 through May 2012. Details: New York: ACLU, 2012. 182p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 13, 2016 at: https://www.aclu.org/files/assets/islandofimpunity_20120619.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://www.aclu.org/files/assets/islandofimpunity_20120619.pdf Shelf Number: 139433 Keywords: Police BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Stinson, Philip M. Title: Police Integrity Lost: A Study of Law Enforcement Officers Arrested Summary: 1 ABSTRACT There are no comprehensive statistics availa ble on problems with police integrity, and no government entity collects data on all criminal arrests of law enforcement officers in the United States. Police crimes are those crimes committed by sworn law enforcement officers with the general powers of arrest. These crimes can occur while the officer is either on- or off-duty and include offenses committed by officers employed by state and local law enforcement agencies. This study provides a wealth of data on a phenomen a that relates directly to police integrity- data that previously did not exist in any useable format. The first goal of the study is to determine th e nature and extent of police crime in the United States. The objective for this goal is to determine the inciden ce and prevalence of officers arrested. A second goal is to determine what factors influence how an agency responds to arrests of its officers. Objectives for this goal are to determine whether certain factors influence agency response and employment outcome s: (a) severity of crimes for which officers are arrested; (b) level of urbanization for each employing agency; (c) geographic location for each employing agency; (d) length of service and ag e of arrested officers; and, (e) criminal case outcomes. A final goal is to foster police integr ity by exploring whether o fficer arrests correlate with other forms of police misconduct. Objectives for this goal are to determine whether arrested officers were also named as a civil defendant in any 42 U.S.C. 1983 federal court actions during their careers, and to inform practiti oners and policymakers of strategies that will better identify problem officers and those at risk for engaging in pol ice crime and its correlates. The advent of nationwide, objec tive, and verifiable data on th e law-breaking behavior of sworn officers and provides potential benefits to law enforcement agencies that connect the technical expertise of researcher s to criminal justice policymaker s and practitioners. These data provide direct guidance in thr ee areas. First, the study provi des agencies information on the types of crime that are most frequently perp etrated by police officers. Second, the research provides information on the relationship between police crimes and other types of misbehavior that collectively comprise the problem officer. Third, nationwide data on police crimes and the manner in which arrested officers are organiza tionally sanctioned provide s points of comparison for law enforcement agencies that confront thes e problems, as well as information on the degree to which law enforcement agencies tend to sanction or ignore certain crimes committed by officers. This is a quantitative cont ent analysis study of archiv ed records reporting several thousand arrests of police officers during the years 2005-2011. The primary information source is the Google News search engine and its Google Alerts email update service. Chi-Square was used to measure the statistical significance of th e association between two variables measured at the nominal level. Cramer's V was utilized to measure th e strength of the Chi-Square association. Stepwise binary lo gistic regression was used to de termine which of the predictor variables are statistically significant in multivar iate models. Classification tree analysis was utilized to uncover the causal pa thways between independent predic tors and outcome variables. The Google News searches resulted in the id entification of 6,724 cas es in which sworn law enforcement officers were arrested during the years 2005 through 201 1. The cases involved the arrests of 5,545 individual sworn officers employed by 2,529 nonfederal state and local law enforcement agencies located in 1,205 counties a nd independent cities in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The findings indicate th at nonfederal law enforcement officers were arrested nationwide during 2005-2011 at a rate of 0.72 officers arrested per 1,000 officers, and at a rate of 1.7 officers arrested per 100,000 population nationwide. Details: Bowling Green, OH: Criminal Justice Program Bowling Green State University, 2016. 671p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2016 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249850.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249850.pdf Shelf Number: 139639 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: Feeney, Matthew Title: Watching the Watchmen: Best Practices for Police Body Cameras Summary: Coverage of recent police killings has prompted a much-needed debate on law enforcement reform, and proposals for police body cameras have featured heavily in these discussions. Body cameras undoubtedly gather valuable evidence of police misconduct, and although research on the effects of body cameras is comparatively limited there are good reasons to believe that they can improve police behavior. However, without the right policies in place the use of police body cameras could result in citizens' privacy being needlessly violated. In addition, poorly considered police body camera policies governing the storage and release of footage might be too costly to implement. This paper examines the research on the costs and benefits of police body cameras, arguing that the devices can, if properly deployed and regulated, provide a valuable disincentive to police abuses as well as valuable evidence for punishing abuses when they occur. No one-size-fits-all set of body camera policies should be imposed on the thousands of police departments across the United States, which vary significantly in size as well as the crime rates they face. Nonetheless, the policies that municipal, state, and federal actors adopt will need to address transparency, accountability, and privacy in order to realize the potential benefits of wearable cameras. Toward that end, this paper outlines a number of best practices designed to help law enforcement agencies at all levels address the privacy and fiscal issues associated with body cameras. By themselves, body cameras are not a police misconduct panacea. Police misconduct can only be adequately addressed by implementing significant reforms to police practices and training. Still, body cameras can serve as an important component of police reform. Details: Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Analysis no.782: Accessed July 21, 2016 at: http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/pa782.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/pa782.pdf Shelf Number: 139757 Keywords: Body-Worn CamerasPolice AccountabilityPolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "What Are You Doing Here?" Police Abuses Against Afghans in Pakistan Summary: Pakistan has hosted several million Afghan refugees since the late 1970s, but hostility toward its Afghan population increased dramatically after the so-called Pakistani Taliban attacked a school in Peshawar in December 2014, killing more than 100 children. At a time when thousands of Afghans are fleeing insecurity in their country to seek refuge in Europe, pressure and abuse by Pakistani police has driven many Afghans living in Pakistan to return to Afghanistan. "What Are You Doing Here?" describes how Pakistani police have carried out raids on Afghan settlements, arbitrarily detained, harassed, and beaten Afghan men, extorted bribes, and threatened Afghans with deportation. Those abuses have since January 2015 driven large numbers of Afghans living in Pakistan to return to Afghanistan, where they face worsening instability and a widening civil conflict. Every Afghan interviewed by Human Rights Watch who had returned to Afghanistan said that fear of the Pakistani police was the reason they had done so. This report is based on interviews with 96 Afghans either living in Pakistan or recently returned to Afghanistan. It urges the Pakistani government to extend residency cards for registered Afghans, which are due to expire on December 31, 2015, until at least the end of2017. It also calls on Pakistan to stop security force intimidation and violence against Afghans living in Pakistan. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 25, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/pakistan1115_4up.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Pakistan URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/pakistan1115_4up.pdf Shelf Number: 139844 Keywords: Human Rights AbusesPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Summary: Military police officers Roberta Moreira and Wallace Justo walk through one of the trails at Mangueira favela on January 14, 2016. Members of the local Pacifying Police Unit (UPP), they carry out social projects with children to try to gain the community's trust. Police in the Brazilian state of Rio de Janeiro have killed more than 8,000 people in the past decade, including at least 645 in 2015. Three quarters of those killed were black. Given that Rio police face real threats of violence from heavily-armed gangs, many of these killings were likely the result of the legitimate use of force. But many others were extrajudicial executions. Drawing on interviews with more than 30 police officers - two of whom admitted to participating in executions - and in-depth documentation of 64 cases where there is credible evidence that police sought to cover up unlawful killings. Government data examined by Human Rights Watch supports the view of local justice officials that this practice is widespread. Unlawful police killings take a heavy toll - not only on the victims and their families - but also on the police force itself. The killings fuel cycles of violence that endanger the lives of all officers serving in high-crime areas, poison their relationship with local communities, and contribute to high levels of stress that undermine their ability to do their jobs well. The officers responsible for unlawful killings and cover ups are rarely brought to justice. While investigations by civil police have been woefully inadequate, responsibility for this failure ultimately lies with Rio's Attorney General's Office. Unless authorities take urgent steps to ensure accountability for unlawful police killings, it will be very hard for Rio to make real progress in reducing violence and improving public security. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 1, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0716web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Brazil URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/brazil0716web.pdf Shelf Number: 139922 Keywords: Dead ForcePolice AccountabilityPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: U.S. Department of Justice. Civil Rights Division Title: Investigation of the Baltimore City Police Department Summary: This report present the outcome of the Department of Justice's investigation of the Baltimore City Police Department (BP D). After engaging in a thorough investigation, initiated at the request of the City of Baltimore and BPD, the Department of Justice concludes that there is reasonable cause to believe that BPD engages in a pattern or practice of conduct that violates the Constitution or federal law. BPD engages in a pattern or practice of: (1) making unconstitutional stops, searches, and arrests; (2) using enforcement strategies that produce severe and unjustified disparities in the rates of stops, searches and arrests of African Americans; (3) using excessive force; and (4) retaliating against people engaging in constitutionally -protected expression. This pattern or practice is driven by systemic deficiencies in BPD's policies, training, supervision, and ac countability structures that fail to equip officers with the tools they need to police effectively and within the bounds of the federal law. We recognize the challenges faced by police officers in Baltimore and other communities around the country. Every day, police officers risk their lives to uphold the law and keep our communities safe. Investigatory stops, arrests, and force - including, at times, deadly force - are all necessary tools used by BPD officers to do their jobs and protect the safety of thems elves and others. Providing policing services in many parts of Baltimore is particularly challenging, where officers regularly confront complex social problems rooted in poverty, racial segregation and deficient educational, employment and housing opportunities. Still, most BPD officers work hard to provide vital services to the community. The pattern or practice occurs as a result of systemic deficiencies at BPD. The agency fails to provide officers with sufficient policy guidance and training; fails to collect and analyze data regarding officers' activities; and fails to hold officers accountable for misconduct. BPD also fails to equip officers with the necessary equipment and resources they need to police safely, constitutionally, and effectively. Each of these systemic deficiencies contributes to the constitutional and statutory violations we observed. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2016. 164p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2016 at: http://civilrights.baltimorecity.gov/sites/default/files/20160810_DOJ%20BPD%20Report-FINAL.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://civilrights.baltimorecity.gov/sites/default/files/20160810_DOJ%20BPD%20Report-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 140031 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice AccountabilityPolice BrutalityPolice DiscretionPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Fisk, Catherine Title: Police Unions Summary: Perhaps no issue has been more controversial in the discussion of police union responses to allegations of excessive force than statutory and contractual protections for officers accused of misconduct, as critics have assailed such protections and police unions defend them. For all the public controversy over police unions, there is has been relatively little legal scholarship on them. Neither the legal nor the social science literature on policing and police reform has explored the opportunities and constraints that labor law offers in thinking about organizational change. The scholarly deficit has substantial public policy consequences, as groups ranging from Black Lives Matter to the U.S. Department of Justice are proposing legal changes that will require the cooperation of police labor organizations to implement. This article fills that gap. Part I explores the structure and functioning of police departments and the evolution of police unions as a response to a hierarchical and autocratic command structure. Part II examines the ways in which and the reasons why police unions have been obstacles to reform, focusing particularly on union defense of protections for officers accused of misconduct. Part III describes and analyzes 50 years worth of instances in which cities have implemented reforms to reduce police violence and improve police-community relations. All of them involved the cooperation of the rank and file, and many involved active cooperation with the union. Part IV proposes mild changes in the law governing police labor relations to facilitate rank and file support of the kinds of transparency, accountability, and constitutional policing practices that police reformers have been advocating for at least a generation. We propose a limited form of minority union bargaining a reform that has been advocated in other contexts by both the political left and the political right at various points in recent history to create an institutional structure enabling diverse representatives of police rank and file to meet and confer with police management over policing practices. Details: Irvine: School of Law, University of California, Irvine, 2016. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: University of California, Irvine School of Law Research Paper No. 2016-47 : Accessed October 6, 2016 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2841837 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2841837 Shelf Number: 147821 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice Unions |
Author: Shultz, Ashley Title: Early Warning Systems: What's New? What's Working? Summary: CNA-a not-for-profit organization that focuses on operations and applied research to solve tough issues facing communities and governments at all levels-has worked with more than 50 police agencies over the past 10 years on issues relating to use of force, deadly use of force, community policing, citizen complaints against police, ambushes of police officers, violence reduction, innovative policing practices, police-community engagement, and rigorous evaluation of police initiatives. For several years-predating the publicized police shootings of civilians (or deaths in custody) in 2014 in Ferguson, MO; New York, NY; and Cleveland, OH-CNA, through its work with the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) Smart Policing Initiative and the Violence Reduction Network, and with the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Collaborative Reform Initiative, heard from police officers at all ranks about their desire for better approaches to avoiding such catastrophic incidents. Many departments across the country utilize an early warning system (EWS)-a data-based police management tool that identifies "at risk officers" who are frequently the subject of complaints or demonstrate patterns of inappropriate behavior that could lead to more serious problems. The system is designed to alert police departments of such behavior and afford them the opportunity to provide some form of intervention, such as counseling or training, before an officer is in a situation that warrants formal disciplinary action, or worse. Early warning systems capture factors such as how often officers are involved in shootings, get complaints, use sick days, or get into car accidents, and then notify departmental supervisors once a specific threshold is reached. According to the 1999 National Survey of Early Warning Systems, the most recent survey on early warning systems to date, 39 percent of all municipal and county law enforcement agencies that serve populations greater than 50,000 either had an early warning system in place or were planning to implement one. Currently, there is concern about the effectiveness of early warning systems-whether these systems are capturing the right data and alerting supervisors to potential problematic behavior. For example, some officers are concerned they could be flagged down merely because they work in a high-crime area, where they are more likely to use their weapon or physical force.4 While the EWS forewarns, it is up to the departmental supervisors as to how they act on the information received. This apparent dilemma-whether these systems work, and whether they serve their intended purpose-prompted CNA to convene an Executive Session on September 24, 2015 in Arlington, VA: "Early Warning Systems: What's New? What's Working?" The Executive Session included panels of speakers representing different perspectives on these pertinent questions. CNA asked a diverse group of practitioners, researchers, and analysts to step forward and discuss these important questions. They responded, and they did so with heartfelt sincerity- in many cases, reaching back to their own experiences with law enforcement, and conveying the lessons learned to the Executive Session's audience with emotion and insight. We hope you read this report with interest, curiosity, and an open mind. In this manner, we also hope that you respect the forthrightness of our presenters and audience participants. Lamentably, rare are the sincere, civil, data-informed, and productive discussions on matters such as these facing our nation, though such conversations are happening with increasing frequency, as our federal partners who participated in this Executive Session explain below. Please also note that this CNA Executive Session was the third in a series that we will continue to convene, so long as the nation has diverse and informed practitioners, community members, and decision makers willing to engage in these important dialogues. The participants in this Executive Session offered numerous suggestions for future session topics, which we will consider Details: Arlington, VA: CNA, 2015. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 11, 2016 at: https://www.cna.org/cna_files/pdf/CRM-2015-U-012182.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.cna.org/cna_files/pdf/CRM-2015-U-012182.pdf Shelf Number: 140658 Keywords: Early Warning SystemsPolice AccountabilityPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review: Possible Corruption and the Role of Undercover Policing in the Stephen Lawrence Case Summary: The questions posed by our terms of reference must be considered in the context of the following key findings of the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: a) The initial investigation of the murder of Stephen Lawrence was seriously flawed and deserving of severe criticism. The underlying causes of the failure were more troublesome and potentially more sinister. The impact of incompetence, racism and corruption on the investigation had been the subject of much evidence and debate. b) The Inquiry was faced with a complex task in order to determine whether corruption and collusion, racism or institutional lethargy had (alone or in combination) been causative of the seriously flawed initial investigation of the murder. Each contended force could have resulted in or contributed to the same failings. To assess the extent of the impact of any one of the forces on the investigation, it was necessary to consider that force in isolation. c) Applying the civil standard of proof to its findings, namely on the balance of probability, the Inquiry concluded that institutional racism affected the murder investigation, the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) and police services elsewhere, as well as other institutions and organisations. d) As regards the serious allegation of corruption or collusion, the Inquiry decided that it would be wholly unfair to reach any adverse conclusion without being sure of it, applying the criminal standard of proof. Applying that standard, the Inquiry found that the evidence fell short of making it sure that corruption or collusion had infected the initial murder investigation. e) The flawed MPS Barker Review of the murder investigation in late 1993 had failed to expose the faults in the murder investigation as it should have. Equally, in the face of the Lawrence family's justified criticism, for years afterwards the MPS had wrongly insisted that the investigation had been professionally and competently carried out. This had piled more grief upon that caused by the murder itself and had misled both the family and the public. Details: London: Home Office, 2014. 2 vol., summary Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 12, 2016 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/stephen-lawrence-independent-review Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/stephen-lawrence-independent-review Shelf Number: 140536 Keywords: Criminal InvestigationPolice AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice IntegrityPolice MisconductStephen Lawrence |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "This Crooked System": Police Abuse and Reform in Pakistan Summary: Pakistan's police are among the most widely feared, disparaged, and least trusted government institutions in the country. The poor, and other vulnerable or marginalized groups, invariably face the greatest obstacles to obtaining justice in a system that is rigged against them. "This Crooked System": Police Abuse and Reform in Pakistan documents custodial torture, extrajudicial executions, and other serious human rights violations by the Pakistani police. The report also details the difficulties that victims of crime and police abuse face in obtaining justice, including police demands for bribes, biased investigations, and refusals to register complaints. Colonial-era police laws facilitate routine interference by local politicians and wealthy landowners in police operations. The report also examines human resource, financial, and other constraints that police say impact their ability to function properly, and looks at examples of good police practices that may serve as models for the future. Human Rights Watch urges the Pakistani government to investigate and appropriately discipline or prosecute police officials responsible for human rights violations and undertake necessary legal and policy reforms to transform the police into an accountable, efficient, and rights-respecting institution. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 113p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/pakistan0916_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Pakistan URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/pakistan0916_web.pdf Shelf Number: 145444 Keywords: Human Rights AbusesPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Gaub, Janne Elizabeth Title: Bad Lady Cops: Explaining Sex Differences in Police Officer Misconduct Summary: Police misconduct is a relatively rare event, though typically, it is a male dominated event. As such, research on police misconduct has largely ignored women. Generally, research examines differences in misconduct by using sex as a control variable, or has focused on small samples of female officers using qualitative methods. Neither of these methods is able to explore or explain the possibility that factors related to officers' decisions to commit misconduct may differentially impact males and females. As a consequence, we are left with a shallow understanding of when and why women commit misconduct. This research fills this gap by a large sample (N=3,085) of matched police officers in the New York City Police Department, half of which committed career-ending misconduct between 1975 and 1996. Additionally, unlike previous research, this data includes a large sample (N=435) of females. Research has determined that some factors, such as having children or employment problems, are risk factors for misconduct regardless of sex; likewise, other factors, such as age and higher education, create protection against misconduct. Using logistic regression and split-sample z-score comparisons, analyses will focus on examining how the predictors differentially explain the likelihood of police misconduct for men and women. As expected, some predictors of misconduct that are salient for women, such as getting divorced, are not statistically significant for men; likewise, some variables that are significant for both men and women have a larger effect size for one sex, such as citizen complaints, which are of more predictive value for women than for men. These findings yield important theoretical, empirical, and policy implications. Notably, there is evidence that a gendered theory of police misconduct may be necessary. Additionally, conceptualizations within mainstream criminological theories may need to be rethought; for example, divorce was found to be a protective factor for women in this study, rather than a risk factor as both strain and life-course criminology would indicate. The findings also demonstrate the need for gender-specific models when studying police misconduct. Finally, the results of this study yield important policy implications, such as the utility of gender-specific hiring considerations and early-intervention "red flags." (less) Details: Tempe, AZ: Arizona State University, 2015. 176p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed November 1, 2016 at: https://repository.asu.edu/attachments/150484/content/Gaub_asu_0010E_14696.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://repository.asu.edu/attachments/150484/content/Gaub_asu_0010E_14696.pdf Shelf Number: 145780 Keywords: Female Police OfficersPolice Misconduct |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Nigeria: 'You Have Signed Your Death Warrant': Torture and other ill treatment in the special anti-robbery squad (SARS) Summary: A Nigerian police unit set up to combat violent crime has instead been systematically torturing detainees in its custody as a means of extracting confessions and lucrative bribes, Amnesty International said in a report published today. In Nigeria: You have signed your death warrant, former detainees told Amnesty International they had been subjected to horrific torture methods, including hanging, starvation, beatings, shootings and mock executions, at the hands of corrupt officers from the feared Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). "A police unit created to protect the people has instead become a danger to society, torturing its victims with complete impunity while fomenting a toxic climate of fear and corruption," said Damian Ugwu, Amnesty International's Nigeria researcher. "Our research has uncovered a pattern of ruthless human rights violations where victims are arrested and tortured until they either make a 'confession' or pay officers a bribe to be released." Amnesty International has received reports from lawyers, human rights defenders and journalists and collected testimonies stating that some police officers in SARS regularly demand bribes, steal and extort money from criminal suspects and their families. "SARS officers are getting rich through their brutality. In Nigeria, it seems that torture is a lucrative business," said Ugwu. SARS detainees are held in a variety of locations, including a grim detention center in Abuja known as the 'Abattoir,' where Amnesty International found 130 detainees living in overcrowded cells. Amnesty International’s research shows that, in addition to its stated remit of tackling violent crime, SARS investigates civil matters and in some cases tortures detainees involved in contractual, business and even non-criminal disputes. Details: London: AI, 2016. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/nigeria_sars_report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/nigeria_sars_report.pdf Shelf Number: 146295 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForceTortureViolent Crime |
Author: District of Columbia. Police Complaints Board Title: Enhancing Police Accountability through an Effective On-Body Camera Program for MPD Officers Summary: Over the past few years, police departments across the country have begun equipping their officers with body-worn cameras. The Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) has recently announced its plans to implement a body-worn camera program, citing it as one of the Department's "top five priorities." The footage that these cameras capture can be used to resolve citizen complaints and train officers on proper procedures, and even as evidence in criminal and civil litigation. In addition to these benefits, a recent study shows that the mere presence of body-worn cameras may even serve to prevent negative interactions by changing officer and citizen behavior. As a result, the use of these devices can lead to enhanced police accountability as well as improved police-community relations. While body-worn cameras have many possible benefits, their use also implicates some concerns for members of the public, government agencies, civil liberties advocates, and even the officers who wear the devices. In order to maximize the many advantages that the cameras can provide, it will be crucial for MPD to develop and implement clear policies governing video creation, access, usage, and retention. Police union representatives, policy experts, and civil liberties experts nationwide have expressed concern that deploying body-worn cameras with no official policy in place could undermine public confidence in the program, as well as jeopardize the privacy of officers and the public. Having a suitable policy in place is so critical to the deployment of a body-worn camera program that the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), with support from the Justice Department's Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS), is currently working on guidelines to help formulate model policies. At a recent PERF Town Hall Meeting in Philadelphia, law enforcement executives from across the nation agreed that policies and procedures involve multi-faceted and complex issues. According to PERF President Charles Ramsey, who also serves as the commissioner of Philadelphia's Police Department and was previously MPD’s chief of police, "If you don't have a policy in place, eventually you're going to have a problem," noting that such policies should also exist to cover officers who might use their own cameras. To ensure the most effective policy, the needs and concerns of the many stakeholders throughout the District should be assessed and incorporated to the maximum extent possible. This kind of participation will also build public support and buy-in for the camera program, which should help ensure successful implementation. Therefore, the Police Complaints Board (PCB) recommends that MPD establish an advisory panel of District of Columbia stakeholders to assist in the development of a policy to govern a body-worn camera pilot program in the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD). This panel should, at a minimum, include representatives from: MPD; the Office of Police Complaints (OPC); the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP); the Office of the United States Attorney for the District of Columbia (USAO); the District's Office of the Attorney General (OAG); the criminal defense bar; the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU); and the Fair and Inclusive Policing Task Force. The panel should also include members of MPD's Citizen Advisory Councils as well as representatives of groups from around the District who could provide insight into how a camera program would affect various segments of the public, including, among others, immigrants, non-English speakers, crime victims, and the LGBTQ population. PCB further recommends that the District provide MPD with the necessary funding to conduct a pilot program. Once a pilot program has been conducted, the advisory panel should review the program's efficacy, identify any concerns about processes or policies, and suggest changes and improvements. If the program is determined to be beneficial, the District government should then provide funding for wider implementation across MPD. In the event that MPD decides to launch a pilot program prior to convening the recommended panel, it should be allowed to do so, but should permit OPC to provide real-time input and feedback to MPD as the expedited pilot program takes shape and is implemented. Adopting this approach would allow MPD to avail itself of OPC's ties with community groups and District stakeholders, thereby incorporating useful external feedback until the panel could be established. As for the proposed panel, it should be convened as soon as practicable to help develop a final policy based on an assessment of the ongoing pilot program. Details: Washington, DC: Police Complaints Board, 2014. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 17, 2016 at: http://policecomplaints.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/office%20of%20police%20complaints/publication/attachments/Final%20policy%20rec%20body%20camera.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://policecomplaints.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/office%20of%20police%20complaints/publication/attachments/Final%20policy%20rec%20body%20camera.pdf Shelf Number: 145083 Keywords: Body-Worn CamerasCamera SurveillanceCitizen ComplaintsPolice AccountabilityPolice BehaviorPolice Misconduct |
Author: Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission Title: Special report concerning illicit drug use by Victoria Police officers Operations Apsley, Hotham and Yarrowitch Summary: This report presents the findings of key investigations by the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission (IBAC) into serious police misconduct involving the use of illicit drugs, and broader consideration of Victoria Police’s systems and practices to detect and prevent illicit drug use by its officers. IBAC's Operations Apsley, Hotham and Yarrowitch raise serious concerns about illicit drug use by sworn police officers and also highlight potential systemic weaknesses in Victoria Police's approach to this issue. Any illicit drug use by police is a serious problem with significant ramifications not only for the individual officers involved, but also for their colleagues, and the police force as a whole. Importantly, police use of illicit drugs adversely impacts the safety of the community and undermines the community's level of trust and respect for police and the law. In summary, illicit drug use by police is clearly unacceptable because: Illicit drug use, possession and trafficking are criminal offences which contravene the oath or affirmation sworn by all police officers, as well as contravening the professional and ethical standards and values they are required to uphold. Illicit drug activity exposes individual officers to compromise and corruption. An officer who procures and uses illicit drugs is by definition engaging in criminal conduct. This not only seriously compromises the officer but also leaves them vulnerable to blackmail or coercion and at real risk of engaging in other serious forms of misconduct or corruption. As previously reported by IBAC, organised criminals seek to exploit risk taking behaviour such as illicit drug use to compromise and corrupt public officials, especially police. Victoria Police's authority to uphold the law, and maintain the community’s respect for the law are eroded by police using illicit drugs. An individual officer using illicit drugs lessens their authority to enforce the law, and diminishes the collective authority of Victoria Police in the community. Illicit drug use by police officers also presents a serious health and safety issue for individual officers, their work colleagues and the broader community. It is imperative that an officer's judgement and performance are not impaired by illicit drugs, particularly when police are exercising a range of lethal and non-lethal force options, making decisions about arrest and the exercise of other powers, driving in unpredictable situations, or dealing with difficult and challenging situations. Details: Melbourne: The Commission, 2016. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 15, 2016 at: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/special-reports/special-report-concerning-illicit-drug-use-by-victoria-police-officers.pdf?sfvrsn=6 Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/special-reports/special-report-concerning-illicit-drug-use-by-victoria-police-officers.pdf?sfvrsn=6 Shelf Number: 146150 Keywords: Illicit Drug AbusePolice AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice MisconductPolice Oversight |
Author: Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission Title: Drink driving detections of Victoria Police officers: Analysis of trends from 2000-2015 Summary: To help ensure the public has confidence in how Victoria Police fulfils its duties including adhering to drink driving laws, the Independent Broad-based Anticorruption Commission (IBAC) examined drink driving detections of Victoria Police officers and disciplinary outcomes over the period 1 July 2000 to 30 June 2015 (the sample period). IBAC's analysis identified the typical sworn Victoria Police officer detected for drink driving is a male senior constable with an average of 15 years' service. Most officers are detected off duty while driving a private vehicle and via a random breath testing (RBT) site, with a reading between 0.050 and 0.099. An officer detected drink driving is likely to keep their job but receive some form of sanction such as a fine, good behaviour bond or counselling. The analysis identified the number of officers detected drink driving over the 15 year period has steadily declined. However, other key findings are of concern including: - the median BAC reading of officers detected drink driving has steadily increased - the proportion of officers detected after a collision has increased - the number of officers dismissed for drink driving has increased. Based on its data analysis, IBAC has made a number of recommendations to Victoria Police to strengthen its efforts to discourage officers from drink driving and to respond appropriately when officers are detected driving over the legal BAC limit. IBAC acknowledges that Victoria Police has done some work in this area, however vigilance is required to ensure police officers consistently model the behaviour expected of all members of the community around alcohol consumption and driving. Details: Melbourne: The Commission, 2016. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 15, 2016 at: http://apo.org.au/files/Resource/drink-driving-detections-of-victoria-police-officers-2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/files/Resource/drink-driving-detections-of-victoria-police-officers-2016.pdf Shelf Number: 146153 Keywords: Driving Under the InfluenceDriving While IntoxicatedDrunk DrivingPolice Misconduct |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "No Right to Live": "Kneecapping" and Maiming of Detainees by Bangladesh Security Forces Summary: On the morning of February 28, 2013, the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami party called a strike to protest the death penalty handed down against its leader, Delwar Hossain Sayedee, who had been convicted by Bangladesh's International Crimes Tribunal (ICT). One of the protests took place near Dhaka’s International Islamic University. Fazal, an 18-year-old law student who resided in a nearby student dorm in the Kutubbagh area, said he did not participate in the protest but had just left his dorm to go to breakfast when he heard gunshots and saw people running. Fazal, who asked Human Rights Watch to use a pseudonym to limit the chances of police retribution, said he saw police beating three men, and that as he moved away a man grabbed him by his shirt collar from behind. Fazal said he was beaten and then brought to the Sher-e-Bangla Police Station. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 19, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/bangladesh0916_web_0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Bangladesh URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/bangladesh0916_web_0.pdf Shelf Number: 140512 Keywords: Detainees Human Rights Abuses Police Brutality Police Misconduct |
Author: Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission Title: Transit Protective Services Officers: An exploration of corruption and misconduct risks Summary: Since 2011, transit Protective Services Officers (PSOs) have been employed by Victoria Police to patrol metropolitan and major regional railway stations. Their functions include maintaining a visible presence on train stations and surrounding areas, engaging with the community and fostering a sense of safety. They exercise a range of powers including the power to arrest and detain people, to request personal information, and to search people and property. This report reviews complaint and use of force data relating to transit PSOs. IBAC identified three key areas of risk in relation to PSO conduct: assault and excessive use of force unauthorised access to and/or disclosure of information predatory behaviour involving members of the public. Engagement with the public is fundamental to the role of PSOs. This includes dealing with people who are vulnerable, for instance because they are minors, have alcohol and/or drug dependencies, are homeless, and/or have a disability or mental health issues. PSOs who have well developed communication and conflict resolution skills are less likely to be the subject of complaints, such as allegations of assault or excessive force, or unlawful requests for information. IBAC therefore recommends that Victoria Police provides PSOs with ongoing communication and engagement training. The report also identifies that some members of the Victorian community may not fully understand the role of PSOs and the extent of their powers, which has the potential to lead to conflict with PSOs and therefore complaints. IBAC recommends that Victoria Police takes steps to ensure the public better understands the role and powers of PSOs. This report does not consider the effectiveness of the PSOs in fulfilling their functions. However, it is noted that in 2016, the Victorian Auditor-General’s Office conducted an audit of the effectiveness of the PSO program and found that while there is evidence that people who travel on trains at night feel safer due to PSOs, there is insufficient data to assess the impact, if any, that PSOs have had on crime rates. Details: Melbourne: IBAC, 2016. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 23, 2016 at: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/research-documents/transit-protective-services-officers---an-exploration-of-corruption-and-misconduct-risks.pdf?sfvrsn=4 Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/research-documents/transit-protective-services-officers---an-exploration-of-corruption-and-misconduct-risks.pdf?sfvrsn=4 Shelf Number: 144838 Keywords: Police CorruptionPolice MisconductTransit SafetyTransit Security |
Author: United States Department of Justice. Civil Rights Division Title: The Civil Rights Division's Pattern and Practice Police Reform Work: 1994-Present Summary: There are more than 18,000 law enforcement agencies across the country. Law enforcement is a demanding, rigorous, and – at times – dangerous profession. The vast majority of men and women who police our communities do so with professionalism, respect, bravery, and integrity. But as we have seen around the country, when police departments engage in unconstitutional policing, their actions can severely undermine both community trust and public safety. Today, our country is engaged in a critically important conversation about community-police relations. This report describes one of the United States Department of Justice’s central tools for accomplishing police reform, restoring police-community trust, and strengthening officer and public safety – the Civil Rights Division’s enforcement of the civil prohibition on a “pattern or practice” of policing that violates the Constitution or other federal laws (the Department’s other tools are described later in this document). Pattern-or-practice cases begin with investigations of allegations of systemic police misconduct and, when the allegations are substantiated, end with comprehensive agreements designed to support constitutional and effective policing and restore trust between police and communities. The Division has opened 11 new pattern-or-practice investigations and negotiated 19 new reform agreements since 2012 alone, often with the substantial assistance of the local United States Attorney’s Offices. The purpose of this report to make the Division’s police reform work more accessible and transparent. The usual course of a pattern-or-practice case, with examples and explanations for why the Division approaches this work the way it does, is set forth in this report. The following is a brief summary of its major themes: The Division’s pattern-or-practice cases focus on systemic police misconduct rather than isolated instances of wrongdoing. They also focus on the responsibilities of law enforcement agencies and local governments rather than on individual officers. The Division’s pattern-or-practice cases begin with the launch of a formal investigation into a law enforcement agency to determine whether the agency is engaged in a pattern or practice of violating federal law. An investigation most often consists of a comprehensive analysis of the policies and practices of policing in a particular community, although an investigation may also focus on a specific area of policing practice. If the Division finds a pattern or practice of police misconduct, it issues public findings in the form of a letter or report made available to the local jurisdiction and the public. The Division conducts a thorough and independent investigation into allegations of police misconduct and substantiates any conclusions it draws with evidence set forth in its public findings. After making findings, the Division negotiates reform agreements resolving those findings, usually in the form of a “consent decree” overseen by a federal court and an independent monitoring team. The lead independent monitor is appointed by the court, and usually agreed upon by both the Division and the investigated party, but reports directly to the court. If an agreement cannot be negotiated, the Division will bring a lawsuit to compel needed reforms. When the court finds that the law enforcement agency has accomplished and sustained the requirements of the reform agreement, the case is terminated. In recent years, the Division’s reform agreements have included data-driven outcome measures designed to provide clear and objective standards for measuring success and determining whether the law enforcement agency has met the objectives of the agreement. At all stages of a pattern-or-practice case, from investigation through resolution, the Division emphasizes engagement with a wide variety of stakeholders, including community members and people who have been victims of police misconduct or live in the neighborhoods most impacted by police misconduct, police leadership, rank and file officers, police labor organizations, and local political leaders. Each of these groups brings a different and important perspective and plays a critical role in accomplishing and sustaining police reform. In keeping with the focus on systemic problems, the Division’s reform agreements emphasize institutional reforms such as improving systems for supervising officers and holding them accountable for misconduct; ensuring officers have the policy guidance, training, equipment and other resources necessary for constitutional and effective policing; creating and using data about police activity to identify and correct patterns of police misconduct; and institutionalizing law enforcement agencies’ engagement with and accountability to the community. The sections that follow provide background on why Congress gave the Division authority to address systemic police misconduct, how the Division opens pattern-or-practice investigations, what an investigation involves, and how the Division negotiates reform agreements. The report then outlines the common threads among the Division’s current generation of police reform agreements, explaining how the Division’s model promotes sustainable reform and constitutional, effective policing, as well as how those agreements come to a close. Finally, the report discusses the evidence to date of the impact of the Division’s pattern-or-practice work on police reform, as well as future directions for research and reflection on that impact. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2017. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 25, 2017 at: https://www.justice.gov/crt/file/922421/download Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.justice.gov/crt/file/922421/download Shelf Number: 147803 Keywords: Civil RightsPolice AccountabilityPolice MisconductPolice ReformPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community Relations |
Author: African American Policy Forum Title: Say Her Name: Resisting Police Brutality Against Black Women Summary: In 2015 alone, at least six Black women have been killed by or after encounters with police. For instance, just before Freddie Gray's case grabbed national attention, police killed unarmed Mya Hall "a Black transgender woman" on the outskirts of Baltimore. Alleged to be driving a stolen car, Hall took a wrong turn onto NSA property and was shot to death by officers after the car crashed into the security gate and a police cruiser. No action has been taken to date with respect to the officers responsible for her death. In April, police fatally shot Alexia Christian while she was being handcuffed in the back of a police cruiser. And in March in Ventura, California, police officers shot and killed Meagan Hockaday - a young mother of three - within 20 seconds of entering her home in response to a domestic disturbance. Say Her Name responds to increasing calls for attention to police violence against Black women by offering a resource to help ensure that Black women's stories are integrated into demands for justice, policy responses to police violence, and media representations of victims and survivors of police brutality. The brief concludes with recommendations for engaging communities in conversation and advocacy around Black women's experiences of police violence, considering race and gender in policy initiatives to combat state violence, and adopting policies to end sexual abuse and harassment by police officers. Details: New York: African American Policy Forum, 2015. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2017 at: http://static1.squarespace.com/static/53f20d90e4b0b80451158d8c/t/55a810d7e4b058f342f55873/1437077719984/AAPF_SMN_Brief_full_singles.compressed.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://static1.squarespace.com/static/53f20d90e4b0b80451158d8c/t/55a810d7e4b058f342f55873/1437077719984/AAPF_SMN_Brief_full_singles.compressed.pdf Shelf Number: 146005 Keywords: African AmericansDeadly ForceMinoritiesPolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForceViolence Against Women |
Author: Safer, Ron Title: Preventing and Disciplining Police Misconduct: An Independent Review and Recommendations Concerning Chicago's Police Disciplinary System Summary: A police department's disciplinary system must encourage good conduct by police officers. The process for investigating and resolving complaints alleging police misconduct should align with this objective. In recent years, there have been both external and internal concerns about how complaints of misconduct by members of Chicago Police Department (CPD) are investigated and disciplined. Allegations of a "code of silence" among Chicago police officers reveal the public's concern with the current disciplinary system. And there are concerns within CPD about the uncertainty that surrounds police discipline, including the length of time it takes to resolve misconduct complaints and a perceived lack of uniformity across punishments for similar violations. In particular, alleged incidences of misconduct by members of the CPD are investigated, and discipline is administered, pursuant to a complicated, time-consuming process. CPD's disciplinary system includes three separate City agencies - each created at a different time and for a different purpose - that are tasked with investigating and resolving alleged incidences of police misconduct: the CPD, including its Bureau of Internal Affairs (BIA); the Independent Police Review Authority (IPRA); and the Police Board. As a result, responsibility for identifying misconduct and administering discipline can be fragmented. In addition, historically multiple opportunities to appeal and/or grieve disciplinary decisions from one body to another at multiple stages in the process lengthened the time between the complaint and resolution, creating uncertainty surrounding the administration of discipline. The City's collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) with the unions of Department members limit the ways in which misconduct - studied the statutes, ordinances, collective bargaining agreements, and other legal requirements that define the current disciplinary system; -- analyzed data - including the number and types of misconduct complaints, and the amount of time it takes to resolve these complaints - provided by the three entities charged with investigating and resolving allegations of police misconduct: the CPD, including BIA, IPRA, and the Police Board; -- interviewed a wide cross section of people who participate in and/or are affected by the police disciplinary system, such as: current and former CPD members, including senior leadership, bureau chiefs, commanders, lieutenants, sergeants, and rank-and-file police officers; IPRA leadership, including its chief and deputy chief administrators; Police Board leadership; other public officials; and community representatives, ministers and other members of the faith community and representatives from organizations focused on police misconduct and accountability; -- analyzed best practices in other municipalities and jurisdictions; -- consulted subject matter experts, including Darrel Stephens of the Major Cities Chiefs Association and Merrick Bobb of the Police Assessment Resource Center; and -- undertook a thorough review of the relevant literature. Our recommendations fall into two categories. First, we propose changes to prevent misconduct from occurring in the first place, primarily by focusing on guidelines, education and training. We also suggest ways to make the consequences of misconduct more consistent, as well as to more effectively involve direct supervisors in the prevention and detection of misconduct. Second, we suggest improvements to the system for addressing the misconduct that does occur. We offer ways to make IPRA more accessible and transparent for complainants, as well as to accelerate the time from complaint to resolution; recommend adjusting the jurisdictions of BIA, IPRA, and the Police Board; and make suggestions for streamlining processes where possible. Details: Chicago: Police Accountability Task Force, 2014. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 17, 2017 at: https://chicagopatf.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Preventing_Disciplining_Police_Misconduct_Dec_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://chicagopatf.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Preventing_Disciplining_Police_Misconduct_Dec_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 146292 Keywords: Complaints Against PolicePolice DisciplinePolice IntegrityPolice Misconduct |
Author: Crowell, Mark Title: Police Officers' Attitudes Toward Civilian Oversight Mechanisms in Ontario, Canada Summary: Police services in Canada were historically self-regulating institutions that managed internally their administrative affairs and allegations of professional misconduct. In recent decades, however, there has been an inexorable movement to external review in many Western nations, including Canada, whereby civilians have become increasingly involved in the administrative oversight of policing and the investigation of complaints about alleged misconduct. Research on how police have responded to these developments is sparse and overwhelmingly non-Canadian. This study examines the attitudes and experiences of police officers pertaining to three types of civilian-led agencies that govern police practices and conduct in Ontario, Canada. To wit: i) Police Services Boards, which provide administrative and financial governance of police services; ii) The Special Investigation Unit (SIU), which investigates instances where citizens have been seriously harmed, killed or allegedly sexually assaulted while in the care of the police; and iii) The Office of the Independent Police Review Director (OIPRD), which reviews and sometimes investigates citizens' complaints about police conduct. A mixed-methods sequential explanatory research design was utilized in this study. In Phase 1: Survey Questionnaire, 1593 police officers from a large police service in Ontario responded to an online survey questionnaire that queried them about their experiences and perceptions in relation to the three previously-mentioned agencies and about their own police service's Professional Standards Bureau. In Phase 2: Semi-structured interviews, 40 interviews were conducted with police officers from the same police service and six interviews were conducted with senior executive representatives from stakeholder organizations in Ontario and across Canada. Results from both the survey questionnaire and the interviews revealed that most police officers were generally accepting of the need for civilian-led oversight initiatives to uphold accountability and public trust in policing. However, this study found that many police officers queried the qualifications (i.e., knowledge, skills, training and experience) of the involved civilian investigators and administrators. Respondents also raised concerns about issues of "procedural justice" (e.g., the quality and frequency of communication during investigations; speed of investigations; notification regarding the outcome) during the course of both civilian-led and police-led investigations into alleged misconduct. Although the majority of respondents expressed a preference for alleged misconduct to be investigated by their own Professional Standards Bureau rather than by personnel from the SIU or the OIPRD, evidence was mixed on the extent to which police officers perceived that civilian oversight agencies pose a significant threat or challenge to their status as "professionals." Many respondents opined that police officers are more closely scrutinized than other professional/occupational groups and are held to higher standards of accountability. A number of practical recommendations are proposed related to enhanced communication and education for police services and relevant stakeholders in Ontario, Canada and beyond. Details: Waterloo, ONT: University of Waterloo, 2016. 410p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed August 30, 2017 at: https://uwspace.uwaterloo.ca/bitstream/handle/10012/11034/Crowell_Mark.pdf?sequence=9&isAllowed=y Year: 2016 Country: Canada URL: https://uwspace.uwaterloo.ca/bitstream/handle/10012/11034/Crowell_Mark.pdf?sequence=9&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 146950 Keywords: Citizens Complaints Against PoliceCivilian OversightPolice AccountabilityPolice BehaviorPolice Misconduct |
Author: Jones, James Title: 'The patronising disposition of unaccountable power': A report to ensure the pain and suffering of the Hillsborough families is not repeated Summary: 1. This report aims to provide an insight into what the bereaved Hillsborough families have experienced over the 28 years which have passed since April 1989, and to place that insight on the official public record. In doing so, I hope that the truth of their experience will bring its own pressure to bear, delivering necessary changes to the way in which public institutions treat the bereaved. 2. The common thread to the experiences set out in this report is what I describe in the letter to the Prime Minister and Home Secretary which opens this report as 'the patronising disposition of unaccountable power'. This does not just describe the families' experience of the police, but also of other agencies and individuals across the criminal justice system and beyond. And it does not simply describe a historic state of affairs, but instead one that stretches forward to today, including aspects of the most recent inquests. Neither is it an experience of those in positions of power which is unique to the Hillsborough families, as my conversations with other bereaved families make clear. 3. So this report is not about a perspective on simply about 'how things were'. The families' experiences demonstrate a real and continuing need for change, and this report sets out proposals for how to bring about that change. 4. What this report describes as a 'patronising disposition' is a cultural condition, a mindset which defines how organisations and people within them behave and which can act as an unwritten, even unspoken, connection between individuals in organisations. One of its core features is an instinctive prioritisation of the reputation of an organisation over the citizen's right to expect people to be held to account for their actions. This represents a barrier to real accountability. 5. As a cultural condition, this mindset is not automatically changed, still less dislodged, by changes in policies and processes. What is needed is a change in attitude, culture, heart and mind. To bring this about, I first ask that those in positions of leadership listen seriously to the experiences of the Hillsborough families described in this report. I ask that they note too the perspectives of other families bereaved by public tragedy who I have listened to in the writing of this report, and whose experiences echo those of the Hillsborough families. 6. Having heard the families' experiences, I ask that those in positions of leadership take action in order that - as my terms of reference put it - the families' 'perspective is not lost'. 7. My report contains 25 points of learning across a range of subjects, describing the changes which I believe are necessary. I consider each to be vitally important, but three in particular are crucial. 8. First, I propose the creation of a Charter for Families Bereaved through Public Tragedy - a charter inspired by the experience of the Hillsborough families. The experience of the Hillsborough families demonstrates the need for a substantial change in the culture of public bodies. To help bring about that cultural change, I propose a charter drawn from the bereaved families' experiences and made up of a series of commitments to change - each related to transparency and acting in the public interest. I encourage leaders of all public bodies to make a commitment to cultural change by publicly signing up to the charter. Details: London: House of Commons, 2017. 122p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2017 at: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2017/nov/uk-ho-Hillsborough-Report.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2017/nov/uk-ho-Hillsborough-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 147962 Keywords: Families of VictimsHillsborough Stadium DisasterPolice Misconduct |
Author: Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission Title: Perceptions of corruption - Survey of Victoria Police employees Summary: This report outlines the responses of Victoria Police employees following research into their understanding of corruption, perceptions of corruption and misconduct, attitudes to reporting corruption and misconduct, and attitudes towards preventing corruption. In 2016, IBAC engaged research company Urbis to conduct research on perceptions of corruption. Victoria Police employees were surveyed, as were employees from state and local government, and members of the Victorian community. Reports on research findings for each of these groups are available under the Publications section of IBAC's website. This research was conducted at a time when Victoria Police was responding to a review conducted by the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission and working to streamline its complaint handling and discipline system, as well as reviewing policies in a number of relevant areas (including conflict of interest). Details: Melbourne: IBAC, 2017. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 6, 2017 at: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/research-documents/perceptions-of-corruption-victoria-police.pdf?sfvrsn=7 Year: 2017 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/research-documents/perceptions-of-corruption-victoria-police.pdf?sfvrsn=7 Shelf Number: 148732 Keywords: Police Corruption Police Ethics Police Misconduct |
Author: Wasserman, Howard M. Title: Police Misconduct, Video Recording, and Procedural Barriers to Rights Enforcement Summary: The story of police reform and of "policing the police" has become the story of video and video evidence, and "record everything to know the truth" has become the singular mantra. Video, both police-created and citizen-created, has become the singular tool for ensuring police accountability, reforming law enforcement, and enforcing the rights of victims of police misconduct. This Article explores procedural problems surrounding the use of video recording and video evidence to counter police misconduct, hold individual officers and governments accountable, and reform departmental policies, regulations, and practices. It considers four issues: 1) the mistaken belief that video can "speak for itself" and the procedural and evidentiary problems flowing from that mistaken belief; 2) the evidentiary advantages video provides police and prosecutors; 3) procedural limits on efforts to enforce a First Amendment right to record, such as qualified immunity and standing; and 4) the effects of video on government decisions to pursue criminal charges against police officers and to settle civil-rights suits alleging police misconduct. Details: Miami: Florida International University, 2017. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Florida International University Legal Studies Research Paper No. 17-48: Accessed March 23, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3086092 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 149554 Keywords: Body-Worn CamerasPolice AccountabilityPolice MisconductPolice-Citizen InteractionsVideo Recordings |
Author: Eguienta, Ophelie Title: Twenty-First Century Police Brutality against African Americans: The Case of Ferguson, Missouri, and the "Black Lives Matter" Movement Summary: African American history is riddled with violence, as early as Africans' very arrival on the continent as slaves. Their fight for freedom became a fight for equality after the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, as the southern states passed segregation laws and racial discrimination, although not institutionalized, remained pervasive in the North. Resulted a century of social, economic, and political inequalities for black people in the entire country, punctuated by lynching, and white supremacist attacks carried in impunity. As the Civil Rights Movement rose in the 1950s, marches and demonstrations for racial equality were met by a virulent opposition, leading to the murders of many civil rights activists and the assassinations of leaders Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. Yet, the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act were passed and effectively made segregation and any other form of racial discrimination illegal. Since then, a variety of policies has been implemented to decrease the opportunity gap between black and white Americans, and, with the election of Barack Obama in 2008, a substantial part of the population has come to believe that racism mostly is an issue of the past, and that equality for African Americans has finally been reached. However for some scholars, this colorblindness has led to another form of blindness about racism, which only has deepened racial inequalities as policies instituted to decrease them have been reduced or abandoned. Yet as the death of an unarmed black young man by a police officer spurred massive protests in the small Missouri city of Ferguson in 2014, the debate on racism in America started again through the notion of a systemic racist police brutality. Police brutality is a societal issue that has been the subject of many studies, by academics but also former officers, who have tried to understand its origins, its extent, its perpetuation, its repercussions on society, and how society reacts to it. Research on racially biased police brutality has also been prolific, especially during the second-half of the twentieth century, as some instances sparked demonstrations and even riots. However, secondary sources are still scarce on the events that followed Michael Brown's death - and thus on the Black Lives Matter movement - since they only happened a few years ago, and at the time, nothing indicated that the protest movement would be lasting and would reach such a scale. I chose to research this issue because even though I have never considered myself to be ignorant of racism and police brutality anywhere in the world, I was deeply shocked by the events that occurred in Ferguson, Mo, in 2014. I remember reading different online newspapers regularly, Le Monde and Le Nouvel Obs for the French ones, the BBC and The Guardian for the British ones, and The New York Times and The Washington Post for the American ones. Indeed, I heard about what had happened through social media at first, and was hoping to have had a distorted version of the facts, as it often happens; and then I was anxious to get different perspectives (namely from other countries), in order not to have too biased sources and try and balance the flow of information available. I closely followed the events for months, and watched the Black Lives Matter movement rise, with astonishment, wonder and fascination. I witnessed demonstrations and protests being organized, support coming from the entire country and the entire world, but also saw the opposition to this tsunami of indignation increase, with various movements such as All Lives Matter, White Lives Matter and Blue Lives Matter. Thus, in order to fully understand the importance and the scale of racist police brutality and the protests that ensued, I decided to make them my research project this year. This thesis explores the factors that led Michael Brown's death to spark a string of nation-wide protests: the context of tensions between police officers and black people, the disproportionate rate at which black people are killed by officers, and the lack of repercussions when these deaths are questionable. It also focuses on the stakes and the impact of the Ferguson protests on society, studying the Black Lives Matter movement - its origins, the novelty in its goal and actions, etc. - as well as the other movements that emerged first on social media to oppose it. This research will help analyze how divided the American population is and how such divisions can be accounted for. In order to assess the relationship between African Americans and the police, it was essential to rely on the multiplicity of secondary sources on African American history, and on police brutality in the United States; the vast number of studies available allowed for a balanced overview. However secondary sources are lacking on the events at the core of the research, namely the anti-police brutality protests that started in 2014. Indeed, because these events are recent, it is complex for scholars to analyze the scope of the BLM movement and the shift in media representation of such events, while they are still occurring. On the other hand, primary sources are abundant: every black and mainstream news outlet covered the protests at length, as did individual people via social media - sharing accounts, pictures and videos of the events as well as their reactions to them, and various organizations issued reports on the situation (and a number of organizations were even created as a result). These sources were confronted and taken with a necessary step back to determine any possible bias. Following the increased news coverage of police killings of black people, many opinion polls have been conducted, which helps establish how divided the American population is on the question of police behavior, but also on the role of the government in this matter. To conduct this research, I relied on secondary sources when establishing the historical context of today's African Americans' place in society, and a mix of primary and secondary sources when studying the racial inequalities that persist, the debate over a postracial society, and the relationship between police officers and black people - i.e. the lack of black people in the police force and its consequences, racial bias, distrust, etc. On the other hand, primary sources were almost exclusively used when dealing with what happened at Ferguson in 2014, and with the BLM movement. Indeed, news articles from various outlets and a few social networks allowed to analyze the social and political repercussions of the protests. The relation between mainstream news and the opinion of most of the population - as they influence each other - was analyzed, especially since the influence that the protests had on the news is relatively unusual. Moreover, a detailed research of the significance of social media in the BLM movement was conducted: given the importance social media have in everyday life nowadays, it seemed relevant to analyze the presence of BLM on Twitter - which is at the origin of the movement - and Facebook - the most used social medium among Americans. Some of the few available secondary sources on the topic have been of great help for this part. The research on Twitter --a social media platform that played an important role in the protests - provided significant pieces of information on this social medium which requires payment to give access to some of its user data. As there were no statistics or data available on the matter, and since Facebook's search engine did not allow for a filtered search, I created a database categorizing the thousands of Facebook groups and pages which concerned Black/All/White/Blue Lives Matter, according to a few criteria (number of people, frequency of posts, etc.). This database enabled a comparative study of these movements on Facebook, and allowed me to articulate theories about their importance. However, this research has limitations, as some more detailed indications could have helped paint a more precise picture: very little information is obtainable about closed groups and there are hidden groups only visible to members; some pieces of information are extremely difficult to retrieve (especially for a single person with a limited amount of time), such as the date of creation of the group/page, the number of active members out of the total amount, and the periods when people joined a group or liked a page. Thus, in order to address the issue of police brutality against African Americans in the twenty-first century, this work will start with a brief presentation of the place occupied by the black community in society through a selection of key events in history and their impact on today's society; the second part will be an overview of police brutality, zooming in on brutality against black people; third, the circumstances of Michael Brown' death and the aftermath will be under scrutiny, from the protests, their representation in the news, and their consequences, to the change of this representation in the media; finally, the BLM ALM WLM and BlueLM movements will be analyzed, alongside the role that social media played in these movements. Details: Toulouse: University of Toulouse II Jean Jaures, 2017. 165p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed March 27, 2018 at: http://dante.univ-tlse2.fr/4122/1/Eguienta_Oph%C3%A9lieM22017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://dante.univ-tlse2.fr/4122/1/Eguienta_Oph%C3%A9lieM22017.pdf Shelf Number: 149587 Keywords: African AmericansBlack Lives MatterDeadly ForcePolice BrutalityPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolice-Minority RelationsRacial DiscriminationSocial Media |
Author: Amnesty International Netherlands Title: Police and Minority Groups Summary: In 2016, PHRP finalized the third paper of the short paper series on Police and Minority Groups. Police have a duty to protect people against crime, and this includes protection against crime motivated by discrimination. They are furthermore obliged not to commit any acts of discrimination themselves in carrying out their law enforcement duties. However, in many instances law enforcement officials fail in both regards: they can sometimes have the role of the perpetrator, actively discriminating for example by means of ethnic profiling, harassment, or through the excessive use of force against certain groups, or they fail to effectively protect people from crimes motivated by discrimination ("hate crimes") or to investigate such crimes. Any such conduct has damaging consequences. In a specific situation, it leads to a violation of the human rights of the person(s) concerned. On a wider scale, it leads to the loss of confidence in police by minority groups, fostering a climate of mutual mistrust or even hostility that can be self-reinforcing. There are, however, solutions and ways to address these issues, and good practices can be found in numerous countries and contexts to improve the relationship between police and minority groups. The PHRP team looked at a variety of European countries, to outline and analyse some of the most common issues as well as to introduce possible solutions and examples of good practice on how to counter the problem. To that end, the paper addresses some general considerations about the relationship between police and minority groups as well as specific issues that are common concerns in the interaction between police and minority groups, namely hate crimes, ethnic profiling and preventing and addressing discriminatory police misconduct. Details: Amsterdam: Amnesty International, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Police and Human Rights Programme - Short paper series No. 3: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://www.amnesty.nl/actueel/short-paper-series-no-3-police-and-minority-groups Year: 2016 Country: Netherlands URL: https://www.amnesty.nl/actueel/short-paper-series-no-3-police-and-minority-groups Shelf Number: 149684 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice MisconductPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPolice-Minority Relations |
Author: Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission Title: Audit of Victoria Police's oversight of serious incidents Summary: o determine how effectively Victoria Police oversights serious incidents involving its officers, IBAC audited more than 140 oversight files closed by Victoria Police during the 2015/16 financial year. The audit examined Victoria Police's oversight of serious incidents resulting in death and serious injury following police contact. The audit identified that there are aspects of Victoria Police's oversight process that are concerning and which could be improved. When a person dies or is seriously injured following an interaction with police, Victoria Police conducts an oversight of the incident and any subsequent investigation. Victoria Police's oversight process seeks to identify whether the serious incident was preventable or whether improvements could be made to police policies or practices to prevent similar incidents from occurring. Victoria Police also examines whether the investigation of the death or serious injury met the standards expected for handling serious incidents. Victoria Police conducts an oversight in response to the following serious incidents: a death or serious injury resulting from contact between police and the public a death or serious injury to a person in police custody an attempted suicide by a person in police custody an incident involving the discharge of a firearm by police an escape from custody any serious vehicle collision involving police. This report presents the findings of IBAC's audit of Victoria Police oversight files (known as C1-8 files). The audit assessed whether Victoria Police's oversights were thorough and impartial and met the standards required of such reviews. IBAC also examined relevant Victoria Police policies, conducted data analysis, and reviewed case studies. IBAC has made recommendations for Victoria Police to improve its oversight of serious incidents which Victoria Police has accepted. IBAC will monitor how Victoria Police implements these recommendations. The audit is part of an ongoing program of audits that IBAC conducts on how Victoria Police handles complaints. These audits help Victoria Police build capacity to prevent corrupt conduct and police misconduct by identifying areas of improvement around complaint handling. IBAC's audits also identify good practice that could be considered more broadly by Victoria Police. In doing so, audits help build public confidence in the integrity of Victoria Police's processes and in IBAC's independent police oversight role. Details: Melbourne: The Commission, 2018.62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2018 at: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/research-documents/audit-of-victoria-police-oversight-of-serious-incidents.pdf?sfvrsn=2 Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ibac.vic.gov.au/docs/default-source/research-documents/audit-of-victoria-police-oversight-of-serious-incidents.pdf?sfvrsn=2 Shelf Number: 149710 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice PerformancePolice Use of ForcePolice-Citizen Interactions |
Author: DuPey, Bridget Title: Access Denied: Colorado Law Enforcement Refuses Public Access to Records of Police Misconduct Summary: Despite the Colorado state law permitting discretionary release of law enforcement investigation files of alleged police misconduct under the Colorado Criminal Justice Records Act (CCJRA), most jurisdictions routinely deny public records requests for such files. Although the Colorado Supreme Court has mandated that law enforcement records custodians perform a balancing test on a case-by-case basis to decide whether to release these files, custodians generally deny all requests for files irrespective of the nature of alleged misconduct or the outcome of the investigation. This report details the independent research study conducted as a student-faculty collaboration at the University of Denver Sturm College of Law to assess the willingness of law enforcement agencies to release internal affairs files. The study includes two "waves" of requests. The first wave of the study sought logs of internal affairs files during the 2015 and 2016 calendar years from various law enforcement agencies across Colorado. The second wave sought specific internal affairs files from those agencies that provided a sufficient list or log during the first wave of requests, as well as requests for a few additional targeted files of particular public interest. The researchers were ultimately unable to obtain a single complete internal affairs file from any jurisdiction included in the study. The vast majority of agencies denied outright the request or failed to respond. Furthermore, the two isolated jurisdictions that offered to process the request assessed cost-prohibitive fees for processing. Despite state open records laws explicitly intended to promote public transparency and accountability among government actors, this study illustrates that Coloradans remain largely in the dark with regard to allegations and investigations of police misconduct. Indeed, most law enforcement agencies are categorically unwilling to allow public access to internal affairs files. To achieve the intent behind state open records law, the Colorado General Assembly should amend the CCJRA to require public release upon request of completed internal affairs investigations, a policy in line with at least a dozen other states. Details: Denver, CO: University of Denver - Sturm College of Law, 2017. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: U Denver Legal Studies Research Paper No. 18-05: Accessed April 9, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3136011 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3136011 Shelf Number: 149731 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice Internal AffairsPolice MisconductPolice RecordsPolice Use of Force |
Author: Gilmore, Joanna Title: Keep Moving! Report on the Policing of the Barton Moss Community Protection Camp, November 2013-April 2014. Summary: This report contains interim indings from research into the policing of the Barton Moss Community Protection Camp at Barton Moss, Salford, Greater Manchester, conducted by researchers from Liverpool John Moores University and the University of York. he camp was in place from November 2013 until April 2014 for the duration of the exploratory drilling operation conducted by energy company IGas Energy at Barton Moss. Camp residents and supporters engaged in a campaign of protest and direct action to raise awareness about the apparent dangers of hydraulic fracturing - better known as fracking - at Barton Moss. Greater Manchester Police (GMP) conducted a policing operation - codenamed Operation Geraldton - at Barton Moss over the course of the drilling operation conducted by IGas. he report draws upon interviews conducted by the authors with camp residents and those taking part in direct action. It also collates, and draws upon, social media and other media reporting on the Barton Moss camp, as well as other publicly available information such as public statements, press releases, and responses to requests for information made by the authors under the Freedom of Information Act 2000 to relevant public bodies, including Greater Manchester Police. he report documents concerns about the nature, function and proportionality of the policing operation at the camp and the way that policing methods were deployed in accordance with the obligations to facilitate peaceful protest underpinned by the European Convention on Human Rights. his report raises serious questions about the proportionality of arrest patterns and bail conditions, as well as the dominant media and public portrayal of the protest and the protesters, including the role played by GMP in inluencing this portrayal. he report documents protesters' experiences of violence and harassment by the police including gendered violence experienced by women involved at the camp. Particular attention is drawn to the role of Tactical Aid Unit oicers in the policing of protest marches, and the role of senior oicers in the communication and public information strategies conducted as part of Operation Geraldton. Ultimately, the report highlights the various procedures adopted by GMP in the management of the protest that had the efect of curtailing the right to protest, and seeks to substantiate unacknowledged claims that the policing operation was violent, disproportionate to the size and peaceful nature of the protest, and carried out with impunity. his research raises important questions about the nature of democratic accountability and public order policing in England and Wales. Details: Liverpool, UK: Centre for the Study of Crime, Criminalisation and Social Exclusion, Liverpool John Moores University' York: Centre for Urban Research (CURB), University of York, 2016. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2018 at: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/115146/1/Barton_Moss_Report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/115146/1/Barton_Moss_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 149839 Keywords: Crowd ControlDemonstrationsPolice MisconductProtests and DemonstrationsPublic Order Management |
Author: Lancia, Amanda Title: Policing and the Dirty Underbelly: Understanding Narratives of Police Deviance on Social Media Platforms Summary: Policing organizations have been quick to adopt the use of social media as a community policing and investigative tool. However, the user-generated content on social media platforms can pose a risk to police legitimacy, police accountability, and their role as the 'authorized knowers'. This thesis explores how social media problematizes the social problems game and how social media challenges the police as the 'authorized knowers'. Through the analysis of two case studies - #myNYPD campaign and the Walter Scott shooting - it was found that social media users can use social media platforms to construct claims against and challenge police in the social problems game through the circulation of user-generated content. It was discovered that images and videos play a significant role in the social problems game, and the challenging of the police. The authority that the police have with traditional media differs from the relationship they have with social media. This is because social media becomes much more difficult to control, especially with the interpretive flexibility of images and video. It was found that police still engage in counter-claims making activities through traditional media outlets to counteract claims made online, but that social media also provides a new platform for counter-claims making activities. Details: Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University, 2016. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed April 18, 2018 at: http://scholars.wlu.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2987&context=etd Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://scholars.wlu.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2987&context=etd Shelf Number: 149848 Keywords: Police AccountabilityPolice InvestigationsPolice LegitimacyPolice MisconductSocial Media |
Author: Perry, David Title: Critical Factors in Police Use-of-Force Decisions Summary: This study investigated law enforcement officers' perceptions of the legal, normative, and practical considerations that are implicit in their decisions when faced with using physical force. Law enforcement officers observe and protect fundamental human rights. A significant problem, however, is that physical force is sometimes misused, impacting public confidence in police services. The study was framed by Durkheim's conflict theory and Beirie's concepts of police corporate culture and social control. It used a grounded theory method and predeveloped case scenarios presented to 2 male focus groups of 7 and 6 participants respectively, and 2 female focus groups of 5 and 7 participants, who were police officers in Canada, to explore for gender differences in response strategies, decisions to use force, and arguments for their decisions, following the model set forth by Waddington (2009). Additionally, data were also collected through 12 individual semistructured interviews. Open, axial, and selective manual coding was used in the data analysis. The data collection and analysis for this study resulted in the development of, the paradigm of safety, a theory that reflects how female officers' useof-force decisions differ from the decisions of their male colleagues. These decision factors, when incorporated into their response strategies, reflect the timing and need for using force. This study promotes positive social change by providing information that will inform police policies and training practices. This information will enable police administrators and legislators to enhance workplace safety for their officers that are more consistent with democratic rights and freedoms for citizens by reducing use-of-force in conflict circumstances Details: Minneapolis, MN: Walden University, 2015. 249p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 20, 2018 at: https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=2269&context=dissertations Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=2269&context=dissertations Shelf Number: 149864 Keywords: Police Decision MakingPolice DiscretionPolice MisconductPolice Policies and PracticesPolice TrainingPolice Use of Force |
Author: New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board Title: Crossing the Threshold: An Evaluation of Civilian Complaints of Improper Entries and Searches by the NYPD from January 2010 to October 2015 Summary: Police search and seizure-especially of homes-represents one of the most invasive forms of intrusion of individual liberty. When conducted without proper constitutional authority, home searches are one of the most serious violations of privacy and, consequently, types of police misconduct that engender anger at and distrust of police authority. Entries are fraught with a range of potential dangers to both civilians and officers. Many officers enter homes early in the morning when occupants are sleeping, in a state of undress, and engaged in the private routines in preparation for the day ahead-often leaving residents and their children frightened, confused, and angry. Police officers find themselves in chaotic and potentially dangerous situations, with an unknown number of occupants in the home and limited knowledge of what they will encounter. Even when done lawfully, police entries are forceful, aggressive and surprising, intended to apprehend suspects and seize evidence of a crime. Data compiled by CCRB indicates that most officers in the New York Police Department (the "NYPD" or "Department") enter homes to respond to crimes-in-progress, to render aid to residents, or pursuant to valid search or arrest warrants. Yet the cost of loss of confidence in the presumption of lawful conduct as a result of the cohort of improper entries and searches far outweighs their modest prevalence. Not only are core civil liberties violated, but the necessary constructive relationship between community members and the police is degraded. The community's tolerance for law enforcement activity and compliance with the law rises and falls upon its sense of police legitimacy and authority. Where officers fail to act in accordance with the law requiring procedural and substantive warrant requirements, civilians lose trust and confidence in the police. A lack of procedural justice contributes to a perception that police ignore the law's constraints. To understand the nature and scope of civilian complaints regarding police search and seizure at premises, the CCRB conducted a study of over five and a half years of fully investigated complaints. The CCRB is the largest police oversight agency in the nation and is empowered to receive, investigate, make findings and recommend action upon complaints by New Yorkers alleging misconduct by NYPD officers. See NYC Charter 440(c)(1). To further this mission, CCRB issues monthly, biannual, and special statistical and qualitative reports analyzing trends and recurring issues arising from the many thousands of civilian complaints it receives. These reports act as a barometer of police-civilian encounters in a number of ways, including the police practices that civilians find most troubling. In its role as an independent investigator of misconduct allegations, CCRB is uniquely positioned to identify the circumstances that generate civilian complaints, to assess whether officer conduct is improper, and to offer recommendations to redress misconduct. Details: New York: The Complaint Review Board, 2015. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 24, 2018 at: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/policy_pdf/issue_based/20160219_entry-search-report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/policy_pdf/issue_based/20160219_entry-search-report.pdf Shelf Number: 150360 Keywords: Civilian ComplaintsPolice BehaviorPolice MisconductPolice-Civilian InteractionsSearch and Seizure |
Author: New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board Title: Price, Prejudice and Policing: An Evaluation of LGBTQ-Related Complaints from January 2010 through December 2015 Summary: In June of 1969, the New York City Police Departments (NYPD) Public Morals Squad raided the Stonewall Inn nightclub in order to enforce laws that criminalized being lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and gender non-conforming. The protests and riots that followed initiated a long journey to reform the laws and societal mindset that marginalized lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer or questioning (LGBTQ) identities. 1 Despite recent legal gains ranging from overturned sodomy laws to legalized same-sex marriage, some in the New York City LGBTQ community argue that LGBTQ individuals have endured discrimination often imposed by institutions positioned to protect them.2 Forty years after the Stonewall riots, City Council Speaker Christine Quinn and Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly announced the formation of the LGBT Advisory Committee to the NYPD. Comprised of LGBTQ advocates and community stakeholders, the LGBT Advisory Committee worked with NYPD officials to develop recommendations that would ensure that members of service would treat the LGBTQ citizens they encountered with dignity and respect.3 In 2012, the NYPD adopted some of the LGBT Advisory Committees recommendations, which required, amongst other things, that police officers address individuals according to their gender identity, refer to individuals by their preferred pronouns, refrain from profiling individuals simply because of their gender expression or sexual orientation, and stop searching individuals in order to make gender determinations. Some LGBTQ advocates and stakeholders argue that, despite these Patrol Guide changes, NYPD members continue to profile and unfairly police LGBTQ individuals, particularly transwomen of color and homeless LGBTQ youth.4 For many years, the CCRB did not rigorously monitor police misconduct in the LGBTQ community. Previously, there was a lack of capacity to monitor allegations of misconduct related specifically to the LGBTQ community. Only recently, in December 2015, did the CCRB add an option for complainants and/or victims to voluntarily disclose their sexual orientation or gender identity when filing a complaint. For gender identity, complainants can choose between male, female, transman (FTM), transwoman (MTF), or not described. There is also space provided for transgender individuals who would like to indicate a preferred name if it is different than the name provided on their identification. For sexual orientation, complainants can choose between heterosexual or straight, gay or lesbian, bisexual, or other. While these options are not exhaustive, expanding categories of gender identity and sexual orientation beyond binary classifications can enhance tracking allegations of misconduct within the LGBTQ community. Additionally, in 2015, the CCRB increased efforts to work with communities that feel the Agency has been unresponsive. In recognizing the specific policing challenges that members of the LGBTQ community face, the CCRBs Outreach team expanded its reach to LGBTQ organizations in 2015, and in the same year, the CCRB hosted an event entitled Lets Talk About It which was a candid conversation between the CCRB leadership and members of LGBTQ advocacy groups. Therefore, the CCRB has taken recent steps to address allegations of police misconduct in the LGBTQ community. On June 15, 2016, the CCRB hosted a symposium entitled, The Rainbow Crossing: Police Accountability and the LGBTQ Community at the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Community Center in New York City. With four panels on Policy, Law Enforcement, Grassroots, and a Debrief session, this well-attended event produced a number of civiliangenerated recommendations for improving LGBTQ community and police relations, including that: 1) local precincts make CCRB flyers visible and readily apparent, 2) the CCRB investigate allegations of sexual misconduct by members of the NYPD against civilians, 3) the Patrol Guide include a section specifically prohibiting sexual misconduct by members of service against civilians, 4) training on implicit bias be included within the NYPDs LGBTQ-specific training, 5) the NYPD training include particular attention to appropriate member of service responses to complaints of intimate partner violence within the LGBTQ community, 6) the NYPD and the CCRB capture and make available more data specifically on the LGBTQ community and issues related to police encounters, and 7) oversight bodies accept anonymous complaints in order to address LGBTQ complainants fear of retaliation and/or outing. It is against this backdrop that the CCRB presents the first quantitative and qualitative assessment performed by a police oversight agency in the United States, analyzing data regarding allegations of misconduct in the LGBTQ community. Using CCRB data from 2010 through 2015, this report has five goals: 1) to analyze complaint data regarding the New York City LGBTQ-community; 2) to assess characteristics of allegations regarding police misconduct; 3) to identify subgroups that may have a heightened risk of being subjected to police misconduct; 4) to delineate if NYPD efforts to address policing practices disproportionately impact LGBTQ individuals; and 5) to make recommendations to the Department and the CCRB based on these data assessments and findings. The scope of investigation includes 466 complaints filed from 2010 through 2015 wherein members of the public reported experiencing police misconduct that involved discrimination or harassment based on sexual orientation, gender identity and/or gender expression. These complaints include either a) a CCRB allegation related to misconduct involving sexual orientation, or b) the use of slurs specific to sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression. The 466 complaints filed from 2010 through 2015 included 1,959 allegations in total. Nine hundred and fifty allegations were fully investigated and resulted in 74 substantiated allegations of police misconduct, while 559 were unsubstantiated, 196 exonerated, and 121 unfounded. Examination of all LGBTQ-related complaints revealed overarching patterns that suggest some members of the LGBTQ community may experience misconduct due to their sexual orientation or gender expression. Many of the LGBTQ-related complaints examined specifically involved the use of slurs specific to sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression that fall under CCRBs Offensive Language or Discourtesy jurisdictions. The presence of audio, rather than or in addition to, video is particularly important for verifying whether or not misconduct actually occurred. Of the substantiated allegations that contained independent verification, those that included audio were able to provide a more definitive account of the incident in question. Among the CCRBs key statistical findings in this study: Between 2010 and 2015, the CCRB received 466 distinct complaints (with 1,959 allegations) related to or from members of the LGBTQ community. These complaints include either a) an allegation related to misconduct involving sexual orientation, or b) the use of slurs specific to sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression. Textbased queries were used to identify complaints related to the use of slurs specific to sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression, or a MOS disregarding of complainant's preferred gender pronoun and/or name. Out of the total 466 LGBTQ-related complaints examined from 2010 through 2015, 192 were fully investigated. These 192 fully investigated complaints included 950 allegations. The CCRB unsubstantiated 559 (59%) allegations, out of which discourtesy and offensive language allegations were most numerous both types of allegations are difficult to prove without independent verification. The CCRB exonerated 196 (21%) allegations, while 121 (13%) allegations were unfounded. The CCRB substantiated 74 (8%) allegations of misconduct. Public space was the most common location for alleged police misconduct. An LGBTQrelated complaint was most likely to be filed after an encounter that occurred on the street/highway, with 57% of all complaints originating from this location. Similar to overall CCRB complaint data, Black people and Hispanics composed a disproportionate number of victims and alleged victims in LGBTQ-related complaints. When data on victims or alleged victims with unknown ethnicity is removed, 49% are Black, 34% Hispanic, 16% White, 1% Asian and less than 1% American Indian.5 Prior to December 2015, CCRB complaint forms included a gender identification question that used a binary gender categorization. From 2010 through 2015, 64% of victims or alleged victims within the complaints examined identified as male, while 19% identified as female. Sixteen percent of victims provided no gender information which could have been due to a variety of factors. When data on victims or alleged victims with unknown gender is removed, then the gender split is 77% who identified as male, and 23% who identified as female.6 Members of service at the rank of police officer at the time of incident accounted for 72% of the subject officers in the LGBTQ-related allegations under examination. Subject officers had an average of nine years on the force at the time of incident. The distribution of complaints by borough is similar to overall CCRB trends. Brooklyn accounted for a third of the LGBTQ-related complaints examined (33%), followed by 31% from Manhattan, 20% from the Bronx, 13% from Queens, and 3% from Staten Island. For the period under examination, a greater number of complaints were generated in some precincts known to have visible LGBTQ populations.7 Precinct 6 encompasses the West Village and experienced the highest number of LGBTQ-related complaints between 2010 and 2015 (22 complaints). Precincts 73, 75 and 77, all located in Brooklyn, also generated a high number of complaints (17 complaints per precinct from 2010 through 2015), similar to CCRB complaint data overall. Video evidence continues to aid CCRB investigations. However, the presence of audio is important to prove the conclusiveness of allegations related to the use of LGBTQ-related slurs. To address LGBTQ-related complaints of police misconduct, a summary of the CCRB's recommendations follow: 1. Recommendation: The Departments expansion of its body-worn camera program in 2016 should place a great emphasis on audio as well as video recordings. Independent verification can be critical to meeting a preponderance of the evidence standard used in CCRB determinations. Video has been especially instrumental in corroborating allegations of misconduct or exonerating the subject officer for using an appropriate response. However, not all video is equal when analyzing LGBTQ-related complaints, many of which involve the use of a slur. In several of these cases, capturing what is said via audio can be just as important, if not more important, than video. Therefore, video with audio capacity can be a useful tool to determine whether or not misconduct actually occurred. Specifically, the CCRB recommends that a) officers activate body-worn cameras early (before contact if possible) to allow for any buffer time to pass well in advance of any civilian interaction whenever possible, b) body-worn cameras be placed on an officers body to ensure that all audio recordings are properly captured, and c) that a minimum volume should be standardized for audio. 2. Recommendation: The Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD (OIG), along with expert advisers, should conduct audits of the Department to ensure that the changes in the Patrol Guide regarding the treatment of transgender individuals are being properly and consistently implemented. In 2012, the NYPD became one of the first police departments in the United States to make changes to its Patrol Guide to include clearly defined procedures for interacting with transgender and gender non-conforming individuals. Without an assessment on implementation, there is no way to verify if the widely praised changes have been adopted in practice. Independent appraisals should assess officers awareness of Patrol Guide changes on an individual level, and reviews at the precinctlevel would ensure that procedures have been followed with respect to how transgender individuals are processed, housed, and treated. 3. Recommendation: The Department should increase the LGBT Liaison Units capacity to engage both the community and police officers. LGBTQ outreach is needed to increase trust within the community, as well as to raise the awareness of correct procedures when interacting with members of the LGBTQ community. We understand the need for the unit to be directed to work on other topics as needed by the Department, and recommend that the NYPD LGBT Liaison Unit be more autonomous so that it can focuses more on the needs and concerns of LGBTQ individuals. This would allow the Department to have a consistent presence within the LGBTQ community. It also allows for more opportunities to conduct cultural competency trainings and refresher courses for police officers who may not have attended the Police Academy in recent years, or who may have been promoted before the 2012 Patrol Guide changes took effect. 4. Recommendation: The CCRB should continue to expand its investigative and outreach capacity to better serve the LGBTQ community. In 2015, the CCRB began specialized training for investigative staff in order to assist recognition of characteristics often associated with LGBTQ-related complaints. Investigators who are equipped with the skills to more readily detect patterns where subject officers profile individuals due to their actual or perceived LGBTQ status can more accurately classify police misconduct related to sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression. In addition to recognizing patterns and courses of conduct where members of service are concerned, training should also include best practices in how to interact with individuals who have been victimized due to their sexual orientation or gender identity. Therefore, it is recommended that the CCRB continue to regularly provide this training. Additionally, the CCRB will continue to further its outreach efforts in the LGBTQ community. Details: New York: The Complaint Review Board, 2016. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 24, 2018 at: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/policy_pdf/issue_based/20160630_lgbtq-report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/policy_pdf/issue_based/20160630_lgbtq-report.pdf Shelf Number: 150361 Keywords: Bias Civilian Complaints LGBTQ Persons Police MisconductPolice-Citizen Interactions Prejudice |
Author: New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board Title: Tasers: An Evaluation of Taser-Related Complaints from January 2014 Through December 2015 Summary: Across the United States, conducted energy devices, commonly known as "Tasers," are increasingly becoming a policing tool. 1 The New York City Police Department ("NYPD") has historically distributed Tasers on a limited basis, but as of early 2016, hundreds of new Tasers have been issued throughout the Department. As a result, the Civilian Complaint Review Board ("CCRB") can now begin to monitor the NYPD's Taser practices, including how officers are trained, the relevant contents of the NYPD Patrol Guide, and the patterns of police Taser conduct drawn from CCRB complaint data. When used properly, the Taser can be an effective weapon. Some reports on past experiences in New York City and across the country suggest that Tasers may pose health concerns and may be vulnerable to overuse. There has been limited discussion of the NYPD's guidance on when to use the weapon. Until 2015, few NYPD officers carried Tasers, and those who did were either senior officers or part of specialized commands. The NYPD has adopted and is implementing practices for Taser use. This issue brief seeks to share two years of CCRB complaint data, current NYPD guidance and practices as a baseline for tracking Taser use as it relates to CCRB complaints. The scope of the Report includes how Tasers are being used by the NYPD in Taser-related CCRB complaints from 2014 through 2015. Part I of the issue brief provides a short overview of the Taser, including its history, gradual adoption by the NYPD, and the NYPD's Taser policies and trainings. 2 Part II summarizes CCRB complaint data on Taser-related complaints from 2014 and 2015. Part III outlines current NYPD Guidance and identifies best practices. Part IV highlights next steps important for tracking and monitoring Taser use among NYPD officers. Details: New York: The Civilian Complaint Board, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 24, 2018 at: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/policy_pdf/issue_based/20161023_taser-report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/policy_pdf/issue_based/20161023_taser-report.pdf Shelf Number: 150362 Keywords: Citizen ComplaintsConducted Energy DevicesPolice MisconductPolice-Citizen InteractionsStun GunsTasers |
Author: New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board Title: Worth a Thousand Words: Examining Officer Interference in Civilian Recordings of Police Summary: Today, the New York City Civilian Complaint Review Board (CCRB), the nation's largest independent police oversight entity, released a new report revealing insights into officer interference with civilian recordings of police interactions. The report, - Worth a Thousand Words: Examining Officer Interference with Civilian Recordings of Police,‖ reviews complaints filed against members of the New York City Police Department (NYPD), and is among the first analyses in the country of this type of misconduct. - Technology has greatly increased civilians' ability to record and share video of police encounters-as is their First Amendment right. This has increased transparency and debate about safe and fair policing. As these recordings become more prevalent, our police force must be prepared for the profound ways that video will shape police practices,‖ said CCRB Chair Maya D. Wiley. -This report is a step in that direction. It shows how New York City Police Department officers have interfered with civilian recordings of police activity and provides important recommendations for Patrol Guide revisions and improved officer training to help officers better understand and respect this First Amendment right. The report is a quantitative and qualitative analysis of three years of CCRB complaints in which civilians reported that officers had interfered with their ability to record police activity. Over this period, 257 complaints-less than two percent of the 15,006 CCRB complaints closed over three years-included allegations of officer interference with civilian recordings. These 257 complaints included 347 allegations that directly addressed officer interference with civilian recordings of police activity. That interference included verbal interference like directing civilians to stop recording; physical interference like knocking a recording device out of a civilian's hands; blocking recordings like physically obstructing a civilian's camera view of a scene; and intimidation like threatening to arrest or detain a civilian for recording an interaction. Verbal interference accounted for 24 percent of these complaints, while physical interference accounted for 46 percent of the complaints. Thirty percent of these complaints included allegations of both verbal and physical interference. In issuing its dispositions on allegations of recording interference during the past three years, the CCRB found in: - Twenty-eight percent of the allegations that the misconduct occurred (substantiated); - Forty-two percent of the allegations that not enough evidence was available to determine whether misconduct occurred (unsubstantiated); - Eleven percent of the allegations that the conduct occurred but was lawful (exonerated); and - Six percent of the allegations that the misconduct did not occur (unfounded). CCRB Executive Director Jonathan Darche said, -Interference in civilians' recordings of police activity impedes the Board's ability to make fact-based determinations about alleged misconduct and is a disservice to all involved in an investigation-officers and civilians alike. More video from more sources improves the Board's ability to determine if an allegation of misconduct happened, didn't happen, or happened but was lawful under the circumstances. In addition to urging the NYPD to more fully engage with community organizations on this issue, the Board recommends adding a new section to the NYPD Patrol Guide with more comprehensive language that better outlines the obligations of officers and civilians. This guidance should do the following: - State that members of the public are permitted to record officer activity in public and private settings, provided that the recording party has a legal right to be present; - More clearly define what constitutes -interference with a civilian's right to record and explain what types of prohibited conduct hinder a civilian's ability to record; - Reiterate that civilians are not permitted to record if doing so interferes with police activity or jeopardizes the safety of officers or members of the public; - Instruct officers to redirect recording civilians, when necessary, to a position that will not interfere with police activity, rather than tell civilians to stop recording; and - Emphasize that members of service are, under most circumstances, not permitted to search or seize recording devices without a warrant and are prohibited from ever deleting recordings or destroying or damaging the devices themselves. This report underscores a need for members of the public to be aware of their First Amendment right to record police activity, which is only limited by a specific set of conditions. At the same time, analysis of police interference highlights the need for clearer guidance for NYPD officers on how they respond to civilian recordings of interactions so that police respect civilians' First Amendment liberties while ensuring the safety of the officers and civilians involved in an interaction. Details: New York: The Complaint Review Board, 2017. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 24, 2018 at: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/20172806_report_recordinginterference.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www1.nyc.gov/assets/ccrb/downloads/pdf/20172806_report_recordinginterference.pdf Shelf Number: 150363 Keywords: Citizen ComplaintsPolice AccountabilityPolice MisconductPolice-Citizen InteractionsVideo Recordings |
Author: Gonzales Rose, Jasmine B. Title: Racial Character Evidence in Police Killing Cases Summary: The United States is facing a twofold crisis: police killings of people of color and unaccountability for these killings in the criminal justice system. In many instances, the officers' use of deadly force is captured on video and often appears clearly unjustified, but grand and petit juries still fail to indict and convict, leaving many baffled. This Article provides an explanation for these failures: juror reliance on "racial character evidence." Too often, jurors consider race as evidence in criminal trials, particularly in police killing cases where the victim was a person of color. Instead of focusing on admissible evidence, jurors rely on race to determine the defendant's innocence, the victim's propensity for violence, and the witnesses' credibility. This Article delineates the ways in which juror racial bias is utilized to take on evidentiary value at trial and constructs evidence law solutions to increase racial equality in the courtroom. Details: Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh School of Law, 2018. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: ; U. of Pittsburgh Legal Studies Research Paper No. 2018-13. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3183408: Accessed May 30, 2018 at: Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3183408 Shelf Number: 150382 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice KillingsPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForceRacial Disparities |
Author: Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission Title: Audit of complaints investigated by Professional Standards Command, Victoria Police Summary: As part of our work to determine how effectively Victoria Police handles complaints against police officers, IBAC audited how PSC handled a sample of complaint files, consisting of 59 investigations out of the 221 investigations finalised by PSC in 2015/16. The 59 files selected for audit by IBAC covered complaint investigations that concerned more serious allegations made about Victoria Police officers. These matters included allegations of assault, improper criminal associations, drug use or possession offences, sexual offences, handling stolen goods, threats to kill, interference in investigations, and misuse of information. The audit identified a number of concerns regarding PSC's complaint handling that require improvement. Practices that require improvement include: Poor management of conflicts of interest: The vast majority of files audited (95 per cent) did not explicitly identify or address actual, perceived or potential conflicts of interest between investigators and subject officers. Failure to consistently consult with the Office of Public Prosecutions: Victoria Police did not consistently consult with the Office of Public Prosecutions in relation to reportable offences as required under section 127(2) of the Victoria Police Act 2013. Inadequate recommended actions: IBAC auditors disagreed with the action Victoria Police recommended in 15 per cent of files. This included two matters where it appeared the Assistant Commissioner of PSC downgraded the recommended disciplinary action without providing clear reasons. Probity concerns: The audit identified some PSC investigators had complaint histories that raised issues of concern and could adversely affect community confidence in the outcome of investigations. Inappropriate file classification: The way complaint files are classified by PSC determines how they are managed. Issues were identified with the way the work file classification (known as a C1-0 file) is used. The audit found the approach adopted by PSC means this classification is being used well beyond its stated purpose of undertaking preliminary inquiries. For example, the work file classification was used for complaints that contained clear allegations of criminality off-duty (C3-3 file) or corruption (C3-4 file). The practice of reclassifying a matter as a work file after an investigation had been completed, on the basis that the file contained 'intelligence only', was also considered inappropriate. One of the risks in allowing files to be reclassified as work files on closure is that complaint investigations can be closed prematurely. Failure to recommend broader organisational improvements: PSC investigators identified a range of possible policy and procedural improvements in 27 per cent of files. However, no files formally recommended 'action on any identified deficiency in Victoria Police premises, equipment, policies, practices or procedures' as is recommended in the Victoria Police Manual. This is despite the fact that some of the recommendations made by PSC investigators identified opportunities for broader application of findings and improvements across the organisation. Details: Melbourne: The Commission, 2018. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2018 at: http://apo.org.au/system/files/179431/apo-nid179431-874266.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/system/files/179431/apo-nid179431-874266.pdf Shelf Number: 150637 Keywords: Citizen ComplaintsComplaints Against the PolicePolice AccountabilityPolice CorruptionPolice Misconduct |
Author: Goodwin, Alexandra Title: Police Brutality Bonds: How Wall Street Profits from Police Violence Summary: As the costs of police misconduct rise, cities and counties across the United States are going into debt to pay for it. Often this debt is in the form of bond borrowing. When cities or counties issue bonds to pay these costs, banks and other firms collect fees for the services they provide, and investors collect interest. The use of bonds to pay for settlements and judgments greatly increases the burden of policing costs on taxpayers, while producing a profit for banks and investors. Using bonds to pay for settlements or judgments can nearly double the costs of the original settlement. All of this is paid for by taxpayers. We call the bonds used to cover police related settlement and judgment costs "police brutality bonds", because they quite literally allow banks and wealthy investors to profit from police violence. This is a transfer of wealth from communities-especially over-policed communities of color-to Wall Street and wealthy investors. The companies profiting from police brutality bonds include well known institutions like Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, and Bank of America, as well as smaller regional banks and other firms. In our research into the use of police brutality bonds, we found that cities and counties across the United States issue bonds to pay for police brutality settlements and judgments. The cities range from giant metropolises such as Los Angeles to smaller cities like Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Our report includes details on police brutality bonds in twelve cities and counties, including five in-depth case studies: Chicago, Los Angeles, Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Lake County, Indiana. Details: s.l.: Action Center on Race & The Economy, 2018. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 10, 2018 at: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/58d8a1bb3a041137d463d64f/t/5b330815562fa7d3babc1fd4/1530071089421/Police+Brutality+Bonds+-+Jun+2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/58d8a1bb3a041137d463d64f/t/5b330815562fa7d3babc1fd4/1530071089421/Police+Brutality+Bonds+-+Jun+2018.pdf Shelf Number: 150805 Keywords: Police BrutalityPolice Brutality BondsPolice MisconductPolice Use of Force |
Author: Stephens, Darrel W. Title: Civilian Oversight of the Police in Major Cities Summary: Since the 1950s, when civilian oversight was first implemented in some American police departments, its use has grown and a variety of new forms have developed. Established to improve community relations, enhance transparency and increase accountability, all of these programs have the ultimate goal of improving the quality of local policing and thereby increasing public safety. To develop a better understanding of oversight programs in their various forms, how they have evolved over time, and the challenges to implementing them, the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) collaborated with the Major Cities Chiefs Association (MCCA) to conduct a survey of MCCA member agencies. This publication discusses the results of that survey and the outcome of the round table held to discuss it. In doing so, it provides an overview of civilian oversight in major city police agencies. Details: Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2018. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2018 at: https://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0861-pub.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0861-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 151233 Keywords: Civilian Oversight Complaints Against Police Police Accountability Police Behavior Police MisconductPolice Performance |
Author: Lawrence, Daniel S. Title: Community Views of Milwaukee's Police Body-Worn Camera Program: Results from Three Waves of Community Surveys Summary: The Milwaukee Police Department's body-worn camera (BWC) program began in October 2015 as a response to strained police relations in the city's communities of color that were exacerbated by several highly public police shootings of black men in Milwaukee and across the country. The Urban Institute surveyed Milwaukee community members in April 2016, September 2017, and July 2018 about their attitudes toward the police department and its BWC program, as part of a rigorous, independent evaluation. This brief uses community survey data to examine how strongly community members from various racial and demographic groups believe MPD officers were respectful, as well as the role BWCs played in building community relations and holding officers accountable. Survey findings indicate that public knowledge of the BWC program grew substantially each year and most community members held positive views of the program and the Milwaukee Police Department. Yet these views varied over the years and by key demographic characteristics. Here are some key takeaways: Awareness of the BWC program among survey respondents increased as more officers were equipped with cameras. Across all demographic groups, awareness that MPD officers were equipped with BWCs grew steadily from wave one to wave three. This is a necessary step for improving perceptions of transparency. By and large, people in Milwaukee held positive opinions about the police department and its BWC program. Most community members believed MPD officers "frequently" or "almost always" treat people with dignity and respect. A large majority of community members held high opinions about the potential for BWCs to improve police-community relationships and keep officers accountable for their behaviors. Fewer black respondents across all three survey waves viewed MPD officers as respectful or believed BWCs could improve police-community relations and officer accountability. This is consistent with national surveys, which have found that black community members are less optimistic than their white counterparts that BWCs can reduce racial tensions or increase trust in the police. Policy recommendations Police departments must continue to revise their policies and fine-tune their BWC programs to maximize transparency and accountability and broaden public support, particularly among communities of color. Departments with BWCs should consider these policy recommendations to achieve those goals: Departments should standardize, expedite, and publicly disseminate their process for releasing body-worn camera footage. In most localities, the public can request and access BWC footage through an open records request. But this process is often delayed when the police department or district attorney is using the footage for an ongoing investigation. The need to protect an investigation must be carefully weighed against releasing footage within a reasonable time frame. The process of releasing footage must be consistent in all cases. Transparency and accountability will be compromised if the public believes departments are quicker to release footage that justifies officers' behaviors than footage that depicts police misconduct. It is essential that departments formalize and carefully follow their policy for releasing BWC footage. Departments should clearly communicate their use of BWCs and the footage they produce. Departments must describe their process of and policy for reviewing footage to investigate police misconduct and substantiate or refute complaints from community members. They should also assess and communicate to the public whether BWCs have helped promote civility and professionalism during community interactions. By proactively describing the many uses of body-worn camera footage, departments can create a more complete picture of how BWCs affect police practices, further promoting transparency and accountability. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2018. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 6, 2018 at: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/98922/mpd_bwc_community_attitudes_brief_0.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/98922/mpd_bwc_community_attitudes_brief_0.pdf Shelf Number: 151418 Keywords: Body-Worn Cameras Police Accountability Police MisconductPolice Surveillance Police-Citizen Interactions Police-Community Relations Public Attitudes Public Opinion |
Author: Dennison, TaShanda Title: Attitudinal Trends in Support for Police Use of Force Before and After Ferguson Summary: Since the 2014 death of an unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown by a white Ferguson police officer, there has been a string of similar incidents that have occurred in a relatively short period of time. These high profile incidents of police officers using questionable amounts of force have shaken public trust in law enforcement. Studies have shown that public confidence in law enforcement often erodes drastically following heavily publicized, controversial media reports of police misconduct (Tuch and Weitzer 1997; Weitzer 2002). The current levels of public outrage in response to allegations of police brutality have surpassed the levels of outrage that followed similar, highly publicized incidents in previous decades (Lawrence 2000; Weitzer 2015). Scholar suggest that recent events, may have a longer-term impact than those in previous decades (Lawrence 2000; Weitzer 2002). This study seeks to extend the current literature on citizens' interpretations of police violence and how, if at all it is impacted by highly-publicized incident of police misconduct. Specifically, the current research uses a national sample to compare citizens' endorsement of police use of force before and after the 2014 death of Michael Brown. Overall, the results from a series of logistic regression analyses found that public attitudes toward police use of force are multifaceted and are shaped by a variety of individual and contextual level variables. Race/ethnicity was determined to be the strongest predictor of citizens' endorsement for police violence. It was also revealed that attitudinal support varies depending on the situational-context surrounding police/citizen interactions. Details: Orlando: University of Central Florida, 2018. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed November 15, 2018 at: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0006992/Dennison_Thesis_Final_Draft.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://etd.fcla.edu/CF/CFE0006992/Dennison_Thesis_Final_Draft.pdf Shelf Number: 153484 Keywords: Ferguson Effect Police Accountability Police Brutality Police Integrity Police MisconductPolice Use of Force Police Violence Police-Citizen Interactions |
Author: Creedon, Mick Title: Operation Herne: Special Demonstration Squad Reporting: Mentions of Sensitive Campaigns Summary: Introduction Operation Herne is the title given to the independent investigation led by Derbyshire's Chief Constable Mick Creedon QPM into the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS). The SDS was a covert unit of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch (MPSB). Operation Herne's terms of reference are to review the former SDS from its origin in 1968 to its closure in 2008, examining how it operated throughout its existence. This report examines "collateral reporting" and "mentions" of Justice Campaigns recorded within SDS intelligence submissions. Following the Peter Francis allegations that the SDS targeted the family of murdered teenager Stephen Lawrence, Operation Herne has investigated the extent of similar information held within SDS documentation. This report will refer to SDS reporting on a number of Justice Campaigns. A "Justice Campaign" would usually form as a result of family or public concerns surrounding the: - Investigation, detention or treatment of a subject who died in police custody, - Investigation, detention or treatment of a subject who died following police contact - Victim of a murder - High profile prosecution or investigation - Miscarriages of Justice The majority of these cases involved black males, hence the commonly used term "Black Justice Campaign." Operation Herne has identified emerging evidence that in addition to the Stephen Lawrence Campaign, a number of other Justice Campaigns have been mentioned within SDS records. Seventeen such Justice Campaigns have been identified so far. These range between 1970 and 2005 and are as a result of deaths in police custody, following police contact and the victims of murders. It is the intention of Chief Constable Creedon and Operation Herne to inform all of the families involved and share, where possible the knowledge and information held. This process will inevitably take time to research and complete given the historical profile of many of the events and the natural difficulties in tracing some families. The work to identify such families or campaigns continues and those identified will be personally appraised of the detail by investigators from Operation Herne. Details: Ashbourne, UK: Derbyshire Constabulary, 2014. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2014/jul/uk-2014-07-op-herne-report-3-sds.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2014/jul/uk-2014-07-op-herne-report-3-sds.pdf Shelf Number: 154219 Keywords: Criminal InvestigationDeaths in CustodyJustice CampaignMetropolitan Police Special BranchOperation HernePolice CustodyPolice MisconductSpecial Demonstration Squad |
Author: Creedon, Mick Title: Operation Trinity: Report 2: Allegations of Peter Francis Summary: Executive Summary Allegation - Sexual relationships between SDS Undercover Officers and activists On 14 March 2010, The Observer newspaper published a series of articles regarding the role of 'Officer A' within the SDS. It claimed that he had slept with two (2) members of his target group. It was alleged that whilst this was not sanctioned, such activity among SDS officers - both male and female - was tacitly accepted and in many cases was vital in maintaining an undercover role. On 22 January 2011, The Guardian newspaper published an article that undercover police officers routinely adopted a tactic of promiscuity with the 'blessing' of senior commanders. The same article alleged that sex was used as a tool to help officers blend in, and was widely used as a technique to glean intelligence. The source stated that they knew of an undercover officer who married an activist he was supposed to be spying upon. On 24 June 2013, Channel 4 broadcast the programme 'Dispatches - The Police's Dirty Secret'. In it a Mr Peter Francis said: 'that it was part of his persona, that he was the sort of person who had 'casual sex'. He stated that he did not see any circumstance that long term relationships, especially the fathering of children can be condoned or allowed. He stated that he believed that 'the use of casual sex by undercover police maybe warranted in very exceptional circumstances.' There are currently a number of civil actions lodged against the MPS by females alleging intimate relationships with undercover officers. Three (3) children are alleged to have been born as a result of these relationships. Operation Herne has contacted the solicitors concerned in order to speak to the claimants. Only one (1) evidential account has been provided. At this time the other remaining claimants have not engaged with Operation Herne. No contact or complaint has been received from any individual claiming to have had a sexual relationship with Peter Francis. Independent legal advice has been sought in respect of what offences, if any, have been committed in these circumstances. No offences contrary to the Sexual Offences Act are deemed to be complete although the behaviour could amount to Misconduct in a Public Office. There is no evidence at this time to suggest sexual relationships between undercover officers and activists were ever officially sanctioned by the SDS management. This remains an ongoing criminal investigation and an advice file has been submitted to the CPS. A case disposal decision is yet to be made. This will be the subject of further detailed public reporting once the various judicial proceedings have been completed. Details: Ashbourne, UK: Derbyshire Constabulary, 2014. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: https://www.met.police.uk/SysSiteAssets/foi-media/metropolitan-police/priorities_and_how_we_are_doing/corporate/operation-herne---report-2-allegations-of-peter-francis-operation-trinity Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2014/mar/uk-operation-herne-report-2-Allegations-of-Peter-Francis.pdf Shelf Number: 154218 Keywords: Citizen ComplaintsOperation HerneOperation TrinityPolice MisconductSexual RelationshipsUndercover InvestigationsUndercover Policing |
Author: Creedon, Mick Title: Operation Herne: Report 1: Use of Covert Identities Summary: Executive Summary History The Special Demonstration Squad (SDS) was an undercover unit formed by the Metropolitan Police's Special Branch. It operated between 1968 and 2008, during which time it infiltrated and reported on groups concerned in violent protest. Operation Herne -- Operation Herne (formerly Soisson) was formed in October 2011 in response to allegations made by the Guardian newspaper about alleged misconduct and criminality engaged in by members of the SDS. Similar matters had been previously aired as early as 2002 in a BBC documentary. Operation Riverwood -- On 4th February 2013 the Metropolitan Police received a public complaint from the family of Rod Richardson, a young boy who had died in the 1970s. It is alleged that an undercover officer working for the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU) had used this child's details as his covert identity. This matter was referred to the IPCC. The matter was returned to the force and is currently subject of a 'local investigation'. National Public Order Intelligence Unit The NPOIU was formed within the MPS in 1999 to gather and coordinate intelligence. In 2006 the governance responsibility for NPOIU was moved to the Association of Chief Police Officers, after a decision was taken that the forces where the majority of activity was taking place should be responsible for authorising future deployments. In January 2011 the NPOIU was subsumed within other units under the National Domestic Extremism Units within the MPS. In January 1995 large numbers of police from London, Kent and Hampshire were drafted to the West Sussex harbour of Shoreham in response to protests surrounding the export of live animals to Europe. The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and another animal extremist group named 'Justice Department' had a strong base in the community there. This led to a number of protests and in October 1995 there was a further demonstration in Brightlingsea, Essex. This resulted in a record number of police being deployed to prevent widespread public disorder. Ad-hoc protest groups emerged and the need for first hand high quality intelligence was evident. This led to undercover operatives being required to infiltrate these animal extremist organisations. The purpose of the NPOIU was: 1 To provide the police service with the ability to develop a national threat assessment and profile for domestic extremism. 2 Support the police service to reduce crime and disorder from domestic extremism. 3 Support a proportionate police response to protest activity. 4 Help the police service manage concerns of communities and businesses to minimise conflict and disorder. Control of the NPOIU moved to ACPO in 2006 under the direction of the ACPO National Co-ordinator for Domestic Extremism, Assistant Chief Constable Anton Setchell. He was replaced by Detective Chief Superintendent Adrian Tudway in 2010. The NPOIU worked with the National Extremism Tactical Co-ordination Unit (NETCU) and the National Domestic Extremism Team (NDET). The NPOIU now exists as part of the National Domestic Extremism Unit (NDEU) under the Metropolitan Police Service Specialist Operations and is run by Detective Chief Superintendent Chris Greaney. Details: Ashbourne, UK: Derbyshire Constabulary, 2013. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 16, 2019 at: https://www.met.police.uk/SysSiteAssets/foi-media/metropolitan-police/priorities_and_how_we_are_doing/corporate/operation-herne---report-1---use-of-covert-identities Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2013/jul/uk-creedon-report-on-use-of-dead-childrens-names-by-undercover-unit.pdf Shelf Number: 154217 Keywords: Citizen ComplaintsCovert IdentitiesCovert OperationsNational Public Order Intelligence UnitOperation HerneOperation RiverwoodPolice MisconductPolice OfficersPublic DisorderSpecial Demonstration SquadUndercover Police |
Author: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Title: Police Use of Force: An Examination of Modern Policing Practices Summary: The relationship between law enforcement and many communities in the U.S. is fraught and challenging, particularly for those who experience violent crimes coupled with intensive police presence and surveillance. A number of recent developments suggest a renewed commitment to resolving this issue. For the first time in decades, the country has witnessed ubiquitous and sustained protests by young people, communities of color, and other impacted populations in cities all across the country. Further, in hope of fostering better community-police relationships, many law enforcement and city officials around the country have started implementing reform strategies to allay communities' concerns about actual or perceived unfair and unequal policing. Reform advocates often acknowledge the positive steps that some jurisdictions are undertaking, but reported cases of excessive force remain a national concern. Furthermore, the Bill of Rights of the U.S. Constitution guarantees the fundamental rights of both law enforcement and the communities they serve, whose rights are protected under the Fourth, Eighth, and Fourteenth Amendments. While allegations that some police force is excessive, unjustified, and discriminatory continue and proliferate, current data regarding police use of force is insufficient to determine if instances are occurring more frequently. The public continues to hear competing narratives by law enforcement and community members, and the hard reality is that available national and local data is flawed and inadequate. A central contributing factor is the absence of mandatory federal reporting and standardized reporting guidelines. Former FBI Director James Comey stated that: Not long after riots broke out in Ferguson [in 2014], I asked my staff to tell me how many people shot by police were African-American in this country. I wanted to see trends. I wanted to see information. They couldn't give it to me, and it wasn't their fault. Demographic data regarding officer-involved shootings is not consistently reported to us . . . [b]ecause reporting is voluntary, our data is incomplete and therefore, in the aggregate, unreliable. Until recently, data on officer-involved shootings were extremely rare; moreover, the data that are available is most frequently compiled by grassroots organizations, nonprofits, or media sources.5 Data are not only lacking regarding fatal police shootings, but data regarding all use of force are scant and incomplete: Data on lower level uses of force, which happen more frequently than officer-involved shootings, are virtually non-existent. This is due, in part, to the fact that most police precincts don't explicitly collect data on use of force, and in part, to the fact that even when the data is hidden in plain view within police narrative accounts of interactions with civilians, it is exceedingly difficult to extract. Without accurate data on police use of force, allegations by community members and actions by law enforcement not only sow distrust among communities and the police, making policing more dangerous, but also jeopardize public safety. Research consistently shows that positive relationships between community members and law enforcement are essential for safer communities. Citizens are more likely to aid in crime reduction and partner with police if they believe that law enforcement are engaging in equitable treatment and are impartial towards all. Communities are calling for greater transparency and accountability on the part of the police. Similarly, law enforcement officials are calling for better data on current practices, and instituting policies aimed at reducing bias and improving community relationships. All citizens in every community in this country live subject to police enforcement practices, and therefore benefit from effective, constitutionally sound police practices. Against this backdrop, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (Commission) investigated rates of police use of force; questioned whether rates and instantiations of that use of force violate the civil rights of persons of color, persons with disabilities, LGBT communities, and low-income persons; and evaluated promising or proven policies and practices worth replicating to minimize unnecessary use of force and the perception and reality of discrimination in police use of force. The Commission held a briefing on April 20, 2015, on police practices and the use of deadly force in the U.S. The panels consisted of community leaders and police reform advocates, law enforcement and court officials, scholars, and legal experts. These experts convened to discuss the longstanding and emergent causes of the recent police-involved fatal shootings of people of color and other disadvantaged populations. Since 2015, several of the Commission's state advisory committees have also investigated police practices, and testimony and findings from their briefings are incorporated throughout the report. No single solution stands out as an immediate fix to the complex problem of police unauthorized use of force. After examining the literature and data available regarding police use of force in Chapters 1-3, the Commission highlights the following findings and recommendations, discussed in full in Chapter 4: Highlighted Findings: Police officers have the difficult and admirable job of providing crucial services to the communities they protect and serve. Their job sometimes puts them in harm's way and may require the use of force. Accordingly, police officers must operate with the highest standards of professionalism and accountability. Every community resident should be able to live, work, and travel confident in an expectation that interactions with police officers will be fair, operate consistent with constitutional norms, and be guided by public safety free from bias or discrimination. Unfortunately, today, too many communities are not confident in that expectation and do not trust fair police-community interactions. Communities have demanded reforms to foster better community-police relations and to prevent unjustified and excessive police uses of force. Accurate and comprehensive data regarding police uses of force is generally not available to police departments or the American public. No comprehensive national database exists that captures rates of police use of force. The best available evidence reflects high rates of use of force nationally, and increased likelihood of police use of force against people of color, people with disabilities, LGBT people, people with mental health concerns, people with low incomes, and those at the intersections of these groups. Lack of training and lack of funding for training leave officers and the public at risk. Critical training areas include tactical training, de-escalation techniques, understanding cultural differences and anti-bias mechanisms, as well as strategies for encounters with individuals with physical and mental disabilities. Repeated and highly publicized incidents of police use of force against persons of color and people with disabilities, combined with a lack of accurate data, lack of transparency about policies and practices in place governing use of force, and lack of accountability for noncompliance foster a perception that police use of force in communities of color and the disability community is unchecked, unlawful, and unsafe. Details: Washington, DC: The Commission, 2018. 230p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Report: Accessed January 23, 2019 at: https://www.usccr.gov/pubs/2018/11-15-Police-Force.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.usccr.gov/pubs/2018/11-15-Police-Force.pdf Shelf Number: 154381 Keywords: Deadly ForcePolice AccountabilityPolice BrutalityPolice Decision MakingPolice MisconductPolice Use of ForcePolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community Relationships |
Author: Richardson, Rashida Title: Dirty Data, Bad Predictions: How Civil Rights Violations Impact Police Data, Predictive Policing Systems, and Justice Summary: Law enforcement agencies are increasingly using algorithmic predictive policing systems to forecast criminal activity and allocate police resources. Yet in numerous jurisdictions, these systems are built on data produced within the context of flawed, racially fraught and sometimes unlawful practices ('dirty policing'). This can include systemic data manipulation, falsifying police reports, unlawful use of force, planted evidence, and unconstitutional searches. These policing practices shape the environment and the methodology by which data is created, which leads to inaccuracies, skews, and forms of systemic bias embedded in the data ('dirty data'). Predictive policing systems informed by such data cannot escape the legacy of unlawful or biased policing practices that they are built on. Nor do claims by predictive policing vendors that these systems provide greater objectivity, transparency, or accountability hold up. While some systems offer the ability to see the algorithms used and even occasionally access to the data itself, there is no evidence to suggest that vendors independently or adequately assess the impact that unlawful and bias policing practices have on their systems, or otherwise assess how broader societal biases may affect their systems. In our research, we examine the implications of using dirty data with predictive policing, and look at jurisdictions that (1) have utilized predictive policing systems and (2) have done so while under government commission investigations or federal court monitored settlements, consent decrees, or memoranda of agreement stemming from corrupt, racially biased, or otherwise illegal policing practices. In particular, we examine the link between unlawful and biased police practices and the data used to train or implement these systems across thirteen case studies. We highlight three of these: (1) Chicago, an example of where dirty data was ingested directly into the city's predictive system; (2) New Orleans, an example where the extensive evidence of dirty policing practices suggests an extremely high risk that dirty data was or will be used in any predictive policing application, and (3) Maricopa County where despite extensive evidence of dirty policing practices, lack of transparency and public accountability surrounding predictive policing inhibits the public from assessing the risks of dirty data within such systems. The implications of these findings have widespread ramifications for predictive policing writ large. Deploying predictive policing systems in jurisdictions with extensive histories of unlawful police practices presents elevated risks that dirty data will lead to flawed, biased, and unlawful predictions which in turn risk perpetuating additional harm via feedback loops throughout the criminal justice system. Thus, for any jurisdiction where police have been found to engage in such practices, the use of predictive policing in any context must be treated with skepticism and mechanisms for the public to examine and reject such systems are imperative. Details: Unpublished paper, 2019. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 19, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3333423 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3333423 Shelf Number: 154662 Keywords: Civil RightsPolice DataPolice MisconductPolicingPredictive PolicingRacial Bias |
Author: Ouss, Aurelie Title: Is Police Behavior Getting Worse? The Importance of Data Selection in Evaluating the Police Summary: Public concern about harmful policing is surging. Governments are paying historic amounts for law enforcement liability. Has police behavior changed? Or is society responding differently? Traditional data sources struggle with this question. Common metrics such as lawsuits and payouts conflate the prevalence and severity of policing harms with the responses of legal actors such as lawyers, judges, and juries. We overcome this problem using a new data source: liability insurance claims. Our dataset contains 23 years of claims against roughly 350 law enforcement agencies that contract with a single insurer. We find that while lawsuits and payouts have trended upwards over the past decade, insurance claims have declined. We generate and test multiple explanatory hypotheses. We conclude that, in our sample, police behavior is not getting worse; rather, public responses to policing harms are intensifying. Data selection, our analysis shows, strongly influences results in policing research. Details: Unpublished paper, 2019. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: University of Chicago Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics Research Paper No. 865; U of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 693: Accessed February 22, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3325382 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3325382 Shelf Number: 154686 Keywords: Police Behavior Police Misconduct |
Author: Harriott, Anthony Title: From Force to Service: Reforming the Jamaican Police Summary: Jamaicans must face some uncomfortable truths about our violent crime problem. One such truth is that if we are to significantly lower the rates of homicide and other violent crimes and weaken the power of criminal networks in the society, we cannot avoid a renewed attempt at a thorough transformation of the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF). This transformation should bring the force more in line with democratic policing principles and methods of work and make it more effective as an instrument of crime prevention and control. Details: UWI (Mona), Jamaica: Institute of Criminal Justice and Security, 2018. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: R1808: Accessed March 6, 2019 at: https://www.capricaribbean.org/documents/force-service-transforming-jamaican-police Year: 2018 Country: Jamaica URL: https://www.capricaribbean.org/documents/force-service-transforming-jamaican-police Shelf Number: 154823 Keywords: Criminal Justice Reform Police MisconductPolice Reform Policing |
Author: Dharmapala, Dhammika Title: Collective Bargaining and Police Misconduct Summary: Growing controversy surrounds the impact of labor unions on law enforcement behavior. Critics allege that unions impede organizational reform and insulate officers from discipline for misconduct. Yet collective bargaining tends to increase wages, which could improve police behavior. We provide quasi-experimental empirical evidence on the effects of collective bargaining on violent incidents of misconduct. The incidents are recorded in a Florida state administrative database of "moral character" violations reported by local agencies. Our empirical strategy focuses on the conferral of collective bargaining rights on sheriffs' deputies by a 2003 Florida Supreme Court decision (Williams). These rights produced a substantial increase in unionization of sheriffs' deputies. We first show that the introduction of collective bargaining agreements at sheriffs' offices after Williams was associated with a substantial increase in violent incidents. We then analyze the impact of collective bargaining rights, using police departments, which were unaffected by Williams, as a control group for sheriffs' offices. Our results imply that collective bargaining rights led to about a 45% increase in violent incidents. We also find some evidence suggesting that collective bargaining rights led to decreased racial and ethnic diversity among new officer hires. Details: Unpublished paper, 2018. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3095217 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3095217 Shelf Number: 155887 Keywords: Collective BargainingPolice Hiring PracticesPolice MisconductPolice UnionsPolice ViolenceSheriff Officers |
Author: Dharmapala, Dhammika Title: The Effect of Collective Bargaining Rights on Law Enforcement: Evidence from Florida Summary: Growing controversy surrounds the impact of labor unions on law enforcement behavior. Critics allege that unions impede organizational reform and insulate officers from discipline for misconduct. The only evidence of these effects, however, is anecdotal. We exploit a quasi-experiment in Florida to estimate the effects of collective bargaining rights on law enforcement misconduct and other outcomes of public concern. In 2003, the Florida Supreme Court's Williams decision extended to county deputy sheriffs collective bargaining rights that municipal police officers had possessed for decades. We construct a comprehensive panel dataset of Florida law enforcement agencies starting in 1997, and employ a difference-in-difference approach that compares sheriffs' offices and police departments before and after Williams. Our primary result is that collective bargaining rights lead to about a 27% increase in complaints of officer misconduct for the typical sheriff's office. This result is robust to the inclusion of a variety of controls. The time pattern of the estimated effect, along with an analysis using agency-specific trends, suggests that it is not attributable to preexisting trends. The estimated effect of Williams is not robustly significant for other potential outcomes of interest, however, including the racial and gender composition of agencies and training and educational requirements. Details: Chicago: University of Chicago Law School, 2018. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Economics: Accessed May 20, 2019 at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2526&context=law_and_economics Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2526&context=law_and_economics Shelf Number: 155900 Keywords: Collective Bargaining Police MisconductPolice Unions |